such commands as will cut off the chief branches of our quarrels he now by saying Thou shalt not covet kills them in the root For because I cannot commit external upon another but what I had first approved and contrived in my self even so if I had not first by covetous desire invaded my neighbours property in my thoughts I should not have attempted his disseisin by act or force which force will then occasion resistance resistance quarrel and quarrel death And this death being against the whole course and rule of Gods providence Multiply increase and replenish the earth and in the noblest race of his Creatures man we may see plain reason why God should be so careful in giving these and other Rules for our preservation and why to enforce those Rules the better he should be so express and careful of his own honour and service as their ground and foundation Nor doth the Moral Law and Old Testament look this way onely but Gospel-Precepts by comparing those cardinal vertues of Faith Hope and Charity and giving to Charity the precedence as their end do teach us the same thing also For though Faith was enjoyned in the first place it was not for its pre-excellence but because as my belief of Deity or hope of Heaven stands in measure and degree increased or remitted so in proportion my practice in Precepts of Charity will follow Which vertue of Charity being the end thereof and the true substance of al other Graces they without it come to be reckoned but as sounding brass and tinkling Cymballs For as we before shewed that Gods glory is the end of all things and of man more especially so we must according to the precepts and rules of Charity take care of the life and welfare of our neighbor as we tender in any sort the glory and service of God And to the end this peace and safety may be the better acquired submit to the authority of such as have the soveraignty and command over us which shall now be our next discourse CHAP. VIII Of the Master of the Family THe discourses hitherto have been to shew the end of Government which is Peace and the foundation of it unity and subjection and the tye and Authority for both which is Religion For without this how could Nature have set one man above another And if reason grounded on such agreement and consent as before supposed should have done it yet what Obligation for continuance longer then the same reason of respective good that set them up should in the same measure make it reasonable for continuance For the same natural tye of self-seeking that caused men to submit at one time would be as available and just for them to take contrary course at another nor could Contract or Paction be then in force because a stronger Obligation then seeking our own could not be had Therefore untill the fear of an irresistable Power for punishing this breach was added that first conceit of mine own particular benefit which caused me to make my promise would also warrant me if I saw cause to break it Nor can fear of punishment from those to whom I submitted or fear of suffering my self by consequent or example from others prevail otherwise then as in my apprehension over-poyzing that benefit I expect which if yet by force fraud faction or other practice I can secure my self against and avoid the best course for my self is the most justifiable And until a positive Law comes from God to state and make sin sin there cannot be but folly there may be and is if through neglect or weakness I stray from Nature and prefer anothers benefit to mine own by any tye above self-consideration For Man considered in meer Nature must be presumed as inculpable in pursuit of his desires and remove of obstacles as all things else though like them it should extend to the death of the Oponent For that which warrants the end warrants the means and except the difference be made else how be they greater or less they are equally allowable And till Religion be Conscience or fear of guilt cannot be Therefore we may see just cause that God himself should come in with his Commands amongst us and enjoyn us so often to make him our onely fear for Precepts or Religion as they give us great light what to do in policy so are they the onely strong Obligations to make it valid Because from hence it comes to pass that men considered in Nature as self-seekers onely and thereby destructive to one another are now by policy made to do the same still and therewith to promote that good of others also so that whilst it is impossible without Natures subversion but for individuals as such to minde their own benefit onely they have now their hopes and fears arising out of all things to be done or omitted in their power so increased by promises and threats annexed to divine Precepts that the guidance of divine light and not of our own must be the choice of our reasonable Will Therefore if I do injure or do not love my neighbour as my self as God Commands I do thereby not love my self as Nature enjoyns and do in committing sin against Religion commit also folly against Reason by so much injuring my self And so again for keeping Commerce and Society He that sweareth to his neighbour and disappointeth him not though it be to his hinderance shall have the greatest of rewards And so further for honoring and obeying of Parents and Princes how many are the rewards and threats running that way So that should we not by natural Reason be led to see and follow those our benefits arising by obedience to those politick Governments yet out of natural prudence when such large good or evil to fall on our particulars is annexed we cannot without self-prejudice refuse And therefore being now come to set these Monarchies on their true foundations we will speak more particularly of their Powers and Jurisdictions beginning with the Father of the Family who in his less Territory is a little Prince as the other is a Master of a greater Family In the treating of this Oeconomical policy it is not to be expected that I should in this place descend to particulars so far as to set out the respective duties of all the Members of the Family one to another more then I do in Kingdoms but onely to set out the power of the Governor thereof and the grounds of the others obedience and that upon the like grounds of Reason and Scripture as I do in the other So that in the confirmation of the power of this Master whereby Children and Servants were to obey in all things we finde in holy Writ those many Precepts for perfect obedience and that Abraham had it as well in his power as duty to command his children and houshold to keep the way of the Lord and to do judgement and justice
Where by Judgement and Justice we must suppose the Power of life and death meant and included as other Nations have formerly granted it to Fathers also According to which power formerly given Gen. 9.5 we finde Judah sentencing his daughter-in-Law to be burnt upon suspicion of whoredome which he did both as Father to his own Family and also by the Prerogative of Elder Brother as being every mans Brother in his own Family By which power he afterwards again acquitted her knowing himself to be the man involved in equal guilt even as the adopted elder Brother David did afterwards upon like occasion Therefore for Abraham to have killed his son was not to have exceeded his rightful power for had it so been God would not have commanded and Abraham not knowing any intention of diverting him might have bogled at it But for more full explanation why one person and no more should have power in each Family the reasons being the same shall be discoursed in the title of Soveraignty and other places of Government Monarchical For this Dominion being scarce anywhere absolute in that relation but all Families being included in other Soveraignties the duties of those subordinate thereunto cannot be determined otherwise then by saying they owe their obedience to him in all things not prohibited by such as are superior unto them both Against those that make the institution of the family the eldest as fitting best that ancient thinness of people we shall not contend much though we might instance in the Government of God himself and that of Michael the Arch-Angel among the good and of the devil as Prince among the bad as also that Adam before he had family was by God made Monarch of all Creatures below and of Eve also But for answer to such as hold it barely natural or at least more natural or reasonable then that of Kings I shall first say That if by most natural they mean that practice which is common to men and sensitives also they shall finde the contrary in many instances For when there is any association of Birds Beasts or Fishes it is always under one remarkable Commander of that Flock Herd or Shoal And as for that Government of Family it is among none of them nor can be for except some sorts of Fowl they have not their proper Females and so must want the propriety of the young whereby to make their family And Fowl we see as soon as their brood can flye beat off them and part with one another all becoming strangers And from the coupling and payring of the Fowle we cannot conclude for marriage unless therewith we say that the having more then one wife is unnatural And then for the natural subjection of the females many kindes of them speak the contrary Insomuch as the designation of number and the power over Wives is not natural and constant but political and differing And as for the Males equal care of the yong ones nurture practised in some Fowl it ariseth from his extraordinary assurance of propriety in the brood for from the time of their first congression to her hatching he is never so absent from his Hen as to endanger his jealousie Yet all those Cocks that have more Hens then one though there be no other Cock in the company to cause suspition beat and hate the young And then as for the way of being a servant appropriate to one another in any sort no Creature knows it Come we now to men we hear of Nations practising and some men of reputation propounding the natural community of Wives and so overthrowing Families both which do yet entertain Monarchy The like we may say of the Amazons who have no Families and yet have Monarchy But now if by saying the Government of a Family under one head is natural they mean thereby reasonable we agree and that for the reason heretofore and hereafter to be given namely for unity of Government in Commonwealths which Reasons are most of them so agreeing to both that they shall not need recital And truly when I have impartially considered how both of them have foundation from Divine Authority and political prudence I can lay the mistake of this partiality onely to this that such as write hereof are usually themselves Fathers of Children Masters of Servants or Husbands or likely to be so and then to strengthen the duties of all those relations as in order to themselves we may finde good reason And therefore are not onely all those Texts of Scripture looking that way taken in without any to oppose them but Nature is also brought as its first groundwork so confidently that one would think God Almighty might have spared his Precepts But on the other side Kings are not themselves writers and if they did as in justification of their own Power and subjects Duty it would be called partiality because so many have interest against him And if any of the Subjects out of Conscience of Truth and for the subjects good too if they well considered it write in defence of Monarchy and its power not onely such as have prejudice by being under other forms but other subjects also that have all of them their particular interests and hopes by encrease of liberty will accuse him of flattery For a Monarch is a head above them and so remains the object of continual envy and trouble as eclipsing them all which if away they in democratick equalities if some of them be not more ambitious might be all Monarchs both absolute over their own families and as they could make faction over others also whereas now they of their family and others may appeale in case of oppression Another prejudice against Monarchs is for that their subjects being numerous they must trust the guidance of them in many things to others against whose pride as knowing them to be but their fellow subjects the repine is greater then if the Prince as the Master should act himself all whose miscarriages comes ever to be laid to the fault of the Government it self by such as would be rid of it Which unjust censures or revilings come again through secresie of offendors amongst a multitude or through multitude of offenders as considered in themselves to be unespied or unpunished by the Prince whereas the paucity in the Family enables the Master to act by his own knowledge and quickly to discover complaints which you may well think he will for his credit sake by power or craft smother at least you may think that if he do write or speak of the Masters duty it shall not be in a language as to involve or tax himself As thus in Government of persons so in matter of propriety there is another great prejudice arising to the Monarch above the Master of the Family and that from the same inconvenience in number of subjects also Which is that the Master in regard of his smaller charge can hold all the distributions of his fortune that are alotted to the
now you will say that nurture and education after birth is voluntary and so obligatory And truely so say I too because in nature as to her equity it is in the mothers power to expose it if she will yet it is not so in Religion for direct precept obligeth the parents to nurture and education of them thereby proving the duty more positive then natural And then what shall we say of children as they are usually nursed elsewhere what shall their duty go to the nurse No you will say the nurse is paid by the parent if so then if this education and nurture be not done as a duty from the parent in respect of Gods precept there lies an obligation but for so much as the cost is But then againe if an exposed or other acquired infant be adopted and taken in and instead of being nourished for money is it may be bought from the parent with money to which parent lies the greater obligation If any speak of the affection of parents to the young this is strong indeed in the female but not lasting enough to make a family of But if the male have any thing hereof it is increased as the conceit of his propriety is For males of other Creatures use it not because the female onely knoweth her brood and men love their children not as they are really so but as they believe them so wherein no revealing natural sympathy leads them but opinion which many times deceives them as shall be more fully discoursed in the title of property But what is this to the natural duty of children to parents Truely this affection runs so coldly upwards and so differently that if God the Law and the Parents authority kept them not in duty when they were of equal power they might naturally enough if the example of other Creatures might be trusted use force against any assault For as each individual is by nature furnished as aforesaid with competent ability to preserve and maintain it self therefore the youngling that as yet wants strength and understanding so to do is in natures account not fully separate from the individual of the female but this being now effected it is then by natural course to follow self-guidance as the parent did before And lastly as for the power of a Master over his Servants if they be hired none will I presume doubt but that it is political and pactional Indeed the government over slaves is natural depending on force and here pactional or political precepts meddle not leaving them to the Lords dispose in as high a degree of propriety as any other goods But now while we have been thus vindicating Monarchy against such as would not have one in a Commonwealth to be as natural a government as that of one in a family if any should think what hath hitherto been spoken is to take off the reputation and authority of the Father or Master of the Family or to weaken the obedience of any under him they quite mistake our intent for our aime is to strengthen it that therewith the other having the same end and foundation and that more general and strong might be therewith strengthened also For as all power is from God so all obedience must run in respect of his commands either express to himself or such as he hath delegated and though he gave to Kings and Fathers so large a portion of his power as to enable them in their governments here to be assisting unto him in the course of humane providence yet they are not to Idolize themselves but to think that since they are no otherwayes set up then by his authority that therefore those under them are not subjected in that degree by nature but by his precepts for as all things should refer to his glory so the neerer we come in our expressions of it the better Whereupon I conceive that the Master of a Family challenging obedience by Gods direct and many precepts to that purpose given is upon more warrantable ground then relying on nature and referring to God from thence as at greater distance And as this will be if well considered a stronger obligation to duty for wives children servants c. so it will be therewithal more noble also if when as voluntary Agents they may expect reward of their performances from God that enjoyned them then if out of innate brutish principles common to them with other Creatures their reward went not higher then their direction We therefore say that the head of the family hath the true power of a Monarch in himself and where he is out the jurisdiction of anothers Soveraignity is a Soveraign himself and may judge sentence and execute according to Gods and his own laws wife children or servants as truely as the greatest Prince For as some Families may be greater then some kingdomes so the same person at the same time may be a Monarch or Soveraign and yet but head of one family even as Abraham though he might want unction Coronation or other Ceremonies to entitle him a King yet had the same authority at home and force abroad as had those other four victorious Kings which he with his own military servants overcame Therefore we will now compare the power and exercise of this government to Monarchy as hereafter we shall that of Monarchy to this The father we will compare to the King and so he is to have all those royal prerogatives where he is absolute and independent that enable a Governor in chief namely the Office of supream Judge with its attendants the power of making and interpreting his own Laws that is to have aswell the power to instruct and direct what to do as the sword of Justice to punish those that shall do otherwise and in all these cases to have the last appeal c. For if wife children or servants or a faction of them shall take upon them to decide controversies or to make interpret or execute laws to that purpose without or beside him and not allowing any their fellows of the family liberty to appeal to him as supream the unity peace and government of that family is broken and lost Then as the Monarch makes Magistrates so the Master hath power to appoint what Stewards Bailiffs Receivers and other Officers he thinks good without the leave of any of the same family Then as the King lets out the stock and wealth of his Kingdom in several properties for the good of the whole kingdome that is for encrease of the publike stock by private managery so the Master entrusts the wife children or servants as he sees occasion taking of them as the use of the family requires such proportions as he thinks fit whether it be tenth or twentieth part of the encrease which answers the taxes in kingdomes So lastly hath he power over their liberties and personal services for his own or the families occasions But these and other similitudes of jurisdiction will be spoken of more largely
Kingly Government is grounded on Paction with people as deriving from them his power over them will appear in a farther mistake herein from consideration of the nature of Paction it self which we shall a little more particularly examine For first they supposing that the community is at that time associated by mutual Paction so as to act in the capacity of one person do fail in that neither express Articles to that purpose could ever be made or produced nor could there be any witness nor a third present obliging superior party supposed For witness there can be none but such as are parties and third common obliging and powerful party there cannot be but God For if another on earth he is their Prince already and it is he not they must give content So that God not being present as to manifestation of express consent in what they do otherwise then by his Will already known by his Laws the people having none but themselves equal parties to judge how far their Pactions are consonant to these Laws must as wanting present power to hold them obliged to one another want also power to grant any thing one to another And therefore they failing to think that such a body can be at all or that a body without a head can perform the Offices of Discourse Will and Understanding which is to the making Pactions requisite we will next see what likeness of Paction there is in any thing that appears between Prince and people supposing them as pactors which some do fancie for making subjects submission as they think lawful because voluntary In this the first great difficulty will be how to bring the people into a capacity of appearance for making this stipulation For if by their mutual and reciprocal Pactions amongst one another they have but as is usually supposed to make them one body transferred each others power they are as far from being one body as before because as they were before separate in having their own distinct personal powers so are still as distinct in possession of the powers of each other For if John have given his power to Thomas it must be I suppose that Thomas should also give his own power to Willsam And then as William may be supposed to have a treble power that is his own and the two resigned to at last by his transferring these resigned powers onward they will come into one hand But this will be a long work and much trouble there will be with whom to begin and in what order to follow therein and who shall be the supreme obliging party to see performance of these many Pactions But if they be supposed to pact all at once how shall we in this confusion be able to finde out and distinguish the pacting persons from one another and the third obliging party and witnesses from both For if John say to Thomas I give you all my right in governing my self upon condition that you give the same and all yours to such and such and this we mutually oblige our selves by oaths to do Then taking these pactors by pairs here will be a long work again and to no purpose unless the third person to be impowered with all power do severally stipulate with these pares and then he will have as many Kingdomes as pairs of Subjects And to suppose each party pacting with the whole community and saying I give all my power to this Community that they again may give it unto such a man Then must each man singly come to do to Which done each man will come but to have the same power he had at the first forasmuch as every one being a member of the Community hath also his equal share therein still And therefore each one as sharer in the power of the Community must anew consent or we are never the neerer of having a political person to Pact with or of having made any Community or Corporation And as this cannot be without a present superior Authority for so doing neither by force of whose Law the same must be done so will much more follow that as they could not by Paction have become a Community without some Superior Law and Power so beyond the leave of that Superior Law or Power cannot they as a Community act any thing of force much less can they set a Superior above what is Superior to them already Again it would be considered what they pact for in these their supposed Pactions with Princes because all rational creatures must have an aym In this case we must still continue supposing for matter of Fact will never appear either then they pact for their right to govern others or for their right to govern themselves If the latter it must be meant onely so far as their separate deportments come to be publikely useful for still I suppose each one must have power to manage his proper business Then Question being what shall be publike what not the supposed Paction must be invalid because expressing it not it saves not nor remedies not one pacting party from the power of the other that is the Subject from the Superior to whom it belongs to have power to judge in all or else he can judge in none If it be meant of the first that is of his share of government of others then must each person singly pact to the end that the Community including all may have joynt right to govern But then how can they give what they have not For since as formerly shewed none have by Nature and as men rule over one another but what is derived the natural way from constraint how shall force or fear be reconciled with the supposed voluntary Paction Again if precedent Paction must be supposed to make Government lawful how shall we do for establishment of Democracies Do the people of such a place Covenant with themselves both to transfer to themselves and retain to themselves the government of such a place Do they thus derive power from one to another to no other purpose then to do every one as they like still and to be just as much and no more powerful then before Here is a mad work indeed Or if it be not done then by their Argument these Governments are but Anarchies which is true indeed But if we should to avoid some of the passed absurdities suppose no Paction to pass between Prince and people then grounding Justice and injury on the observation or violation of Pactions we make them uncapable by that supposition of doing Justice to or receiving injury from his Subjects and so destroy Government for want of mutual obligation and sense of duty Lastly these considerations will much puzzle us on what to ground the duty of those in the Family towards the Master If he need not derive his Authority from Paction but as due by Office then is power of Office and founded on Gods Precepts not on consent below If children and servants must pact with one another
because we feared not the Lord what then shall a King do to us That is since we have refused to fear or serve God as he appointed in the King his Minister and have spoken words swearing falsly in making a Covenant the Covenant of our own works with death and hell therefore do we deserve to have judgement springing up like Hemlock in the furrows of the field that is to have this common and uncertain weed of judgement that is now growing everywhere for want of a formal root to be made as poysonous unto us as Hemlock is We shall also finde the Prophet Amos imputing it as a fault in Israel and a sure sign of their calamity that they hated him that reproved in the gate and abhorred him that speaketh uprightly that is they despised and slighted that sentence of Judgement and Equity which was in Gods Vicegerent and did desire the day of the Lord as thinking to be found upright bâ—fore him according to their own ways When as it should be as if a man did flee from a Lion and a Bear met him and went into the House and leaned his hand on the wall and a Serpent bit him For which cause God there threatens to withdraw his publike presence a sure sign of his direliction of any place and to abhor their Offerings their Feast days and other solemn ways appointed for his own worship because under colour of serving him they had turned judgement into wormwood and left off righteousness in the earth or had made it spring up like Hemlock as formerly noted Nor need there farther instances be given of that simplicity and coincidence of Gospel Precepts and how that Faith and Love or Faith that worketh by love and Love made useful by Obedience are asserted in the New-Testament as necessarily and onely fundamental since if the whole Scripture be diligently examined they will be found the usual drift of them all So that as salvation is sometimes and in some places promised to such as believe the Gospel so in other places to such as obey the Gospel Faith uniting us to Christ and Obedience uniting us to his Church He that with prepossession of this Doctrine shall read the holy Scriptures shall finde the difficult places thereof to assent to a ready opening and interpretation offering themselves to unlock easily with this Key it being the door of entrance into most of the mysteries thereof which are usually turning upon these hinges Which plenty and readiness of discovery as it hath been the occasion of my passed tediousness in these Discourses so must it be the excuse also both for my want of order and also for any repetition that shall be found therein For as the known benefit arising by peace through obedience made me attentive to such remarkable Texts as did confirm this duty so these Texts again by the abundance of matter accompanying them and leading to that subject caused me both to fail of method and to transcend my intended bounds in the Treaty hereof And yet to avoid this tediousness I have neither undertaken to Comment on many places neither in Old nor New-Testament and in some of those I do undertake it may be observed that I have but cursorily glossed leaving the farther discovery to each mans easie observation that will attend it I know many will look strangely at the first upon this Doctrine of mens innocence by implicite obedience in all we do that is to Christ himself in things fundamental and which formally state us Christians and to our Prince his deputy in all things necessary for the security and advance thereof But when the scope of Scripture and the good of Peace and common Charity thereby and no way else to be attained shall be well considered of the apparent benefit will in reality I hope exceed the seeming novelty For without it how shall we be able to ground and settle our selves upon such a constant course for Unity and Agreement where private judgements under the colour of Conscience shall not be able to interrupt Gods appointed way of providence by setting him to act against himself Even to interrupt and abate of that glory which should be given to God in the highest by not providing for this Peace one earth and good will towards men according to that heavenly Hymn sung at the birth of the Prince of Peace And if such a thing as Government must thereupon be acknowledged necessary and that obedience again is a duty necessary to estate Government then must there necessarily a difference follow in point of guilt between him that performs it and him that doth it not and so consequently he that hath been more implicite and ready in his obedience must be confessed to have better performed it then he who hath therein but observed the Dictate of his own sence and Conscience and not that of his Superior Nor can I see how men generally granting Superiors to be accountable for the sins which were acted by vertue of their commands can thereupon avoid the acknowledgement that as this guilt lights on them because the other obeys out of sense of duty so must it proportionably abate in the obeyer unless they can make obedience no duty at all or that which is more absurd can make men never the juster for having done it But so hard a thing it is to overcome that thirst of rule and insubjection that is naturally graffed in us that some objections must always be expected to shake off implicite restraint and to leave us still to the liberty and condition of our first Parents in examining the Ground and Reason of each command before we come to act It faring with men in the rendring of their obedience as it doth in their Charity For although none will deny that Charity lies upon him as a duty even as they will grant that Obedience doth also yet when we are to act this Precept of Love or Charity we shall finde interest and covetousness so to sway us in making of Objections against such as do really need it that it will in the end amount to very little even as in like manner Pride and Interest are always ready to defeat the duty of Obedience by one objection or other against the person commanding or the Command it self Thus Children and Servants being told of those Texts of obey in all things or the like will presently answer that by all things must be understood onely things lawful For else our Father or Master may command us to do contrary to the Laws of our Prince and Country he may command us to Kill to Steal c. And the like answer we must also expect from some who live under the notion of Subjects but have no minde to be so to wit That no man is bound to such implicite obedience as is by me formerly set down nor the subject obliged to obey his King commanding contrary to the Law of God and Nature And then assuming
so often and so expresly warranted thereby as given from God the Fountain of power and on the contrary settle it on such devised Orders and Degrees as neither for number or office had direct Authority or Example from thence But it is usual with the opposers of Monarchy to take their advantage against the evidence of Texts of this kinde as in Civil matters men are wont to do against those they contend with about any property or title For if they know the letter and plain sense of the Law run on the side of him they oppose they then finde no such ready way for his defeat as to entitle the King or some eminent superior thereunto Even so shall we finde Kings now adays used in the interpretation of many of those places of Scripture which make so plainly on their side that is when the power and perpetuity of this Office is anywhere set forth they then would have the whole sense and scope thereof to imply Christ himself and not this his immediate Deputy By which kinde of proceeding they do by fact evidently prove themselves guilty of that pride and arrogance they would reprehend in another and that it is not Christs honor that is hereby sought otherwise then in order to their own For since they do allow him to have his deputed Officers amongst us for declaration and execution of his Will will it not therefore follow that the greater the honor and power of this person thus substituted is by so much will the honor of Christ whom he doth herein represent be encreased It is not therefore to be believed that subjects of any sort would have thus justled with their Prince for precedence and going next to Christ had they not more considered their own honors to be thereby gained then his to be thereby lost But as the light of Scripture shines undeniably cleer every-where on the face of Monarchy so doth it in record and practise also And therefore we shall finde that when God appears for the setling the first moral Laws for men to live by there was not nor had not been in the world any but Monarchical government setled When again the King of Kings and Prince of Peace Christ himself appears as the old imposters in Oracles became silent so all Republikes and States had hid their heads under one Monarchy or another And that which may be observable in other stories is that the Greeks themselves who in restless wits were the ring leaders in Doctrines and Examples for all these Civil alterations as well as in a manner for all heresies in Religion and upon no other ground then with an affected pride to express their power and freedom in both above the rest of the world who in regard of themselves they stiled barbarous are at this day and so have long continued the examples of highest slavery and oppression in both kindes Besides these high Authorities and Examples that so evidently declare for Monarchy alone I could never tell how to settle my Reason on any other foundation being unable to fancy how Soveraignty could have been divided without dividing Obedience how unity could proceed from plurality aâ—d how Peace could be amongst Subjects when the Peace-makers themselves must be still in danger of variance with one another And farther I could by no means conceive but that proportionably as one man could not serve two Masters with equal duty and respect so on the other side that many Masters could not command or govern one or many servants with equal power and affection And therefore laying down for my ground that as death was the worst of evils to a man as a man and so also that Civil war was the worst of evils to men as sociable it was reason I should seclude these inventions as failing of that main end of Government and reckon them at best but plausible pretenders thereunto And the same reason I must also give for declining that fancyed way of founding Government and Authority on Paction For while Prince and People are hereby put to a continual question what these Pactions were as in a thing of no more evidence it must needs happen there will be produced instead of Peace and Agreement a perpetual ground to intestine dissention and rebellion In the survey of all which or any thing else delivered if any shall make objections of inconveniencies in that degree of arbitrariness I have assigned unto Princes I desire to be understood as not thinking any Government can be by men in this life exercised where no mischiefs shall sometimes happen but leaving that hope till we come to the government of God himself if the inconveniences hence probably arising proceed not from the form but the persons if they be such as are not onely to that but much more to others incident and if after and beside side all it stil appears that this form is onely of divine institution and example and so also more naturally and necessarily procuring peace the end of Government then any other I shall then confess I have arrived at the end of my whole labour which was to settle publike peace and good by obedience to Authority without reflection on the private benefit of any person therein likely to bear sway But being to write in an age wherein all men stand not only divided under that different sense of loyalty which Alexander once wittily observed in his two followers Ephestion and Craterus namely that one loved Alexander the other the King but also being to write in a Nation wherein Monarchy it self stands wholly approved or rejected as the persons therein likely to rule are differently considered as friends or enemies I cannot therefore but expect that from these so different and contrary interests of others these my writings themselves should also be obnoxious to as contrary censures that is of having reflected too much or too little towards the praise or dispraise of that person whom they according to their several engagements would have had more openly commended or disproved Whereas I who from sense of the calamities of our civil broils had been drawn to be of Craterus opinion as the best remedie I could devise thought it neither proper nor reasonable to deliver my self in any Ephestion like expression or to appear as Foe or Advocate to any man but to set down and handle the whole Argument as a Christian Philosopher in a general Treatise and Discourse of government according to Doctrines or Examples drawn from Scripture or Reason without reflection or censure of any one Nation in particular as will easily I hope appear by that which follows A TABLE Of the several Chapters contained in this following TREATISE BOOK I. CHAP. I. OF Deity p. 1. CHAP. II. Of Providence and its rule in general p. 3. CHAP. III. Of particular or self-Providence p. 5. CHAP. IV. Of Government as it stands in natural Reason and it s reputed Original p. 8. CHAP. V. Of each mans private End or Felicity
under Monarchy Some have thought that a family could not be rightly called so under such a number of persons that is five at least and that in it there must he all relations that is of wife children and servants They might also have aswel put down servants of all sorts that is slaves too because most families in other Countries have them but I considering a family as to preservation of mankind by government and not as to the encrease of it barely say that the sole power of each family as a family belongs to the head thereof and that in the relation of Master too And I do farther conceive that as wife and children are commanded as members of the family where they are so if they dye or depart the family the Master doth still remaine the head of the family although he be now neither husband nor father and that although it be but over two servants aswel as before For although his power be not so extensive over few yet it is as absolute And the same is to be judged againe though he have none but children or none but wives for though these may alter his relation to those under him yet having sole power he continues in the full right of government as Master of the family for considering them in their general relation of governors and governed though the Master from their differing relations that are under him may differ in notion or title yet the power is of God and not from their relations as inferiours If the wife before marriage and being yet free make paction for part of his power yet she is so far from constituting the power belonging to his office that he when he shall judge it necessary may reassume this for ought she as of proper power can hinder The like may be said of children and servants unto whom by promise or without he may suspend or remit the execution of his power as he shall judge fit and yet cannot he be said to have derived power from them Let us now proceed to resemble their orders and relations and then speak of the Anarchy or overthrow of a Family The Master himself we have compared to the King and now his Wife we will compare to the Order of Priesthood in the Kingdom which is to be ruled more by love then fear and yet is to be subject to the same head The Children we may compare to the Nobility and Magistrates who standing in degree between Monarch and people or Master and Servants serve as the Ministers and conveyers of Justice and protection downwards and by their sole dependance of the good of the Monarch or Master serve as Bulwarks against any forcible attempt The servants in the Family do resemble the other subjects in a Kingdom Now this Government in a Family is changed through remisness or weakness in the Master as is the Kingdom through the like in the King for if he act onely by others the acknowledgement will follow the power and themselves through contempt lose or hazard their Soveraignty As if the Master be uxorious then as the undertaking Clergy can make Religious Cognizance stretch as far as they please so the Wife as incident to Women being grown proud of Government will as it were now her own right take all upon her to general discontent But if he be indulgent and trust his power to Children then they neglecting all above them that is power Civil and Ecclesiastical fall a trampling on all the Servants as ambitious Nobles in a Kingdom till the Subjects be Rebels or Slaves And lastly if as making himself equal with his servants he affect popularity too much he thereby loseth his bulwarks of Nobility and Religion things of no esteem with them and lies as a deserved prey to his servants and subjects next violent attempt Let us now see their likeness in their Anarchies If in the weakness or absence of the Master or infancie of the heir the power be exercised partly by the Wife followed with one part of the servants and by the Children followed with others of the Servants so that there is division by factions Anarchy is begun If the Wife prevail as in title to her Husband or as Protector to her son and heir Monarchy is not in much danger because she and the Clergy have great interest in the Crown But if Master and heir dye in the contest and the Children prevail and Govern joyntly then it is one sort of setled Anarchy which is Aristocracy If the servants that took the part with the Masters Title prevail against the Children or the Childrens insolence shall make the servants that followed them desert and joyn with others against them so as to overcome them and rule themselves then it is the other sort of Anarchy namely Democracy both which are upon the same reason as opposite to Government in a Family as in a Kingdom But now although there be more mutterings and repinings in each Family that is against the exercise of the Government of the present Master thereof then is in a Monarchy having consideration to their proportionable numbers yet to set up such standing Factions or to prosecute them so far as to overthrow the form of Government thereof cannot be in like manner subject to the Family as Kingdom and this because the Master or his heirs interest is by Superiors Laws still upheld and then the Masters of all other Families having concern in the example do so order things that the Faction of one Family can never have force enough to prevail by president against so many Whereas in the Monarchy discontented parties having made a Faction so great as to overpower the appointed head therein there is not another present superior fear to keep them from destructive proceedings for other Monarchs will rather help it for gain to themselves and other heads of Families will forward it out of consideration of their share in Government when this one is taken away And none can doubt but that Children and Servants are throughout as desirous and covetous of the Fathers and Masters power and riches as the factious Subjects are of these of a King and would as assuredly make their associations to deprive him thereof and also joyn in confederacy to enjoy them amongst themselves as the other do if they had but equal hopes of prevailing and of being unopposed And could these of a Family secure themselves in their narrow bounds against the Prince and his Laws and the disturbance and intermedling of the Masters of other Families as well as Republikes can fortifie against other Monarchs we should soon finde more Anarchical Families then Kingdoms I mean number for number For since we all know that the Fathers estate is more often and with more covetousness sought then the Kings if Fathers had nothing but their sons Consciences for their defence as Kings have they would often fall into worse fortune But Monarchs wanting first present undertakers of their common
Representatives and as common relation bindes him to be King of the whole that is of major as well as minor so must he be also over them both And accordingly the practice of these Kings ran for so David commands and is obeyed by Joab and the Rulers or Representatives of the people in numbring of them though themselves knew it to be unlawful and that it would be a trespass or harm to Israel or the whole people And although there were neither necessity nor countenance of Law for the deed yet the Kings word prevailed against Joab and the â—lders of the people and so remains as a maxim to Solomon his son who saith where the word of a King is there is power and who may say unto him what doest thou By which words we may discover not onely the high unquestionable power of Kingship but also that it had its derivation from God inasmuch as that last phrase What doest Thou Is in Scripture onely applyed to God himself Whereby we may also note that although the Scripture do sometimes at least before Kings were give this appellation of Elohim or Judiciary power to other persons in earthly power or to inferior Magistrates yet because since that time they are or should be under this greater Earthly Elohim as sent of him they never have this phrase given them nor have they ever like him any of those appellations proper to Christ given them as of Messiah Christ or Anointed or of Saviour they being to Kings his immediate Vicegerents in the first place due And when they are any where given to other persons it is upon their receit of some extraordinary power from God and if they have them in right of their Offices then it may be observed to be ascribed to such Offices which were anciently annexed to Monarchy paterno jure to wit Priesthood and Prophesie as shall more fully appear hereafter So that then you may see the Office and Authority of a King is not separable from his person nor is it lawful for people after a kinde of idolatry to pay obedience to any other kinde of resemblance For so at last having by these strange resemblances of Authority made in our fancies blotted out the knowledge and fear of the true Object and rejecting his personal Will to be of force at all without the Authority of Law and this Law of our interpreting also we necessarily again fall into Anarchy having no Will or Understanding but our own to direct us No David and Solomon knew too well this kingly Prerogative to be beguiled with the seeming shew of Authority in or from the people and followed not the example of Saul their Predecessor to lose their power by complying and submitting it to the Vote of the people and therefore it proved an unvaluable excuse which he made to Samuel saying I have sinned for I have transgressed the Commandment of the Lord and thy word because I feared the people and obeyed their voice But he should have remembred that he was set over the people and not they over him That as it was one of his Prerogatives to be for the people to Godward as Moses was or to have none above or between God and him so there would an account by God be exposed from him onely as being his next Vicegerent and as God on earth entrusted with sufficient power And if he had not had power over the people how could God in justice punish him for obedience to them that might command Nor was this fear of the people a fained pretence for if it had Samuel would not have spared to tell him so Therefore when these people took of the spoil sheep and oxen and the chief of the things that should have been utterly destroyed to sacrifice to the Lord he might have withstood their major Vote by his denyal and have told them as Samuel did him Obedience is beter then sacrifice For as it was a vain imagination in him to think that God would excuse his disobedience in this through this pretence of doing him better service otherways so it is also from Subjects to Kings when they withdraw their obedience upon like pretences For rebellion is like the sin of witchcraft and stubbornness as idolatry that is whilst we stand bewitched with our own fancies of Gods will and thereupon shew our disobedience to the Authority he appoints we do by that example shake off obedience to all Law whatever and whilst we do thus set up a will-worship of our own in the state by denying any Authority in the will of the Soveraign and by making nothing right or just but what shall be consonant to our own Reasons do we not hereby lose the general and whole benefit of society which is gotten by obedience and by relying again upon our own understandings and interpretations of Law and Right fall consequently into Anarchy For not onely Soveraignty it self but all kinde of Rule and power else cannot derive any other foundation of Authority then what is from above as was well noted in our Saviours answer to Pilate nor can these below them be in any respect so above them as to give or refuse command For when an unjust command is put upon us and we appeal from one power to a higher this is not done as out of any power of ours below but by the power and permission of the party above those we appeal from subordinate persons being in no sort capable to be superior or insubjected as of power from themselves When the Master of a Family hath his Authority in any thing justly disobeyed the power of so doing is not in Children or Servants but from the Prince or Magistrate above to whom the Master himself is subject who else if not restrained by Laws from the Prince his Superior would have as absolute Soveraignty over his Family as the Prince hath over the whole people that is in all things wherein he is not retrained by the Laws of God And when it is affirmed that power is in the people it would be known whether that word include the Magistrates also if it do where is the relation between governing and governed and if it do not include them then is the people above and the Magistrate beneath or else according to truth the Magistrate hath power to govern and the people onely power that is ability to obey For if this supreme indisputable Power of Kings had not been taken as a real and confessed truth but that the people or their Major Vote should have in themselves the highest Soveraignty and Command and he onely be as a titular thing to countenance their acts then how should it be a wo to a Land when their king shall be a childe that is want ability to govern in his own personal capacity No sure that condition must by this rule render such Lands most happy inasmuch as he having discretion enough to tell one two
to impower their Father or Master then must he get them and take them in all at once or else upon the birth and admission of every new childe and servant they must all pact anew for fear that these new ones for want of being Covenanters should be injured when any thing is by their Father or Master done against their liking And then what shall we say of the Wifes subjection Must the husband have many Wives that one may pact with another to empower him Can he not also have Fatherly or Masterly power while he hath but one childe or one servant for the like reason At what yeers must Children be supposed able to pact And by what Authority must the Father command in the mean time Some that first founded Government and power on this supposed way of pacting have reckoned amongst sociable creatures Bees Pismires c. which being bred all at once do romain as it were but one litter And again they being of equality for wit Courage Size Strength c. must have according to their agreement in these things and shortness of life their particular sense of good undistinguished from that which is common and are therefore onely instances amongst sensitive Agents for an independent Community as heretofore shewed But how shall these things be fancied amongst men What are our supposed Pactions no more then theirs It is like indeed But how shall we contrive men to be so contemtemporary or in such equality oâ— Birth Appetite c. to resemble them Suppose a Collony of men agree to go to a new Plantation their agreement to future Government will have example and reason from former sense and Education in Governments whereupon to found it self And although with them force prevailes not for the present establishing one man above another yet riches or craft will so as by the unequal power thereof to destroy that supposed equal Paction upon their coming to this new Colony and also in receiving others to them towards whom if they proceed not by open force yet in their new Agreements as formerly amongst themselves they prevail on one another by opinion of Power and Force which must consequently overthrow supposition of equal Community For the share of Power cannot be equal amongst such as have it in degree one more then another and where then is their formal consenting to set up others in power above them since it arose but from the considerations they could not avoid it And men may make suppositions this way while they please yet it is in truth no more possible for men in a perfect state of freedom to consent to any degree of subjection then to consent to endure any other evil For when men in this new Collony or in any other condition do submit to another as in discretion and out of choice of two evils to choose the less it is but the same thing as to submit to a conquering Monarch In which case as the feared evil is more plain so will it more prudentially justifie their submission The benefit and design of this prudential choice of subjection is lively set down by Jacob in Issacars blessing viz. He saw that rest was good and the Land that it was pleasant and bowed his shoulder to bear and became a servant to tribute That is he finding that it was not to probable that he should gain perfect Freedom or Dominion by resistance as it was apparent that he should thereby hazard and lose the benefits arising by subjection he therefore of two evils chose the less and since he could not avoid the choice of subjection it self he discreetly chose that kinde of submission therein as should render him most happy And this kinde of prudential Freedom is not onely all that humane condition is capable of in matters of subjection but in all things else For absolute freedom that is not to be liable to inconvenencies in the entertainment of the objects of choice so far as that which shall be in it self most pleasing shall not upon other consequential and unavoidable inconveniences be often subject to be past by is a prerogative of him that is omnipotent onely as having his power in all things equal to his will and not of mankind who as bounded by the Laws of God Nature and other his superiors hath his power alwayes so stinted by his own imbecillity and the will of others that the objects of his liking can be none other free to him then as quallified and accompanied with such continual difficulties and hazards as must render it inconsideration thereof the object of deliberation whether to take or leave and not of absolute freedom whether to take or leave that particular object simply and in it self alone considered If sense of tast or honor prompt us to the enjoyment of any particular food or place of preferment these objects in themselves desirable do through those abatements of dangers and inconveniencies arising in their acquisition or possession become so far still the object of deliberation that we many times decline as evil the prosecution of what we apprehend or know to be good and whether we choose or leave our freedom is not higher then of two evils to choose the less that is the evil of want of the object we desire or the evil of presence of it with its inconveniencies Our liberty being never higher nor lower in any thing then absence of constraint in taking or leaving Nay more he that in the highest objects of his delight is not bounded by laws of superiors as not being under government yet since these usually are by others desireable aswel as himself he will have the consideration of feared prejudice of his equals still make it the object of deliberation whereas the same liberty of choice and deliberation cannot be so taken off by the highest and most severe law and penalty set down by authority but that there will still be absence from constraint and place left for deliberation and consequently for volition either way For as God alone is onely altogether unsubjected to the will of others so inanimates and creatures below us that wholly want will of their own can be onely wholly subjected to the will of others And therefore to return to farther examination of the Princes power as grounded on the content of the community and particularly by oaths we say that if things be duely searcht the Princes oath is only voluntary and subjects to be enforced by Law of the Country or Law of nature in prudence to his security And oaths proceed not from mutual trust but distrust If either of them break these oaths they are so far only punishable by God For the Prince punisheth his Rebellious subjects not as perjured but as they are offenders and subject to the laws And therefore those that take not these oaths are for such offences equally punishable herein to those that do And the truth is that without these oaths both King and People stood obliged
the peoples performance For though Kings extreamly differ from God in degree of superioriry yet as superiors they have both the same reason for exercise thereof And on the behalf of both of them it must seem a thing aswell unreasonable as ungrateful for inferiors and receivers to make the good deeds of those above them in power and office to serve as a means of their deprivation Nor can that Paction but be invallid where superior and inferior treating as such should Covenant to destroy those relations whilst they yet pretend thereby to estate and settle them So if a man in his wooing promise the wife freedom of restraint or command other then what shall be to her liking or to have power to execute or manage her own or the affairs of the family independent of him this though it might induce her marriage or putting her self into his power yet it cannot take away any power necessarily belonging to his office for the good and quiet of the family but rather as the promise shewed an extraordinary affection towards her it should the more obliege her to obedience Nor can she or children or servants have any freedom against him but what a power superior to him allows For so far as law restrains his arbitrary power and doth for instance design in what cases joyntures portions and degrees of servitude shall rest in compact with him this must be derived from power of a superior and not from a power below and in themselves For they being appellants to law and a higher power shew they can have no power above him and that this superior power and not themselves alone can restrain him No more can after Pactions between Prince and people given by his free grant and promise or forced by their rebellions prevaile more to the disinvesting him of any just power then the after indulgent promises to wife children or servants for non-restraint can deprive the Master of what power is by law left him and useful in the execution of his office because as their power is given from above so can it be onely restrained from above The Master cannot give away the power that makes the office and yet continue the office nor they assume power beyond the degree of children and servants and yet continue such For when wife children or servants refuse any command of the Master they do it not as they stand in these relalations to him but as they are joynt subjects to a command superior and so this is not liberty from his power otherwise then as thraldome to anothers So when Princes command any thing contrary to Gods law the subjects suspension to do it is not to disobey him but to obey God unto whom both stand subject who if he shall own and protect them therein they are so far discharged of their obedience otherwise not Whereupon in all capitulations between Prince and people the case will have great difference from that wherein wives or servants before they are such do stand considered as Pactors with their husbands or masters because these alwayes have a present immediate superior to them both namely the Prince or his Magistrate unto whom they joyntly relating as Subjects have a ready means for decision of any differences that shall arise between them about breach of Articles if they had not the Law it self Else their stipulations would prove but the ready disturbers of that peace and charity which they intended to establish even by adding those new occasions of quarrels that should arise to them hereabouts to those formerly incident to them as men Even as we finde that amongst such as do not acknowledge God to have any present magistrate settled here above themselves to decide differences and demand obedience the like continual breaches daily to arise about the meaning of his Laws But it will plainly appear that this plot of paction was but of late times devised by sons of Beliall or such as would not be under restraint to serve their own ends and not truths if we consider that we finde not any one urging for the Jews right in chosing and impowering of their Judges And all because men being not now under the authority of such temporary officers are not so careful to devise wayes and maxims for taking to themselves power to set them up and make their restrictions by But that which is the truth herein is that since it is never urged that the Jews did challenge a right of setting up these lesser powers it proves that their meaning is mistaken by those that think they had right to set up the greater For if they could not set over them Moses Joshua and the rest why should they have power to confer the office of Kingship If they could not or did not make Moses King of Jesurun how came they to have right to make David And therefore to sum up all kingly office being by Divine institution the power necessary for execution thereof is not by Paction from inferiors but by gift from God above When Princes upon occasion promise the imparting of any power to magistrates or others of his people this as coming from a rightful superior is on them bestowed as of grace and gift and not any way arguing that the power remaining is from Inferiors to Superiors by capitulation For though those Monarchical Judges and High-Priests that ruled while Kings came had not so much power as Kings yet because they were straightned from above onely by Gods continuing King upon great and extraordinary occasions that Government was a Monarchy no otherwise then those still continue Families where Laws of superiors streighten the power of the Master most by taking the cognizance and judgement of those under him as in the relation of Subjects Therefore when Government as in neither of these cases is not straitned by power from below it continues right Government because nothing of subjection is remitted For that power the Father exerciseth not the Prince doth and what the Prince doth not nor cannot is done by God who is onely above him And again although the governeds obedience be to more then one as touching their general subjection yet since in each particular command they have but one determinate Commander and have but one in chief to appeal to their Government is still right and Monarchical CHAP. XI Of Magistrates Councellors c. AS we have hitherto declared the necessity of Government and confined it to one person so it must be supposed that so great a charge cannot be managed by any single man without the assistance of others Whereupon these assistants being in many thing the immediate executioners of power and commands in and upon the Subjects it comes many times to pass that the original of power is forgotten and the very right of Soveraignty it self usurped by and imputed to these subordinate Ministers This chiefly appears in those useful Ministers in each Kingdom to wit Councellors and Magistrates by whose help the single eys
protection when their Offices are invaded as the Prince is to the Fathers and Monarchs again being not unanimous and active in upholding each others rights as Fathers are it is no wonder if we finde here and there an Anarchical Kingdom even daring to profess themselves so which Families do not But would Monarchs take the common interest to heart as Fathers do and be as vigilant to preserve their neighbors power as others are to overthrow them they would finde that it would be the steadiest course to maintain their own power at home and that when other Kingdoms could never have been known successful in enterprising their Kings subversion their subjects would never undertake it no more then the Children or Servants of a Family dare for the like cause attempt the like against their Father and Master The main reason that Subjects usually have to desire such Change being the example of such or such a neighboring people as have thriven therein and so making fortune and success the onely judge of right and wrong they do proceed accordingly all stories telling us that until Anarchies came into the world such a thing as limited Monarchy was not in being Let us now again see their likeness in Rebellions and its pretences The Wife if she be of greater spirit then to be confined in her proper employment takes occasion from her Husbands remisness or too great trust in her to enlarge her power in the Family and to encroach on her Husbands also With these she lays Obligations and raises dependances as to her self and having now as she believes gotten strength to stand alone or above her Husband she becomes more insolent and open Which if it shall awake him to curb by his just power then comes she to spread through the Family the charge and power she hath She saith That the power of the head of the Family grew from the Family for as the Family was in greatness or power so was the head thereof also and therefore that they as the fountains of power might use the same to their just vindication from oppression She saith that as all kindes of good is increased by communication so the good of the whole Family is to be preferred in reason to the single good of any one especially since as the case now stands that one seeks but his own hurt also led and blinded with evil Counsel In which case necessity of self-preservation will not onely justifie but duty to their Master requires the other members to joyn in a course to force these from him and take the charge of his person and Government themselves She tells them that a Family as a Family hath foundation on the Wife and that as without Religion well instructed there could be no firm obligation for subjects obedience so without a Wife no Children no Family and so no Master thereof Besides though truly she is loth to say so much her self yet her Husbands late disrespect and forwardness to cross her makes her fear as men are now easily enclined to heresie so he hath turned his affection to some other women and therefore she would divorce her self from him that so he might be as excommunicate in his Family For although it is true that obedience is to be given to him by the Law of God yet again it is as true that he is to keep Gods Laws as well as we if not we must obey God rather then men Nay when he hath neglected his duty to his Family in not providing for them as this man hath done Saint Paul expressly saith He is worse then an infidel Now whether it be not fit that one that hath denied the Faith an Infidel nay worse then an Infidel should not onely be excommunicated but put from Government she thinks none can doubt But above all through her Husbands often absence about other imployments and remitting the directive part of Government to her in many particulars she lays the greatest claim to make herself as it were Governor in chief leaving to her Husband as pertinent to him that hath none but the coercive part the honor and authority only of a subservient officer that is to execute punish according to her determination and censure No otherwise then as the popish and Presbyterian Clergy upon advantage of their sole exercise in the Office of publike instruction do come to believe at last they are supreme and uncontrolable herein and do thence infer that as the body is to be subservient to the mind so the Prince or Civil Magistrate as they call him ought with his coercive part of Government to be reckoned but as subordinate and Ministerial to what they in their spiritual capacities shall enjoyn Not remembring that all that external jurisdiction and power she exerciseth in tâ—e Family is subordinate and to be acknowledged as derived from his supreme headship even as done by her as his Wife in his family by vertue of that choice and designation he then made at the time he personally ordained her to be his Wife and so consequently took her into this consortship and share of power For although the positive power and honor belonging to her as a mother and Mistris of a family be to be derived from God onely even from the sacramental efficacy of marriage and Ordination it self yet since it cannot be imagined that the constitution of a less and subordinate power was intended to be the overthrow of a greater therefore should she have considered that she is negatively in all things by him restrainable in the execution thereof Nay more in those things which she acts as Mistress of the Family over any but her own Children she is to hold her self as well impowered as restrainable by him although in respect of that obedience or honor rather which her own children give her she be not to acknowledge any humane derivation therein but is impowered as mother both by the Laws of God and Nature and that in chief where no other head or Monarch is With these and such like insinuations she may be supposed to win Children and others of the Family into a faction and association with her by whose help she may be able to work her ends For although women be rather more desirous of Government then men yet they wanting bodily strength are forced to draw in others to their assistance by setting up of their interests also Thus Children shall be won in by hope of some parity of power with the Father as well as Peerage among themselves for by the Text of Fathers provoke noâ— your children to wrath they would both have the duty of Fathers implyed of not commanding more to their Children then what they are willing to act for fear of angring them and also that being provoked by their Father it was just and reasonable for them to prosecute this wrath of theirs unto the abating his power for the future Then the Children when they meet with an easie and
they think them to have their power when instead of giving they are but restrictions and abatements thereof for so upon good heed it wil be found and that these liberties of people have arisen but from the grants of former Princes and not Princes power from them even thereby acknowledging all power to spring from its proper root So that when people lay claim to any Priviledge the Charter or Grant of such and such a Prince is alledged as its ground and Authority wherein they then being petitioners and â—â—il stiling themselves subjects there is no more reason why the indulgence of former Princes or Rebellion or Force of Subjects should be of more avail to despoil Princes of their just power and Soveraignty then for Wife or Children in any Association of theirs by way of Fact to take on them the rights and power of Master of the Family For although in different Countries and places the Marital or Paternal power is more or less and so also Bishops Pastors c. are in some places restrained more then in others in Ordaining Preaching Baptizing and also in jurisdiction and government shall we therefore conclude their Offices and Powers was not at first founded and so to continue as from God but is at the liberty of Wife Children or People both how far and whether it shall be so or no. And to come yet neerer because they are usually esteemed the greatest Princes that have greatest store of Subjects it should be thence thought that their power was from people because encreased according to their power and number What shall we then think of such as have power encreased from their wealth from their Forts Magazines Arms Navy or by the valour and military discipline of their people What is power therefore first in these things and from them derived to Princes doth the Artificer receive the power or skill belonging to him as Artificer from the instruments can they make no difference between having power over and receiving power from What do Princes Treasures Militia c. convene in their underived Majesties and freely elect also have Military subjects double or treble Votes because they have more power Nay are not Princes to derive all their power from them for they usually set them up and uphold them nothing less reasonable For as that Father that hath none but weak or indigent Children is yet as much and truely a Father as he that hath rich and potent ones even so these additions do not constitute formally the power or office of any King or Monarch but are onely accessory qualifications to difference them in their comparative powers from one another And therefore although in the glory of such actions of Children or Subjects that flow not formally from their relations as such and do yet reach to the honoring of their Father or Prince it may be said that honor is in the honoring and not in the honored meaning that it is in the honoring first yet can neither they nor any subordinate Corelate as heretofore noted be truely said to be originals of any honor or power formally in them by vertue of that relation wherein Father Prince or other Superiors stood to them as principle but on the other side since they voluntarily entred not into these relations nor had been Sons or Subjects had not the intervenient acts of Generation Conquest c. made them such it must follow that what was the Author and Cause of that relation must be Author and Original of that Honor which is thereby caused and may consequently challenge the propriety and disposal thereof Whereupon we may infer that such Concessions of predecessors are no more binding then the presidents of an indulgent Parent ought of right to take from the heir that power which afterwards as Father of a Family shall come to be necessary and due unto him but as forceable Entries are in Law and Equity held invalid towards the disseisin of a true proprietor the like must be held in these usurpations and encroachments on the Soveraignty And therefore as they supposing power in the people do thence infer that as they are trusters so they are to re-assume as they think good so it now truly appearing that power is from the Soveraign if he or his predecessors have indulged more then he findes will now stand with publike good he may rightfully reassume also From all which premises we may conclude Soveraignty to be a Power deputed from God to one person for the Government of such or such a Kingdom or Society From God I call it because as elsewhere shewed all power is from him onely and to one person it must be because as the original of power affects unity in himself so was he never found equally to distribute or entrust it otherways If you will you may call Soveraignty the puissance of any Society united in one person for the attaining political ends Where by Puissance is understood that natural Force Vertue Vigor or Ability which the Subjects had before to operate externally which doth now come by this congression as the sticks of a Faggot by the band according to the usual tale or allusion of the old man to his Children for Unity to receive such augmentation of strength as to accomplish and subdue those ends and difficulties which divided were not to be done so that as without it the Major part took on them as the representative whole uncontrolable power over the Minor so the Prince being no more truely the whole hath irresistable power also By external operations is meant the prosecution of such desires as may be of a forraign concern onely or that have influence or respect beyond the party acting for otherwise my own will is still director But where loss or gain cannot be wholly centred in my self rules of association do require that application and direction be made and sought from the common center of a Commonwealth Therefore although in natural strength and bodily force the Prince continue still but of equal ability to others yet through this resignation by submission having more then all he is of power to act against all opposition according as reason and political good shall dictate Political ends or the good of association is either that of Peace or that of Plenty the one made by submitting our own several powers of decision unto the determination of one uncontrolable Judge the other by his distributing as from a Center again to people the circumference the assurances of propriety protection other benefits consistent with political utility justice This vigor is not onely gotten by way of addition or accumulation as when for the removal of the strength or opposition of a powerful faction he is assisted with the strength of others but sometimes by suspention of vigor in the subjects whereby his power comes to be more by their having less or by their obedience he grows able to command If you will have a larger description Soveraignty which
God for had it been true that a man might have served more then one Master his Argument had been nothing And why he puts it in the notion of Master and not of Prince may be for that the Jews had not any Prince of their own at that time nor was there any Polarchy elsewhere to make instance in so as his Auditors might conceive how inconsistent plurality of Commanders is with that singleness which belongs to the duty of obedience And therefore although he instance in a Family because to them best known yet it proportionably holds in all Governments namely that intireness of obedience can onely be from entireness of command For else I see not but a man may as well serve two or more Partners in a Family as he may do Partners in a Commonwealth But although our Saviour seem not to point against Polarchy expresly herein yet St. James that knew well his minde and perceived the mystery of Antichristianism already working doth it plainly saying My Brethren be not many Masters knowing that we shall receive the greater condemnation Surely he meant not by this word many to forbid any man to be Master of his own Servants or Family to which end as he did allow more Families then one so must he allow several Masters to them Nor could he be supposed generally to reprove Pride or any other Vice as barely Vices First for that he and others used to name such crimes more plainly that all might know them and next for that such like Vices being not allowable in any man at all it had been more fit to have said be not any then be not many And therefore I conceive the Master here meant is that one publike supreme Commander which is set over us into which rank he forbids any more then one to enter when he saith be not many And that his meaning was of these supreme Masters will farther appear by the consequential guilt likely to follow in the great account of these publike Stewards although rightfully undertaken for in many things we offend all that is we have so many offences to answer for in our seperate and private callings already in relation to things submitted to our own guidance that we need not increase them by increase of our charge and trust But if any there be that do yet doubt that these last alleadged Texts prohibiting parity in command do reach to Political or State Governors because set down many Masters onely or that the former alleadged woe of Solomon set down to attend the disability of the King were not applyable to that disability which his subjects stubbornness did cause as well as to that which his natural incapacity did produce let them here this wise man once again most plainly pronouncing them both My son fear thou the Lord and the King and meddle not with them that are given to change For their calamity shall rise suddenly and who knoweth the ruine of them both The first verse expresly points out the onely Officer and person who next unto God we are to make the object of our highest obedience and fear and the other plainly sets forth the woe and ruine following both to the seditious and seduced They that would interpret the prohibition against sedition and change here set down as also the fore-recited punishment of many Princes for the wickedness of a Land not to import the admission of Polarchy in the place of Monarchy but the change of Princes one after another do then thereupon confess that all Lands and People that practise such seditious courses are wicked inasmuch as fear and obedience to an evil King might else have been excepted and subjects themselves allowed to change him for a man of understanding without consideration that they were blessings or punishments sent and set over us by God onely If it had been said For the wickedness of a Land many are the evil Princes thereof or my son fear the present good King and meddle not with them that would change him for another then we might well indeed have thought the words many and change to import succession But then why should not many Princes or men of understanding ruling successively or at once be set down as a blessing and preservative to a state as well as one For if understanding make the blessing as in it self there will as before noted be more in this many then in one And lastly what evasion will they finde against the prohibition of many masters What must it intend suddain succession too and so tolerate many at once to be in equal command either in the Family or elsewhere in such sort as we might serve God and Mammon both at once but not presently one after another so as to change Mammon to serve God No certainly the word many can admit of no such wresting especially being put in the present Tense by are it must plainly denote them to be such as are to be at the same time and all at once and not such as shall or have been successively raigning and so may come to be called many in respect of those many ages and times wherein they reigned For if so how shall we do to state and compute any Lands Malediction for want of a determinate present time wherein these many Princes might be said to raign more then then at another time For if succession be unhappiness then are all Lands so It is not therefore to be doubted but that Solomon intended Polarchy by many as the plainest expression he could give thereof having not learnt his wisdom from their Schools where the notions of Aristocracies and Democracies were invented Or if the word many should be thought importing that condition of any people wherein many competitors are at once striving for the Regality so as to introduce Civil War then is the malediction confessed to be want of Monarchy For although it be the height of Polarchical mischief to be in actual Civil War and in open Arms yet it takes not off the cause thereof from being malediction too which is that faction and siding which must always be where many Governors are at once But if any there be who from Gods permission of these Governments to be in the world do therefore think them lawful and so are slow to interpret any place of Scripture to make against them there is no better way to discover their partiality to these forms above Monarchy then by supposing the one to be put in the others stead and so to think with themselves if it had been said For the wickedness of a Land one is the Prince thereof but by many men of understanding the state thereof is preserved and so also My son fear God and this or that sort of Polarchy c. whither they would not thereupon have more readily concluded against Monarchy then now against Polarchy And hence as our Preface noted we may observe that there is not in Scripture to be found the mention of any
be few Besides as Nature in all things being left to her own working will by gentle and orderly steps tend to that perfection she was forcibly deprived of so it may be observed how by degrees all Governments do of their own nature and uninterrupted by violence always lead to that perfection and state of Unity again from which by force onely they were hitherto debarred And unto the undeniable proof of the natural right of Monarchical Government it may be asserted that as no Government of it self let alone in the hands of the governors without the forcible intermedling of the governed but would still come to be Monarchy so no government was ever brought from fewer to more but by the force and terror of the people upon the Governors themselves who now as in the Fable of the Serpent that would be governed by his own Tayl will be governing themselves and so make all lawfulness of Government at last vanish into forcible obtrusion There are many other particulars by which Faction useth to make its rise and support which shall be spoken of in the next chapter of Rebellion amongst other things which are the originals of that also For these two are of such like extraction and so neer a kin that what is properly the cause to one is for the most part so to the other Faction being but Rebellion in its birth and as yet but in devise and contrivance and Rebellion being but Faction brought into act and execution even as Polarchy or Anarchy is but both of them brought to such maturity and perfection as to be capable of self-subsistance CHAP. III. Of Rebellion and its most notable Causes and Pretences AS the inordinate thirst of pleasure and its consequent Liberty to attain it is in us all both natural and unlimited so where Rules and Laws of Polity and Government the onely means of restraint are not strictly enjoyned or duely obeyed it commonly falls out that what should have been a bridle proves rather a Spur and the possession of one inordinate lust doth by it self make way for another even as the abundance of drink to the drunkard is the cause of greater thirst to ensue Observe we this First in that lesser Government of a Family and you shall finde Children and Servants nowhere so unquiet and discontented as where the indulgencies of the Parent or Master do most appear And so it is in Kingdoms also where Subjects that have soft and mild spirited Princes and from whose more gentle and easie natures they having already attained many things of Liberty and Freedom do come at last to forget how inconsistent these things may be with their duty or publike peace and to think that their very asking should now be the onely rule for his granting Whereupon as it happens that there is most brawling contention and unquietness in such Families so in such Commonweals Mutinies and Rebellions do ever abound And to keep the Scripture president herein what other Reason can be given of those many murmurrings and insurrections of the Jews even while under the government of Moses one so far from oppressing their liberty that he was the meekest man on the earth And when again they had all things in such plenty as even their very Lust was supplyed with miracles what followed but that which was given for quieting them at one time proved the occasion of their mutiny at another For so while he smote the rock and the water gushed out they are still asking can he give bread can he provide flesh for his people And when they had this flesh this manna it was found too light food for their satisfaction and this very food of Angels was insufficient to stint their boundless desires Therefore while the very meat was in their mouths God was forced to cure by severity those breaches of obedience which abused Mercy and Clemency had made Look again to them under their Kings and you shall finde none so ill used as the best of them even David and Solomon In the last of whose time it is expressed Judah and all Israel was then many as the sand which is by the sea in a multitude eating and drinking and making merry And again Judah and all Israel dwelt safely every man under his own vine and under his own fig. tree from Dan to Beersheba all the days of Solomon And in whose time as the wisest and most peaceful of Kings that Kingdom had the greatest eminency and happiness of any their persons free as expresly said of the children of Israel did Solomon make no bondmen and having riches in such abundance amongst them that he made silver and gold to be in Jerusalem as stones c. And yet as in a kinde of wantonness and surfet they come to his son Rehoboam to ask release of this grievous yoak of Solomon his Father But in truth we can interpret this their coming to Sechem to no other end then to make a Covenant and association to rebel and the pretence to make Rehoboam King was but the outside of their appearance when they intended to unmake him For first Rehoboams raign was not Elective but in right of his Father and Grandfather as heretofore noted and he might as well have reigned in their stead without the peoples approbation as Ishbosheth Sauls son did over them in Davids time or as Nadab in Jeroboams stead over the same Israelites without any such confirmation So that this Assembly was indeed to settle Jeroboams new Principality and not to confirm Rehoboams And therefore since they first sent for him to come in the head of them whom they knew to lay claim to the Crown this action looks purposely to aim at a quarrel and gain a denyal whereby to get a pretence to rebel And was indeed the threatned punishment of Solomons offence against God and not of Rehoboams to the people and so suffered to be done in pursuance of that end namely the punishing his offence with the rod of the children of men Whereupon this his refusing the councel of the old men must be considered as a fit and necessary means thereunto And this may seem the reason of Rehoboams answer importing a denial to the ground of the peoples Petition and answering in that manner as though experience had fully told him that since too much indulgence and concession had lost to his Father he would recover it by rigor and severity But to affirm that this Rebellion was a punishment of Rehoboams answer onely were to give God the lye both for the reasons already mentioned and as plainly crossing his direct Promise to Jeroboam saying I will rent the Kingdom out of the hands of his son and give it unto thee even ten Tribes Plainly arguing a forepassed fault to God and not of oppression to the people upon which onely Reason he is warned to desist For of that war what good issue could be To have Jeroboam beaten
this right into the Princes hand as you may affirm such a Paction so they deny And for conquest they say it can no more take away a known right then any other force And if it be the peoples right it is their right as well against him as any other Will you suppose such a contract when they elect a King they press you to shew it and say they are to be supposed as all other rational Agents to have done it for some advantage to themselves and consequently as trusters may demand accompt from the trusted and make redresses also else they have a dry right without a remedy Therefore they appeal to these Pactions also and say That as they are tyed by Oaths of Alleagiance so is the Prince by oath tyed to observance of the Law and that if he break his Oath theirs is fallen of consequence and then the power and trust returns If it happen they onely swear and that to implicite obedience they then say it is a force and so invalid to binde any since as granted by you all power is founded on the Will So that we may plainly see the mischief of this Scholly when as to make government the more easie as in a kinde of flattery people are told that although they have originally this power yet having once devested themselves thereof what hath been their voluntary resignation they have not now power to recal at pleasure But let us a little examine these grounds and their inferences Their first is quisque nascitur liber in which they must suppose that peo-people can be like like Mushromes springing up all at once out of the earth without all relations one to another so as not onely without Princes or Magistrates but sons without fathers wives without husbands servants without masters families without heads and people without pastors If not so then is the son of every father as he expects the same protection for person and estate his father had bound to the same obedience his father was If they decline this power of government in the diffusive body of the people out of the same reason and the impossibility of its convening and thereupon say that the heads of families have onely power to elect and dispose for that it is to be supposed all in their families have already resigned to them all their power then this neither is nor can be done by the heads of all families since women Church-men infants and divers people under such and such qualifications for estates come to be left out So that when authority comes to be derived from the people it will be as heretofore noted but the contrivement of some Faction using such or such restrictive qualifications as they may not be hindred in their aims But this done they have lost their first ground of free-birth for I hope they will not leave children and slaves at choice for obedience and for that obedience that wife and servants give their Pactions express not I suppose any such resignation of will or power from themselves to the head of the family as thereby to oblige them to his Pactions in the state Yea but they say none but such persons as have some share in the kingdom as having an estate of some value shall have share of power To this it may be first answered how shall such a law or appointment be made generally binding unless we first allow of a precedent governor amongst them to establish it Who again if he were settled by former Paction how come they now to be free If not by Paction then is not government grounded on Paction But let us proceed in their way of supposition A Master of a family of a hundred servants is but equal to him that hath but three And again if the Master of a hundred servants be impoverished and not able to maintain his former rank his affection and ability to serve his country must be supposed lost and a single man with fourty shillings per ann put in before him And then again if estate enable men to be in the number of people and so fit to govern me thinks it should proportionably do it and so four hundred pound yeerly will make one man two hundred people and then it will be Regina peeunia indeed These and the like differencing rules are good to be made and observed in Monarchies where the Monarch himself to the end he may know his subjects desires and grievances doth by his writs give the people of such and such distinct places ranks and qualifications power to elect and also gives and permits the elected to have power to proceed according to former rules of his progenitors or new ones of his own but cannot at all prove derivation of power from below For if the original power be in the whole community and every one have his native and equal share how comes it to be never so used Is it due to all Masters of families then is it from God and due by Office and not by Paction from them And if we suppose power to arise from the Master as Master then will one Master as his family is greater have more power then another Estate cannot make it for the reasons before given If natural force and strength make it the stronger will have most If wisdome rule it who shall decide who are wise and in what measure it is to be stated Put it to age or what you will it will be as hard to make any certain rate thereof or to imagine how any should freely consent to be excluded by any relation as to agree those in the chosen relations by stint or size of estate yeers wisdom c. And then when the community have not the power equal the others have it by force or usurpation And therefore all power is by Office and to such Offices as are appointed of God as Fathers and Kings They have it Jure Divino and are restrainable therein only by those above not by those under them And therefore it is a most fond supposition that because those assemblies of Parliaments or the like which are made in Monarchies by such like rules of distinction and have their acts reputed as afterwards binding that therefore other inventions should do so too For in this case they are to consider first that there is a superior power constituting these differencing rules and making up as before noted the whole representation in himself And then they are to consider that the different ends of these and the other supposed conventions will make them extreamly differ in their force of binding For in the Monarchical conventions men may well be convened under the estimate of riches because being summoned to advise and determine concerning publike leavies and the Kingdoms wealth or Commonwealth they may be thought inclusive of it all whereas in the suppposed convention for disposing mens natural power and right to govern none can reasonably binde another by vote in that where all
are equal by their own supposition But if they in their supposed way of conferring of power shall exclude children and servants and leave none but the Master power to elect then break they their supposition of equal and native freedom because the major part is excluded If they have power to elect then being so much the greater number I hope they will chuse such a government as shall now binde their Master and Father and not he them But let us go on by way of supposition These selected heads are met to chuse and empower a governor and to give them all their power that is their power of their several families that so he having power of all families may consequently have power of the whole kingdom which done they intend belike to give up house-keeping If so he will have a great task indeed If not I would know whether they mean to have less power over their families then before No they say they mean to govern them under him Well I suppose you can give this power you have over them so far as you had it and over your self too but then since the power of life and death and other things necessary for the Prince to have you neither had over them nor your self how can you give what you have not Again suppose the people the original of power and farther to make this power useful suppose they may recal it to right themselves when they finde it abused and that thereupon the liberty to appeal to them must ever lye open why then this serves to defeat the power of their representatives aswel as of Princes For these being set up also for the peoples good have no farther power neither then while they act that way the people must still retain power to hinder them from doing otherwise and consequently must have power to judge whether they do so or not And then this power must extend and exercise it self in all causes because their good or ill must be therein concerned And so I pray how shall business go on must the governor ask the governed their consent before he command What is this but as in mockery to say to them Do as you list or I will make you What is this but for people to command and Magistrates to obey Again although that maxime Salus populi suprema lex may be good in popular governments as shall be shewed anone where governing and governed are supposed alternative and the same because all come to be included but yet where there is difference there the good of both as making up the whole must be taken into proportionable and joynt consideration unless they can imagine that by contract the King should render himself purposly miserable to make others happy by his infelicity If so David and others that had promises of kingship from God by way of reward had certainly no such benefit And if this right and duty of resistance were so in the people as is alleaged why in so many thousand yeers and in the raign of so many unjust and evil Kings as are set down in the Old and New Testament do we never find Prophet Apostle or other men instructing the people in a duty of so great concern They if they had liked might as easily have said fight as obey and resist as not resist As for the Kings observation of the Laws and seeking the good of the people I believe no good Kings but will make it their imployment and in order to it no discret people but must thereupon grant that it is his part to to know and interpret what this law and good is for if it be left to be done by any other Party or Faction not he but they have now the charge For to say they will submit in all things just and reasonable and no farther is to appeal back to themselves and is not submission to another but all things are left to their private determination as before and just and reasonable must be but what they will esteem such For as before shewed men could not make question whether reason or equity should take place or no it was by all agreed it should but men differing amongst themselves on which side this right was and both parties confident of their own cause there was no possibility to avoid destraction and attain peace but by this voluntary and joynt submission to be herein governed by others So that laws of equity peace and government require that all parties submit to their common and appointed judge and sentence For as each man singly becomes a man by having a proper will and understanding even so it comes to pass that there can arise no difference against himself because understanding and will do in him alwayes unite Whereas if Thomas his will were to be guided by Iohns understand or contrary and either of them want will or understanding or have them over-born by another it were in the first place to overthrow the personal being of men and in the other to make it useless For should or could my will incline to nothing but what aforaign understanding saw good it would then be the will of him that had and not of him that wanted this understanding and for want of understanding I should want will also Or should I suppose there could be an understanding that could submit to that of another this were to destroy personality by confounding it and to imagine an impossibility fancing an understanding which should be and not to be at the same time Therefore when by the help of anothers understanding mine is so cleared as to see reason to consent to what it saw not before and upon it my will inclined to action this assent of my will is the issue of the light now apprehended in mine own understanding and not as it was before in anothers So in the body politick to keep the essence and union thereof entire there must be the same residence for understanding and councel at least for the last result thereof as is for will and execution And therefore as it would argue high arogance in any single subject to presume his own judgement better then anothers especially then his superiors so is it but the same thing from subjects to commend that councel themselves follow before that which their Prince follows For since goodness of councel doth not move by being but by being apparent and since this trial and apparency must depend on the ability and judgement of him that chuseth it none being able to take good councel but he that is in measureable to give it it must therefore be granted that the following of anothers councel after mine own choice differs little from following mine own If it should be argued that Princes may be carried away by partiallity and private interest and so some should think that the Councel of subjects should in that regard take place this were to beg the question upon a supposition against all apparant reason For
hath so commanded and so arive at a state of perfect freedom that is to say the highest degree of freedom which humane subjection can admit For liberty as before noted cannot consist in bare freedom to will for then all would have it alike but in liberty to act which must imply power and that the party having it must as an Agent and Superior have others again relating to him as Patients and Inferiors So that degrees of subjection being necessary men then onely come to think they have lost their liberty when they forget that necessary and sure token of duty and obedience to wit humility and proudly overlooking their equals or inferiors would still retain that freedom and power they have over those beneath and be also freed from those above him Thus an insulting Peer or proud Wife if restrained by their Prince or husband from taking their full liberty calls their subjection slavery and do repine and complain thereof usually oftner then the meaner and inferior Subjects or Servants Therefore we may say that slavery is thirst of Liberty and is not proportioned to the measure of Liberty wanting but to what is desired And enjoyment of Liberty being in regard of the Will he that cheerfully obeys twenty commands is freer then he that stomacks any one And therefore contentedness can never truely be tearmed slavery But they that seem to speak most against extream servitude say that it wholly abates the courages of men so that they become unuseful for defence of their Country A man might answer that when all Kingdoms should have due subjection all being valiant alike none would be cowards For valour is not proper to Subjects as Subjects or to be exercised without leave by one man against another And if rebellion and stubbornness can onely make valiant what if we wanted it But if it be necessary to be used against such then it is true that meaner and baser people are not on the suddain so fit for martial affairs as others But this happens rather for want of education and discourse whereby to know and apprehend sence of honor and shame For doubtless they have their lives in as little esteem as the other and should usually dare do more as less apprehensive of danger And wise men as wise must be fearful and therefore usually is the Commander better armed then the common man But the mean bred man is most subject to run because not so apprehensive of the shame And if cowardliness follow subjection then the very discipline of souldiery should amate men most for that it calls for strict obedience and duty and under such tearms of rigour and severity that nothing but necessity can make the meanest subject undertake it The truth is though men of servile condition be at first unswayed by honor the cause of valor and also for a while through ignorance causelesly scared as apprehending battails above their true danger yet experience every day tells us that of these are made good if not the best souldiers at least for foot for as sense of honor and encouragement encrease with them so will valor also Again they coming from an inferior tank and state of former obedience are more hardned against affliction then the other and are beyond them also in discipline and obedience the main supporters of an Army And however an Army of voluntiers may through suddain heat avail in some present enterprise yet an Army can never continue and long subsist of such kinde of souldiers onely But let us suppose valour to follow degrees of honor and that the Yeoman hath more then the Peasant the Gentleman more then the Yeoman the Knight the Lord the Earl Marquess Duke each above other what way shall be now taken to encrease the prowess and strength of a Nation shall we enlarge the number of Nobility or Gentry by taking in and enfranchising those below them to encrease souldiery how shall they then be free when they come by this means to be the meanest and most servile themselvs Shall we place between the Gentry and Peasantry a middle degree of Yeomandry to make the body of an Army of and so refuse the Peasant Each Country hath its own rules herein But it is generally to be known that places of command have voluntaries enow but Souldiers as to the Bulk of them are first made from necessitous persons and then perfected by Discipline But to come to an issue Freedom and Rebellion Tyranny and Slavery are tearms of relation and are the one or the other as they exceed their due limits The Master of the Family that exceeds in his power beyond the law of God Nature and his Prince is a Tyrant and his servants slaves and so is the Prince that rules beyond the Law of God and Nature And the Prince or Master that is straightned from rules or Power below them are Slaves also And again as the Servants or Subjects that resist against such as are lawfully above them are Rebels so when their submission is no farther they are free be their service as servile as it will For the tearms of slavery and tyranny express most usually the parties hatred or anger against such or such persons or authorities and not the truths of the things themselves But if things be rightly understood and considered sociable Freedome or the true liberty of Subjects cannot be separated from subjection and obedience In which condition he is more or less Free as his Prince or Commander is more or less powerfull And this because all Laws of restraint having in their intention and aim the hinderance of the actings of some few Subjects that would else likely break forth to the prejudice of the liberty and free enjoyment of others it will follow that as Laws are more or less enforced and kept up and as Princes are more or less obeyed their Subjects will generally be more or less free that is unrestrained in their enjoyments As for example if the Laws against Murther and Theft with all their subordinate attendants to the disturbance of Subjects safeties or properties be more or less particularly and severely made and executed so will their liberties living under them be truely more or less stated also being thereby rid of the Tyranny of one another which is ever most where the persons are more So that their mistake is now evident that are so ready to teach Subjects to cal out for possession of that which as they are Subjects is no ways proper unto them inasmuch as liberty supposeth power and not subjection For as none can govern another wherein himself is not free so to suppose any one free is to suppose him a Governor for so potentially he is wanting onely a relative object of subjection to bring this power into act At which time he that stood before as a free man separately considered is now a Governor in relation to this his object of subjection And the servant or subject can be no otherwise free
judge however they may be in their sentence outwardly agreeing amongst themselves as in order to fear or other interests of their own Nor can two or more persons judge their own causes because of the same reasons and also for that in this equality none can have whole interest or power But to make these things plainer by instance When any two parties that are at difference shall have their cause decided by any of the ordinary Judges appointed to that purpose the failing of that Judge therein so far as to make him culpable must happen upon the grounds before noted For if he have not concern enough so as to think his duty honor and benefit to be founded and established by the practice of his imployment of a Judge he will then wholly neglect it or proceed so coldly therein as for want of through examination of the full evidence of the truth of things on both sides his judgement can be no otherwise then accidentally true and upright And this inconvenience will not only be subject to mislead him in his first sentence and decision of causes but farther also in case that bribery friendship c. have caused partial judgement through want of entire and equal concern it is the usual hindrance to all re-examination that should arise from equity by way of appeal insomuch as untill the oppressed party can find a way how to make the redress of his grivance appear of more availe and concern to the party appealed unto then it is to him in the state it now stands he can never rationally expect reparation or furtherance from him therein From all which it must come to pass that none but God Almighty can be held as the onely universal ready and upright Judge so far as to be the onely true object of appeal Because as he hath onely omniscience sufficient to know all circumstances that are necessary to the stating of Equity in each cause so hath he alwayes such whole and high interest and concern in the good of his creatures as to make him always ready to hear all complaints Whereas all other subordinate Judges must as they stand in degree below him and so differenced in respect of concern differ in their readiness to entertain appeals and make redress By which means the Monarch who hath highest interest power and trust delegated from God and hath his honor and interest of more concern in performance of Acts of Justice then any other even in such degree that he cannot find any reward else so valuable to divert him must be presumed thereupon the readiest to hear and amend when any thing in this kind shall be offered And if the ordinary grievances of the poor or meaner sort be not by him taken into consideration like the more remarkable appeals from great ones it proceeds still from the same cause of want of concern not in him who if he be an entire Monarch and no wayes made obnoxious or defective in propriety would hear poor and rich alike as equally subâ—ects but for want of concern in other persons of ranke and eminence that should present it and state it unto him Which is a thing so difficult to be done as experience tells us that it is the great obstacle of all redress namely for want of concern to make another take so much pains as throughly to examine the state of the grievance and so apply himself towards redress For we shall finde all private men to be still so full of their own business as not to be sufficiently enclined to make any other of such equal concern as to remit the present care thereof to intend his beyond respect to themselves And although the sense of pitty and Justice be in all men naturally yet the difficulty will still lye How for want of concern to make him attentive in such length of discourse as must be requisite to make my cause appear so Upon which ground it is that Fees are given to Advocates Councellors c. by those that are appellants and suters hereby engaging them to take their Clients business into concern and make it their own Men have hitherto thought Justice in the abstract to be before it in the concrete as though truth or the affections or adjuncts of things could have been before the things themselves But as Divine Justice is but the procession of that equity which resideth in God the supreme Judge of all whereby the affairs of all creatures are disposed and ordered according to the known measure and equality which their respective merits in relation to the good and Oeconomy of the whole doth require so neither was humane Justice before the administrators thereof no more then positive Law was before the Law-maker who by that did publikly determine what was fittest to be done in the Vierge of his jurisdiction also Therefore men making Justice to be juris statio or dependant on the sentence or determination of the Law could not choose but to have considered onward that that jus or law must again have dependance on the Law-maker or him that hath juris-dictio had not a kind of conspiracy in the flattery of private mens abilities towards the judging right and wrong made them determine Justice measurable by Law and Law by themselves that so onward publike Justice might be submitted to private sense of equity whereby at last all should resolve into opinion In which regard it is no wonder that subjects in general do in order to obtain their fancyed degree of liberty agree amongst themselves upon such maximes as they conceive restrictive of the exercise of their Princes power over them upon the same ground as servants use to do towards that of their masters For so experience tells us of those measures of good and bad masters which are by servants usually entertained amongst themselvs in order to deny all masters and their actions to be good farther then they are respective to or carried on towards their interests or approbations Thus the master that is most profuse for diet apparel c. is called the best and most kind by his own and by all other servants too Whereas that master that measures these things by his own conveniencies of estate c. and makes restraint accordingly is called Churle and miserable And so again such masters as permit liberty and licentiousness have the servants joynt applause as just and kinde unto them whereas such as restrain and punish them for faults are by them called cruel and unjust For how should it be expected they should like to be straightned or punished for what they had formerly approved Nor can men under servitude of any kind separate themselves so far from their interests in relation that way that is in desiring freedom as to take the interest of the correlate into equal concern with their own and not rather still to chose and fix upon such reasons and maximes as shall most confine the will of their governor to be submitted to theirs and
whether God be more particularly beneficient or no. Even so in measure it is with Kings and parents also who cannot be in any thing empowered from below but must also in the expressions of such Covenants and leagues nor to be thought as equal Pactors But so far as they and those under them can be according to their relations mutual Covenanters it can be in no wise understood of such things as were formally constitutive of them in these relations as for the inferior to give power of government or the superior to give the other power of obedience For this had been to have supposed them to have been before stated towards each other in a contrary respect as the superior to have been an inferior and the inferior a superior and that they were now but exchangers It is indeed many times practised for superiors to promise protection justice and such like things as are proper for them that have power and for inferiors on the other side to promise fidelity obedience and the like And these things have their use because they both as voluntary agents might be by this means reciprocally the better minded of the discharge of their mutual obligations But since the same things had been due from each to other had they not been expressed they cannot therefore be reasonably thought constitutive of that separate power and vertue whereby the relatives act Hereupon as Gods particular benefits promised unto men are sometimes called Covenants so mens solemn promises of obedience to God are called Covenants also but whether we vow to him or he promiseth to us yet as long as there is not at the same time any mutual express consent of both parties for acceptance of conditions I see not how they can properly be counted stipulations or Pactions in any sense to be applied to the intended purpose Nor do I also know how to admit the like phrase of what passeth between Prince and people where the conditions or breach are not set down but are onely implicite promises and that commonly but on one side And if we look to Scripture phrase we shall finde Covenant and promise to import the same thing as in that promise to Noah of not drowning the world any more God calls it making his covenant not onely with Noah and his seed but with fowl cattel and every beast of the earth Here the name of Covenant is seven times mentioned sure it could not import any stipulation for we find nothing expresly required back from them nor could irrational creatures be capable of bargaining in this kind And as the Rainbow was a sign of this Covenant or general promise so was circumcision a sign of that particular Covenant or promise to Abraham for performance in due time of the promised land and promised seed they were not stipulations as if the parties were equal or as if God wanted or men had something in their powers which otherwise then by voluntary bargains could not be granted So that whether Gods gracious promises to men or mens promises of obedience to God come to be stiled Covenants It is not to be thought that God and man can come to such terms of equality as thus to stipulate or as though God must entreat first And therefore both are never promising reciprocally at the same time But however that these Covenants or promises of obedience from us served not to estate God in a right of power over us yet they have great availe to minde us under this notion more strictly of our duty and obedience to him as also have these signes of Unction coronation c towards the settling our obedience to Princes All which well considered may instruct us what to think of those condiscending phrases used by David and others in Scripture when they would by this adulatory means win their subjects or some eminent persons amongst them to some extraordinary performance as when the Arke is to be brought back or the revolted Israelites to be won to obedience by Abner or Amasa In which and such like cases when subjects have by force taken upon them to be more powerful then they should it is no wonder that Princes must as in discretion be forced to appear so much less then they ought But yet even in this condition they can for all that be no more truely said to derive the power of their office from Paction although they should in those cases pact with their subjects then the father or master can be said â—o derive their authorities from those of their houshold For these for the like ends may likewise entreat where they might rightfully command even in case they should be by stubborn or Rebellious children or servants awed or kept in durance and so forced for their release or security sake or for fear of their running from them and betraying them to use the fairest speeches they can and also to make such promises as the other will demand For in these cases the power of their offices being indivisible and so they having the same right from God to all as any this forceable deprivation can yeild to subjects sons or servants no higher propriety in what they thus bereave them of then the robber hath to what he takes from the owner who may have as good reason as subjects children or servants to say hereupon that he gave the owner what is left even because he took not all away aswell as the other And therefore the name of Paction cannot be proper where all the thing promised or mentioned is onely in the rightful power of one and where none is superior to that one as in cases between God and man And therefore is God said to swear by himself as having none greater For he as superior to all both in power and concern is both judge and party so far that â—e hath not onely power to judge of his own performance because none above him or knowing thereof but himself but also of the obedience and willingness of people because he is the onely supreme judge thereof too though not as Covenanter yet as God So that when Saul David Abraham Samuel c. have been in our sense deprived of those promises that seem made to them and their seed for ever we are herein to consider that as God could not give away his power more then deny himself so not cease to be judge of his own meaning in making the Covenant or of theirs or his performance Even so also in proportion it befalleth Kings who having none but God above them they cannot be obliged by Paction from their people farther then either conscience and sense of honor shall lead and as God in his attestations is said to swear by himself as having none greater so is their Royall words the highest assurance that subjects can have And therefore though Kings as promisers and Covenanters be hound as men yet as Kings they have onely power on earth to be Judges of their own or
prejudices of others just more then can the actings by other robbers do the like For as he that takes a purse by force upon the high way is as culpable as he that steals it and as theeves that shall come so armed and accompanied as to beat off Guards and Watch are as much robbers as others so is it not publication of the act which can but denote their present power that can make Democratick censures lawful more then if thieves before they kill or spoil a man should first hold a formal court of judicature amongst themselves and there sentence him For in neither case it takes off the guilt or illegallity of the fact where parties become judges over their equals but aggravates it rather through imprudence and impunity And therefore although what was before alledged in justification of the dealings of one faction towards another might be allowable as in order to self-defence and for security of the invaded party against the others force as beforesaid yet can it not establish them in a right to continue doing wrong to others for it was onely allowable as a course that should have prevented it It is also to be understood that in Christian policy it is onely practicable in the absence of Monarchy as a temporary way to safety and that neither numbers nor prescription can ever make it a lawful government For if there be a Monarch then is that party that obeys and acts in his name not to be called a faction but subjects and those that appose them oppose him and are Rebells In which case prevalence of number or power nor all the specious pretences of leaglity can no more make attempts against their fellows lawful then can the like pretences warrant any association of the servants of a family to attempt the like against such of their fellows as are put into office and authority by their Master For in that case the loyal and faithful subjects and servants while their Prince or Master continue in their offices and while they pursue their quarrel and stand up against their enemies are to be presumed as lawfully acting because acting by an authority from God derived And unto them being so united in the interest and cause of one supreme person is the dealing of one party against another warrantable and allowable For they in pursuance of the loyal quarrel or their own safeties may deal with the other as lawful enemies but the other party cannot do so towards them for that they not onely want a supreme joynt authority amongst themselves whereby to difference subjects from enemies but do also still oppose him they have in opposing their fellow subjects that take his part Whereupon it will follow that in case the revolted party have overthrown the other they are now to count all their actions unlawful farther then they can derive them from an officer authorized by God Almighty who is onely superior to them both In conscience whereof when they shall return to their old form again under one head nature and policy come to be satisfied in all their claims For first the subdued faction or party will by this means be freed from the partiallity of dominion under so many professed adversaries and have one indifferent Judge to them both and so it must be reckoned as done with their consents Then the prevailing faction must be supposed to do it willingly as it is likely to a common favorite and as being singly weary of each others precessure And then lastly supposing himself willing to undertake it there comes consent all along And then because as men we cannot quite shake off the natural way of gaining power by force we are next to consider how these prevailing factions were again prevailed over by their own chief head In which last deed we must remember what was formerly allowed to man as one of his proper wayes of conquest namely craft For how else shall one man conquer and keep under so many be it by money flattery or the like it skilleth not But he being now in power as the conquering party had before taken security of others against their fears so much more may he being but one and having so many that have natural power to hurt also use it if he see danger Of which securities the most usual is the force of guards for his person after the example of the best of Kings David himself Which if not done when occasion of just fear requires the former prevailing faction may at liberty oppress the other still and themselves also be still in danger of mutual mischief for want of restraint from injuring one another And to speak truely this is so far from force that there is but this way to make known the strength or desires of a people and to know whether they have any or no. For as their strength and desires must be known by such as appear therein and not by polling the whole so the strength and desires of these appearers must in what they act be taken for the deed of all And as when an Army of one country conquers another although they be far the less number and not elected by the people yet we usually phrase it that such a Nation have overcome such a Nation even so things properly concerning action being to be measured by the active part onely it follows that what is done by the active and prevailing parts of the people must be reckoned the act of the whole people especially if the other do acquiess or else they can have no action attributed to them at all And upon no other ground then extraordinary eminence and appearance are the actions of Princes made the actions of the whole people For as all vertue gathers strength by union so are the fewer united herein to be reckoned to have both the vertue and appearance of the whole For in this regard it fareth with those associations made by the more active people of any place or country as it doth with those more active and pressing affections and passions whereby every particular man is provoked unto action to wit that as the will in each person could never be brought to any determinate design and execution if those differing passions and affections which are in every single man naturally abiding should be severally and continually pressing upon him with equal importunity and vigor so neither could any nation or people be brought to any attempt at all or conceived to be such or such a dictinst company of men united and associated in a Commonwealth did not the sence of honor popularity ambition covetousness or the like finde so great and continual a prevalence in some as to unite and provoke them to publike undertakings whilst the rest again being of a more dull and fearful temper are content to sit still and enioy with quietness their present fortunes or to move onely in the condition of followers to that party that promiseth greatest advantage and security And as
proceed to Scripture proofs in these things and in farther confirmation of the precedent chapter beginning with some out of the New Testament Saint Paul having declared somewhat to the Ephesians of his knowledge in the mystery of Christ doth it that thereby all men may see what was the fellowship of the mistery that is both the fellowship of Christian precepts amongst themselves and our fellowship or communion with Christ through obedience Which mistery from the beginning of the world hath bin hid in God who created all things by Jesus Christ that is heretofore hid under the legal observations but is now as the unsearchable riches of Christ preached amongst the Gentiles To the intent that now unto the principalities and powers in heavenly places that is unto the higher powers seated and deputed by Christ might be known by the Church that is by the vertue of illumination and authority given to them through Christs headship of the Church the manifold wisdome of God And therefore Saint Pauls prayer was that Christ might dwell in their hearts by faith so that they being rooted and grounded in love they may be able to comprehend with all Saints what is the breadth and length and depth and height that is this mistery of the love of Christ which passeth all knowledge Namely that they may know how it should be effected and kept up by those that walk worthy of the vocation wherewith they are called who must do it with all lowliness and meekness with long suffering forbearing one another in love endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace that is in obedience to our owne Christian head which is the only bond of peace For by means of the building and foundation laid by these Christian heads Apostles and Prophets as then they were called given for the perfecting of the Saints and for the work of the ministry we come to be united as Citizens of the houshold of God or Catholick Church of which Christ himself is the chief corner stone The body of Christ being in this sort to be framed and built together in this life till we come to be past fear of being tossed to and fro of every winde of doctrine even by being come to the unity of faith through the knowledge of the Son of God or to have attained that measure and stature of fulness which is to be from Christ himself expected Of which Christian submission and obedience having set downe positive precepts in the names of Husbands Parents and Masters he finally exhorts them to be still furnished with the whole armour of God that is faith love and obedience that they may be able to stand against the wils of the Devil That is these his most crafty wiles and insinuations whereby we come to be tempted by him as an Angel of light under religious pretences to acts of obedience even by the Prince of the power of the aire the spirit that worketh in the children of disobedience For saith he we wrestle not against flesh and blood meaning against fleshly rules or Masters for against the works of the flesh we must wrestle but against principalities and powers agaist the rules of the darkness of the world that is against spiritual wickedness in in high or heavenly places Or against the wills of the Devil working in such as under the colour of legal or moral precepts called usually darkness by their owne high power in the Church would countenance disobedience and so overthrow the mystery of Christ by the mysterie of iniquity For these are to know as Saint Paul saith to Tymothy that the end of the commandment is Charity or peaceable submission and obedience for charity sake out of a pure heart and a good conscience and faith unfeigned From which saith he some having swearved are turned aside unto vain jangling that is unprofitable questionings of legalty desiring to be Teachers of the law when they should hearers understanding neither what they say nor whereof they affirm But we know that the law is good if a man use it lawfully that is an obeyer of legal authority whereby to retain innocence and not as judge to become guilty Knowing this that the law is not made for the rsghteous or just man that is to condemn a just or obedient man but for the lawless and disobedient for ungodly and sinners c. Where all wickedness being reckoned after as subsequent and attendant on disobedience and by opposing the disobedient and lawless against the righteous man we must understand obedience and righteousness to be contivertible For as the fruit of the Spirit is love so the fruit thereof again is joy peace long suffering gentleness goodness faith meekness temperance against such there is no law that is law of condemnation And this mistical way of accomplishing our innocence is farther repeated to the Collossians that their hearts might be comforted being knit together in love and unto all riches of the full assurance of understanding to the acknowledgement of the mistery of God and of the father and of Christ in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdome and knowledge In which words we may plainly see that our greatest comfort ariseth from love in our hearts and from hence have we the full assuranc of understanding of right obedience to Gods law to the acknowledgement of the mistery of God even the mistical way of justification whereby being inwardly made ready and pliable to perform all acts of benificence we by our conformity and obedience to this one precept should contrary to the doctrine of the darkness of this world be estated truely innocent In which words the general name of God is first attributed to the holy Ghost for that he is the more proper efficient in the understanding of this mistery as also of the acknowledgement of the Father and of Christ. so that in participation of the Godhead by this mistery we are made comprehensive of all the reall treasures of wisdome and knowledge in being thereby guided through Gods light and not our own Which as the Apostle spake least any should beguile them with entising words that is Religious pretence which is most enticing of any so he joyes in beholding the fruit of this inward love their order and stedfastness of their faith in Christ that is their peace and agreement in the faith And thereupon proceeds to admonish them least any man spoil them through Philolosophy and vain deceit meaning through the Greekish popular Philosophy of their Country teaching righteousness to be attained by their many precepts of morall justice or vain legall deceit of the Iews amongst them after the Tradition of men after the Rudiments of the world or worldly wisdome and not after Christ in the simplicity of this Gospell precept of obedience For we cannot offend God whilst we are obedient to him
to themselves a liberty to know interpret and apply these Laws they have made that Precept of obey in all things equivalent to obey in nothing since that I do no more for him then I would have done for a friend that should have entreated me even to have satisfied his desire as far as my own Conscience or judgement did lead me But they have not well considered that as the reason why Children and Servants cannot follow implicite directions is because the Prince their common Superior hath nowhere left the Father and Master to this liberty by saying obey in all things or the like but on the contrary doth expect immediate and particular obedience from them as Subjects to many of his Laws which had he not but had bidden them to Submit to those that had the rule over them to do all things without murmurings and disputings c. It cannot be doubted but an implicite obedience to their Parent or Master would have excused them against their Prince inasmuch as in all those cases where no reservation was expresly made obedience to them was but obedience to him Nor have they well considered the condition of humane frailty which is and will be while man continues in this vail of misery obnoxious unto sundry unavoidable inconveniences and mischiefs It is not for men to fancy their happiness can be in any thing so stated here as not to be lyable to cross and adverse accidents all they can do is to bow and submit to that way and course by Providence appointed them and where these things are least to be feared And therefore to those that shall object against the degree of arbitrariness we have assigned to Princes What if Kings shall command their Subjects to commit murther or lye with another mans wife or the like We may make answer by another Question Whether they think it more probable that those things should come to pass and be acted in Civil war and Anarchy the usual remedy of this fear when each man is left at liberty to perform what he is by natural inclination provoked unto or when their actings are in that case bounded by one that can have no such self-delight therein Where there is a King set up with due power that can have no pleasure in any mans revenge or lust it is not supposeable that this one person shall be alike prone to command in that kinde nay even to any one person as that the neerer provocations of Anger and Concupiscence where no irresistable power is should universally instigate to be committed in order to that liberty in which each one is left If men do really hate these and the like evils and do accordingly desire that the most sure way should be taken for their avoidance for to do it in such degree that they shall not be supposeable to happen is impossible they should then me thinks not countenance those maxims and courses that tend to Rebellion and Civil war For where it is but possible that under a Monarch equally obeyed some things may be at some times commanded in case of insurrection and Civil war it falls out of necessity that such things must be often and more generally perpetrated And where in the first case it can never happen but with some knowledge and remorse of the thing as evil whereby through Conscience or sense of honor the execution may be prevented or mitigated here Conscience it self comes many times to be so blindely engaged that each disagreeing party is ready to believe that their revenge and rapine against each other is but as done against Gods enemies and so is both duty and service to him In which case to spare out of any natural or moral relation of Father or Master or the like is all one as to prefer worldly respects to divine and the love of men to that of God too sad experience telling us how men in this case are wont to heighten one anothers rage by the abused applycation of this or such like Texts Cursed be he that doth the work of the Lord deceitfully and cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood But for fuller satisfaction in these scruples men are to consider that as Murther Theft Adultery and the like are in themselves Vices notoriously destructive to humane preservation and peace so in the eye of divine Providence it was found necessary not onely to forbid them by express Laws and Precept from himself but also to substitute amongst men such living Magistrates as should have the charge for the interpretation and enforcing of them To say that any man may commit Murther Theft or the like and yet commit no sin were not to speak like a Christian but then again to say that the determination of what is or is not Murther or Theft is not left unto him that is to interpret and enforce this Law is as erroneous and unbecoming a subject When Moses commanded to slay every man his brother and to borrow of the Egyptians rayment Jewels c. the Israelites that were to look on him as the keeper and interpreter of the Law thereby Obedience to him assayl'd both of Murther and Theft For as these Laws as we said were made for the good of Society so is their definition and particular enforcement entrusted to him that hath share of each Society In which consideration it may often fall out that the putting of some to death by publike command is necessary to the saving of more from being murthered upon private revenge and the confiscation of some mens estates the ready way to secure other subjects in a more quiet possession And if those that are by Princes in these kindes to be imployed as executioners of Justice are not obliged to enter into the examination of the legality of the Precept or Sentence whereby any is bereft of life liberty or estate even because of those great inconveniences that might follow such delay or refusal why should not Subjects in the general be held excusable by implicite obedience also For it is nowhere found but the Subjects of the one sort do stand equally and as strictly obliged as the other and therefore if the Prince his particular employment of some certain of his subjects this way did for his very Precept sake tye them to stricter obedience and also excuse them therein what and if another subject should upon occasion be willed to act this part What and if as many subjects as should make an Army should be called together to execute his commands upon such numbers of others as could not be awed by the ordinary way of Justice for an Army is nothing else but an extraordinary leavy of men for publike vindication Are subjects in this case to refuse listing till they be farther satisfied in the justice of their Soveraigns proceeding then what his Declarations doth intimate Or may they afterwards susped execution in every new Command until they be fully satisfied in the justness thereof If this
our love made perfect that is brought to its issue that we may have boldness in the day of judgement for there is no fear in love that is no fear of future torment because of their Faith and assurance gathered through present obedience And if we consider the persons unto whom more particularly this description of Antichrist is addressed as most concerning them it will give us full light and confirmation herein For the warning hereof is particularly given to the Apostles or heads of Churches under the notion of little Children a loving term which this beloved Disciple useth to difference them in imitation of his Master as formerly noted saying Children it is the last time c. And that the persons comprised under this notion of little Children were different from others whom he therefore stiles my Children and my Beloved c. because he hath begotten them in the Faith appears in that he writing particularly to Gaius salutes him under these notions And the matter comprehended under these different addresses will by its difference shew the difference of persons thereby meant And therefore when we finde little Children spoken to before Fathers it must shew some of higher rank for if we should have thought him to have proceeded with the instruction of the lower rank first then young men would have been spoken to next and Fathers last of all But by writing to those little Children first twice over and that under such descriptions and representations as were to them most proper must shew that they were different persons from these Fathers and young men and from those he calls my little Children Brethren Beloved and the like all which are indifferently used when he is to express those duties which may generally concern all men And because some of those admonitions and duties may also concern all in a second degree which are given to the heads of Churches under the notion of little Children therefore do we not finde them set down in restrictive terms And this not onely in regard of that common engagement to mutual love and obedience they as others are concerned in but also in regard care is always taken not to make the difference too plain whereby persons in Authority might be too proud or the mystery of Antichristianism too much revealed Which may be the reason why our Saviour speaking of these things would not give St. Peter a direct answer when he asked Lord speakest thou this Parable to us or even to all but goes on with the description of their duties as Stewards or Rulers over Gods houshold not letting them know their own power it is like till after his Resurrection that he spoke of the things pertaining to the kingdom of God So that when he says My little children I write unto you that ye sin not and then tells them that if they do they have an Advocate with the Father we are to conceive them to be such as he had newly converted to the Faith and so needed instruction to know that Christ was the propitiation of sins Wheras the others because they more fully had known the Father according to Christs former Promises might be said by vertue of that washing they had from him and many exhortations made for loving one another and keeping his Commandments to have their sins forgiven for his names sake or to be more remarkably sanctified by the promised spirit of truth and by Gods word to be left in their trust By which means also they come to have higher degree of illumination into this mystery of Antichrist according to the following words but ye have received an Unction from the Holy One and know all things For no doubt in the number of all those truths they were to be guided into they should have the revelation of this mystery more then other men which was it is like some of those many things Christ had to say unto them which were not fit for their knowledge till after Christs Ascension At which time they might be supposed to expect revelation from the Holy Ghost in that particular concerning Christs Glory according to that Promise He shall glorifie me for he shall recive of mine and shall shew it unto you which we may presume to import something of eminence and power by the following words all things that the Father hath are mine therfore said I he shall take of mine and shall shew it unto you Twice we see the word is used of shew it unto you whereby we may conclude it was not the Unction of power onely but of Revelation of something concerning the exercise of that Power and Function And this may be farther evinced by the following words where his departure is made an Argument of his greater manifestation unto them Again a little while and ye shall me because I go to the Father that is as at by my departure ye shall be sent by me as I was sent by my Father so shall ye also have farther knowledge concerning your Mission and of those cross accidents which shall accompany it In which respect this spirit of truth shall be to them also a spirit of joy when they shall be enabled to endure those indignities from the world which shall come unto them by reason that Christs name is more remarkably set on them then on others And therefore since this anointing could not but teach them of these things in the next mention of little Children these heads of Churches are spoken to by way of exhortation to be notwithstanding abiding in him that is to be keeping themselves like good Stewards in the just execution of their charge according to his commandment that then when he shall appear they may have confidence and not be ashamed before him at his coming as expecting his sentence of well done thou good and faithful servant c. And further also if that abide with them which they heard from the beginning then shall they continue in the Son and in the Father That is the Power and Unction from them received shall be both their director and protector According to that former saying of our Savior to his Disciples if ye keep my Commandments ye shall abide in my love even as I have kept my Fathers Commandments and abide in his love As for the next verse it contains also an assurance to them of uprightness or justice in the execution of their Offices whilst they continued as obedient Children to him that was the Fountain of Justice or Righteousness If ye know that he is Righteous or just ye know that every one that doth righteousness or Justice is born of him that is such as are his particular seed for righteousness sake and are by him entrusted for administration of justice or righteousness are by his power and grace so illuminathed and upheld that the righteousness of their acts is not to be questioned by any below them For
be For since these injust and oppressive acts are usual amongst men nay since in all kinde of judicature and dealing one party or another will think himself defrauded or oppressed if therefore divine Justice should interpose in all cases where wrong were done it must also proceed to reparation of the party wronged upon him that did it to the utter disheartening and defeat of humane Judicature where many times for want of sufficiency of judgement or information wrong sentence is given against their Wills Or should God appear but in some more remarkable occasions of redress how would their discontent be hereupon increased who were not in their distresses so righted and relieved also Each one being to be presumed to carry as partial a valuation of his own merits and to be as impatient in the sense of his own sufferings as he must be presumed to be separately persceptible of them by his proper Understanding and sense and not that of another It must therefore come to pass that either God Almighty by his remarkable appearance in some mens Causes must consequently leave others but so much the more discontented or else altering that more majestick way of Providence and Government he now exerciseth descend to judge in every case whatever Which done what neerer hope of general content since even therein the Verdict and Sentence can but pass on one side still and must thereupon leave the other as it were directly discontented with God himself and it will besides submit the justice of his proceedings to the censure of every one also Whereas now the party that by prosperity enjoys the things of this world is not at all taken off from the acknowledgement of Gods supreme guidance and favour and the other laying his misfortunes on humane partiality and corruption is the more stirred up to seek and relye upon supernatural redress and sustentation the sense of affliction and oppression here being by divine Providence made the most ordinary and effectual means of any for the bringing men to be Religious and to acknowledge both himself and his goodness as heretofore declared And then again why may we not from example in our selves finde reason on the other side to conclude both for Gods existence and Providence and that even from this his concealment from present sense in this case likewise For is it not usual with Parents Masters and persons in Authority out of design to reap to themselves the highest assurances they can of the loves and faithfulness of their Children and Servants wholly to leave unto their full dispose the execution of some Commands and Directions and then so to withdraw and conceal themselves as that the parties put in trust herein shall suppose them without the compass of any knowledge of theirs whether they have in these things done their duties or no And again is it not with them usual as to fix this tryal upon such objects and imployments wherein they had first used such Providence and circumspection that in case of failance of duty the evil thereby to happen should neither be general nor great so also it is usual not to take notice of the performance or neglect of duty in the present act but to suspend the reward and punishment thereupon due to be expressed in a fuller measure afterwards Even so may we conceive of God Almighty as on the one side trying our love and respect to him through these great obscurities and difficulties so also respiting our punishments or rewards till the world to come Beyond all which as that divers necessary regard which humane preservation doth require should be thereunto continually had with due respect to men as they are either naturally or politickly to be considered will in the conduct of these things lay such an exigence of having both a continual and steady and yet of a secret and impartial care so when it shall be well weighed it will be found a work proper and superable by Almightiness onely between things and actions in themselves so jarring and enterfering to carry so even and respective a hand to both that man shall neither be pined through want of care in one nor suffocated through indulgence in the other Should that natural thirst to pursue and obtain things pleasurable be unto men permitted as unto other Sensitive Agents without any stint of positive Rule or Law how soon as heretofore shewed should we finde this heady pursuit of each ones delight to prove each ones torment and ruine Or if again in all the actions and emergencies of mans life he should be onely considered as a sociable Agent and by strict rules of polity be wholly limited in his desires and attempts by the good of others and not permitted to follow in any thing his own pleasure must it not then follow that as each single man did by this way of restraint come to be defeated of his separate content so consequently must all men want it since all must needs want that which no one man could have And thereupon that natural way of serving and honoring that great God of all beneficence must for want of relish and more fresh resentment of the particulars of his bounty come to be smothered or lost As the necessity therefore of having regard to both is the reason on the one hand of all those natural instincts and abilities and of those large affordments of the Creature for mans use and delight so on the other hand is it the cause of all those positive Edicts and Precepts whereby in reference to Society we come to be directed and bounded in their use When therefore we finde God Almighty in the general way of sustentation of his Creation both working at distance and also by second Causes and yet doing it so strongly and assuredly as to manifest both care and Almightiness in him through weakness of the intermediate Agent and constancy of operation so in rules of Government and Society and in those ways and directions to be set for mens restraint it was on the other side likewise expedient that he should be no more apparently and convincingly express then in the other but ordinarily to submit and entrust to his Authorised Deputies the execution of those affairs which he held necessary for prosecuion of that course degree of providence which was by him appointed In the atchievement whereof as the Prince or Magistrate without his supreme influence and sustentation could be no more effectual to preserve mankinde politikely then second Causes could of themselves preserve them naturally so would it seem partial and destructive for God to appear more express in one then another as well as it would be a derogation to his Almightiness to be ordinarily express and personally working in either sort Even as we see in Kings and Governors the greatest difficulty to rest in their even carriage between acts of severity or indulgence in such ordering of positive Laws for preservation of mans life that through their abundance or
also abate of their vigour so as not to divert in these Hence it comes that old folks are ever condemning not only the present fashions but the manners and deportments of men also in the present age over what they were formerly even because from continued impression and that taken whilst they were young they must stand already filled and prepossessed in their fancies against any figure that can now be offered The which prejudication is most holpen on by compliance of interest and opinion as we find by that ready assistance which each one of a sect casteth towards his fellow as supposing himself holpen in that help which he yields unto them And so again in matters of Moral opinion and conversation we are inclined and won to fancy and practise the like principles in matters of polity and obedience as do the rest of our familiars and acquaintance That child that servant that hath observed others of his brothers or fellows or others in others families to gain liberty or any thing else or to pass without punishment or reproof for dis-respect to their Parent or Master will thereupon come to be inclined to desire and attempt the like After the same manner such subjects and people as are wonted to hear and read Stories of the commendations of such as have been Tyranicids or have boldly opposed their Princes in their commands or that have thriven themselves into the fancied liberty of Free-States they do thereupon also come to be addicted more then others to the like degree of boldness and temerity And indeed there is nothing more dangerous in a State then too much toleration of Philosophical Discourses and Books of this kind it being one sure step to disloyalty and Civil disturbance For as no man can come to any great height of evil on a sudden so in matters of obedience we are brought to be Rebels upon these first grounds of dis-respect and irreverence cast towards Superiours when by too ordinary and familiar discourses subjects shall be informed of their Princes faults or weakness and that he is not otherwise to be respected then as prosecuting the good of his people whose servant he is or the like By which means the judgements and affections of people come to be forestalled and prejudiced against their present Government and Governors no otherwise then a vitiated stomack as before noted doth through its own inward corrupt humors contract an antipathy and loathing against wholsom food In respect of the danger of such like company and such like Doctrine is that Divine saying to be understood Can a mon touch pitch and not be defiled therewith To make us the better apprehensive of the rise and derivation of our knowledge from Figure we may take another instance in our learning to number also when as those Characters of Arithmetick which we call Figures are used in an artificial way as outward helps to enable the fancy and memory to make comprehension and numeration inwardly of such natural things as were themselves the original obâ—ects whereby as well as wherefore the number themselves were framed For as we finde children one with another making it one of the first tryals of their abilities to pose each other in mental addition of numbers so is it to be conceived that as they did at first learn from fight and experience that any thing single was called One because none can be presumed to know what One is that was never by sense made perceptive of any one thing so come they by degrees to comprehend from the posture and form of two three or four Ones placed together that these are the numbers which do answer the artificial computation of two three four c. And therefore having the question asked them how many two and three do make or the like they do at first help themselves herein by real natural figures as by calling into memory the figure of any three and two things so and so posited and so by comparing them do know what they amount unto Or else they help themselves in their numeration by an outward figure as by counting on their fingers or the like And hence it is that other sensitives are very little apprehensive of numbers because they are so little apprehensive and intent on Figures For although from sight they are loosly able to configurate and remember the forms and shapes of such particular things as they account of concern yet want they both time and inducement to remember what kind of figure three four or five of these did make when they were placed together which is the prime way whereby fancy doth measure discrete quantities From whence we may conclude that Algebra is more natural and solid then Arithmetick Some persons can remember great numbers of strange words that have no import or figure but they do onely as Parrats remember them as impressed from syllables and tone of delivery If this be done by children they must repeat them in the same order they were heard In which case the brain succeeding in its motion according as it received impression from the articulation of the several words doth then perform that office which is called Memory But some can also repeat them out of that order as backward or the like and can also remember and give an account of multitudes of different things seen presently one after another in a different order also to what they saw them in the which cannot be done but by such as have attained years of ripeness who by that time have framed artificial common placs and Receptories in their brain whereby to help themselves in the art of memory Which art we find may be holpen and attained by the use of outward Figures directing men to fancy common places of this kind even as Arithmetique and the art of numbring is holpen by its figures and we now see Books written on this artificial way of recognition by proposing Schemes to that purpose But usually boys in repetition of a lesson or something without Book or any thing which they understand not are holpen by memory of the different forms of some of the letters lines and part of the leaf where the same is set down Insomuch as the remembrance hereof all along directs them in repetition of what is therein contained Even so that they can tell you what page and part thereof they are now saying and when the memory of this figure fails the other fails also And so in all other things whilst a Figure can be held it serveth the understanding as an index for discourse and farther discovery of things accompanying it But all discourse and arguments upon subjects not figurable produce nothing but mazes and intoxications as it fareth in some metaphysical notions and speculations By what hath passed we may know what things and arts are the objects of Science and what of probability onely For as they depart from controlment of sense they depart from Science and if they come to be entertained
trust of sons or servants so within the verge of his own knowledge and account that he need not grant so high proprieties as the Prince must whereby to cause grumbling when any part shall be recalled But however their disagreement is but accidental and that either in regard of number or in regard of subjection For the first respect as aforesaid may make them differ in their manner of exercise and managery of power and in the latter they must differ in the measure because Families are usually included under other Governments and so the Master is tyed by the Laws of the same from exercising Arbitrary power Yet they agree in institution both of them having absolute power of Government from God For the Prince by his Laws cannot be said to give the power of Master but rather to remit it as he thinks good because the whole Family and each one in it must be looked on as subjects to him as well as the Master And indeed Families as now they stand under other Governments streightned in power may be called politick Governments for the education of children chiefly And therefore why other Creatures have it not is because they are not onely less considerable but also for that their young are so soon able to shift for themselves which women could not throughly do between childe and childe if this divine political institution of marriage had not been to engage the man also And yet though marriage or having the propriety of wives and also their subjection be from Divine positive law yet I finde not but the quantity of that subjection and number of wives is at the dispose of the higher power and where none is at the husbands But let us go on to examine the particulars of a Family how they stand in nature First the foundation of the Family is in the wife Now all say marriage is not natural but that propriety of wives was one of the first positive precepts when yet there was but one man and one woman and they could not have choice Now in nature children are the mothers as amongst all other Creatures the young belong to the female and to the male onely as having propriety in the female If it be said man hath power natural over the woman as the male of other things hath over the female this is indeed natural for the stronger to rule the weaker and not proper to the sex for such females as are stronger then males as in some Creatures it chanceth rule them too and for ought this imports a strong wife may govern a weak husband as the Nation of Amazons do practice But what is this to the ruling of women in general or to having of particular wives Now suppose the power of the father derive it self from having it over the wife and so naturally governing as in her right then the question will be How long and till what age this power shall last And what Creatures example they will follow therein If they say it is at the parents dispose this is still indeed the arbitrary government of the stronger over the weaker and unless they claim the just authority of Gods precepts nature gives them little other right I but you will say the childe is bound to the father in so high an obligation of gratitude as he can never requite But not bound to him I hope till he know him Well but suppose he is first to take his mothers word for that then we are to suppose again that as his mother hath during his infancy natural power over him so hath she with her self resigned this power to her husband In this case we must consider that gratitude is a free and intended return for a benefit which in the receivers apprehension was freely intended For if the giver were not free from constraint elsewhere in what he did or else did it according to paction with the relative party in the first case it obligeth not and in the second but as other pactions do But if it be free without indenting for return such as we call a gratuity then is the obliged as free in measuring and proportioning the return as the obliger was in bestowing the benefits and the Agents in both kinds must be reciprocally Judges For although a courtesie as in reference to the good of Society may imply a secret paction for return yet it differs much from a true paction First in that pactions have their returns exprest and next that a third superior party is called to see performance but in gratituties as the Donor could be alone judge of the benefit intended so the grateful of the measure of benefit received and consequently what return is most proportionable both to his present power and that receit also And if you put it in the obligers power to demand return according as he shall say his intentions were you will at last leave no steady place or measure for return or obligation at all Children while little can neither apprehend benefit nor make return unless you will say that the sport of the childe is return as acceptance from the loved is requital to the loving for men are not alwayes traders in what they do but the pleasure of doing is many times the cause of doing If this be the case as having parents provoked by the affection of propriety and pleasure of doing they lay no obligation beyond self respect at least until the childe be of such yeers as to be able to discover and value truely the benefit received his return cannot be expected which can then onely be what he thinks good except Gods positive precepts strengthen his gratitude beyond nature But since this obligation of the childes is first placed for his generation and then for his education we will a little enquire into both and will begin with that of generation In this man must be considered like other males as prompted by natural appetite with no farther direct intention of laying an obligation on providence for continuance of his kinde then when the like appetite causing him to eat or sleep he thinks expresly on preservation of his individual And if the behaviour of the males be well marked after this meeting they will seldom be found in any glorying or exulting humor as confident of good done but rather shame and reluctance And again what shall we think of those that through poverty or other considerations might be unwilling to have been the parents of children at all So for the woman or female again although she besides her share in generation haâ—h paâ—t of her own substance imployed in nourishment of the young whilst it is within her and passeth her time in bearing not in pleasure but mostly in affliction yet since nothing of it is voluntary it remembers me of an undutiful but pertinent answer of one that was reproved as unnatural for slighting his mother which was That she got him for her pleasure and brought him forth for her ease But
submission to authority they are to submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake or as they render Gods glory or their own good And then least any factious pretence should alienate their duties in the true object of their allegeance it is appointed unto Kings as supreme and unto other governors as to such as are sent of him for such was the will of God and their well doing that hereby they should put to silence the ignorance and foolishness of men even of such men as not knowing that the foundation of Society was laid upon the united and irresistable authority of the person had under pretence of liberty vented their maliciousness and countenanced rebellion in favouring some subordinate authority against the supreme And then lastly least any should object that because as aforesaid these governors were but for the punishment of evildoers and praise of them that do well therefore if they should do the contrary as their Commission or authority would fail so their obedience to him might faile also We shall farther finde him giving precepts of suffering patiently though they knew it wrongfully And this he confirms by the example of our Saviour himself who as he vvas infinitely more innocent so vvas his usage more hard and unjust and thaâ— many times from under Kings that had neither natural nor rightful authority over him As for one instance in the case of paying tribute for although as appears by Peters ansvver it vvas but vvhat he had used to do he makes an expostulation purposly to cleer all doubt that might be made Of whom said he do the Kings of the earth take custome or tribute of their own children or of strangers Peter saith unto him of strangers Jesus saith unto him then are the children free notwithstanding least we should offend tâ—em go thou to the sea and cast an hook and take up the fish that cometh first and when thou hast opened his mouth thou shalt finde a piece of money that take and give unto them for me and thee So that you see rather then he vvill offend them that is resist authority and give occasion to rebellion by standing out and refusing as he proved he might have done in this illegal command he vvorks a miracle to perform it and doth it for Peter also of vvhom it vvas not demanded Nor vvas this done out of fear as vvanting povver to resist if resistance had been lavvful For he was able to have commanded more then twelve Legions of Angels a povver sufficient to have mastered any oppossion But he like a Prince of peace left us this example not to promote rebellion against the supreme authority but to commit all to him that judgeth righteously even to God to vvhom alone Kings are accountable and therefore to him alone vengeance in that kinde especially doth belong For as God vvas the alone author of their povver and Office so vvill he be the onely judge of their defaults therein according to that of David against thee onely have I sinned as if lying vvith another mans vvife vvere no wrong or trespass to her husband vvhich that it vvas so is cleerly evinced in that parable made by Nathan of the taking of the Evv-lamb and in Davids answer acknowledging it an offence and making a censure thereupon namely The man that hath done this shall surely dye and make restitution But although David had power thus to punish any of his subjects as having from God rightful jurisdiction over them yet when he understands himself to be the man he concludes none on earth above him but that he is subject to God onely in the said words Against thee only have I sinned Marke also the use of this kingly power in enforcing or abateing the rigor of the law For restitution was by Gods law onely set down as a punishment of theft which was the onely fault and not adultery which appeared in the parable of the Lamb but he for the punishment of a fault so aggravated by circumstances though fit to have death added and should no doubt have been therein by his subjects obeyed without imputation of guilt for using arbitrary power no more then when he took the shewbread altered the courses of the Priests erected new Offices amongst them brought in Musick and other Ceremonies into the Temple without particular direction from God or Moses law and when he commanded the numbering of the people as beforesaid and again made that law for the shares of such as stayed with the stuff both of them not onely without but against his present peoples liking To conclude therefore Soveraignty is the supreme judge and disposer of Publike interest where by â—ublike is meant whatever may be of general concern between that Kingdom and another or of mutual concern to others in the same kingdom although the same be kept as a propriety in private hands The particulars of this authority we will briefly here set down The chief is that so largely heretofore spoken of namely the sword of Justice or the last appeal aswel in Religious as Civil Causes and is inseparable and incommunicable The next is the power of making and interpreting of laws The next is to lay taxes and grant privilidges and exemptions and therefore had David and Solomon both their tribute Masters and so Saul also out of his known prerogative promised to them that should slay Goliah to make his fathers house free in Israel which power to free must suppose a power to impose The next is to make Magistrates and state officers for he having delegation from God and being the common Fountain and Center of power their power must be but derivative and part of his The next is to make peace and war all of them comprehended under those general terms of submission mentioned in the Jews first election of their Kings namely to judge them and fight their battailes And as for the other more separable and communicable markes of receiving homage coynage and valuing the mony weights and measures to grant Letters of Mart to have Crown and Scepter to have titles additions and donations of honor as they may be sometimes but complemental so may they be comprehended under some of the more general and express markes before spoken for if he have the last appeal and be in all causes and over all persons and estates in his dominions supream head and governor it will follow that he is so also in these Although in the passed Treatise the name of King be only commonly used yet what is spoken of him is to be applied unto Monarchy in general under what other title of Emperor Prince Duke Lord c. so they be free and holding of God onely For unto the Monarch in right of his Office and not to the name is the Power and Soveraignty due even as the head of the family is in relation to his wife called husband to his children
father to his servants Master and yet is the same person so if a Duke or Lord as those of Edom and the Philistins sometimes were be absolute their smalness of territory debars not their right to Monarchy more then the Master of a less Family to be in his Office of government as absolute as he that hath a greater And the like may be said of a Soveraign Officer in a Commonwealth also if he be supreme and not accountable to any one earth for his actions as was that famous Cesar and other the dictators in Rome For whosoever hath the sole independent prerogative of Kan-ning from which the word King is derived he is truely a King also but so far as he hath not his soveraignty is so far defective and Anarchy introduced which shall be our next discourse THE SECOND BOOK OF GOVERNMENT AND Its Ground and Foundation according to VULGAR POSITIONS The Introduction IN pursuance of my first Proposal for establishment of publike Peace and good I have in the passed Book brought Monarchy to its just height and that from such general and obvious Arguments from Reason and Scripture as do to my thinking point directly to that end and no way else But being to write in an age where contrary prejudice will not ordinarily give men ability or leisure to attend the discovery it fareth therefore with me as with that Artificer who having brought something unexpectedly to pass is forced for the farther confirmation of the thing it self to submit it to the handling and tryal of the spectators in their own way And because it may again be objected to what purpose all this ado since these very ends are or may as well be attained by the ways already approved of and that by men of great Eminence and Learning amongst us It seems therefore now again needful to take all this Structure of Government in pieces and to examine it farther part by part according to that Fabrick and those materials which are usually brought to the constitution thereof In which Discourse having first cleered and rectified those vulgar political Maxims from their former rubbish and disguise I shall then prove that so much of each of them as is compatible with just Government and the ends thereof are to be appropriate to Monarchy onely In this my undertaking in the defence of Gods true Vicegerent amongst us there seems to lye on my part the like task as there did formerly on Moses in the manifestation of God himself that is not onely to prove the Monarch to be so by way of plain demonstration but also to extend this Reason to the eating up of all those serpentine shews wherewith these Janni and Jambri the rebellious Enchanters of our times have hitherto deceived the people and thereby kept them in a kinde of an Egyptian darkness And in this course I shall begin first with â—he head thereof the fained unity in Aristocracies and Democracies CHAP. I. Of Anarchy THey that suppose the word to imply onely that state and condition of men where no Government at all is exercised will much to seek to finde out any instance or example for proof of their Assertion or indeed any possibility how it should at all come to pass Therefore that which hath hitherto been spoken of the original of Government in the fourth chapter of the precedent book must be understood onely as supposing it to have its Reason in Nature and that thereby it might have been known although the same had been by no other light or positive Law found out and appointed and not as determining that ever men were or could be left by a careful God in such a confused condition where like a brood of Cadmus wanting all manner of Breeding and Instruction they should fall to the slaughter of one another till their bleeding wounds and not his Precepts or Providence had taught them rules of Subjection No it would be too plain and great compliance with Athiesm to think Gods Omniscience in foreseeing or his Goodness in preventing so small or slack as to leave man a Creature upon whom above all the rest he had bestowed such workmanship and care to the common hazard and condition of that which was meanest Leaving therefore these fancies aside that think men should like swarms of Bees be brought to choice of Policy without any foregone experience or knowledge of Government we must make Government the elder brother to Anarchy For so we finde that while there were but two persons in the world the woman by special appointment was to have her desires subject to her husbands and he was to rule over her And as Wives so Children and Servants were subject to the Father of the Family in such sort that no man but being either Head or Member of a Family by one relation or another either had or yeilded subjection And even before Kings to finde an Ex Lex or person like Caine under no protection and consequently under no Government was a vain attempt And this prime or more natural Prerogative of Primo-geniture and Father of the Family although it had not the name yet it had the truth and reality of Monarchy and that as well in the Authority as Unity of the person as by that phrase the father of the Moabites and Amonites to this day may appear which must signifie succcession of these Monarchical Governors in right of the firâ—t Father So that now under the name of King there is but a continuance and restitution of that ancient form by change of the name from Pater Familiae to Pater Patriae importing a continuance of Power and Office notwithstanding the encrease of tâ—rritory and number of Subjects For the length of life that gave these Ancients advantage to see many Families peopled out of their own loyns gave them also right of Government in chief But this common Parent now dead Pride Covetousness Ambition c. quickly clouded the respect due by birthright to the elder brother who by the Law of God should rule over the other and have their desires subject to him and so through stubbornness did break that course which if it had been observed would have made Monarchy perpetual but not being so Anarchies succeed For the divided Families finde many occasions of controversie amongst themselves which they in their reputed equality of Jurisdiction knew not how to determine because not submitting to that hereditary right before spoken of by the which Isaac had appointed Esau as servant to Jacob as apprehending him the elder and which Jacob also for Peace-sake gave to Judah amongst the Tribes of Israel namely to be perpetual Law-giver discord and dissention quickly broke in upon them And this no doubt was the state of the old world before the flood for we read not of any Monarchs but that as men began to multiply in the earth so began they for want of restraint to be ruled onely by their own likings which the heads of