for the French Service with the first Opportunity to go to such a Port as the French Ambassador should direct and there to expect Directions But see the Dissimulation and Hypocrisy of the Duke and French Ambassador d'Efsiat for all this while they gave out that this Fleet should not be employed against the Rochellers but against Genoua which it seems took part with the King of Spain against the French King's Allies in Italy and that Vice-Admiral Pennington should not take in any more French into any of the Ships of this Fleet than the English could master These were the Instructions which the Duke communicated to the Council and with these Pennington sailed to Diep But when the Fleet arrived at Diep the Duke of Momerancy Admiral of France would have put 200 Men into the Industry and offered the like to every one of the other Ships in the Fleet telling them they were to fight against the City and Inhabitants of Rochel with a Proffer of Chains of Gold and other Rewards to all those Captains Masters and Owners which should go in this Service which they all with one Consent rejected and subscribed their Names to a Petition to Pennington against it whereupon on Pennington with the whole Fleet returned into the Downs and from the Downs Pennington wrote a Letter to the Duke by one Ingram who saw the Duke read it together with the last Petition and by Ingram Pennington became a Suitor to the Duke to be discharged of this Employment This put the Duke and French Agents to their Trumps how to retrieve their Game and tho all these Transactions were concealed from the King and Council yet the Protestants in France had got Knowledg of this Design and the Duke of Rohan and Protestants of France by Monsieur de la Touche solicited the King and Council against this Design and had good Words and Hopes from both But Buckingham told de la Touche the King his Master was obliged and so the Ships must and should go But there was another Obstacle to be removed or this worthy Design was at a full Stop The Duke had imprest and hired the seven Merchants Ships upon the King of England's Account and for his Service and so they could not be passed into the French Hands without a new Agreement with the Owners Hereupon his Grace was pleased to take a Journey to Rochester to settle the Agreement which must be as the French Ambassadors would whether the Owners of the Ships would or not I will be particular herein not only to shew what a Minister of State Buckingham was or what Reliance there was upon his Word or Honour but more especially for that the Ruin not only of the whole Interest of the Reformed of France was a Consequence of this Action wherein the Mercenary Dutch State conspired also with the Duke but it was the Foundation upon which the French Naval Grandeur was built as well to the Terror of Christendom as of England at this very Day My Lord Conway was the Duke's Nanny and tho principal Minister of State by the Duke's Promotion yet made the Office to bend which way soever the Duke nodded This Lord Conway directed a Letter upon the 10th of July 1625. as from the King to Vice-Admiral Pennington whereby he took upon him to express and signify to him that his Master had left the Command of the Ships to the French King and that Pennington should receive into them so many Men as the French King pleased for the time contracted for viz. six Months but not to exceed eighteen and recommended his Letter should be his sufficient Warrant This Letter was delivered by one Parker to Pennington in the Downs and the English Merchants had constituted one James Moyer and Anthony Touchin to treat with the French Ambassadors which were the Duke of Chevereux Monsieur Vollocleer and the Marquiss of Efsiat and at Rochester the Duke sent back a Letter to Moyer and Touchin to come and treat with the French Ambassadors to settle Business about the Delivery up of their Ships and Fraights into the Power of the French King The Propositions which the French Ambassadors made to Moyer and Touchin were 1. That the English Captains and their Companies should consent and promise to serve the French King against all none excepted but the King of Great Britain in Conformity to the Contract formerly passed between D'Efsiat and them 2. That they should consent and agree in consideration of the Assurance given them by the Ambassadors to the Articles of the 25th of March before which you may read in Rushworth fol. 328. whereby the French King should be Master of the said Ships by indifferent Inventory and that they by him should be warranted against all Hazards and Sea-fights and if they miscarried then the Value of them to be paid by the French King who would also confirm this new Proposition within 15 Days after the Ships should be delivered to his Use by good Caution in London 3. That if the French King would take any Men out of the Ships he might but without any Diminution to the Fraight for or in respect thereof To these Moyer in the behalf of the Merchants answered 1. That their Ships should not go to serve against Rochel 2. That they would not send their Ships without good Warrants 3. Nor without sufficient Security to their liking for the Payment of their Fraight and Rendition of their Ships or the Value thereof for the Ambassadors Security was by them taken not to be sufficient and they protested against it and utterly refused the peraffetted Instrument Hereupon Sir John Epstey and Sir Tho. Dove disswaded the Duke from this Enterprize telling him he could not justify nor answer the Delivery of the Ships However Buckingham's Dictatorship would not admit of Justice or Reason but he commanded Moyer and the rest that they should obey the Lord Conway's Letter and return to Diep to serve the French and that so was the King's Pleasure tho the King told the Duke of Rohan's Agent de la Touche otherwise yet privately at the same time the Duke told them that the Security offered by the Ambassadors was sufficient and that tho they went to Diep they might and then should keep their Ships in their own Power till they had made their own Conditions Hereupon the Duke of Chevereux and Vollocleer constituted D'Efsiat their Deputy to treat with the Merchants at Diep for the Delivery of their Ships into the French Power but with him the Duke sent Mr. Edward Nicholas his Secretary with Instructions by word of Mouth to execute the King's Pleasure by my Lord Conway's Letter for putting the Merchants Ships into the French Power upon the Conditions peraffetted at Rochester by the three French Ambassadors But the Captains of the Ships refused to submit to the Conditions tho Mr. Nicholas in the King's Name from Day to Day threatned them and vehemently pressed them to deliver up their Ships upon the
purpose 3. Oates said Turbervile said a little before the Witnesses were sworn at the Old-Baily That he was not a Witness against Colledge nor could give any Evidence against him and that after he came to Oxford he had been sworn before the Grand Jury against Colledge and that the Protestant Citizens had deserted him and God damn him he would not starve John Smith swore Colledge's speaking scandalous Words against the King and of his having Armour which he shewed Smith and said These are the things that will destroy the pitiful Guards of Rowley and that he expected the King would seize some of the Members of Parliament at Oxford which if done he would be one should seize the King that Fitz-Gerald had made his Nose bleed but before long he hoped to see a great deal more Blood shed for the Cause that if any nay Rowley himself came to disarm the City he would be the Death of him 4. To confront this Evidence Blake testified that Smith said Haynes's Discovery was a Sham-Plot a Meal-Tub-Plot Bolron said Smith would have had him swore against Sir John Brooke my Lord Shaftsbury and Colledge things of which he knew nothing and told him what he Bolron should swear lest they should disagree in their Evidence Oates testified Smith said God damn him he would have Colledge ' s Blood and Mowbray testified that Smith tempted him to be a Witness against Colledge and Sir John Brooke and said if the Parliament did not give the King Money and stood on the Bill of Exclusion that was Pretence enough to swear a Design to secure the King at Oxford And Everard and others testified Smith said he knew of no Presbyterian or Protestant Plot and said Justice Warcup would have perswaded him to swear against some Lords a Presbyterian Plot but he knew of none These were the material Evidences thus confronted which should prove Colledge's Treason and Misdemeanour for taking away his Life But this Evidence was so baffled that for Shame the King's Counsel never play'd them after against any other but my Lord of Shaftsbury but were forced to set up for new against my Lord Russel Colonel Sidney c. Objection In criminal Cases especially of Treason if Evidence did not arise from the Conspirators who are supposed to be ill Men scarce any other means can be found for preventing or punishing these and that Dangerfield was of an ill Fame and Dugdale Smith and Turbervile were Witnesses in Discovery of the Popish Plot and so their Evidence is to be credited as well in this as in the Popish Plot. Answer Nor would the Popish Plot have been believed if it had no Foundation but the Credit of the Witnesses but Coleman's Letters Sir Godfrey's Murder and Harcourt's Letters of it that Night to Evers my Lord Aston's Confessor c. gave more than sufficient Evidence of the Popish Plot beside the Evidence in the Popish Plot did arise from the Evidence of their own Accord not hired and sought to give it as in this And can any Man believe that Colledge so zealous a Protestant should design the Destruction of the King and contrive it by Papists to whom he was so averse And it were Madness to think Colledge could do this alone for none of all the Evidence swear any other to be concerned with him in it There were other Evidence against Colledge viz. Mr. Mâ—sters Sir William Jennings about Words which Colledge should speak and Atterbury Seywel and Stevens concerning finding Pictures in Colledge's Possession when they seized him but as Mr. Hawles observes these by no Law in England could be made Treason admitting all they said to be true But tho at Colledge this Scene began and he was executed as a Traitor it did not end in him as he prophesied For Colledge's Blood was too mean a Sacrifice to appease the offended Ghosts of the martyred Roman Saints and was but an Inlet to spill nobler Blood therefore upon the 31st of August he was executed and upon the 24th of November following 1681. the Earl of Shaftsbury had a Bill of High Treason at the Sessions of the Old-Baily London preferred against him I will not here curtail any of the Remarks which Mr. Hawles has made upon this Bill or the Trial of my Lord Russel Colonel Sidney's Mr. Cornish's and Wilmer's Trials but leave them entire to the Reader it 's enough for me to shew how well the King by these Trials made good his Declaration of preserving the Protestant Religion and his utmost Endeavour to extirpate Popery yet I shall make some Remarks upon my Lord Shaftsbury's Case which Mr. Hawles either has not or not so fully Upon the 20th of April 1679 the King after he had sent the Duke into Holland dissolved his old Privy Council and chose a new one whereof the Earl of Shaftsbury was President and in Parliament declared the ill Effects he had found of single Councils and Cabals and therefore had made Choice of this Council which next to the Advice of his great Council of Parliament which he would often consult in all his weighty and important Affairs he would be advised by this Privy Council and to take away all Jealousy that he was influenced by Popish Councils he had sent his Brother beyond Sea But now quanto mutatus No more Parliaments so long as this King lives The Council whose Advice next the Parliament he would take is now dissolved and the President 's Life is sought for the Duke of late sent away that he might not influence the King's Councils is now returned and governs all and made High Commissioner of Scotland where at this time he is contriving the Destruction of the noble Earl of Argile whilst his Brother is doing that of my Lord of Shaftsbury and both act their Parts under the Vail of sacred Justice But how to bring the Earl of Shaftsbury upon the Stage was Matter of great Inquiry other Evidence besides Irish and those Colledge had so baffled could scarce be found and this Evidence 't was feared would no more prevail upon a London Grand Jury than before it did when the Bill was preferred against Colledge Captain Henry Wilkinson was a Yorkshire Gentleman who having served King Charles I. in his Wars and been very instrumental in the Restoration of King Charles II. being fall'n into Decay a Fate usually attending the Cavaliers who served either of those Kings was for his Sufferings Integrity and Honesty preferred by the Earls of Craven and Shaftsbury to be Governour of Carolina and one of his Sons to be Surveyor-General of it and another a Register Captain Wilkinson made use of the little Stock he had left and such Credit as he could procure to fit himself upon this Account and hired a Ship called the Abigail of a hundred and thirty Tuns and victualled her for the Master and ten Men and such other Passengers as he should take in In this Number one Mr. John Booth desired that he and his
in Christendom when he was putting it into an universal War all the Western Princes 〈◊〉 Christendom except King James were engaged in it against the House of Austria but it was so vast as in the Nature of things if Henry had been young as he was in the 57th Year of his Age he could not have lived to have accomplished it at his Death tho he lived but 13 Years after the Treaty of Vervins when he made Peace with Philip the 2d of Spain he had amassed such a Treasure as is incredible if so great an Historian as Messeray did not testify it especially if it be considered that before the Treaty at Vervins France had for forty Years before been imbroiled in a Civil War and with Spain and these Wars being in all the Parts of France France was never before in so poor and feeble a State and Henry himself after the Peace giving himself up to Venery and Gaming above any King of France before him or since Nor can it be imagined from whence such Treasures should arise for there are no Gold nor Silver Mines in France unless it were from the Trades which the English Dutch Dane Swede and Hamburghers drove into France However Henry was addicted to Women and Gaming yet otherwise he excelled all the Kings of the Age not only in Heroick Vertues but in Prudence Constancy and Secrecy in his Designs curious in Enquiry into the Qualities of Men whom he would prefer as Qualities merited and was pleasant and witty in his Conversation and always disposed to take the Impression of good Counsel He left his Son a Prince of weak Constitution both of Body and Mind at ten Years of Age and his Wife an imperious bigotted Italian to the Church of Rome Regent These overthrew all the Methods which Henry had laid for promoting the French Grandure and gave themselves up to be governed by Favourites yet in a different manner from those in England whereby they squandered away all that inestimable Treasure which Henry left in less than half the time Henry had been collecting it and put all France into Tumults and Wars whilst the English patiently submitted to the Exorbitances of King James his Favourites and by Proclamations were forbid to mention them or talk of their Government no not in Parliament And now 't is time to return to England and see what 's doing there If we begin this Year 1612 with January we shall find two Marriages in it to succeed the two Deaths of the two famous Henry's of England and France The first upon the 14th of February being Shrove-Sunday between Frederick Count Palatine of the Rhine commonly called the Palsgrave and the Princess Elizabeth the King 's only Daughter and the Triumphs Pageant◠and other Gaieties upon the Thames in the City and Inns of Court far exceeded any before seen in England which you may read at large in Stow's Chronicle fol. 1004. so as the Tears for the Death of Prince Henry were overflowed by the excess of Joy for this Marriage However Northampton was not pleased with it nor the Emperor or King of Spain and from the same Causes viz. It would so far advance the Protestant Interest in Germany as to make it more formidable to the Popish Religion and 't is certain for I had it from good Authority that Queen Ann was averse to it and to put the Princess out of conceit of it would usually call her Daughter Goodwife Palsgrave to which the Princess would answer she would rather be the Palsgrave ' s Wife than the greatest Papist Queen in Christendom The Reason of the Queen's Aversion to this Marriage is not said but certain it is that these fading Joys for this Marriage were succeeded by fixt and real Calamities which the King took little Care to prevent and shall never live to see nor his Son after him an end of While the Preparations for solemnizing this Marriage were making a different sort was making for another between the Viscount Rochester and the Countess of Essex and to make the Way to it more passable two Rubs were to be removed one to take off Sir Thomas Overbury the other to procure a Divorce not only a Mensa Toro between the Earl and the Countess but a Nullity whereby the Countess should be free to marry as she pleased and she had agreed upon the Person To remove Sir Thomas it was agreed between the Earl of Northampton Rochester and the Countess that Sir Thomas should be sent Ambassador to the Great Duke or Emperor of Russia so that if Sir Thomas did accept of it he should be far enough out of the way to hinder this Design and if he did not to commit him to the Tower where they would do well enough with him The Business of the Embassy was no sooner propounded to the King but assented to by him and Sir Thomas was not unwilling to undertake it How harsh soever Rochester was to Sir Thomas when he disswaded Rochester from marrying the Countess yet now he becomes instant kind to Sir Thomas and tell him how much he relied upon his Integrity and Parts which in his Absence he should not only want but that thereby Sir Thomas would give Occasion to his Enemies which were many and upon Rochester's account to ruine him when as it would not be in Rochester's Power to prevent it but if Sir Thomas would refuse to undertake this Embassy Rochester would in a short time undertake to reconcile him to the King and Sir Thomas would in the mean time be at hand to assist him with his Counsel upon all Occasions This was all deep Dissimulation which Sir Thomas took to be in good earnest and so Sir Thomas excused his going on this Errand and this was what Rochester desired Hereupon Rochester possest the King that Sir Thomas was not only grown insolent and intolerable to him but to the King by contemning him in refusing to go on this Embassage The King becomes incensed hereat and the more as 't was commonly said Sir Thomas had vented some stinging Sarcasms upon the Court which came to the King 's hearing and so ordered him to be committed to the Tower Northampton and Rochester had prepared the Business so that Sir William Wade was removed from being Lieutenant of the Tower and Sir Jervis Elvis a Gentleman wholly depending upon them was made Lieutenant of it Upon Sir Thomas his Commitment Sir Jervis Elvis by Order from Northampton and Rochester confines him close Prisoner so that Sir Thomas his Father was not permitted to visit him nor any of his Servants tho one desired he might be confined with his Master The Countess that she might not be behind-hand with Rochester and Northampton had consulted with Mrs. Turner for a fit Instrument to practise what was designed upon Sir Thomas Mrs. Turner's Husband was an Apothecary and had a Servant named Richard Weston who since her Husband's Death was become very poor this Man was agreed by the
Family might accompany the Captain to Carolina which was agreed to but the Captain being under several Disappointments and the charges of the Ship of four Months lying in the River insupportable the Captain was arrested and thrown into the Compter from whence he removed himself to the King's Bench. The Captain 's Necessities were equal or more than those of the Irish Evidence but the Captain at least as he supposed had no need of a Pardon for any thing designed against the King or Government as the Irish Evidence had so the first Attempt upon the Captain was to hire him to give Evidence against my Lord of Shaftsbury If Empson and Dudly were so zealous to fill Henry the 7th's Coffers by straining the Penal Laws to utmost Rigour as the Vogue went Graham Baynes and Burton were as zealous to pack Juries and procure Evidence for carrying on this black Design but I do not find Burton was in this upon Captain Wilkinson Upon the eighth of October Baynes made his first Attack upon the Captain and told him that he had been lately with Mr. Graham who had a great Interest with my Lord H. and that the Captain could not but know much of my Lord Shaftsbury's Designs and that he had now a desired Opportunity to discover them and urged the Captain not to deny the proffer and that he need not fear his getting a Pardon but the Captain was constant that he knew nothing of any such Design By this time Booth was a Prisoner in the King's Bench as well as the Captain and upon the eleventh Booth attack'd the Captain and told him he might have 500 l. per annum or 10000 l. if he would discover what he knew of my Lord Shaftsbury's Design against the King and that the Captain should appear at Court and have Assurance of it from Persons of Honour but this wrought not upon the Captain neither Upon the thirteenth Baynes Booth and Graham renewed the Promises Baynes and Booth had made and that he should have the King's Promise for the same and his Royal Word for a Reward for his Sufferings and that Graham was sent by some of the Council to bring the Captain to the King and that he had an Order for it but all would not do for the Captain was resolved not to go to White-Hall if he could help it Upon the fourteenth Booth told the Captain that Mr. Wilson my Shaftsbury's Secretary who was a Prisoner in the Gate-house had sent to the Council that he would come and discover all he knew and therefore he urged the Captain to have the Honour of being the first Discoverer and that to the former Promises the Captain should have 500 l. per Annum settled on him in Ireland by the D. of York but all to no purpose Upon the fifteenth Booth and Baynes attackt the Captain again the Captain asked Baynes why he was so urgent for his Testimony Baynes answered That as yet they had none but Irish Evidence which would not be believed but if the Captain came to it he was not blemished in his Credit and then Baynes told him if he would not go he Baynes had a Habeas Corpus from my Lord Chief Justice Pemberton to carry him to White-Hall In the Afternoon the Captain was carried by his Habeas Corpus to Whitehall and examined in the Secretary's Office by my Lord Conway and Secretary Jenkins and in his Examination in comes the King into the Office as before he had done into the Dutchess of Portsmouth's Chamber when my Lord H came to kiss her Hand and there the King told the Captain he had served his Father and him faithfully and hoped he the Captain would not now decline his Obedience to which the Captain answered he never deserved to be suspected then the King told him he had not the Opportunity to serve his Friends but hoped he might then the King examined him what he knew of my Lord Shaftsbury's having a Design against his Person but the Captain upon his Oath denied he knew any thing so the King left him to the further Examination of Secretary Jenkins But this Business did not stay here for the Captain was carried into another Room where were present the King my Lord Chancellor the Lord Chief Justice Pemberton and several other of the Nobility with Graham Baynes and Booth where my Lord Chancellor was very sharp upon the Captain and put several Questions to the Captain which he could not answer and told the Captain there were two sorts of Advancements and that the Captain was like to come to his Trial before the Lord Shaftsbury The Business was Booth had sworn that the Captain had a Commission from my Lord Shaftsbury for a Troop of fifty Men to be my Lord's Guards against the King and that Booth was listed in it This Booth had sworn but was so unfortunate in it as to swear this was when the Parliament was at Oxford at which time the Captain was making his Preparations for his intended Government of Carolina but whether the King believed the Captain or Booth is unknown but it stop'd here and the Captain was no higher advanced upon Booth's Oath nor could be prevailed upon to be a Witness against my Lord Shaftbury though his Wife was as much tempted to have it so as the Captain was so the Captain 's only Advancement was to be remanded to Prison However it was resolved that my Lord Shaftsbury should be prosecuted and so upon the 24th of November a Bill of High Treason was preferred against him to the great Inquest at the Sessions-House in the Old-Baily and Baines proved a true Prophet though Booth sware to the Captain's Command of Fifty Men to be a Guard to my Lord for the Jury neither believed him nor the Evidence so baffled at Colledge's Trial nor the Irish Evidence added to that and so returned an Ignoramus upon it Suetonius in the Life of Tiberius says he could never have made such Ravages upon the Roman Empire and exercised such Cruelties if he had not been backt by an Officious and flattering Senate which carried the Face of Justice in it and tho it be evident that for near Eighty Years these three Kings of the Scotish Race had been endeavouring to establish an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government over this Nation yet except King James the First who if his Necessities had not forced him would have never had a Parliament after the first and who by his own Authority created so many Monopolies and Benevolences and in the Parliament of the 12th and 18th Years of his Reign without any Colour of Justice imprisoned so many worthy Gentlemen without the Benefit of Corpus's for their Debates in Parliament yet these other two pretended to raise their Tyrannies under the Form of Justice and therefore Charles the First after he for Fifteen Years together had not only exceeded his Father in granting Monopolies and raising Money by Loans Benevolences Coat and Conduct Money but also