to march to Rhium and fall by that way on the Aetolians After Philip had given Audience to the Ambassadors he did not presently dismiss them but holding them in hand told them he would deliberate on their Proposals So decamping he march'd the Army to Metropolis and Conope At Metropolis the Aetolians held the Citadel but â—â—â—tred the Town which the King destroy'd and so prosecuted his march to Conope In the mean time the Aetolian Horse were got together and boldly resolv'd to attempt the obstructing his Passage over the River about two Miles from the Town believing they should be able either to hinder his passing or at least to do the Army much damage in the attempt But the King who had knowledge of their Purpose commanded the Buckler-Men first to enter the River and to approach the other Bank by Troops or Cohorts well cover'd with their Bucklers after the Tortoise manner These Orders being observ'd as they gain'd the other Shoar the Aetolians attack'd the advanc'd Party and in truth made some dispute but when they observ'd these to halt and to draw into close order and that the second and third Cohorts joining them compos'd as it were a Wall of Defence with their Bucklers they then gave back and retreated into the Town despairing to perform any further Service After this occasion the Aetolians presum'd no more to come into the Field but shut themselves up in their Places of Defence After the King had pass'd the River and spoil'd all the low Country without opposition he advanc'd to Ithoria a Place fortify'd and strong by Art and Nature and standing in the way of his march Nevertheless on the approach of the Army the Garrison thought it best to retire and abandon their Works Thus becoming Master of this Place he order'd it forthwith to be dismantled and demolish'd commanding his Troops that ravag'd the Country far and wide to do the like to all the Fortresses they could get into their hands After he had pass'd this Streight he mov'd by easier marches the better to enable the Soldiers to carry their Plunder Then having furnish'd the Army with all things necessary he led them towards Oeniade and by the way sitting down before Paeanium which Town he resolv'd to be first Master of he took it by force after many Assaults This was a Place of no great extent being hardly a Mile about but no way inferiour to the others as well for the Beauty of the Buildings as the Strength of the Wall and Works He caus'd the Fortifications to be raz'd and the Edifices to be demolish'd taking order with the Timber and Rafters to make Floats to transport himself to Oeniade The Aetolians seem'd at first resolv'd to fortifie and keep possession of the Citadel of that Place but on the approach of King Philip the fear prevail'd so they quitted that likewise After the King was become Master of Oeniade he march'd into Calydonia where he invested a well-fortify'd Place having a strong Wall and which was well furnish'd with Stores and Provisions of War For King Attalus it seems had supply'd the Aetolians with all things needful to the Defence of this Town But Philip taking it by force the Macedonians wasted all the Country of Calydonia and afterwards he march'd back to Oeniade The King having well consider'd the commodious situation of the Place as well for the passage it gave into Peloponnesus as other Advantages resolv'd to fortifie and begirt it with a Wall Oeniade is situate on the Sea upon the very out-skirts of Acarnania where it borders on the Aetolians at the entrance of the Gulf of Corinth it stands fronting towards Peloponnesus and lies opposite to the Coast of Dyma and not distant above twelve Miles from the Country that borders on Araxus wherefore he fortify'd the Castle and laid the Design of joining the Arsenal and the Port and destin'd for that Service the Materials he had caus'd to be transported from Paeanium But while these Things were under consideration he receiv'd Letters from Macedon whereby he understood that the Dardanians believing he had taken his march into Peloponnesus had resolv'd to fall on him at home That they had levy'd Forces for that Enterprize and were making great Provision of all kinds for prosecuting the War Whereupon judging it but just to repair to the relief of his own Country he therefore dismisseth the Achaian Ambassadors giving them assurance That as soon as he should be able to compose his Affairs at home there was nothing more in his Thoughts than to come and give them his utmost Assistance Whereupon he departed marching with great diligence back by the same way he came At his passage of the Gulf of Ambracia in his way out of Acarnania into Epirus he was met by Demetrius of Pharus who had been compell'd to fly out of Illyria by the Romans as we have already noted having only one single Vessel with him The King receiv'd him kindly ordering him to go first to Corinth and from thence to take his way through Thessaly and come and meet him in Macedon After Philip had pass'd through Epirus he continu'd his march without halting and on his arrival at Pella a Macedonian Town the Dardanians who had got intelligence of his return by certain Thracian Fugitives terrify'd at his diligence and sudden appearance dismiss'd their Army after they were got near the Frontiers of Macedon Whereupon having notice that the Dardanian Army was broken he dismiss'd the Macedonians that were then with him to go and gather in their Harvest passing himself into Thessaly to spend the remaining part of the Summer at Larissa About the same time Paulus Aemilius triumph'd magnificently at Rome for his Victory over the Illyrians And Hannibal after taking Saguntum by storm march'd his Army into Winter-Quarters The Romans now assur'd of the loss of Saguntum sent Ambassadors to Carthage to demand the delivering up of Hannibal but did not in the mean time respite their Preparations for the War having created Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius Sempronius Consuls But forasmuch as we have treated at large of these Occurrences in our preceding Book we only give here this hint thereof a little to refresh the Reader 's Memory and to the end contemporary Affairs may be the better understood And here we are come to the end of the First Year of the Hundred and fortieth Olympiad The Aetolians having in their Assembly created Dorimachus Praetor he was no sooner seated in his Authority when assembling their Troops he led them into the upper Epirus where he acted all the Violences of War not so much now in prospect of Profit to himself as in Malice to the Epirots And on his arrival near the Temple of Dodona he there burnt and demolish'd all the Portico's spoiling the Ornaments and destroying in short the Temple it self Thus the Aetolians careless of what is practis'd in time of Peace or War acted such outrageous Parts in both Peace and War as
things I say it will be necessary first to explain to the end we may avoid all danger of Obscurity in the pursuit of our History and preserve the Coherence and Gradation of Causes and Things unbroken It is likewise further necessary that we should take our beginning from some certain and limited Period of Time known and remarkable to all And this will be found so very useful that Matters will almost explain themselves when there should be occasion to look back to renew in the Mind the Notices of what is past For where Accounts are not founded on plain and uncontroverted Testimony we read without Faith and determine of nothing whereas when the Understanding is once set right and established on the Evidence of clear and unblemish'd Grounds we Study and Digest what we Read with Pleasure and Assurance and yield a ready Consent to the Candour and Authority of the Writer Nineteen Years after the Naval Battel that 〈◊〉 â—ought on the River Aegos and sixteen 〈◊〉 before the Field of Leuctra about the 〈◊〉 that the Lacedaemonians made Peace with the Persian King by the procurement of Antalcidas Dionysius the Elder having vanquish'd the Greeks who inhabited Italy near the River Elleporas laid Siege to the City of Rhegium The Gauls were at that time Masters of Rome which they had taken all but the Capitol and the Romans having compounded with the Enemy under such Capitulations as the Gauls themselves thought fit to impose were rescu'd as it were by Miracle and restor'd to their Country beyond all Expectation And having now laid in some Materials towards the Foundation of their growing Power they began to wage War on the neighbouring States And after they had well-nigh subdu'd the Latins partly by their Courage and partly by the Address they had acquir'd by their long Exercise in Arms they advanc'd against the Tuscans and had to do almost at the same time with the Gauls and then warr'd on the Samnites who were the Northern and Eastern Borderers upon the Latins Soon after and about a Year before the Gauls invaded Greece and the Remainder of that People who had rifled Delphos and were almost all cut off pass'd into Asia Pyrrhus King of the Epirots arriv'd in Italy invited thither by the Tarentines who began to apprehend the Consequences of their having violated the Roman Ambassadors The Romans having subdu'd the Tuscans and Samnites and often vanquish'd the Celtae began to prosecute their Success against the rest of Italy not so much to invade the Property of their Neighbours as to ascertain and secure what they now reckoned their own having by their long and frequent Wars with the Samnites and Gauls greatly improv'd their Discipline and Experience so as to conduct their Armies with better prospect of Success The Romans having then greatly to their Reputation sustain'd the shock of so many hazardous Enterprises and expelled all Foreign Invaders and even Pyrrhus himself out of Italy they now proceed to shew their Resentment against those who had taken part with that Prince whom after they had subdu'd and brought under their Power together with what remain'd unconquer'd of Italy the Gauls only excepted they made an Expedition against Rhegium then possessed by certain of their own mutinous Subjects One and the same Adventure befel two principal Places situate in the Streight of that Sea namely Rhegium and Messina In short some time before those things happen'd which we have been relating a Party of Campanian Mercenaries who had serv'd under Agathocles in Sicily tempted with the Beauty and Riches of Messina form'd a Conspiracy to surprise it and keep the possession which they did by Treachery being receiv'd into the Town and entertain'd as Friends When they became Masters of the place some of the Inhabitants they expell'd and others they murther'd retaining to their own use the Wives and Children of that unfortunate People as they chanc'd to fall into their hands during the dispute Thus having without much hazard or trouble obtain'd a remarkable Victory and become possess'd of an opulent City they divided the Riches and Territory amongst themselves This Action gave Example to another of the like barbarous Treachery During Pyrrhus's Devastations in Italy those of Rhegium apprehensive of the danger of this new and formidable Enemy and being on the other hand in dread of the Carthaginians who were in those days Masters of the Sea besought the Romans to lend them Succours and furnish them with a Garrison Accordingly they supply'd them with four thousand Men giving the Command to one Decius a Campanian who for some time kept good Garrison and demean'd themselves as they ought But at length in Imitation of the Mamertines who supply'd them with Forces to effect their Treachery they violated their Faith by the like villainous Act tempted thereunto by the commodious Situation of the Place and the Wealth of the Inhabitants of whom having possess'd the Town some they expell'd and some they cut off transcribing the Treachery of that People exactly The Romans had a just Sence of this wicked Act but having at that time too much Business on their hands by the Wars we but now related were not in a Condition to express their Indignation in the Punishment of the Authors but as soon as their Affairs permitted they march'd against Rhegium where they straitly besieg'd the Traitors and in the end subdu'd them who fought obstinately as being desperate of Pardon not above three hundred of them being taken alive who being sent to Rome were by the Command of the Praetor dragg'd to the common place of Execution where as the manner is they were first scourg'd with Rods and then beheaded The Romans over and above the Equity were not without Foresight that the Consequences of this Act wou'd be to conciliate in their Neighbours the Opinion of their Justice and Honour which had been much blemished mished by this piece of Treachery so the Rhegians were forthwith restor'd to their Town and their Possessions As to the Mamertines for that Appellation those Campanians assum'd who had so wrongfully possess'd Messina they enjoy'd without any Molestation both the Town and Territory so long as they cou'd derive Succours from the Romans their Friends in Rhegium and liv'd not only secure and fearless of any danger but were often the Aggressors on their Neighbours the Carthaginians and those of Syracuse and gave them work enough to defend the adjacent Country putting many Towns and Villages under Contribution But they were no sooner depriv'd of the Aids of Rhegium which now could not defend itself when the face of their Fortune chang'd being attack'd by the Syracusians and driven within their own Walls that People having declar'd War against them for Reasons we shall briefly deliver Sometime before this while the Army of the Syracusians encamped near Mergania there happened a Dissention between the Souldiers and Citizens of Syracuse the Souldiers thereupon made choice of new Leaders namely Artemidorus and Hieron who was
afterwards King of Syracuse he was then indeed but young howbeit Nature had given him all the good Qualities to be wish'd in a Prince He was no sooner advanc'd to this Power but by the secret Practices and Address of some of his Friends he got possession of the City where he soon suppress'd those of the contrary Faction but proceeding in all things with so much Gentleness and Humanity that tho' the Syracusians would not approve the Election made by the Army he was nevertheless received as Praetor without the least Contest From the very beginning by the manner of his Administration of that Authority it plainly appear'd to those who could best discern that he was Born to something yet greater than the Praetorship For having rightly inform'd himself of the Humours and Manners of the Syracusians that they were Seditious and no sooner in Arms but they fell into Factious and Mutinous Practices and farther observing that Leptines one of the prime Citizens Superiour to the rest both in Credit and Interest and in great Reputation with the People for his Justice and Probity would be very useful to him with him he made an Alliance by taking his Daughter to Wife and proposing to lodge the Authority in the City with him during his Expeditions with the Army abroad Having compass'd these things and observing the old Mercenary Souldiers to have lost their Discipline to be quite spoil'd with Idleness and Debauchery and to be over and above not very well affected to him but were bandying and meditating some new Commotions he therefore forms a pretence of an Expedition against the Barbarians who were possess'd of Messina and having march'd out his Forces he Incamp'd near Centuripa in sight of the Enemy where drawing up to ingage them not far from the River Cyamosoros he so ordered his Battel that keeping his own Horse and Foot near himself with shew of attacking the Enemy elsewhere he by that means designedly expos'd the Mercenaries to the entire shock of the Mamertines where they were all cut off and while the Enemy were busied in the Execution withdrew his own People in safety to Syracuse By this Artifice he punish'd his Mercenaries and got rid of the disorderly and seditious part of his Army In brief having form'd an Army to his own Mind he govern'd and preserv'd his Authority in great Peace and Security and observing the Enemy to be grown Inrolent by their late Success and that they made Inroads and spoil'd the neighbouring Country he march'd out of the City with his new Army which he had now well Disciplin'd and meeting them in the Plains of Mylaeus near the River Longanus he obtain'd an entire Victory routing their Army and taking their principal Officers Prisoners By which Success they were so humbled that they lost all Courage for the future Having perform'd these things against the Barbarians he return'd with his Army to Syracuse where he was proclaim'd King by the Souldiers As to the Mamertines they being now depriv'd of their wonted Succours from Rhegium and their own strength being greatly diminish'd by their late losses one Party apply'd to the Carthaginians and deliver'd the Citadel into their Hands another sent Ambassadours to the Romans praying their Assistance and offering them the possession of the City imploring their Protection on the account of their Alliance and common Original The Romans were long debating what to determine herein nor indeed could they honestly resolve to assist them it being apparent how great a blemish it would be to their Honour who while they animadverted on the Treachery of their own Citizens at Rhegium should be found abetting and supporting the Mamertines eminently guilty of the like Crime But they saw too that the Carthaginians had not only subdu'd Africa but had made themselves Masters of many places in Spain and that Sardinia and all the adjacent Islands on the Coast of Italy were already in their possession these Reflections were weigh'd with apprehension enough for the Romans already look'd on the Carthaginian Neighbourhood with an Eye of Jealousie being as it were now surrounded by them and knowing that they had designs on Italy it self they foresaw how formidable they would grow by the Accession of all Sicily to their State and perceiv'd too that this Island unless they interpos'd to prevent it by assisting the Mamertines would certainly fall into their Hands For Messina would soon be theirs and Syracuse would not then be long able to withstand them the Territory of which two places contain'd a principal part of the Island All this they clearly understood and knew it would not be fafe for them to abandon those of Messina and permit the Carthaginians to be Masters of a Post that might prove as it were a Bridge to conduct them into Italy These Points were long and solemnly debated and yet the Senate could not be drawn to determine without mighty difficulty foreseeing that the Reproach in assisting the Mamertines would be greater than the Benefit But the People who had been greatly impoverish'd by their late Wars and each Man propounding to himself some way or other to repair his own particular damage decreed to carry on the Enterprise and the rather for that those who were to have Command of the Armies manifested how profitable an Undertaking it wou'd be both for the State in general and each Man in particular The Decree therefore pass'd and was confirm'd by an Ordinance of the People and Appius Claudius one of the Consuls was ordered to conduct an Army forthwith into Sicily to the Relief of Messina To him the Mamertines deliver'd up the City after either by Art or Force they had got rid of the Carthaginian Officer who commanded in the Citadel But the Carthaginians suspecting Treachery or Cowardise ordered the said Governour to be Crucified At the same time they directed their Fleet to make towards Pelorus and encamp'd with their Land-Army near a Town called Senes and besieg'd Messina with all their Forces Hieron conceiving he saw now a fair prospect of exterminating the Barbarians Possessors of Messina out of Sicily enters into a Confederacy with the Carthaginians and forthwith marches with an Army from Syracuse towards Messina and encamp'd along the Mountain Chalcidicus to cut off all Correspondence with the besieg'd on that side But Appius Claudius with unspeakable Bravery passing the Streight by Night got at length into Messina Howbeit perceiving the Besiegers resolute and the Town straitly press'd on both sides and the Army superior by Sea and Land and apprehending both Danger and Dishonour in the Enterprise he dispatch'd Ambassadours to the Carthaginians and Hieron to treat about an Accommodation and obtain Peace for the Mamertines But the Negotiation not taking effect and finding there was now no Remedy but Fighting he resolv'd first to attack the Syracusians Accordingly he march'd out against Hieron who oppos'd him with great Readiness and Gallantry but after a long and very sharp Conflict the Romans had the day beating
light arm'd Foot and those who carry'd Bucklers in the Rear But when he observ'd the Enemy to approach with Precipitation and as it were without any Order he presently changed the Order of his Battel commanding those who were in the Rear to advance to the Front who marching with a compass became opposs'd in Battel to the Enemy who taking those Motions to be an effect of Fear and a sort of Retreat attack'd them with great Resolution tho' without any Order But Hamilcar's Horse were no sooner advanc'd and those who follow'd them boldly sustaining them and altogether coming to the Charge when the Enemy who came in confusion and in haste began to fear finding so contrary to their Opinion the Resistance that was made which not being able to endure they soon betook themselves to flight one of their Parties encountring with another of their own which was coming to their Relief took them for Enemies in the Fright and ingaging defeated one the other most of the rest were destroy'd by the Horse and the Elephants In this Conflict there dy'd of the Africans near Six Thousand Men and about Two Thousand were taken Prisoners the Remainder some got into the Town near the Bridge and some into the Camp before Vtica After the Victory Hamilcar pursues the Straglers every-where taking the Town by the Bridge which the Enemy had abandon'd and retir'd to Tunes and forraging the Country round about some Towns yielding to him out of Fear others were reduc'd by force by which means having in a good degree recover'd the Carthaginians form the Fear they were under being almost at the point of Despair he gave them new Courage and lent them more Assurance in danger In the mean time Matho who continu'd the Siege of Hippona advis'd Spendius and Autaritus who was Chief among the Gauls to be careful not to lose sight of the Enemy but to take care however not to be surpris'd in the Champion Country by reason of Hamilcar's Superiour Strength in Horse and Elephants but to keep the skirts of the Hills and to march and incamp as near the Enemy as they could and to take the advantage of attacking them when they should perceive them at any time incumber'd or molested in their March but while he gave them this Counsel he forgot not to solicit the Numidians and Africans for Succours and to incite them to make use of the present Occasion to recover their Liberty So Spendius made choice of Six Thousand Men out of the several Nations that were incamp'd at Tunes to march and attend the Motions of the Carthaginians wheresoever they went keeping as he was advis'd the Foot of the Mountains He took likewise with him the Horse of Autaritus amounting to Two Thousand Gauls all the rest of that Nation who had serv'd at Erix under Autaritus having taken Pay with the Romans And while Hamilcar was incamp'd in a Plain surrounded on all sides with Hills Spendius receives Succours both of Africans and Numidians and resolves to attack the Carthaginians by surrounding them appointing the Numidians to ingage in the Rear the Africans in the Front resolving himself to fall on their Flank The Carthaginians were hereby reduc'd to very great straits looking on the Danger to be almost inevitable But it happen'd that at this time there was a certain Numidian in the Enemies Army call'd Naravasus a Man of Account both for Nobility and Courage He had heretofore been of the Carthaginian Party on the account of the Friendship that had been between them and his Father and now charm'd by the Vertue and Fame of Hamilcar he was resolv'd to renew old Kindness and conceiving this a proper occasion to put his Purpose in effect he determin'd to find out Hamilcar and contract this new-design'd Friendship with him Accordingly he advanceth towards their Camp attended only with about an Hundred Numidians and coming near their Lines he there halts and with a noble Assurance makes a Sign with his Hand that he had something to communicate with them Hamilcar not a little wondring at the Hardiness of the Action sent a Horse-man out to him to whom Naravasus reply'd He had something to say to the General but in regard the Carthaginians shew'd some Diffidence to trust him Naravasus forthwith dismounts and giving his Horse and Arms to his Guard in that manner naked and disarm'd with a gallant Boldness adventures into Hamilcar's Trenches Every body wonder'd at the Bravery of the Man but receiv'd him amicably and freely discours'd with him and being conducted to Hamilcar he told him He wanted not good Inclinations for the Carthaginians in general but his Ambition was principally to ingage in a Friendship with him which was the Motive that brought him which if he approv'd he should find him for the future a faithful Friend whether it were for Counsel or Action This Discourse of Naravasus and the Action it self perform'd with so frank a Boldness fill'd Barcas with unspeakable Joy insomuch that without the least shew of Distrust he embrac'd the Offer and not only made him his Confident in his most secret Negotiations and his Companion in all his Enterprizes but to purchase his Fidelity to the Carthaginians he promis'd him his Daughter to Wife And when the Conference and Treaty was ended Naravasus joins Hamilcar with a Body of Two Thousand Numidians with which Re-inforcement he offers the Enemy Battel Spendius likewise on his part being strengthen'd by the Africans marches against him where the Battel was obstinately fought The Victory was long in suspence but Hamilcar in the end had the Day whose Elephants did great Service and Naravasus signaliz'd himself above all others Spendius and Autaritus escap'd by Flight about Ten Thousand of their Men being slain and Four Thousand taken Prisoners After the Battel Hamilcar releas'd all the Prisoners that were willing to take Pay in the Army and arm'd them with the Spoils of the Dead As to those that were not willing to serve he assembl'd them together and there told them That he freely Pardon'd and Remited their Fault for that time and gave them their Liberty leaving every one to his own Course with this Caution only That if ever they were taken in Arms against the Carthaginians they were to expect no Mercy During these Transactions the Mercenaries that were in Garison in Sardinia mutiny'd likewise after the Example of Matho and Spendius and having shut up Bostar their Commander in chief in the Citadel they at length murther'd both him and all the Carthaginians with him Whereupon the Republick sent a Re-inforcement of more Troops under the Command of one Hanno whose Soldiers likewise abandon'd him on their arrival and join'd with the Rebels and at the same time seiz'd on their Leader and crucify'd him They likewise barbarously murther'd all the Carthaginians they could find in the Island and making themselves Masters of the strong Places kept them in possession and domineer'd till a Dissention happen'd between them and the Natives
were inclin'd to accompany him in his Voyage to Spain To which he joyfully reply'd That he would go most willingly And after he had besought him with all the moving Reasons which a Child was capable to urge that he would take him with him his Father then taking him by the Hand led him to the Altar where he made him swear on the same Altar That he would never be in Friendship with the Romans Wherefore he besought Antiochus to rest assured That he could never change his Sentiments towards that People and that if he had determin'd any thing against them that he would make no difficulty to rely on his Secresie and Fidelity and that he would serve him with joy and sincerity But that if he should enter into Terms of Friendship and Alliance with the Romans there should be no need of suggesting Accusations against him who would himself be the first that should declare his Aversion to Antiochus who in such case would have reason to hold him as an Enemy forasmuch as he could never be other than a mortal Foe to the Romans against whom he would attempt all things to the utmost of his power By this Discourse of Hannibal Antiochus perceiving he spoke from his Heart was cur'd of the Jealousie he had conceiv'd of him Behold here a singular Instance of the Hatred of Hamilcar and of the Determination he had taken which was yet made more visible by the effects For he bequeath'd two such Enemies to the Romans in Asdrubal his Son-in-Law and Hannibal his Son as nothing could be thought to surmount their Hatred But Asdrubal liv'd not to put his Purposes in execution while Hannibal surviv'd to wreak abundantly the Aversion he had inherited from his Father Which furnishes safe Advice to those who have the Administration of Publick Affairs to consult carefully the Minds and Motives of those with whom they treat a Reconciliation or with whom they make a new Friendship whether it be by force or necessity of the Times or an effect of Good-will as weary of Hostility For against the one we are to be carefully on our guard as being such who only attend the Advantage of a new Occasion while we may rely with assurance on the others and treat them with the sincerity of Subjects or of Friends We may justly then esteem these for the Causes of the War made by Hannibal and the Beginnings to be what we shall now further deliver The Carthaginians had deeply resented their loss of Sicily but after they had been compell'd to part with Sardinia and to pay the heavy Tribute they had contracted their Hatred grew to excess insomuch that when they had augmented their Dominion by the Conquest of so great a part of Spain they began to lend a more willing ear to the Clamours every where utter'd against the Romans In the mean time they lost Asdrubal to whom after the Death of Hamilcar they had given the Government of Spain The Carthaginians upon the death of Asdrubal remain'd a while in suspence touching their choice of a new General being willing to sound first the Inclinations of the Army but they no sooner understood that the Soldiers had unanimously made choice of Hannibal for their Leader when they forthwith call'd an Assembly and ratify'd with one Voice the Suffrages of the Soldiers Soon after Hannibal's confirmation in his Government he deliberated on reducing the Olcades under the Dominion of the Carthaginians pursuant to which Design he march'd against the City of Althaea a rich and well-fortify'd Place and sat down before it in which Siege he gave so many Marks of his Bravery and Ability that he soon became Master of the Place where his Success so terrify'd the neighbouring Towns that they readily yielded themselves up to the Carthaginians After he had amass'd much Treasure by the sale of the Booty he had taken in the several Towns he march'd to New-Carthage which he made his Winter-Quarters where he express'd great Generosity to those who had serv'd under him and paying the Soldiers their Arrears and promising further Marks of his Bounty he so won upon the Affections of the Army that they had already conceiv'd extraordinary hopes of his Government Early the next Spring he march'd against the Vaccoeans and soon became Master of Salmantica Then he besieg'd Arbucala which Place being great well-peopl'd and the Inhabitants obstinate in their defence gave him much trouble but in the end tho Town was surrender'd but on his return being attack'd by the Carpetanians a People reckon'd among the most powerful of those Nations he became on the sudden reduc'd to very great straits for these being join'd by those of the neighbouring Provinces whom the Oâ—â—ades being driven out of their Country had incens'd against the Carthaginians with whom came likewise those who had fled from Salmantica insomuch as if they could have compell'd Hannibal to a pitch'd Field he had doubtless been driven to great extremity But he who was singular both in Prudence and Dexterity so artfully made his retreat covering himself by the Tagus and contriv'd so to attack them in their passage over that River that what by the help thereof and the service of forty Elephants he had with him he happily effected what he had design'd when every body was in despair In short the Enemy being determin'd to attempt their utmost resolv'd to pass the River by several Fords at once but being encounter'd by the Elephants which were posted along the Banks for that service great numbers were slain as they came to Land before any could come in to their succour many were likewise cut off by the Horse who mingled in the River with the Enemy where by the strength of their Horses which better resisted the Current than the Foot and sighting from a higher place they had much the advantage In a word Hannibal at length pass'd the River himself and vigorously pursuing his success routed an Army of above an hundred thousand of these Barbarians who being thus defeated there remain'd none on that side the River Eber except the Saguntines that could give him any molestation But Hannibal cautiously abstain'd from any the least Hostility against that People pursuant to the Advice of Asdrubal which was To make himself first Master of the rest of the Country and insure his Conquests there before he gave occasion openly to the Romans to declare War against the Carthaginians In the mean time the Saguntines dispatch'd frequent Advices to the Romans led thereunto partly out of fear and foresight of their own impending Danger partly likewise out of Good-will to the end the Romans might be perfectly instructed in the Successes of the Carthaginians in Spain In short after a cold reception of many of these Intimations they determin'd at length to dispatch Ambassadors into Spain to be eye-witnesses of those things whereof they had been inform'd About which time Hannibal having subdu'd all those People which he had purpos'd to reduce was march'd
made over the River Alpheus whereby to facilitate his passage into the Territory of the Tryphalians At the same time Dorimachus Praetor of the Aetolians sent six hundred of that Nation under the Command of Phylidas to the Aid of the Eleans who had demanded Succours against those that wasted their Country Phylidas on his arrival joining five hundred Mercenaries to his own Troops who were listed into the Aetolian Pay and adding to them a thousand of the City-Bands together with certain Tarentines march'd to the relief of the Tryphalians This Country takes its Name from an Arcadian Boy call'd Tryphalus It stands in the Maritime parts of Peloponnesus between the Eleans and Messenians looking towards the Lybian Sea on the skirts of Achaia towards the North-West The Towns of this Country are Samicum Lepreum Hypana Typanaea Pyrgus Aepyum Bolax Styllagium and Phryxa The Eleans having of late days subdu'd and reduc'd all these Places to their Obedience to which they added Alipheraea heretofore an Arcadian Town and Megalopolis it self by the procurement of Alliadas while the Soveraignty was in his hand which was negotiated by way of exchange for certain Reasons best known to him and the Eleans The King being now quit of his Plunder and Baggage passing the Alpheus which runs by the Walls of Heraea came to Alipheraea This Town is seated on an Eminence which lies steep and sloping every way being an ascent of above a Mile to the top where stands a Fortress in which there is a Statue of Brass of Minerva famous for its Magnitude and the Excellence of the Workmanship The Inhabitants themselves can give no very clear account why it was there plac'd nor at whose Charge it was done But as to the Workmen all conclude it to have been wrought by the hands of Hecatodorus and Sostratus and that it is the most beautiful and finish'd Piece they ever perform'd Philip having order'd those who carry'd the Scaling-Ladders to be ready by Day-break at certain places assign'd them sent his Mercenaries before and to sustain them a Body of Macedonians giving them Orders to begin all together to mount the Hill at the instant the Sun appear'd above the Horizon Which Directions were punctually and with great Resolution observ'd by the Macedonians Those of the place hastening to that part where they saw the Macedonians in greatest number gave the King opportunity at the head of a Party of chosen Men to pass unobserv'd by those of the Fortress over certain broken Grounds full of Rocks and Precipices From whence giving the Signal they approach'd with their Ladders to mount the Works Philip himself first enters and takes possession of an unguarded part of the Place which he immediately sets in a flame whereupon those who were defending the Wall beholding all on fire terrify'd at the Danger they saw so near them and fearing they should lose the Citadel which was their last Refuge forthwith abandon'd the Defence of their Wall and hastned thither Whereupon the Macedonians became presently Masters of the Works and the Town But those who were retreated to the Citadel soon sent to the King and on composition for their Lives yielded it up This Success spread Fear throughout all the Country of Tryphalia and every one began to deliberate how to preserve themselves and save their Country As to Phylidas he having quitted Typanaea and committed some Spoils on the Allies retir'd to Lepreum For in those times the Confederates of the Aetolians were accustom'd tho' in Amity not only to be by them deserted in their greatest straits but suffer'd themselves to be plunder'd and betray'd by them and endur'd at their hands who call'd them Friends all the Outrages that could be fear'd from a conquering Enemy Those of Typanaea gave up their City to King Philip and the Hypanaeans follow'd their example In the mean time the Phialians having understood what pass'd in Tryphalia detesting the Aetolian League resolutely took possession of the Palace where the Polemarchs or Magistrates resided As to the Aetolian Pilferers who held their abode at Phialia with design to spoil from thence the Lands of the Messenians and were at that time consulting about enterprizing something on the Phialians themselves when they came to understand that the Inhabitants were determin'd to stand on their guard and repel Force by Force they thereupon chang'd their purpose and after having taken certain Security of those of the Town they march'd out with all their Baggage whereupon the Phialians dispatch'd their Deputies to the King giving their Town and Country up to his discretion During these Transactions the Lepreans seizing a quarter of the Town into their hands attempted to force out of the Citadel the Aetolians Eleans and the Troops that had been sent to their relief by the Lacedaemonians But Phylidas at first set light by this their Attempt seeming resolv'd to do his best to preserve the Town in Obedience and terrifie the Inhabitants But on Philip's sending Taurion with part of the Army towards Phialia and himself now drawing near his Courage began to sink whereupon the Lepreans grew more assur'd and did an Action in that occasion very memorable For albeit there were at that time in the Town a thousand Eleans five hundred Aetolians and two hundred Lacedaemonians and the Citadel over and above in their hands they had nevertheless the Resolution to enterprize the delivering of their Country and would not consent to betray themselves by a slavish Fear or Submission Wherefore Phylidas perceiving the Citizens determination march'd together with the Eleans and Lacedaemonians out of the Town as to the Cretans who had been sent by the Spartiatae they return'd by the way of Messina to their own Country and Phylidas retreated to Samicum As soon as the Lepreans became Masters of their Liberty they dispatch'd their Deputies to Philip to make tender of their City and put it into his hands After the King had given them Audience he dispatch'd a part of his Troops to Leprea and continu'd his march with his Buckler-men and light-arm'd Troops being determin'd to attack Phylidas who with the loss of all his Plunder and Baggage was as we said retreated to Samicum whither the King speedily came and encamp'd in view of the Place and sending This Orders for the rest of his Troops to join him from Leprea made countenance of resolving to besiege it Whereupon the Eleans and Aetolians who were unprovided for Defence and had nothing but the bare Walls to trust to began to capitulate so it was agreed they should march out with their Arms from whence they went to Elea. Thus the King became Master of Samicum And now upon the Supplication of the Towns round about he receiv'd them all into his Protection as namely Phryxa Styllagium Epia Bolax Pyrga and Epitalia and so march'd back to Leprea having in the space of six Days compass'd the Reduction of all Tryphalia to his Obedience After some Conference with the Lepreans suiting the time and
towards the re-peopling the Town Others were of a different Opinion neither yielding to build the Town less than it was nor thinking it reasonable that the rich should so contribute But the Dispute was heightned on occasion of the Laws of Pritanis a Person of great Fame who had been bred among the Peripateticks and was sent by Antigonus to be their Legislator But Aratus at length compos'd these Differences and bringing them to Reason by all the Arts he could intirely reconcil'd them and had the Articles of Accord ingraven and plac'd on a Column near the Altar of Vestoe As soon as Aratus had united the Megalopolitans he departed to go to the Assembly of the Achaians leaving the Mercenaries to the leading of Lycus the Pharoean who was at that time Pro-Praetor of the Country The Eleans who were not pleas'd with Pyrrhias procur'd to have his Place fill'd by Euripidas who came to them from Aetolia he taking the occasion of the Assembly of the Achaians drew out two thousand Foot and threescore Horse and led them into the Territory of Pharoea plundring and spoiling all along as he march'd as far as the Frontiers of the Aegeans and having got much Booty retir'd to Leontium Lycus receiving Intelligence of what had pass'd march'd out and got before him with design to make him quit his Plunder and Attacking him kill'd above four hundred of his Party and took two hundred Prisoners among whom were Physsias Antanor Clearchus Euanoridas Aristogiton Nicasippus and Aspasius all Men of note taking over and above their Arms and Baggage At the same time the General of the Achaian Fleet sailing to Melycria took there no less than an hundred Prisoners and after his return he transported a Body of Troops to attempt Chalcea the Inhabitants of which Town immediately Sallying out against him nevertheless he took two of their Ships with all their Men aboard he made Prize likewise of a Brigandine near Rhium with all the Soldiers and Rowers that were in her And in that Expedition he took much Plunder both by Sea and Land which produc'd a great Summ of Money and so great plenty of Provision that the Soldiers took better heart in prospect of better Pay and the People assurance to think they should be now exempt from Taxes and Contributions towards the War And now it came to pass that Scerdilaidas conceiving himself abus'd by King Philip a good part of the Money that was due by the Stipulations that were concluded between them being with held from him fitted out a Squadron of fifteen Ships with orders to take by reprisal what by agreement was his due This Squadron came to the Port of Leucas where on account of old Friendship they were well receiv'd and here indeed they acted no Hostility having no occasion given them They took only Agathynus and Cassander of Corinth who arriv'd at the Port in Vessels belonging to Taurion and as Friends adventur'd into the Harbour but these seizing the four Vessels and making them Prisoners sent them away to Scerdilaidas Ships and all From thence they made sail for Malea plund'ring all the Merchants Vessels they met in their way And now Harvest approaching and Taurion taking no thought for supplying those Towns we mention'd with Succours Aratus therefore with a chosen Band of Soldiers march'd to assist the Argians in their Harvest and Euripidas drew out his Aetolians to Forage the Lands of Tritoea But Lycus and Demodochus Generals of the Achaian Horse coming to understand that the Aetolians were march'd out of Elea immediately gather'd a Body of Troops out of Dymas Patroe and Pharoea whom joyning with the Mercenaries they had with them they march'd and fell on the Lands of the Eleans and drawing near to a Place call'd Phyxium they order'd their Horse and light-arm'd Troops to Forage the Country concealing the rest of their Forces in the foremention'd place whereupon the Eleans marched all out against those that spoil'd the Country and pursued them who seem'd to fly Lycus in the mean time rises from his Ambush and attacks them whom not able to withstand but facing about at the first sight of them the Achaians cut off to the number of two hundred took about fourscore Prisoners and so march'd home in safety with all their Booty He who commanded the Achaian Fleet likewise making several descents on the Coast of Calydon and Naupactus pillag'd at pleasure all along the Country and charg'd and routed in two occasions the Forces that came to the relief In one of which he took Cleonicus of Naupactus Prisoner who was soon enlarg'd without Ransom as being a favourer of the Achaians wherefore he was not sold with the rest on his being taken At the same time Agetas the Aetolian Praetor rais'd an Army out of his own Nation with which marching into the Lands of the Acarnanians after he had taken much Plunder he made Inroads and Forag'd the Country of Epirus and then return'd home and dismiss'd the Aetolians to their several Towns Upon this the Acarnanians invaded the Territory of Stratus where being surpriz'd with a causless Terror they retreated back with shame howbeit without loss the Country-People who made head against them fearing to pursue them jealous that their â—light had been only to draw them into an Ambush At the same time a piece of mock-Treason was acted in Phanotis which was manag'd after this manner Alexander whom Philip had plac'd his Governour in Phocis contriv'd with Jason whom he had made Governor of Phanotis this stratagem to catch the Aetolians he made Jason treat with Agetas the Aetolian Praetor about the betraying to him the Citadel of that Place which by Oath he confirm'd whereupon Agetas coming with his Aetolians thither and at the time concerted between them chose out an hundred of the best Men of his Party and sent them towards the Fort while himself with the rest remain'd conceal'd not far off Jason who had Alexander himself in the Town ready to sally to his assistance admitted pursuant to the agreement the Aetolians into the Citadel whereupon Alexander immediately entring surpriz'd and took them Agetas coming to understand by Morning what had happen'd march'd back with his Army having been catch'd in the same Snare by which he had often taken others being singular in those kinds of dishonest Arts. During these Transactions in Greece King Philip took the Town of Bylazor in Poeonia which place commanded so intirely the way by which we go from Dardania into Macedon that becoming Master thereof he became thereby safe against all Attempts of the Dardanians it being very difficult to invade Macedon after Philip had got this Place into his possession which gave him all the Inlets to that Country As soon as he had strengthen'd it with a good Garrison he dispatch'd Chrysogonus with expedition to conduct a Body of new-rais'd Troops out of the Vpper Macedon going himself to Edesa with those he had rais'd in Bottia and Amphaxitis And as soon as
Chrysogonus return'd with his Macedonians he march'd and came in six Days to Larissa from whence continuing his march Night and Day with reposing as little as possible by the way he came before Melitea which place he attempted to take by Scalade while those within were so terrify'd at an Attack so surprising that he had master'd the Town with little difficulty had not their Ladders been too short In which Matter their Officers were greatly to blame for what is more reproachable than to come rashly to the Assault of a Town or Fortress without preparation of every necessary thing As a right knowledge of the height of the Walls and the like proper Information whereby to strengthen their assurance of Success Who will not therefore condemn these of Negligence and want of Fore-sight Or having themselves taken wrong measures and committed it to others to pursue their mistakes in providing Ladders and other Machines which are contrivâ—d and prepar'd without difficulty and are of indispensible use in such Enterprizes who I say can excuse them of being Authors of their own Shame and Reproach who conceive such Orders And what is more certain than to see in these occasions every omission of our Duty punish'd For the Error is no sooner committed when we see the Damage and feel the Effects which appear in divers manners First the bravest and most forward Men are hereby most expos'd who being by this means compell'd to retire the Enemy recovers heart and attacks them with assurance and pursues them with advantage This is confirm'd by infinite Examples for of those who are forc'd to retire in such occasions we shall find more to perish and be reduc'd to the utmost perils than to escape And it must be confess'd that such as act thus weakly contract to themselves the misfortune of never being afterwards trusted incur a lasting hatred among the Soldiers and teach the Enemy to be more on his guard And such Errors do not only admonish the Spectators how to improve them but afford instruction to those who hear the relation Wherefore all Officers and Leaders who shall be ingag'd in the Conduct of the like Enterprizes be hereby taught to proceed more regardfully Nor is it difficult by the help of a very little Science to be Master of the means whereby to compass exactly such heights and measures as import us to know with assurance when we have such designs to prosecute But let us resume our Discourse referring to another place what we purpose to deliver for the instruction of those who would not be deceiv'd when they engage in Actions of this nature King Philip hopeless of succeeding in his purpose here drew off and encamp'd his Army along the River Enipeus ordering to be brought from Larissa and the other Towns all such Stores and Provisions of War as during the Winter he had caus'd to be provided for the service of Sieges and attacking of Towns his main design in the Expedition being to attempt the City of Thebes call'd Phthiotis This place is situate near the Sea distant about eight and thirty Miles from Larissa 'T is a Frontier of Magnesia and Thessaly The Territory borders on Magnesia on the side towards Demetrias on Thessaly towards that quarter that is inhabited by the Pharsalians and Pheroeans But forasmuch as the Aetolians were now Masters of that Country and from thence made incessant Inroads they greatly annoy'd those of Demetrius the Pharsalians and Larissoeans spoiling and plundering as far as a place call'd the Fields of Amyricus Wherefore Philip concluding the Enterprize to be worth his while resolv'd to spare no application whereby to become Master of that place In order to which he had provided an hundred and fifty extraordinary Catapults and five and twenty other Engines for casting of Stones and so march'd and sat down before Thebes and forming his Army into three Divisions took possession of the nearest Posts to the Town one Division being posted on the Ground near Scopius another about Heliotropius and the third possess'd an Eminence that looks into the Town These three Camps he united by Lines of Communication which he fortify'd with wooden Redoubts standing at about an hundred Paces distant one from another wherein he plac'd good Guards for their defence Then securing all his Stores and Equipage of War in one place he caus'd his Machines to be drawn out During the first three Days the Inhabitants shew'd great assurance by the brave resistance they made whereby the Works advanc'd but little but after by incessant Attacks which kept them continually in action and a mighty number of Darts and Stones that had been cast into the Town whereby the better half of the Besieged were either kill'd or wounded their Resolution began to fail and the Macedonians with more success advanc'd with their Mines Howbeit tho' they wrought with their utmost diligence they were five Days gaining the foot of the Wall the Ground proving so difficult But in the end by working without intermission Night and Day relieving each other by Parties they had sapp'd about two hundred paces of the Wall which they sustain'd by strong Posts or Props of Timber But it so happen'd that these Props being not of sufficient strength to sustain the Burthen the Wall fell before the Macedonians could apply Fire to consume them as was their Custom Then they wrought a Mine under the Ruines to make a passage into the Town but as soon as the Thebans perceiv'd the Enemy preparing to force their entrance they yielded Philip by this success having secur'd the Frontiers of Thessaly and Magnesia and taken much Booty from the Aetolians his Army came then to confess That Leontius had justly suffer'd for it was now evident That he had not done his Duty as he ought with the strength he had at the Siege of Palaea Philip thus becoming Master of Thebes sold the Inhabitants and re-peopling it with a Colony of Macedonians chang'd its Name to Philippi Thus having succeeded in all his Enterprizes new Ambassadors came to him to treat about a Peace on the part of the Rhodians also from Chios the Byzantines and from Ptolomy himself But Philip reply'd as he had done before That he held the same disposition to give a period to the War willing them to apply to the Aetolians to know their purpose but that in the interim he was resolv'd to pursue his Enterprizes In order to which receiving intelligence that the Ships of Scerdilaidas infested the Sea about Malea that they treated all the Trading-Vessels as Enemies and that contrary to the Treaty they had seiz'd some of his own Subjects Ships in the Port of Leucas He therefore Embarking on the Euripus with a Fleet of fifty Sail great and small some equipp'd for War others Vessels of Burthen with this force pursu'd with great diligence the Illyrians persevering in his purpose to press the War against the Aetolians being yet totally ignorant of Occurrences in Italy For about the
all expedition Accordingly he taking with him Five Thousand Foot and Five Hundred Horse came forthwith to Carthage where being chosen their Third General he and Asdrubal fell to consult about the present posture of their Affairs and concluded That above all things they ought to Succour the Province and not endure that the Romans should make their Incursions and such Spoil upon the Country In the mean while M. Atilius Regulus proceeds and in a short space makes a mighty Progress all such Towns as he attack'd that had no Walls he carry'd at the first Assault and such as were fortify'd he Besieg'd and coming to Adda which was a Place of Importance he incamp'd not far from the Walls and sat down before it But the Carthaginians knowing the usefulness of that Place and being resolv'd to defend the Country march'd out forthwith against him where arriving with their Army they posted themselves on an Eminence which albeit it gave them an Advantage against the Romans was nevertheless very incommodious to themselves in all Respects for as their greatest Strength and Hopes were in their Horse and Elephants so abandoning the plain and proper Country and marching and inclosing themselves in rough and inaccessible Places they pointed out as it were to the Enemy the Methods of their own Destruction And so in effect it prov'd for the Roman Commanders who were Men of Experience saw well enough that the main Strength and most formidable Part of the Carthaginian Army was render'd useless by their thus keeping the Mountains they therefore wisely manag'd this Error of of the Enemy and not delaying till they should be better advis'd improv'd the Occasion and accordingly march'd at break of Day and surrounded the Hill where they were thus incamp'd when now there could be nothing more useless to them than their Horse and Elephants In this Occasion the Mercenaries of the Carthaginians behav'd themselves gallantly and ingaging with the first Legion forc'd them to retreat howbeit being attack'd in the Rear by another Party marching about the Hill they were at length forc'd to give ground and retire and now being hard press'd they forsook their Camp with their Horse and Elephants and gaining the plain Country sav'd themselves the Romans pursuing their Foot for some space so they took their Camp and proceeded as before to make Inroads taking of Towns and spoiling the Country round about without any Impediment Then they march'd to Tunes and becoming Masters of that Place they lodg'd within the Walls which they chose to do in regard the Situation was proper for the Purpose they had in hand and was of all Places the most useful to incommode and distress Carthage itself and the Country round about it The Carthaginians who had so unfortunately manag'd their Affairs both by Sea and Land not so much thro' the Cowardise oâ— their Armies as the Insufficiency of their Chiefs began now to despair For over and above the Calamities we have related the Numidians taking the advantage of these their Troubles had made Inroads upon them and did them as much hurt as the Roman and in some parts of the Country under their Dominion a great deal more Insomuch that the People were compell'd to retire and save themselves in the City whither they brought both Fear and Famine a mighty Multitude of all sorts flocking at once thâ—ther And now Regulus having weigh'd that they had been too hard for the Carthaginianâ— both by Sea and Land and that Carthage itselâ— was not likely to be able long to hold out admonish'd them to treat about an Accomodation fearing least his Successor that was expected from Rome should if he made not a Peace deprive him of the Glory of putting an End to that War The Carthaginians on their part gladly listen'd to the Proposal and accordingly dispatch'd to Regulus some of their principal Citizens who after some time of Conference were so far from yielding to the Propositions that they had not Patience so much as to hear them repeated they were so Infamous For Regulus as if he had made a compleat Conquest would have had them esteem it as a singular Grace and Benifit to accord them a Peace upon whatsoever Conditions he should think fit to propound But the Carthaginians were of a different Mind and reckon'd that nothing could befal them more shameful and calamitous than what was demanded and that it could not be worse with them to be entirely conquer'd and brought under the Roman Yoke So they return'd not only full of Shame to be so treated but of Indignation at the intollerable Insolence of Regulus The Senate likewise after they had heard the Terms of Peace repeated which the Romans propos'd withstood it with so much Courage and Greatness of Mind that albeit they were at the brink of Despair the determin'd rather to abide any Adversity their worst Fortune could bring on them than stain the Nobility of their Name and Actions by so shameful a Treaty About this time there was return'd out of Greece a Carthaginian who had been sent thither to raise Souldiers in those parts for the Service of the State who brought a considerable number of Recruits with him and among the rest a certain Lacedemonian call'd Xantippus who had been educated according to the Spartan Discipline and was a Person well seen in Military Affairs he informing himself of the late Defeat of the Carthaginians and after having been thoroughly instructed in their Strength and the Provision they had made for the War their number of Horse and of their Elephants he concluded upon the whole Matter and so publish'd among his Friends That it was not the Enemy that had vanquish'd the Carthaginians but the Ignorance of their Leaders This Discourse of Xantippus was quickly spread among the People and came at length to the knowledge oâ— of the Magistrates who forthwith commanded he should be brought before them when he reason'd the whole matter to them and did endeavour to Demonstrate that if by taking his Advice they would alter their manner of Fighting and descending from thâ— Hills incamp and deal with the Enemy iâ— the Champain Country he assur'd them no only of Safety but of Victory The Souldiers who were edify'd by these Reasons concurr'd entirely with Xantippus to whom thereupon the Conduct of the Army was forthwith given and indeed this Advice of his was no sooner understood in the Army but they took Heart and conceiv'd new Hopes And as soon as they were march'd out of the Town and disciplin'd and form'd according to his Rules the Abilities of this their new Leader and the Ignorance of their former Captains became so visible that the Army express'd their Joy by loud and general Acclamations and a mighty Forwardness to be let against the Enemy having conceiv'd a firm Assurance that they could not miscarry under the Conduct of Xantippus In a word the Officers observing this Change in the Minds of the Souldiers incourag'd them with their Exhortations to
Deliberating and Consulting with the Achaians how farther to prosecute their Affairs Cleomenes receiving Intelligence that Antigonus had sent home his Army and that himself with a small Guard only of Mercenaries remain'd at Aegium which is not above three Days Journy from Megalopolis and knowing that City to be of great Circuit and but thinly peopl'd which to defend it as it ought would require a great Garrison and furthermore having notice that by reason of their present Neighbourhood to Antigonus they kept very negligent Guard and what was yet a farther Inducement he knew that the greatest part of the Inhabitants able to bear Arms had been lost in the two Battels that had been fought the one near Lycoeum and the other near Laodicia as was noted upon these Motives then he gets by Night into the Town without giving the least Suspicion conducted by certain Messenians who had been bannish'd their Country and had taken Sanctuary in Megalopolis But in the Morning when the Alarm was taken it wanted but little that the Inhabitants had not driven him out again both his Person and his People being brought into manifest danger as it happen'd to him about three Months before when he secretly got into the same Town at a place call'd Colaeus But he being now the Stronger and possess'd of all the advantagious Posts succeeded in his Attempt and in short having vanquish'd the Inhabitants became Master of the Place and was no sooner in possession when he put in practice so many Outrages and Cruelties of War that he left not so much as any Appearance that it had ever been a peopl'd Place In my Judgment Cleomenes gave himself up to that degree of Inhumanity out of Revenge that he could not prevail at any time how difficult soever to ingage any one of the Clitorians Megalopolitans or Stymphalians to be of his Faction depend on his Fortune or betray their Country to him yet was the Generosity and love of Liberty amongst the Clitorians stain'd by the Wickedness of one Man namely Thearces tho' they justly deny him to be a Native but that he was the Son of an Orchomenian Soldier residing among them And tho' there be extant Aratus's History of those Times there are some who give greator Credit to Clearchus who dissents from him in many Particulars the safest and wisest course therefore especially while we follow Aratus touching the Atchievments of Cleomenes will be to sift and examine things narrowly to the end it may not be our Fault if Falshood prevail over Truth In short Clearchus has deliver'd many things without Judgment or Consideration but we are not to make his Process and detect his Errors in this place we shall barely content ourselves to relate nakedly the Occurrences of those Times and the Transactions of the Cleomenic War and that will suffice to expose the Weakness of the Author and shew what we are to gather from his History When Clearchus then would set forth the Cruelties of Antigonus and the Macedonians and even of Aratus himself and the Achaians he relates That when the Matinoeans fell into the Hands of the Enemy they were subjected to unspeakable Calamities and that their City which was the most considerable and ancient of all Arcadia was reduc'd to so great Misery as it drew Tears of Compassion from the whole Body of the Grecians In brief when he hath a mind to move Pity in the Minds of his Readers and touch them by his Discourse he represents Women embracing each other with melting Lamentations in their Mouths he exposes them with dishevel'd Hair and naked Breasts and adds Tears and Complaints of Men Women and Children Young and Old drag'd away promiscuously In a word it is his manner thus to paint and describe things when he would give us an Image of Sorrow and Adversity Whereupon I observe it is beneath the Dignity of solid Minds to be taken with such Entertainments wherein Women only can receive Diversion Behold then what is proper and specifick to History and wherein consists the Benefit that we receive by that Study It is not the Business of an Historian to affect the Reader with recounting of Prodigies and relating things for the sake of the Novelty and Oddness of the Matter nor to wander after Subjects that with difficulty may be allow'd to have a resemblance of Truth nor to aggravate things all which is properly the Poets Theme but to set down plain Truth and report punctually what was said or done to the least Circumstance In short Poetry and History have two different Ends or are rather totally incompatible The Art of Poetry is to strike the Heart and move the Passions and to beget a present Pleasure by a Discourse that hath nothing but a likeness of Truth to recommend it But the Design of History is to instruct the present and future Ages in the exact Verity both of Words and Actions Probability tho' false predominates in Poetry inasmuch as the Spectators there come to be deceiv'd but Truth is to govern in History for its End is Profit and Instruction And yet there are Historians who give us Relatitions of the most important Occurrences without reporting to us either the Causes the Beginning or the Reason of Things whereof if we are left ignorant what just Motive will their be either for Compassion or Indignation In a word who would not be affected to see a Man of free Condition beaten and severely treated And yet if this Man's Guilt hath begot his Sufferings no Body will wonder If Correction and the Preservation of good Discipline be the Motives of his hard Treatment the Authors deserve Thanks and Praise Is it not held likewise a heavy Crime to kill a Citizen And yet we may kill a Citizen destroy a Thief or an Adulterer and the Law saves us harmeless And if we kill a Traytor or a Tyrant instead of Punishment Honours and Rewards are allotted for such Actions so true it is that the Justice or Iniquity of what we do depends not on the Fact but on the Causes and Motives the Purpose of the Actors and the Difference that is found between them The Mantinoeans then having withdrawn from the Confederacy of the Achaians with whom they were once in Alliance gave up themselves their Town and Territory to the Aetolians And not long after they made the same Present to Cleomenes and while they were incorporated with the Lacedemonians Aratus gaining Intelligence with certain of the Inhabitants the Achaians took it by force four Years before the arrival of Antigonus and in a word they were so far from receiving Punishment for the Fault of their Desertion that on the contrary the Union and Reconciliation of those two People was as strange as the Revolution was sudden and unlook'd for For Aratus was no sooner in possession of the Place when he expresly forbad all manner of Plunder and Hostility but causing the Inhabitants to assemble he exhorted them to take Assurance and fear
to New-Carthage to his Winter-Quarters that Place being as it were the Capital City of those Countries that yielded Obedience to the Carthaginians There he found the Roman Ambassadors and giving them audience was by them caution'd to attempt nothing against the Saguntines who were receiv'd into the protection of the Romans and that pursuant to the Treaty made with Asdrubal they should not pass their Troops beyond the River Eber. To this Hannibal who was yet but young and ardently ambitious of military Glory fortunate in his Enterprizes and mortally hating the Romans reply'd by way of complaint against them feigning to favour those of Saguntum and telling the Ambassadors That upon a certain Sedition that happen'd some time ago in the said City that the Romans being chosen to arbitrate their Differences and to reduce the Citizens to Peace and Union had unjustly animadverted on certain of the principal Inhabitants which perfidious Action of theirs he held himself oblig'd to see reveng'd and that the Carthaginians inherited that Custom from their Ancestors to procure Justice to be done to the Oppress'd At the same time he sent to Carthage for Instructions how to proceed while the Saguntines encourag'd by their Alliance with the Romans acted many Outrages against those who were now under the Carthaginian subjection Thus Hannibal transported by a violent Hatred acted in every thing without consulting his Reason and never troubling himself with the truth of Matters founded Pretexts on false Suggestions after the manner of those who prepossess'd by their Passion do what they have determin'd without regard to Equity or consideration of Honour Otherwise had it not been more plausible to have demanded of the Romans the restitution of Sardinia and the Money so long paid them by the Carthaginians which they had wrung from them during the Weakness and Calamities of the Republick and in case of refusal to declare War against them But as he conceal'd the true Cause and had recourse to false Reasons for his Motive it may be very justly suspected he enter'd into that War not only without Reason but against the Common Right of Nations Wherefore the Ambassadors departing went to Carthage there to expostulate about what had already past albeit now well assur'd that War would ensue tho' without any jealousie it would break out in Italy but in Spain rather and that Saguntum would be as it were the Seat of Action which they propos'd as a proper Fortress and Place of Arms This being the subject of the Senate's Deliberations who concluding it would be a War likely to be drawn out at length and being in a remote Country they resolv'd therefore to give first a Period to their Affairs in Illyria For at that time Demetrius the Pharian forgetting his Obligations to the Romans his Benefactors had given them some Marks of his Ingratitude and understanding how they were molested by the Incursions of the Gauls and were likely to have to do with the Carthaginians made now little account of their Friendship and plac'd his greatest hopes in the King of Macedon and during the Cleomenick War had joyn'd with Antigonus Demetrius then resolv'd to pillage and reduce the Towns of Illyria under his Dominion which were now in possession of the Romans and having sail'd beyond Lissa with a Fleet of fifty Ships contrary to the Articles of the Treaty he ravag'd most of the Islands of the Cyclades So that the Romans having notice of these Infractions and being over and above well inform'd of the present Prosperity of the Macedonians concluded that it behov'd them to have a careful Eye to their Affairs in the Provinces Eastward of Italy Nor were they without hopes of defeating the Designs of Hannibal of making the Illyrians to repent their Folly and punishing the Perfidy and rash Behaviour of Demetrius But these prov'd vain Deliberations for Hannibal was too much in earnest and prevented them and in the mean time became Master of Saguntum which Success was the cause that they were not only oblig'd to make War in Spain but in Italy for the defence of Rome it self Howbeit the Romans pursuant to their first Project sent Lucius Aemilius into Illyria with an Army early in the Spring being in the first Year of the hundred and fortieth Olympiad at which time Hannibal parted with his Army from New Carthage towards Saguntum This City is situate about a Mile from the Sea at the foot of those Mountains which part Spain from Celtiberia The Territory of Saguntum is very fertile abounding in all sorts of excellent Fruits wherein no part of Spain exceeds it Hannibal sits down before it and attacks it with so much the more diligence by how much he judg'd the reducing such a Place by plain force would greatly avail towards his compassing those Ends he had further meditated In a word he conceiv'd he should by that means deprive the Romans of all hope of making War in Spain and further made account that terrify'd by his Success those he had already vanquish'd would be thereby held in better Obedience and preserve their Faith unbroken that those who were yet unconquer'd would stand in greater awe of his Power and what was yet of greater consequence he should be able to advance his Enterprizes with more security having no Enemy at his back Furthermore he calculated that the taking of this Town would yield him great Supplies of Treasure for carrying on the War that his Army would be more at his Devotion when he had enrich'd them with Booty and that he should be enabled the better to purchase and establish his Interest among the Carthaginians by distributing among them the Spoils of the Vanquish'd These Reflections incited his Industry to press the Besieg'd with greater Application so that becoming himself an Example to the Army by working in the Trenches among the Soldiers animating them in Person mingling with them in all Hazards and incessantly attending the Labours of the Siege he became in the space of eight Months Master of the Place Great Booty was there taken both in Money Prisoners and rich Movables The Treasure he took to himself for the Service of the War he had projected against the Romans the Prisoners he distributed to the Army in proportion to their Merit and the rest he dispatch'd in Presents to his Friends in Carthage Nor did Hannibal make a wrong reckoning for the Soldiers were oblig'd and became more hardy in danger and the Carthaginians were won to consent more readily to all his Propositions and being himself now supply'd and furnish'd with whatever he wanted he prosecuted his Enterprizes with greater promptitude About the same time Demetrius having Intelligence of the Romans purpose put with expedition a Garrison into Dimalus which Place he supply'd with Stores of War and all things necessary and after he had destroy'd in the other Towns all those that were of the contrary Faction and bestow'd the Governments on his Creatures he selected five thousand of the ablest Men
Enemy The Day prov'd very dark and lowring by reason of a great Fogg that was risen nevertheless Hannibal upon notice that the better part of the Roman Army was now enter'd on the Plain and that their Vanguard was hard at hand gave the Signal of Battel dispatching his Orders to those who were in ambush to do their Duty so that the Enemy was on the sudden surrounded and at once attack'd on all sides Flaminius and the whole Army with him were struck with astonishment at this surprizing shock of the Enemy for the Fogg was so thick that they were not able to see about them and the Enemy falling among them from the Hills in all Quarters at once the Tribunes and Captains of the Romans could not discern which way to lead their Men nor how to bring Succours and Relief where 't was wanted and were in a word totally to seek how to behave themselves for they were charg'd at one and the same time in Front Flank and Rear by which means great numbers were slain not as Men sighting like Soldiers in Battel but taken as it were by stealth in their march e're they were able to put themselves in a posture of defence being as one may say betray'd and ensnar'd by the Imprudence of their General Flaminius himself now destitute both of Hope and Resolution falling among a Party of Gauls was by them environ'd and slain In this Battel there fell on the part of the Romans to the number of fifteen Thousand who were so beset that they could neither fight nor sly for it is religiously observ'd in the Roman Discipline never to abandon their Ranks or break their Order by flight Those who were surpriz'd in the Passage between the Lake and the Mountain dy'd miserably for being push'd by the Enemy into the Lake some being forc'd into the Water with their Arms not having leisure to think what they did were unfortunately drown'd others being the greater part enter'd the Lake as far as they were able leaving nothing above Water but their Heads where they remain'd a while till the Horse coming in attack'd them there Whereupon seeing there was now no other Remedy they demanded quarter in vain being all cut off those who were not slain by the Enemy killing one another About six Thousand who were well advanc'd in the Plain chanc'd to have the better of the Enemy whom they fought with in Front but in regard they could not discover how the Battel went they knew not whither to move or whom to relieve tho' it had been in their Power to have done much toward a Victory Wherefore believing they might light on some further occasion of Action they held on their march advancing till they had gain'd the top of the Hills where after they had remain'd a while and the Fogg began to clear up beholding the lamentable state of their Army and it being now out of their power to perform any Service to purpose the Enemy being Masters of the Field they made good their Retreat to a certain Town in Tuscany But the Battel was no sooner over when Hannibal sent a Detachment of Spaniards and his light-arm'd Troops after them under the Command of Maherbal who besieg'd them in the Place and after he had reduc'd them to extremity they yielded to his discretion who gave them their Lives Thus have we given the Narrative of this Battel that was sought in Tuscany between the Romans and Carthaginians Hannibal causing Maherbal's Prisoners to whom quarter had been given to be brought before him together with the rest that had fallen into their hands to the number of fifteen Thousand After he had told them That it was by his Orders that Maherbal had given them their Lives he distributed the Roman Prisoners to the Army to secure them under a good Guard but he sent home all the Latins gratis telling them only what hath been elsewhere noted That he was not come to invade or molest the Italians but to rescue their Liberty out of the hands of the Romans After this he led his Army into Quarters of Refreshment and solemnly bury'd thirty of his Officers who had been slain in the Battel His other Losses were inconsiderable the Victory not costing him above fifteen Hundred Men whereof the major part were Gauls And now his Hopes being thus justly rais'd he deliberated with his Brother and the rest of his Friends about the future Methods they were to take for improving the Victories they had gain'd In the mean time when the news came to Rome of this Defeat the Magistrates who could neither soften nor diminish it the Stroke had fallen so heavy assembled the People to whom they reported the naked truth of their Case And when at the same time the Praetor ascending the Tribunal pronounc'd these words We are Overcome they were struck with such terror that those who were then present and had been in the Battel thought they had cause to believe the Defeat was greater in Rome than in the Field Nor indeed was this surprize without reason for the Romans who had held so long a possession of Victory and were to learn the mournful Language of Vanquish'd and Oppress'd knew not how with Constancy to support an Affliction so new and unexpected The Senate only preserv'd their Temper with decency and omitted nothing that belong'd to their Function holding frequent Assemblies to deliberate about a Remedy for the Disease of which they were so sick During these Transactions the other Consul who was at Rimini near Adria on the Skirts of the Gauls and Confines of Italy not far from the mouth of the Po receiving intelligence that Hannibal was advanc'd into Tuscany and had besieg'd Flaminius in his Camp had therefore resolv'd to march to his Relief and joyn their Troops But in regard his Army was too numerous to march all in one Body he therefore pick'd out four Thousand Horse from the whole number of their Cavalry and giving the Command of these to C. Centronius order'd him to march before with expedition in order to the relief of Flaminius in case he should chance to be press'd before he could arrive But when Hannibal got intelligence that they were now sending those Succours after the Battel was lost he order'd out Maherbal with the light-arm'd Troops and a Body of Horse to encounter them Accordingly they met with Centronius fought with him and beat him killing almost half his Men on the place and forcing the rest to take Sanctuary on a neighbouring Hill and the next Day they fell alive into their hands It was but three Days ago that the news of their Misfortunes at the Battel of Thrasimene came to Rome and their Sorrow in the utmost ferment when to fill up the measure of their Affliction the news of this their last Defeat arrives when behold now not only the People in consternation but the Senate it self became sensibly touch'd Whereupon they thought it needful without deliberating on the Election of
their Annual Magistrates to resolve on the choice of some one single Person in whom the sole Authority should center In the mean time Hannibal who by the success of his Arms grew to believe he should be more than a Match for the Romans did not think it convenient to approach presently nearer Rome Wherefore he continu'd to harrass and spoil the Country destroying all by Fire and Sword where-ever he came taking his march toward Adria where he arriv'd in ten Days passing by the Frontiers of the Insubrians and Picentines The Country in his march being rich the Plunder of the Army grew so great and cumbersom that they could neither carry nor otherwise transport it The People where-ever he came he us'd with great Cruelty and according to the common manner of Treatment of Towns that are taken by force order'd all to be slain that they could find of Age to bear Arms such merciless impression had Hannibal's Hatred to the Romans given him Incamping now not far from Adria in a pleasant and fruitful Country abounding in all things he there gave order for the curing of his sick and infirm Soldiers and Horses for in his Winter-Incampments in the hither Gaul where he lay expos'd to all the rigours of the open Air incommoded by the stench of the filth and ordure of the Camp that what by their unwholsome Incampments what by their march through the Fens both Men and Horses the whole Army over were generally infected with a Disease call'd by the Greeks Lemopsoron but with us the Scurf or Scab which comes by Unwholsome Diet and hard Usage Wherefore happening into this place so commodious for every thing he was willing they should want for nothing that might advance their Recovery renew the Strength and recruit the Spirits of the Soldiers Hannibal being now possess'd of great quantities of Roman Arms of those he had either slain or taken he therefore arm'd his Africans after the Roman manner He also dispatch'd Letters by Sea to Carthage giving an account of his Successes having never since his coming into Italy till now approach'd the Sea-Coast The Carthaginians receiv'd the News with great acclamations of Joy and deliberated how best to re-inforce and supply their Armies both in Spain and Italy with all things of which they might stand in need The Romans in the mean time created Fabius Maximus Dictator a Person of a noble House and of so exemplary Vertue that his single Merit acquir'd to his Family the Title of Maximi from the great Actions he so happily WP2787atchiev'd There is this difference among others betwixt a Dictator and a Consul the Consul hath but twelve Axes carried before him the Dictator twenty four Furthermore the Consuls cannot act in many things without the Authority of the Senate but the Power of the Dictator is absolute and independent and during that Magistracy the Authority of all others become superseded that of the Tribunes of the People only excepted But we shall treat more particularly hereof in its proper place After Fabius had been nam'd for Dictator he chose M. Minutius for his Master of the Horse which is a Charge depending intirely on the Dictator and supplies his place in the Army when absent Hannibal after he had refresh'd his Army mov'd by easie marches along the Coast of the Adriatick thereby to gain time till he had fill'd his Troops here by washing his Horses with old Wine whereof the Country abounded he cur'd them of the Scratches and the Farcy Neither did he omit any care for the cure and recovery of his wounded Men by which means the rest were hearten'd and became the more chearfully dispos'd to go on such future hazardous Services as he should have further occasion to use them in Thus he continu'd his March and after he had plunder'd and forag'd the Territory of Pretutium Adria and that of the Marrucians and Ferentines he took his way towards Apulia which is distinguish'd by three Divisions each having its peculiar name One part is inhabited by the Daunians and another by the Messapians Hannibal first attack'd the Daunians and made spoil about Luceria a Colony of the Romans where he put all to Fire and Sword Then he encamp'd near Ibona from whence he sent his Troops to ravage the Lands of the Arpians and in short over-ran the whole Country of Apulia About this time Fabius enter'd on his Charge who after he had sacrific'd to the Gods march'd out of the City with his Master of the Horse at the head of four new-rais'd Legions which had been sevied according to Custom And after he had joyn'd his Troops near the Frontiers of the Dannians with those that had been sent to Rimini he sent the Consul back to Rome with Orders to Command the Fleet and have an Eye to the Enemies Motions by Sea while himself and the General of the Horse after he had taken possession of the Legions march'd and encamp'd near Aegas in view of the Enemy and not above six Miles from their Camp The Carthaginian as soon as he had notice of the arrival of Fabius led his Army out of the Camp and marching drew them up in Battalia near the Romans to amuse and terrifie them Where having remain'd some time and none appearing to oppose him he march'd back to his Quarters For Fabius who had determin'd to do nothing rashly and not to come presently to a Battel but to labour by all Arts and Means to secure the Interest of his Country held firm to his first Resolution By which means he soon grew into Contempt was reckon'd a Coward by his Country-men and one who out of poorness of Spirit shun'd all occasions of having to do with the Enemy But in the end his Actions taught them better how to value him and to confess That they could never have chosen a Leader who better knew his Business or could proceed with more Judgment and good Conduct which shortly after the issue of his Administiation abundantly manifested Hannibal's Troops who had been bred and broken to their Trade from their Childhood and he himself brought up among them and a perfect Master in Military Knowledge who had fought many Battels with Success in Spain and gain'd two important Victories already against the Romans and their Allies And what out-weigh'd all we have said and which to him was of greatest importance was that his Troops had no hopes or prospect of Safety but what they carry'd on the Points of their Swords which was Fabius's Motive to work with so much Cantion and Circumspection being well assur'd the Enemy would be superiour to him in Battel Wherefore by singular Prudence and Address he had recourse only to those Advantages wherein he was sure the Romans were the stronger In a word the Benefits the Romans enjoy'd and of which the Enemy could not deprive them were Provisions of Victuals and Stores of War in great abundance and plenty of good Men to recruit their Armies Fabius therefore held
had liv'd to act in every thing the part of an able and vertuous Citizen and especially in this occasion The Romans resisted yet a while but as their Men fell their Ground by degrees became more and more streightned till at length they were so huddled up that they had not space to move and weild their Arms so they were all put to the Sword The two Consuls of the preceding Year likewise fell in this occasion Men of great Reputation for their Wisdom and Probity and who in this Action gave noble Proofs of the power and extent of Roman Vertue While matters pass'd thus here the Numidians who went in pursuit of the Roman Horse kill'd the greatest part of them and took some Prisoners A few got into Venusia and among these the Consul Terentius Varro a Person every way unworthy and who was chosen into the Magistracy for a Curse to his Country This issue had the Field of Cannae famous for the number of illustrious Men there present on both sides as well on the part of the Vanquish'd as the Victors And certainly the Action it self witnesseth its own Greatness for of six Thousand Roman Horse there escap'd no more than Seventy who got with the Consul into Venusia and about three Hundred of the Allies some by one means some by another As to the Foot ten Thousand were made Prisoners who were not in the Action Of the rest not above three Thousand escap'd all the rest dying bravely with their Swords in their Hands to the number of Seventy Thousand In a word the great advantage the Enemy had in Horse mainly contributed to their Success and prositable Instruction may be gather'd by remarking from hence That it is more safe to Fight with one hals the number of Foot less while you exceed the Enercy in Horse than to have both sides equal in Foot and Horse in a Battel But this Victory came not cheap to the Carthaginians for there dy'd in Battel on their part four Thousand Gauls fifteen Hundred Spaniards and Africans and about two Hundred of their Horse The Romans who were taken Prisoners were not in the Battel for Aemilius had left then in the Camp with Orders to march and attack that of the Enemy after the Battel should begin thereby to become Masters of their Stores and Ammunition in case Hannibal should chance to leave his Camp without a good Guard and in case he did he was sure to find his Army thereby diminish'd and the Romans with less business on their hands These then were taken much after this manner Tho' Hannibal left not his Camp without a good Guard nevertheless as soon as the Battel began the Romans pursuant to their Orders march'd to the Attack the Carthaginians for a while gallantly opposing them but at length when they were on the point of yielding to the superiour force of the Enemy Hannibal who was by that time Master of the Field came in to their Relief and routing the Romans forc'd them to take Refuge in their own Camp of these were kill'd about two Thousand the rest were taken alive Such as were scatter'd and dispers'd about the Country and had got into Fortify'd Places shar'd no better Fortune for the Numidians attack'd them where-ever they went taking to the number of two Thousand of their Horse Prisoners as we before noted The issue of this Battel prov'd in effect what either Party foresaw for the Carthaginians thereby became soon possess'd in a manner at least of all that part of Italy call'd the Ancient Province and Magna-Graecia Those of Tarentum the Arpinates and some Capuans putting themselves presently into their hands and all the rest giving manifest signs of their good Inclinations toward them Nor was Hannibal in doubt but that Rome it self would be his on the first Attempt while the Romans became now desperate after this Defeat of preserving their Dominion of Italy And under these Agitations terrify'd at once at their own and Countries Danger expected every moment to see Hannibal at their Gates And as if Fortune had a mind to make them drink the Dreggs of this bitter Cup they receiv'd news shortly after while the City was sinking under the weight of their Adversity that their Praetor whom they had sent to the Cisalpine Gauls was himself with his whole Army routed and cut off by an Ambush they had laid in his way Howbeit the Senate deserted not their Duty in this exigent They call'd on the Inhabitants to strengthen the Works of the City and gave all those needful Orders which their Circumstances would permit as by the success soon appear'd And tho' in truth the whole World was now witness that the Romans at this time were vanquish'd and gave place in Military Reputation to their Enemy nevertheless it will also be confess'd That what by their Constancy of Mind and the Wisdom of their Counsels they overcame at length these their Conquerors and not only rescu'd their Country but added not long after to their recovery of Italy the Conquest of the World Here then we have thought it proper to sinish this Book which contains so many memorable Tranfactions as well in Spain as Italy during the hundred and fortieth Olympiad And when we shall have spoken of the Occurrences of Greece during the same Olympiad we shall then return to Rome and discourse at large on the subject of that Common-wealth being persuaded that such Remarks as may be thence collected will not only be found worthy the Pen of an Historian but of excellent use both to those who would improve their Minds in such Contemplations as others who are actually in the Ministry of Publick Affairs as well for the correcting the Errors of present Governments as the forming and founding of new Common-wealths The End of the First Volume A Catalogue of BOOKS Printed for Rich. Wellington at the Lute in St. Paul's Church-yard and Sam. Briscoe near Covent-garden THE Italian Voyage or a compleat Journey through Italy In two Parts being an exact Character of the People and a Description of the chief Towns Churches Monasteries Tombs Libraries Pallaces Villa's Gardens Pictures Statues Antiquities as also of the Interest Government Rules Force c. of all the Princes By Richard Laswell Gent the second Edition with large Additions by a modern Name A Discourse of the Nature and Faculties of Man in several Essays with some Considerations on the Occurrences of Humane Life By Tim. Nourse Gent. Familiar Letters Written by John late Earl of Rochester to the Honourable Henry Savile Esq and several other Persons of Quality with Love-letters writ by the ingenuous Mr. Otway with several other Letters writ by his Grace the Duke of Buckingham Sir George Etheridge and Mr. Tho Brown In 2 Vol. Each may be had singly The Histories and Novels of the late ingenuous Mrs. Anne Behn Vol. I. viz. Oroonoko or the Royal Slave The fair Gilt or Prince Tarquin Agnes de Castro or the Force of generous Love The Lovers
Achaian This being the Posture of Affairs in that Town those who were under sentence of Bunishment had a little before the arrival of the Aetolian Army labour'd about a Reconciliation and besought the Government that they might be restor'd to their Country Upon which Overtures the Citizens were prevail'd with to yield to their admittance but to the end they might not transact any thing without the concurrence of the Achaians they first dispatch'd their Deputies to them to obtain their Approbation The Achaians readily accorded to the request of the banish'd Persons conceiving they should thereby ingratiate themselves and gain the good will of both Parties of those in whose Hands the Magistracy was then lodg'd for their greatest hopes was in the Achaians and of the others who were restor'd to their Country as owing the benefit to their Favour So that these Differences being compos'd the Cynoethians dismiss'd their Garison and their Governour and being now reconcil'd to their Exiles who were to the number of about three Hundred receiv'd them to their Friendship who gave them all the evidences of Fidelity and fair Dealing that could possibly be interchang'd between People firmly dispos'd to love and oblige one another But without the least appearance of any new Motive of Dissention they were no sooner receiv'd into the Town when they conspir'd together to betray their Country and destroy those who but just before had been the Authors of so great a Benefit So that it may be said That while they were protesting Fidelity by the Victims on the Altar they were meditating the most horrible Crime that could be conceiv'd against God or Man For they had scarce made an end of swearing Fidelity on their being receiv'd into the Town when they call'd in the Aetolians and deliver'd it into their Hands proud of being the Authors of their Countries ruine that had given them Being and of inslaving those who had redeem'd them Behold the manner how this piece of Treachery was contriv'd Some of the Exiles had been Polymarchs that is they had been in command in the Army Which sort of Magistrates it seems had a right to take charge of the Gates of the Town had the custody of the Keys and by Night the Command of the Guard Now the Aetolians who were not far off having Ladders and all proper Provision with them lay conceal'd waiting the occasion when the Polymarchs who had been banish'd after having dispatch'd their Companions of the Guard who were not partakers of the Villany presently threw open the Gates Whereupon one Party of the Aetolians enter'd that way and another scal'd the Walls In the mean time the Inhabitants terrify'd at an attempt so surprizing were confounded in their Judgments what to do or which way first to go for in short they no sooner advanc'd against those who had enter'd by the Gate when they were alarm'd by the others who were scaling their Walls but those who enter'd by the Gate being the greater number found them more than work enough So that in the end the Aetolians became Masters of the Place and amidst the many Crimes they committed perform'd this one act of Justice namely to cut those in pieces first who had betray'd the Town into their Hands making Booty of their Goods Howbeit the rest afterwards far'd no better their Houses being expos'd to Plunder and many of the Inhabitants put to Torment on suspicion they might have conceal'd their Goods of greatest value After this severe treatment of the Cynoethians they plac'd a Garrison in the Town and march'd with their Army towards Lussi when arriving near a Temple of Diana between Clytoria and Cynoetha a place of great Devotion and a Sanctuary among the Greeks they were about to rob the Goddess of the sacred Cattel and all that was near the Temple But to prevent this Violence and with-hold them from greater Crimes the Lussiatoe freely bestow'd part of what appertain'd to the Goddess upon them Whereupon they dislodg'd from thence and went and encamp'd before Clytoria In the mean time Aratus Praetor of the Achaians having sent to demand Aids of King Philip proceeded to make extraordinary Levies of Men and call'd on the Lacedaemonians and Messenians for the Succours they were oblig'd to contribute pursuant to the Treaty The Aetolians likewise press'd the Clytorians to renounce their Alliance with the Achaians and take part with them Which being refus'd they endeavour'd to reduce them by force scaling the Walls of the Town But being resolutely oppos'd by the Inhabitants they were compell'd to retire From thence they return'd to Cynaetha pillaging the Country all about and carrying away the sacred Cattel of the Goddess Then they propos'd to put the Town into the hands of the Eleans which not being accepted they resolv'd to keep it for themselves putting in Euripides for their Governour But shortly after being allarm'd at the news of the approach of the Macedonians they burnt the Town and retir'd taking their march towards Rhium with purpose to pass that way into Aetolia In the mean time Taurion having notice of the Success of the Aetolians and of what they had done at Cynaetha and hearing that Demetrius of Pharus was arriv'd from the Cyclades to Cenchrea he importun'd him to come to the Assistance of the Achaians to draw his Vessels over the Isthmus and fall on the Aetolians in their passage Demetrius who had fled from the Rhodians that were in pursuit of him and had brought with him no less Shame than Plunder from the Cyclades readily yielded to the Demand especially in regard Taurion was to be at the expence of transporting over the Vessels But that Work was no sooner over when they understood that the Aetolians had gain'd their Passage two Days before whereupon Demetrius contenting himself to make Inroads on them here and there near the Sea-coast retir'd to the Port of Corinth In conclusion the Lacedoemonians industriously and with evil intent deferr'd sending those Aids to which by the accord they were oblig'd covering their malicious Purpose however with dispatching an inconsiderable Supply of Horse and Foot While the Achaian Troops rendezvous'd about Aratus who in short govern'd his Affairs in such sort in that occasion as render'd him rather a cautious and wise Citizen than an able General of an Army For indeed the reflection on his late Disasters had so warn'd him that he remain'd long undetermin'd how to proceed till at length Dorimachus and Scopas having leisure given them to act the Part for which they came return'd home without molestation While Aratus in the mean time well knew they must of necessity take their March by such Ways and Passes so difficult and dangerous that as one may say they might have been beaten by the Sound only of a Trumpet As for the Cynaethians tho' their usage from the Aetolians was barbarous enough yet so it was that all the World look'd on their Misfortunes as a Punishment justly inflicted But forasmuch as the Arcadians are
Megalopolis In short when all these Outrages of the Aetolians had been prov'd and canvass'd in the Assembly they accorded unanimously to declare War against them So after they had prefac'd their Decree with enumerating the Causes and Provocations of the War it was concluded That all those who had been sufferers by the Aetolians since the Death of Demetrius Father of Philip should be receiv'd into the Confederacy and that if any by the violence of the Times had been aw'd into Obedience or Alliance with the Aetolians and pay'd them Tribute that they should be forthwith set at liberty the security of their respective Governments committed to their own hands and no Garrisons impos'd upon them but that they should be permitted to return to their ancient Laws and Customs free from any Tribute or Impositions whatsoever That Aid should be given the Amphictyons in order to their re-establishment in their Privileges and the restitution of their Right to the administration of the Temple which the Aetolians had violently wrested from them to make themselves Masters of that sacred Place and all the Revenues thereof This Decree being ordain'd in the First Year of the Hundred and fortieth Olymphiad the War of the Allies thereupon ensu'd which was begotten by the violent and general unjust proceedings of the Aetolians And now Ambassadors were sent from the Assembly of the States to all the Confederate Towns to the end the Decree being every-where receiv'd and ratifi'd by the Suffrages of the People they migh jointly and separately in their distinct States publish the War against the Aetolians whom King Philip likewise advertis'd by his Letters letting them understand That if it were so that they had just argument or motive whereby to indemnifie themselves and could fairly wipe off the Imputations that lay against them that they would do well to apply themselves to the general Assembly and endeavour to put a period to so solemn a Process by a Conference That they did but make Ostentation of their Weakness by thinking they might with impunity spoil and pillage as they did every-where without any declar'd War or apparent cause for such violence and that those who underwent these Outrages would rest unreveng'd or that it would be believ'd the Sufferers would be reckon'd the Aggressors and Authors of the War while they only apply'd themselves to such Remedies as their case made necessary The Aetolians on the receipt of these Intimations from King Philip were at first persuaded he would not appear and therefore prefix'd a Day for their assembling at Rhium afterwards when they heard of his arrival they sent to let him know that they had not Power to determine any thing in their Publick Affairs till the Convention of the General States of the Aetolians In the mean while the Achaians assembling at the usual time ratify'd the Decree by a general Vote of the Assembly and afterwards declar'd War against the Aetolians And now the King coming the Aegium where the Diet was held he there explain'd himself in many Point and proceeded in such manner as greatly pleas'd and oblig'd the Assembly where they renew'd with him the several Treaties that had been heretofore made between his Ancestors and the Achaians About the same time the Aetolians assembled in their General Council where they elected Scopas for their Praetor he who had been the Author of all those Violencese we have related By what name then shall we be able to distinguish such a Determination For to spoil and treat their Neighbours in hostile manner without any Declaration of War and not only not to punish the Authors of such Outrages but to conferr on the Ring-leaders the prime Authority in the Government seems to me the extremity of all Dishonesty For what gentler Terms will so vile an Action bear But our sense thereof will be better known by what follows When Phaebidas surpriz'd Cadmaea by Fraud and Perfidy the Lacedaemonians tho' they would not quit their possession yet they punish'd the Authors of the Action believing they had done enough to expiate for the Wrong in the chastisement of the Offenders In short they might have proceeded with less severity and it would have been more beneficial to the Thebans Afterward during the Peace of Antalâ—idas they publish'd a Decree That Liberty should be restor'd every where to the Greeks who should enjoy their ancient Laws and Customs nevertheless they withdrew not the Governors they had plac'd over the several Towns When they dissolv'd the Government and ruin'd the Town of Mantinoea they colour'd the Action by asserting they had done them on Injury in transplanting them from one Town to a great many But 't is the summ total of Folly and Depravity to think because our Eyes are shut that all the World is blind Thus both the one and the other of these People by pursuing these pernicious Maxims in the administration of the States drew on themselves many and grievous Calamities Wherefore as well in Private Affairs as Publick Negotiations such Counsels are never to be follow'd by any who would consult their own Good and Tranquility King Philip having now come to a Resolution with the Achaians touching their common Affairs return'd home with his Army to make preparations for the War having gain'd not only among the Confederates but the Greeks in general a mighty Opinion of his Goodness and Magnanimity by the publication of the Decree we have mention'd All these Matters were transacted about the time that Hannibal the Carthaginian General was deliberating about laying Siege to Saguntum after he had subdu'd all that part of Spain that lies on the other side of the River Eber. Since the Enterprizes of Hannibal then take beginning and bear data with these Affairs of Greece there seems to be a necessity that we should treat of them alternately according to the Method of our preceding Book to the end having punctual regard to the Time we may confront as one may say the Affairs of both these People of Spain and Greece But forasmuch as those of Italy Greece and Asia were produc'd from different Causes tho' they had one and the same event we have therefore thought fit to handle them distinctly and a-part till such time as we shall arrive at that Period when the Matters whereof we have made mention come to mingle and grow to conspire towards one and the same end By which means the beginnings and steps of each one respectively will be made the more intelligible and the interweaving them afterwards be less subject to confusion when the time of the respective Occurrences shall be adjusted and the Means and Causes of things duly set down In conclusion they will together compose bu one intire History and in short these Affairs became thus mingled toward the end of that War which was finish'd in the third Year of the Hundred and Fortieth Olympiad Wherefore there will be all the reason in the World to treat succeeding Matters conjointly as those that go
Circuit of the Peninsula towards the Sea accordingly they barricado'd all the Avenues with a good Palisado and the same fear advis'd them to furnish every proper place with Arms and a sufficient Garrison where it was thought needful In short the extent of the Ground is not great and may be defended by a small strength While these things were thus agitating at Sinope King Philip march'd out of Macedon at the Head of an Army for there we broke off our Discourse when we were relating the Transactions of the Consederate War which he lead through Thessaly and the Kingdom of Epirus purposing by that way to fall on the Aetolians But in the interim Alexander and Dorimachus having found Men wicked enough for their Design plotted to surprize the Town of Aegira by Treachery for which service they assembled twelve Hundred Aetolians drawing them together at Oenantia a Town situate on the other side the Water over-against the place we mention'd where they made provision of Vessels and all things necessary for their Design and there waited the occasion to put it in execution For this Service certain Aetolian Fugitives were found who had made their Residence some time in that place and had taken notice that the Soldiers who had charge of the Aegian Gate kept but a careless Guard minding nothing but Drinking and their Pleasure they had therefore frequently given Dorimachus intimation of what they had observ'd and knowing him to be fit for such Projects invited him to ingage in the Attempt Aegira is situate in that part of Peloponnesus that is wash'd by the Waters of the Corinthian Gulf between Aegium and Sicyon standing on high Ground and by Nature strong and hard of Access The Town looks towards Parnassus and the Towns adjacent and not a Mile distant from the Sea In a word Dorimachus when Matters were ripe for execution â—mbarks his Troops and arriving by Night came to Anchor near the River that runs by the foot of the Hill whereon on the Town stands Alexander and Donmachus together with Archidamus Son oâ— Pantaleon at the Head of a good Body 〈◊〉 Aetolians attack'd the Town on that sidâ—â— which regards Aegium while one of the Fâ—â—gitives well acquainted with all the Avenues at the Head of a small Party of their braves and most knowing Men took his way oveâ— the Rocks and Precipices and getting Passagâ— into the Town by a certain Aquaeduct surpriz'd the Guard that had charge of the Gate yet asleep which having put to the Sword and forcibly broken down the Barrier they open'd the Gates to the Aetolians which they heedlesly enter'd without any precaution taking for granted they were now Masters of the Place But this precipitation oâ— theirs turn'd to their destruction and gave the Inhabitants the opportunity of rescuing their Town In a word the Aetolians believing themselves now sure of Success stood but a small space under their Arms in the Market-place but pursuing their natural love of Plunder began by degrees to Disband and fell to pillaging the neighbouring Houses it being now broad Day The People of the Town were so terrify'd at this Surprize that all who were in their Houses which the Enemy plunder'd betook themselves to flight and got out of the Town giving all for lost to the Aetolians But those whose Houses had not been yet rifled having more leisure to bethink themselves and coming out to make Head against the Enemy hasten'd to the Cittadel where their Number increasing every moment their Resolution augment proportionably While on the contrary the Aetolians grew weaker and weaker through the Avarice of those who incessantly leâ—t their Ranks to hunt after Booty by which means their Numbers and their Courage became greatly diminish'd When Dorimachus began to perceive the Danger that threaten'd his Party he endeavour'd to rally and recall his scatter'd Troops and march'd to Attack the Cittadel making account that the boldness of the Attempt would so terrify the Multitude that were drawn together for the Defence of that Fortress that they would incontinently fly before him But the Aegirates otherwise minded animating one another oppos'd themselves bravely against the Enemy and advancing to the Charge came manfully to the Sword 's point with the Aetolians For the place being without any considerable Works about it the Contest was for the most part at hand and a Combat as it were of Man to Man And in short the Dispute we may imagine was such as when on the one part Men fight for the Liberty of their Country and their Families and on the other for their Lives and Safety But the Aetolians at length began to retire and the Aegirates as warmly to pursue them when they once perceiv'd them to give Ground The greatest part of the Aetolians then fell on the place or were crowded to Death in the Gate In conclusion those of them who were not kill'd on the Spot perish'd among the Rocks and Precipices by which way they endeavour'd to escape Some that gain'd their Vessels having basely quitted their Arms wondring at the fortune of their Escape immediately Embark'd and made Sail away Thus those of Aegira having lost their Town through their Negligence had the Fortune to recover it by their Resolution At the same time likewise Euripides whom the Aetolians had sent to the Aelaeans for their General having plunder'd the Territory of Dyma Pharae and Tritaea return'd to Elis with much Booty As to Micas of Dyma who was at that time the Achaian Praetor's Lieutenant he assembled all the Forces of Dyma Pharae and Tritaea and advanc'd after the Enemy who was now retreating But pursuing with more Precipitation than Prudence he fell into an Ambush where he suffer'd someloss about forty of his Men being slain and two handred taken Prisoners Euripides exalted by this Success soon after took the Field again gaining a Fortress belonging to the Dymaeans call'd Tychos standing very commodiously This Place as Fables say was built by Hercules at what time he wag'd War with the Eleans and was his retreat when he made Inroads on the Enemy Those of Dyma Pharae and Tritaea who had met with so ill Success in their pursuit of the Enemy beginning to be in pain for the â—uture after the taking the Fortress of Tychos dispatch'd Advice to the Praetor of the Achaians imparting to him what had befallen them and demanded speedy Succours each of them apart sending afterwards their Ambassadors with Instances to the same effect But it so happen'd that Aratus could make no Levies of Strangers inasmuch as in the Cleâ—menic War they had withheld part of the Pay that was due to those who had serv'd in their Army And Aratus himself was in a word but a very slow Mover in all Military Deliberations and Enterprizes And that was it that gave Lycurgus opportunity to surprize Athenaeum of the Megalopolitans and afterward as we have noted to Euripidas to get possession of Gorgona of Telphussa When those of Dyma Pharae and
the Siege and ordering his Troops to refresh themselves and to be in a readiness under their Arms by break of Day he commanded them to march down and pass the Bridge over the Erymanthus which they did without any Impediment none suspecting they would adventure on so hardy an Enterprize Then bravely approaching the Town they came and lodg'd themselves at the foot of the Wall Upon this Euripidas and all within the Town were struck with great Terror and Amazement having always concluded it most improbable that the Enemy would ever be so adventurous as to make an essay of their Strength against a place so well fortify'd and provided nor to resolve on a long Siege by reason of the Winter and bad Weather Nevertheless with these Thoughts were mix'd certain Jealousies among themselves and an apprehension lest Philip should become Master of the Place by intelligence But these Fears were soon over and after they found there was no ground of Suspicion of that there being none so much as inclin'd to Philip's Party they then unanimously betook themselves to the defence of the Works the greatest part of the Garrison mounting the Walls while the Elean Mercenaries made a Sally by a Gate in the upper part of the Town to surprize the Enemy on that side In the mean time the King having appointed three several Attacks order'd Ladders to be rais'd by People destin'd to that particular Service against each assign'd place with a sufficient Guard of Macedonians to sustain them Then commanding to sound to the Charge they advanc'd to the Assault on all Quarters of the Town The Garrison for a space made brave resistance casting down many of their Ladders But it coming to pass that their Darts and other Weapons of Defence in such occasions beginning to fail them for they were drawn to the Walls in haste as was noted and the Macedonians bravely maintaining the Attack notwithstanding the opposition they found new Men boldly succeeding and filling up the places of those who had been cast from the Works that the Townsmen no longer able to withstand them deserted their Defence and betook themselves for safety to the Citadel So the Macedonians mounted and became possess'd of the Walls while the Candiots who were come to Blows with the Party that had made the Sally beat them back and in the pursuit enter'd pell-mell with them into the Town whereby it so chanc'd that the place was subdu'd and taken in all Quarters at once The Inhabitants with their Wives and Children likewise took Sanctuary in the Citadel as did Euripidas and all that had time to provide for their safety The Macedonians were no sooner Masters of the Town when they fell to plunder and rifle both publick and private Places where they remain'd till they should receive further Orders In the mean while those who had retir'd to the Citadel foreseeing what must inevitably besal them having nothing there to sustain them deliberated on yielding it up accordingly they sent a Trumpet to the King who gave them his Pass for the security of those whom they should appoint to Treat who were the principal Men of the City and with them Euripidas who obtain'd Indemnity for all who were retir'd to the Citadel both Towns-Men and Strangers Nevertheless the Deputies were order'd to return back and there to remain till the Army should be drawn off lest some of the unruly Soldiers less observant of the King's Commands should be tempted to rifle them The Weather being bad much Snow falling the King was constrain'd to take up his abode here for some days where assembling all the Achaians that were with him he first discours'd with them touching the situation of the Place that it was well fortify'd and of great use to them in the War they had on their hands Then repeating the assurances of his fast Friendship to the Nation in general he bestow'd the Town upon them telling them he was fully determin'd to give them all the assistance in his utmost Power and would let no occasion pass whereby he might express his Affection to them After Aratus and the rest of the Achaians had express'd their grateful Acknowledgments for so many Favours and good Offices the King dissolv'd the Assembly and march'd the Army away towards Lasion upon which the Psophidians left the Citadel and came down into the Town to their respective Habitations As to Euripidas he departed thence to Corinth from whence he went to Aetolia The Magistrates of the Achaians gave the Government of the Citadel to Proslaus the Sicyonian placing therein a good Garrison and Pythias they made Governor of the Town Thus were Matters accommodated at Psophis The Elean Garrison in Lasion receiving notice of the approach of the Macedonians and being inform'd of what had pass'd at Psophis deserted the Town into which the King immediately enter'd on his arrival to give further instance of his Kindness to the Achaians he made them a Present likewise of this Place He also restor'd Stratus to the Telphussians which the Eleans had abandon'd and in short in five Days marcht to Olymphia where after he had sacrific'd and magnificently treated the prime Officers of the Army and allow'd three Days to repose and refresh his Troops he march'd them into the Territory of the Eleans where he no sooner enter'd when he sent Detachments abroad to waste and plunder the Country himself encamping in the Neighbourhood of Artemissium whither having order'd the Booty to be brought he afterwards return'd back to Dioscurium And here tho' they put all to Fire and Sword where-ever they came and took many Prisoners nevertheless the greater part sav'd themselves by flying to the neighbouring Towns and Places of strength For the Territory of the Eleans is the best Peopled Country of all Peloponnesus and the most abounding in all things for the Inhabitants are for the most part so in love with a Country Life that how Wealthy soever they are they cannot be drawn from thence to inhabit their Towns The reason of this seems to be that the Government greatly incourageth that sort of Life whereby their Lands become better cultivated and improv'd insomuch as they receive from them all kind of Protection and want no Privilege or Support it can give them For my own part I can easily believe they have been ever heretofore addicted to that manner of Living as well through the fertility of the Soil as the innocence and simplicity of the Manners of the ancient Inhabitants while by the general consent of the Greeks they enjoy'd their Possessions without any Molestation or fear of War or Violence in consideration of the Olympic Games that were there celebrated But after the Arcadians had now Challeng'd a right to Lasion and Pisa and they were become oblig'd to take Arms to defend their Possessions they became chang'd in their Manners and forgot the ancient Customs of their Country without thought of recovering their old Liberty and have long continu'd for the most
Garrison that Place Wherefore Philip composing a Body of all the Stranger-Troops of the Achaians the Candiots that were with him some Gaulish Horse and Two Thousand choice Achaian Foot put them into Dyma both for a reserve if occasion should require and to strengthen and secure that Place in case the Eleans should have a mind to attempt any thing that way Then sending his Dispatches to the Messenians Epirots Acarnanians and Scerdilaidas requiring them to hasten with their Ships and meet him at Cephalenia he parted from Patroe at a Day prefix'd and came to Pronos a Port of that Island Where observing the very great difficulty of succeeding by laying siege to that Place the Country about it being very streight he proceeded further and steer'd towards the Town of Palé Here finding plenty of Corn on the Ground whereby to sustain his Army he disembark'd and sat down before that Place drawing his Vessels ashoar and securing them with a good Ditch and Palissado he sent out his Macedonians to Forage while he approach'd to view the Place whereby to make a Judgment where he might best apply his Engines to the Walls it being his purpose there to attend the coming of the Confederate Forces and to become Master of that Place thereby to deprive the Aetolians of the Benefit it yielded them For whenever they had any design of making a Descent on Peloponnesus or to plunder the Coast of Epirus or Acarnania they made use of the Vessels of Cephalenia Furthermore he consider'd this Town would make a safe retreat both for himself and Friends and be of great use to them in all their Attempts on the Enemy on that side For Cephalenia stands not far from the Gulf of Corinth looking likewise toward the Sicilian Sea and that part of the Coast of Peloponnesus that lies North and North-West and is in the Neighbourhood chiefly of the Epirots Eleans Aetolians and Acarnanians whose Coast trends away West and South-West This Town then lying so commodiously for assembling the Forces of the Confederates for annoying the Enemy and protecting of Friends and Allies the King was therefore very desirous to get the Island into his possession After he had well consider'd that a great part of the Town was inviron'd by the Sea and by Rocks that were inaccessible and that there was but one small spot of good Ground lying towards the way of Zacinthus whereby they might approach he therefore resolv'd there to apply his Engines and make that the principal Attack In the mean time there join'd him fifteen Vessels sent by Scerdilaidas for the Commotions that had happen'd in Illyria among the Governours of those Provinces who had fallen into dangerous Dissentions among themselves was the cause he could not send a greater Supply Aids came likewise from the Epirots Acarnanians and Messenians for after the taking of Phialea the Messenians readily took their share of the War And now when all things were prepar'd and the Machines for casting of Stones and Darts in a readiness the King order'd them to approach the Walls after he had encourag'd his own People and had began to sap their Works The Macedonians then who wrought chearfully at the Work had soon undermin'd a great part of the Wall strongly sustaining the Burthen with great Posts of Wood as they proceeded whereupon the King summon'd the Town to surrender But they having no disposition to submit he order'd Fire to be apply'd to the Props that sustain'd the Wall whereupon a Breach was quickly made Then he order'd the Buckler-men who were under the Command of Leontius dividing them into Parties to march to the Attack and enter the Town over the Ruines of the Breach But Leontius mindful of the Agreement he had made with Apelles with-held certain forward Men who were already advanc'd to the top of the Breach from proceeding any further And having before corrupted some of the principal Officers of the Army and acting his own part but coldly it came to pass that after great loss of their Men they were beaten off when they had the fairest opportunity that could be wish'd of taking the Town When the King therefore had consider'd the backwardness of his Officers and that the Macedonians had much suffer'd in this Attack he rais'd the Siege calling a Council to debate what was best next to be done While King Philip was thus busie here Lycurgus march'd with an Army into the Territory of the Messenians and Dorimachus with part of the Aetolian Forces into Thessaly both with the same design of obliging the King to raise the Siege Whereupon Ambassadors were dispatch'd to him from the Acarnanians and Messenians Those from Acarnania proposing his falling on the Lands of the Aetolians so to compel Dorimachus by spoiling the Country to return to their relief But the Messenians pray'd present Succours adding That now while the Etesian Winds blew they might in a Day 's fail gain their passage from Cephalenia to the Coast of Messenia where Gorgus the Messenian was of Opinion they might endanger the surprizing of Lycurgus and that the Enterprize promis'd great advantage Leontius who saw this Counsel tended to his purpose strongly seconded the Advice foreseeing that if the King follow'd it he would spend the whole Summer without effect In short it was true that to Messenia 't was a short and easie passage but it was impossible to return back during the season of those Winds so that in all probability should the King have follow'd that Advice he would have been shut up in Messenia during the season of Action without doing any thing to the purpose while the Aetolians would be at liberty to spoil at their ease and put all to Fire and Sword in Thessaly and Epirus This Counsel therefore was very pernicious wherefore Aratus labour'd to divert the King shewing how much better it was to fall on the Aetolians by Sea and that the occasion of making Descents with their Fleet was not to be lost now that Dorimachus with the Aetolian Forces was diverted elsewhere The King who had already conceiv'd a doubtful Opinion of Leontius as well through his late Behaviour in the Siege as by other grounds of suspicion he had given him of his Fidelity became inclin'd to follow the Counsel of Aratus Whereupon he writ to Eperatus the Achaian Praetor to assemble his Troops and march to the relief of the Messenians while he himself weighing Anchor the next Day gain'd his passage under covert of the Night from Cephalenia to Leucas where all things having been duly prepar'd at the Isthmus of Dioryctus he caus'd his Vessels to be drawn over and so pass'd into the Gulf of Ambracia which as we have observ'd comes out of the Sicilian Sea and runs far up into the Country of Aetolia Having perform'd this Journey somewhat before Day he made sail towards a Town call'd Limnoea Here causing the Army to take a short refreshment and to be in a readiness to march and to take no
with his Fleet soon after at Leucas where when he had directed those who had the charge of dividing the Booty to hasten the distribution thereof He assembled his Council and fell to debate about the Affairs of Megaleas where Aratus charg'd him and the rest of that Faction with all those criminal Practices we have noted He farther laid to their charge the Murther that had been committed after the departure of Antigonus and opened the whole Matter of the Conspiracy of Apelles shewing in what manner they had obstructed the King's Business in the siege of Palaea And forasmuch as he urg'd nothing against them that was not vouch'd by solid Reasons and made evident by competent Witnesses Megaleas and his Complices became so hard set that they had nothing to say in their defence wherefore they were with one Voice found Guilty Crinon continu'd a Prisoner but Leontius became Caution for Megaleas binding himself for the payment of the Fine the King had laid on him This was the success of the treasonable Conspiracy of Apelles and his Adherents which had quite another issue than they look'd for having promis'd to themselves that they should oblige Aratus to retire from the King out of fear and that after they had remov'd the rest of his Servants who had any Trust about him they should then Reign alone and Rule all as they list but their Project fail'd them About the same time Lycurgus return'd from Messina and Lacedaemon having done nothing worth recording Afterwards on a second Expedition he seiz'd on Tegaea where the Inhabitants retiring into the Citadel he resolv'd to besiege it But after many fruitless Attempts despairing of Success he was oblig'd to march back to Sparta In the mean while the Eleans made perpetual Inroads on the Lands of Dymas where the Horse of that Place which march'd out to succour the Country were drawn into an Ambush and defeated with little difficulty Some Gauls were kill'd on the place and certain of the Inhabitants made Prisoners among whom were Polymedes of Aegium and Agesipolis and Megacles of Dymas Dorimachus also took the Field with the Aetolian Troops in confidence as hath been noted that he should be able to ravage Thessaly and thereby oblige the King to rise from before Palaea But Chrysogonus and Patroeus prevented them being there ready to receive them with an Army which oblig'd Dorimachus to keep the Mountains and not to adventure into the Plain Country Who shortly after being inform'd that the Macedonians had invaded Aetolia march'd out of Thessaly and hasten'd to the relief of his Country but before he arriv'd the King was retir'd Thus Dorimachus coming always too late made many vain Expeditions In the mean time King Philip having embark'd his Troops at Leucas and plunder'd the Coast of Hyanthes in his way arriv'd with his Fleet at Corinth where landing his Army and ordering the Vessels to be drawn over to the Port of Lechoeum he dispatch'd his Letters to all the Confederate Towns of Peloponnesus appointing them a Day when they were to Rendezvous their Troops at Tegaea And making but short stay at Corinth he march'd his Army by the way of Argos and came the next Day to Tegaea where joining such of the Achaian Horse as were there ready he proceeded marching over the Mountains with design to fall by surprize on the Territory of the Lacedaemonians And after four Days march through a Desart Country he gain'd the tops of those Eminences that lie over-against and give a prospect of the City of Sparta and leaving Menelaium on his right came close by Amycla The Lacedaemonians beholding his march from the Town were greatly alarm'd and to seek what to do For the news of the plundering of Therme and the many gallant Actions perform'd by King Philip in his Aetolian Expedition gave them both present Terror and future Caution There was indeed a Rumour among them as if Lycurgus should be sent to the Succour of the Aetolians But no Body could suspect that King Philip would be able to compass such a march in so short a space while they consider'd him too of an Age more to be contemn'd than fear'd Wherefore seeing now Matters to succeed so contrary to their Expectations it was no wonder they became surpriz'd But in a word his Deliberations and their Effects so far surpass'd the expectation of his Age that his Enemies every where were held in fear and suspension For marching out of the heart of Aetolia he cross'd the Gulf of Ambracia and gain'd the Port of Leucas in the space of one Night where remaining but two Days only he parted early the third and plundering in the way all the Coast of Aetolia he arriv'd safely at Lechoeum From thence continuing his march he came in seven Days near Menelaium gaining the Hills that give a view of the City of Sparta So that whosoever shall compute the expedition of his Motions would not be able without difficulty to believe what they saw which was the subject of the Lacedaemonians astonishment who knew neither what to do or resolve The King 's first Encampment was near Amycla a Town distant from Sparta about four Miles surpassing all others in excellent Fruâ—â— and delightful Gardens where there is a Temple of Apollo inferiour to none in the whole Country of Laconia both for Dignity and Riches The next Day plundering all the Low-Country as he march'd he came to a Place call'd Pyrrhus-Castle and after doing all the spoil he could for two Days together in that Neighbourhood he came and encamp'd near Carnium From thence he leâ— the Army to Asina where he made a fruitless attempt to become Master of that Place Wherefore he decamp'd and ravag'd all the Country as far as Tenarus which lies toward the Sea of Candia putting all to Fire and Sword Then turning off he took his march by the way that leads to the Port of the Lacedoemonians call'd Gythium where there is 〈◊〉 good Haven Which Place is likewise distant from Sparta about four Miles But soon leaving Gythium on his right he came and encamp'd near Elia the best and most spacious Country of the whole Spartan Territory From thence sending out Parties he spread War and Depredation far and wide making grievous spoil on the Corn and Fruits of the Country He plunder'd also Acria and Leuca and the Lands of Baeara In the mean while the Messenians having receiv'd King Philip's Letters whereby they were enjoyn'd to take the Field with their Troops forthwith compos'd a Body of two Thousand chosen Foot and Two Hundred Horse and came short of none of the Confederates in their readiness and good Will But forasmuch as it was not possible for them by reason of their remote distance to comply punctually with the day the Troops were to assemble at Tegaea they remain'd a while in suspence uncertain how to proceed Howbeit doubting lest their delay should be interpreted an effect of their former backwardness they came to a
referr'd to the Accord made by the several Princes at what time Antigonus being defeated and vanquish'd Cassander Lysimachus and Seleucus met in a General Assembly to deliberate on that Subject when the entire Kingdom of Syria was adjudg'd to Seleucus Those who were present on the part of Ptolomy labour'd to prove the contrary and to show the weakness of Antiochus's Pretensions and further to exaggerate the Injury remonstrated the Indignity of breaking the Peace by the Treachery of Theodotus and the Expedition of Antiochus That Ptolomy the Son of Lagus enter'd on the War for the acquisition of Syria That he join'd his Arms with Seleucus conditionally that as the Dominion of Asia should be his so the Lower Syria and Phoenicia should fall to Ptolomy's share The several Ambassadors urg'd these and the like Reasons in the Conferences that were held but no fruit came of their Debates through want of one common Mediator For while Matters were canvas'd by People equally interess'd and partial to their own side without any one to moderate the Heats that could not but grow between them what success could be hop'd The Affair of Achoeus was likewise a great clog to the Negotiation For Ptolomy urg'd to have him compriz'd in the Treaty but Antiochus could not brook so much as to hear him nam'd exclaiming how scandalous it was that Ptolomy should entertain so much as a thought of giving protection to one in Rebellion against his Prince Thus while these two Princes built on the Equity of their Allegations the Treaty was defeated and early in the Spring Antiochus assembled his Troops with intention to attack the Enemy by Sea and Land and to prosecute his Conquest of what remain'd to be reduc'd of Caelo-Syria Ptolomy on the other part committing his Affairs in those parts to the Conduct of Nicolaus furnish'd Gaza plentifully with every needful thing for its defence mov'd also with his Sea and Land Forces On their arrival Nicholaus prepar'd with determination to abide the War and was readily supply'd in all his Demands by Perigenes to whom Ptolomy had given the Command of the Fleet and Naval Army which consisted of thirty Vessels of War and four hundred of Burthen Nicholaus was an Aetolian by Nation very brave and in the Trade of War superiour in Knowledge to most who at that time were in the Service of Ptolomy His first care was with part of his Army to possess the Streights near Platanos posting himself with the other part of his Army in the places near Porphyreon to prevent any attempt of Antiochus on that side In the mean while the Fleet remain'd at Anchor not far off On Antiochus's arrival at Marathum the Aradians apply'd to him with Tenders of Friendship and Alliance whom he did not only kindly receive but interpos'd his Mediation between the Islanders and those of the Continent composing the Difference that had happen'd between them and establishing Friendship among them Then marching into Syria by that passage which is call'd Thoûprosopon he came to Berytus took Botris in his march and burnt Trieres and Calamus From thence he dispatch'd Theodotus and Nicarchus with Orders to possess the Streights which lead to the River Lycus to be before-hand with the Enemy In the mean time himself kept on his march with the Army and came and Encamp'd by the River Damura Diognetus with the Fleet keeping always near him From thence taking with him Nicarchus and Theodotus with his light-arm'd Troops he went to view the Streights where Nicholaus was posted and after he had made Remarks to his Mind he return'd back to the Camp The next Day leaving Nicarchus with the Command of his heavy-arm'd Troops behind he march'd himself at the head of the rest of the Army to put in execution what he had projected Now in regard Mount Libanus streightens and contracts the passage by the Sea-Coast and the space is bounded by a Valley waste and inaccessible it comes to pass that the way between that and the Sea is very narrow and difficult Here it was where Nicolaus had posted himself where by placing good Guards in some places and fortifying others with Works he thought he should be able without much difficulty to withstand Antiochus's Passage The King in the mean time dispos'd his Army into three Divisions to Theodotus he gave the Command of one with Orders to attack the Enemy that was posted along the Mountain another Division he gave to Menedemus who was expresly directed to attempt the Passage that lay in the middle of the Vale the third he appointed for a reserve with respect to what might happen in the Naval Conflict These were lead by Diocles who was Governour of the Country of Parapotamia near the Euphrates Antiochus himself making choice of such a place attended only by his Guards where he might stand and have a fair view of all that pass'd on every side whereby being a Spectator of each Mans behaviour he was inabled to judge where to supply Succours in case of Need. And now Diognetus and Perigenes drew their Fleets into a Line of Battel drawing as near the Shore as they could insomuch as the whole Action by Land and Sea became one single prospect When the Signal was given they advanc'd to the Attack on all sides The Fight at Sea continu'd for some time doubtful their Forces being in every thing equal And notwithstanding Nicolaus seem'd a while to have the better having the advantage of Ground yet upon Theodotus's forcing the Enemy from their Post on the Mountain and from thence falling on the rest Nicolaus was compell'd to give Ground and betake him to flight About two thousand were slain in the pursuit and no fewer taken Prisoners the rest got into Sidon Perigenes likewise who once thought he had the better in the Naval Dispute terrify'd to behold his Friends beaten a-shoar left the Enemy a stern and flying secur'd himself in the same place Antiochus presently thereupon leads his Army to Sidon and encamps before the Town But he thought it not advisable to attack it for as it was very well supply'd with all sorts of Provisions of War so the Inhabitants were numerous and their Strength re-inforc'd by those who had fled thither after the Battel From thence then he took his march towards Philoteria ordering Diognetus his Admiral to make sail with the Fleet to Tyre Philoteria stands in the neighbourhood of a great Moor through which runs the River Jordan which from thence pursues its course through the Plains of Scythopolis Antiochus becoming Master of the two foremention'd Places grew into greater assurance of succeeding in his Enterprizes in regard the Territory subject to those Towns produc'd sufficient of all things to sustain his Army and yielded over and above enough of every thing he might need to prosecute his Design wherefore after he had strengthen'd them with good Garrisons he took his march over the Mountains and came to Atabyrium This Town stands on a rising
who prevailing chas'd them into Italy so that Sardinia became by this means entirely lost to the Carthaginians An Island very considerable as well by it's Greatness and the number of the Inhabitants as for the Fruits and Product of the Country But in regard many have already largely describ'd it I thought it unnecessary to say more on a Subject so well known it being but so much time lost to say over again what others have said before me And now Matho Spendius and Autaritus foreseeing that the Clemency which Hamilcar exercis'd towards the Prisoners was like to have but an ill Effect on their Affairs and fearing least the Africans and their other Troops in Prospect of Pardon should desert them and go over to the other Army they resolv'd to commit some new Act of Villany such as should put them past all hopes of Indemnity with the Carthaginians So they assembled all the Army to a certain place and while they were there a Messenger purposely arriv'd with pretended Letters from those who had follow'd their steps in Sardinia which Letters contain'd strict Injunctions to them to be careful in guarding Gesco and the rest of the Prisoners who as we have already noted were treacherously imprison'd at the Treaty of Tunes inasmuch as there were some in the Army who had undertaken to the Carthaginians to deliver them up Spendius here takes occasion to admonish them not to rely on the specious Humanity which Hamilcar seem'd to show to those who had fallen into his Hands that it was the least of his Purpose to spare them but by a feign'd Clemency hop'd to draw the rest to Submission to the End that having them once at his Mercy he might make one Example of Punishment for all should they be insnar'd by those Allurements He further proceeded to Counsel them to take care not to be out-witted and neglecting their Duty permit Gesco to escape who being a principal Leader and in great Authority would prove one of their most dangerous Enemies Spendius had hardly ended his Discourse when a second Courier arrives pretending to come from the Camp near Tunes who brings Letters pressing the same matter that was contain'd in the others Upon this Autaritus applies to the Assembly to whom he remonstrates that their Safety and Success consisted purely in renouncing all those hopes of Pardon to which the Carthaginians labour'd to perswade them and that he whoever he was that should suggest any Assurance in the Carthaginian Clemency should forfeit his Fidelity and was no more to be trusted He advis'd them therefore to be guided by and give credit to those who knew best how the Carthginians would deal with them and to hold them for Traitors and Enemies who should attempt to perswade the contrary When he had ended his Discourse he gave his Opinion that they ought to put Gesco to Death and not only those who were with him but all such others as had fallen into their Hands since the War This Autaritus was a very popular Man in the Army and prevail'd much in their Assemblies he was moreover perfect in the Carthaginian Tongue by reason of his long Commerce among them as were many others under his Command who in their common Conversation seldom spake in any other Language This Officer was therefore listen'd to with general Applause and the Assembly was unanimously prevail'd with to consent to his Proposition Howbeit there were some of every Nation who join'd in their common Request That in regard of the many Benefits they had receiv'd at the Hands of Gesco he might have the Favour only to suffer Death without putting him to Torment but in regard their Discourse was confus'd and in several Languages it was not understood what they demanded and now it being known what was determin'd one of those there present demanded aloud That they should forthwith execute the Sentence whereupon immediately all the Carthaginian Prisoners that were at hand were ston'd to Death who some time after were buried by their Relations as if they had been kill'd and torn by wild Beasts Then Spendius order'd Gesco to be brought forth out of the Camp together with the other Prisoners that were with him to the number of Seventy Persons and being led some distance off they first cut off their Hands beginning with Gesco whom just before they had own'd for their Benefactor and whom they had made Choice of to be Umpire of their Differences then by degrees they Dismember'd them and after they had cut off their Legs they threw them yet alive into a Ditch The Carthaginians upon receiving Intelligence of this Savage Piece of Cruelty justly deplor'd the Calamities of those Miserable People and sent to Hamilcar and Hanno who was the other General exhorting them to lay the Distresses of the Commonwealth to Heart and to do their utmost to revenge the Death of their Fellow-citizens by the Destruction of their Murderers Heralds were likewise dispatch'd to the Enemy to demand the Bodies of the Dead who were so far from dedelivering them that they advis'd them to send no more Messengers or Ambassadours assuring them that the first who came should share the Fate of Gesco In a word they now agreed to Treat all the Carthaginians that should for the Future fall into their Hands with the like Inhumanity and such of their Allies as should be taken they would cut off their Hands and so send them back to Carthage which cruel Determination they afterwards rigorously executed Certainly whosoever shall weigh things rightly will conclude that as there are Maladies and Ulcers in Human Bodies that may arrive to such a head of Malignity as to be past all Cure so the Spirits and Minds of Men are obnoxious to the like Distempers In short there are Sores and Biles in our Bodies which will fester under the use of proper Remedies and yet if Applications are neglected they spread and prey upon the part affected and as they grow in Malignity come at length to consume the whole Body not unlike to these there often happens to grow Diseases in the Mind which arrive at such Inveteracy that one may with Justice conclude Savage Beasts themselves come short of them in Rage and Cruelty Such as these if you treat them with Humanity grow into greater Jealousie and confide in you less than before interpreting your Lenity an effect of Art and Cunning and become thereby most inrag'd with those who discover the greatest Inclination to Clemency If on the other Hand you resent their Barbarities and pay them in their own Coin they then make Ostentation of their Wickedness and there is no Crime or Inhumanity how impious or abominable soever that they will scruple at till at length they cease to be Men and are Metamorphos'd into Savage Beasts And though it cannot be gainsaid but this Imperfection of the Mind grows out of ill Manners and bad Education nevertheless there are other Causes that minister to the Growth of this Evil whereof