ground upon them so as the City being brought into great straits was forced to yield The Duke dispatch'd away a Gentleman of his with this good News to the Senate at Venice to whom it was very welcome not only for the good success of taking the Town but also for that they hoped the Confederates would by this good beginning be incouraged to undertake greater Affairs The City was immediately delivered over to Francisco Sforza who made his residence there and the Senate sent Secretary Luigi Sabbadino thither that he might be present with him as a Servant of the Common-wealths to assist him But this mean while a strange and sad accident hapned which did much disorder the affairs of the League retarding and interrupting all their designs for the Colonesi having got together about 600 Horse and 5000 Foot entred Rome at unawares plunder'd many of the Prelates houses the Church and Palace of St. Peter the Pope himself hardly escaping their fury who intended to have made him Prisoner by retiring into the Castle of St. Angelo So as not tarrying any longer in the City Cardinal Colonna having in vain labour'd to make the people take up Arms in his behalf they went out loaded with Booty and carrying away goods to the value of more then 300000 Duckets This accident forc'd the Pope for his liberty and security to make Truce with Don Hugo for four moneths by which he promised to make his Forces pass back again over the Poe and to make his Gallies withdraw into the Churches Dominions But afterwards thinking more maturely upon these affairs and knowing to how many dangers in the future he was incurr'd to free himself from the present danger though in observation of his late capitulation he recall'd his forces from those of the League yet he by his Nuntio's ask'd counsel of the King of France and of the Venetian Senate whether he should continue to observe those things which necessity had compell'd him to promise to Don Hugo or else not doing so to pitch upon some other resolve And soon after he sent Monsieur di Lige who was come then to Rome back again into France about the same business Clement being a witty man and of a mature judgment knew that to observe the Truce was no better then to afford Cesar means of making more bitter War and of overcoming those difficulties by this delay which he found himself at present opprest with and in fine of settling himself in Italy and of indangering all their liberties But his immoderate fear perverted his judgment and suffer'd him not to discern this truth Wherefore the General of San Francisco being sent by the Emperour to Rome to treat of peace he listned attentively to him and exhorted the Venetians not to descent from it For said he Arms must one day be laid down and that since it was now offer'd the occasion was not to be let slip The Senate answered they did never desire War but that they had sought by War to secure peace And that they would not be averse unto it so as it might be treated of and concluded by the knowledg and consent of the King of France For if they should do otherwise they should much to their prejudice alienate him for ever from minding the affairs of Italy and lose a safe refuge in case of any adverse fortune They therefore indeavour'd to confirm the Pope shewing him that there was no reason to come now to so precipitous a resolution nor with so much indignity to receive the proposals made by Charles without expecting an answer from France especially upon so dishonourable conditions as to pay a great sum of money to Charles and moreover to deliver up into his hands as pledges of his fidelity places of so great importance in the Ecclesiastical State as were Parma Piacenza and Civita Vecchia And also that it did appear by many signs that Cesar was very weak in Forces especially since the so many rumours of succours terminated only in the assistance of Georgio Frondisper Whose Army being to be maintain'd at his own private charge and by some pillage it was to be hoped that it would very shortly dissolve That the people of Milan wanting pay refused all obedience to their Commanders And on the contrary that Renzo de Ceri was expected from France with monies and that there was hopes that the King himself who was already come as far as Lyons would pass over in person into Italy that the greatest danger of the Dutch was secured the business of Genua successfully begun that all things promis'd fair The Pope being moved by these perswasions and it may be much more by the remembrance of his so grievous and so rescent injuries and for fear of not being preyed upon by the Spaniards when he should be abandoned by the Confederates he resolved to suspend the Treaty of this new Truce and the observance of what as yet had not any effect agreeing only to Treat of the Universal Peace and this by the advice and consent of the most Christian King The coming of Master Russâ—l did not a little further this resolution who being sent by the King of England to present the Pope with thirty thousand crowns for the occasions of the War came just in this nick of time to Rome and laboured much to confirm the Pope in the continuance of the League or at least that he would set his mind upon the introducing of a true Peace amongst all Christian Princes which the Venetian Senate did not dissent from but gave order to their Embassadour Andrea Navagiero who was then in Spain to intervene at this Treaty which was to be negotiated upon and concluded in France but for the honour of Cesar it was to be ratified at his Court and in his presence The sum of the Treaty was That the King of France his sons should be set at Liberty That Lombardy should be left in a peaceful condition Sforza's State restored And the debt paid which the King of England pretended was due to him by Charls Difficulties daylie encreased in the concluding and in the observance of these Articles so as for all these endeavours the provisions for War were no ways slackned But the business of Truce being suspended the Pope sent his men whom he had recalled from the League camp presently away to recover those Lands which the Colonesi had usurped from the Church The worser the Imperialists condition was who were reduced to great straits and the greater the Confederates hopes were of good success the more â—id the former endeavour to relieve their affirmed affairs and the others to keep out all relief whereupon it was that all good and bad success did depend and the whole fortune of the War Therefore Charls made a Fleet be prepared in Carthagena to relieve Genua he solicited his brother the Archduke Ferdinand to raise men in his Territories and to send them from the nearest parts into Italy and he had ordered the
pretentions or so much as thoughts upon the affairs of Italy Which since it cannot be entirely effected by us answerable to our occasions and desires yet wee should indeavour as much as in us lies to keep their persons far from henâ—e for we may be sure that the sight of these noble provinces of Italy will kindle in them who are easie to take such Impressions a greater desire of possessing themselves thereof and that by their presence those things will be much increased which we would lessen For where a great prince is in person he aâ—ds much of reputation to his affairs and he may easily and by many wayes purchase unto himself favour authority and power Wherefore do we not think then of some other means of keeping Cesar out of Italy since there be others whereby we may much better effect our desires without these dangers For say the King should resolve to pass over the Mountains it is not likely that that would keep Cesar from coming also into Italy by sea nay it may be if â—e were less resolved to do so this would make him do it the sooner lest he might sâ—em to yield unto a Prince who is not only his rival in glory but his open and declared enemy as if he should confess that after he had divulged he would make such a voyage he had forborn doing so for fear of him leaving his Army and all that he is possest of in Italy a secure prey for others But if on the contrary the French will resolve to march with powerfull forces to the Confines of Spain and assault some of their Frontier Forts what reason is there to believe that when the Emperour shall be molested in his own Dominions he will abandon their defence to fall upon Italy a business of such difficulty and that he will leave his own affairs in apparent danger out of uncertain hopes of getting what belongs to others Hannibals example is very remarkable and may be very well paralel'd to this which we now treat of whom the Romans could never get out of Italy till they resolved to assault Affrica and so compel him to turn those forces which he had long made use of against them to defend his own Country Moreover it is an excellent rule when the fire of war cannot be totally extinguished to keep it as far from our own houses as we can and to carry it elswere and we who see that Italy is made the seat of war whereinto so many Transalpine Forces have had recourse to vent their fury and glut their wicked wills to the great prejudice and almost total ruine thereof shall we mediate the coming in of new forreigners thereinto so to continue those miseries and to make them more and to foment that fire in our bosomes which hath long burnt to our great cost and prejudice if the King of France shall come into Italy we are sure we shall rekindle a new and heavy war for either Cesar will resolve as I verily believe he will do to come in person with so much the greater forces for that he shall know he is to meet with so much the slouter resistance or else he will send the greater forces into Italy and will adde thereunto as much as he is able in the Kingdome of Naples and Dukedome of Milan for it is not to be imagined that whilest he shall be safe at whom and sufficiently powerfull and victorious in Italy he will abandon his fortune and forego the possession of so many places which he is master of in Italy for fear of the coming of the French And why should not we think that the king may be of himself well inclined thereunto whom we hear that moved thereunto by these reasons hath set his thoughts upon Spain and that he already begins to prepare for it So as the moving him to make war there will not oneâ—y be advantagious for us but we may the sooner obtain our desires I know not therefore what we have to commit unto our Embassadour Navagiero 's charge in this point since the Kings will and our advantage concur therein And certainly if we know how to use the time and occasion which is offered us we may hope that the King by the authority of this Senate and by Navagiero 's wisdome and eloquence may be perswaded to confirm his opinion in molesting the Emperours Dominions with new wars and with Forces befitting the cause and the grandure of his majesty and of his kingdome whereby we shall not onely attain unto our chief end of keeping the Emperour for the present out of Italy but we may hope to find him the easier to be brought hereafter to make a fair agreement Many were pleased herewith but it was opposed by many others particularly by Marc Antonio Cornaro who though by reason of his years he was of less Authority yet he was of great esteem for his eloquence This man in answer to what Mocenigo had said spoke thus If it were as easie to find out a remedy for the so many miseries of Italy and for our molestations and dangers as we have just cause to commiserate the condition of these unfortunate times I should very much approve that we should think of what might secure us not onely from our present dangâ—rs but from all those which may a long time hereafter befall us But I am shrewdly afraid that whilest by an immature cautiousness we fear every thing and would foreseâ— and provide against whatsoever accidents may occur we ruine our present condition and lose the opportunity of applying those remedies which doubtless may help us at this our present and greatest need Concerning Cesar 's coming into Italy as we may be sure thereof unless his way be stopped so is it for many reasons very much to be feared He is at the present possess'd of almost all the Kingdome of Naples and of a good part of the Dukedome of Milan he hath powerfull Armies in boâ—h thesâ— Countreys Genua also a city so opportunely situated for the affairs of Italy hath put it self into his protection If he settle himself in these several parts by his coming into Italy and by extinguishing the remainder of the French Army what hopes have we of ever driving him out he pretends to possess the Kingdom of Naples by right of Inheritance and by the investment of the Pope himself we may see how he means to behave himself concerning the Dutchie of Milan since making divers subterfuges he could never be brought to assign over the City of Milan to Francisco Sâ—orza as by agreement he was tied to do On the other side the King of France is not now possess'd of almost any thing in Italy He hath put the Towns of the Dukedome of Milan which he hath gotten by his forces into the hands of Francisco Sforza in the Kingdome of Naples he quits the Towns of Puglia to us and is content that a particular King be put over the rest He hath
that Town in the name of the King of France but they threatned at the same time that if they should be abandoned by other helps so as the Town should be in danger of falling back into the power of Ferdinando they would deliver up that Fort to the Turks This was hainously resented by the Venetians as the beginning of greater Commotions and as the seed of War and Discord They knew that Ferdinando might very well think they had a hand in it since the first Author was one of their subjects and the people that he made use of taken out of their State and then they knew not what the King of France his intentions might be since his name who was desirous of Novelties was used therein but they chiefly feared lest the Turks might be hereby incited to prejudice the Common-wealth Marano not being above 80 miles from Venice where by reason of the Lake their ships might safely ride Therefore being resolved to provide as well as they could against so many inconveniences the Senate made proclamation that upon pain of severe punishment none of their subjects should enter into Marano nor convey victuals thither or any other sort of helpe They also made Sacchia's Father and Wife who were in Udine be deteyned that they might have a pledge in their hands whereby to curb his rash courses and yet at the same time they gave fair words both to him and the rest that were in Marano and gave them hopes of good accommodation lest when Ferdinando should come against them and they not be of themselves able to defend themselves they should resolve to take a Turkish Garrison In this variety of affairs being resolved not to intermeddle more then of necessity they must they kept as much as they could from giving offence to the interessed Princes Thus when Ferdinando sent the Bishop of Trent to Venice to desire assistance of Men and Ships from the Senate for the recovery of Marano they said nothing of their not being able to satisfie him without offending the King of France but answered That the Senate which alwaies loved what was just and honest desired that Ferdinando might recover Marano which was fraudulently ken from him and by violence that therefore they were ready to allow passage for his men and to assist them with Victuals but that they hoped things might be fairly accorded And likewise the King of France his Embassador affirming to them in his Master's name that the King would not doe any thing concerning Marano without satisfaction to the Senate and that he desired their advice therein the Senate return'd answer That the King was so wise a Prince as he needed no advice and that for as much as concernd their desire they should wish best to that resolution by which peace concord might be preserved Whilst the time was spent in these affairs those who remained in Marano for Sacchia who was gone out of the Town to accompany the wife of a German Governour who went to provide Monies to pay the Tax that was laid upon them was not permitted to come in again growing more bold and insolent began to build a Fort at the Haven of Liguano five miles distant from Marano that they might have a safe place of refuge when they should go forth with their armed Vessels to pillage such ships as should sayl by those shores which they continually did This being thought to be a thing of greater consequence and not to be suffered the Venetians to destroy this Work and Bernardo Sagredo being therein employ'd he soon effected it For coming thither suddenly with his Gallie and another belonging to Philippo Bragadino both of which were ready armed as being formerly destin'd to an other voyage and having a good many Souldiers aboard commanded by Iulio da Monte Vecchio those that built the Work fled away at the first appearance and he with his Artillery beat down the Fort which was already raised to a good height and carried away all the materialls to take away the means of easily re-making it This resolution helpt likewise to keep some Imperial Gallies from coming into the Gulph which were destin'd to assist the recovery of Marano which the King of France having notice of he had likewise prepared some other to send to the same place to assist those of Marano So as it was foreseen that both these Fleets were to have entred the Gulph to the prejudice of the ancient Jurisdictâ—on of the Common-wealth and that the seat of War would be made so near hand but both these Princes at the Senates request forbare doing this Thus the affairs of Marano were suspended the agreement concerning this Town being before begun to be treated of between the King of France and the King of the Romanes wherein there being many difficulties still found Strozzi and the rest seeming desirous to deliver up that Fort rather to the Common-wealth then to any other Princes they protested that if they did not quickly agree they would treat with the Turks and agree with them But in the mean while Ferdinando were it that he did truly know the Venetians sincerity or that he would conceal whatsoever jealousie he had thereof and knowing that their friendship might be of great moment chose two Commissioners to end the differences which had often been treated of touching the meaning and observation of the Capitulations of Trent These came to Venice and Francesco Contarini and Francesco Sanuto were chiefly imploy'd in the businesse being formerly chosen Commissioners for this Treaty wherein Caesars Embassador interposed himselfe as a friendly composer and the businesse was drawn to a near conclusion if there could have been any means found out to accord the differences touching the Town of Belgrado and Castel Nuovo which were formerly mortgaged together with some other Castles by Emperours of the House of Austria to the Dukes of Saxony Touching which and the condition of the Engagement and the proportion of Monies which belonged to these two places there arose many difficulties which kept the business undecided But these businesses were diverted by much greater affairs for at the beginning of the year 1543. such rumours of Wars were heard in all parts as no Country seemed to be secure nor any Prince free from the troubles thereof For in Constantinople a great Army was prepar'd to assault Hungary and Austria and a Fleet to passe into the Mediterranean Seas to the prejudice of the Emperours Dominions And the King of France hoping by the coming out of the Fleet at his desire and in favour to him that he should the more easily prevail over Cesar being more desirous of war then ever had raised a great many Souldiers not onely of his own Kingdom but of the warlike Nation of the Swizzers inviting them with new rewards and gifts to follow his ensigns he endeavour'd very much to maintain the Duke of Cleve's rebellion troubling the Emperour in severall parts but especially in Flanders who being no
Venetians did again assault Italy with yet a greater preparation for war and won one of her most fruitful Provinces and which did most abound in Inhabitants and goodly Cities having driven the Family of the Sforza's out of it And soon after having a mind to be Master of all Italy calling in the Spaniards to assist him he together with them possest himself of the Kingdom of Naples Great contention arose between these two Potent Kings of France and Spain about the division thereof and Italy being made the Seat of war they often fought with various success and keeping themselves out of danger ruined the Countries of other men with sword and fire In these troublesome times whilst Italy was full almost in all her ports of Foreign Armies and troubled with various successes of war the Affairs of the Venetians went peacefully and prosperously on for Fortune not having as yet begun to frown upon them and they having accomodated the differences between them and Bajazet the Emperour of the Turks with whom before they had made war and put all their Maritime parts into a peaceful condition they turned their thoughts upon their Land Militia and to their Dominion on Terra firma and did with all diligence study how to increase their Forces and their Empire that their Common-wealth might be able when occasion should require to resist forreign Forces The Dignity and Fame of the City of Venice was hereupon so much increased as it now held the first place for Authority and Power in all Italy and by common consent all differences were referred to her there was not any one who intended to attempt any thing upon Italy who did not chiefly indeavor to have the Venetians for their Friends and Confederates Thus Maximillian of Austrea King of the Romans Elect Emperor of the West desirous to come into Italy to receive the Ensigns of Empire according to the customes of his Predecessors and to restore Italy to her Liberty by freeing her from the severe slavery of the French and to reduce her under the civil Germane Empire endeavored very much to win the Venetians to join their Forces with his or at least not to have them his Adversâ—ries But the Senate of Venice not willing to make more way for the barbarous Nations to ruine Italy whereby she might draw upon her the hatred of all her Neighbour Princes resolved not to forego the friendship which she had contracted with the French but to oppose the Emperour Maximillian if he should come into Italy in a war-like posture Hereupon arose war between them which hapned succesfully for the Venetians entring with greater Forces into the Emperours Confines took from him some Castles which belonged to the Patremony of the House of Austrea and joyned them to their Empire The other Princes did very much envy the prosperity of the Venetians where power being become so formidable they thought fit to suppress wherefore allmost all the Kings and Princes of Europe conspired against her and proclaimed war against Venice Lodowick King of France being the chief Author thereof who was obliged to the Common-wealth by many ancient and modern good Offices wherefore she thought she might very much confide in his Friendship As soon as this unexpected news came to Venice the Senators not shewing any sign of fear of this so great and dreadful War but being resolved to meet the Enemies Forces left nothing undone which might make for their defence and which might be done by Advice Gallantry and Force of Arms. But now they must give way to adverse Times the Common-wealths Army did unfortunately fight the Enemy upon the Banks of the River Ada and after the bad success of this Battel as if the Common-wealth had received a fatal blow out of a sudden dispair she freed the Noblest Cities of her Dominions from their former Oaths and gave them leave to submit unto the Enemy So as falling on a sudden from the hight of Happiness into great misery she was a great Example of the variety of humane Affairs Yet soon after the Senators resuming courage began to Rally their dispersed Forces to raise more Forces wherewith in a short time the Enemies Forces being separated and they having gotten some of the Enemies to joyn with them against their own confederates they revenged themselves of the French who were the first occasioners of their Calamity and drove them out of Italy and did likewise recover and defend many of their Noblest Cities and Castles by which success growing higher in their hopes they oft times refused peace when it was offered them being resolved either to obtain such conditions as whereby they might recover their ancient State or else put themselves again upon the utmost dangers of war Wherefore all men said that even in the obscurity of so much adverse fortune some light did yet remain of the antient Glory of Italy and of the Venetian vertue in the perpetual constancy of that Senate and in their generous invincible fortitude of Spirit The Venetians oft times when they were worsted treated with their Enemies which had overcome them as if they were to give not to receive Laws demanding restitution of whatsoever was theirs before the war began before they would lay down Arms. They had by this time recovered the Cities of Padua Trevigi Vicenza Crema and besides these the Towns in Freuli and the Cities of Feltre and Belluno submitted to the Venetian Empire but Verona was still in Maximillians hands the 〈◊〉 of Naples held Brescia whereinto he powered a great many Spaniards and the Switzers having won Cremona held it in the name of Maximillian Sforza Ferdinand King of Spain possesed the Towns and Havens of Puglia which formerly belonged to the Common-wealth having restored them to the Kingdom of Naples as Members thereof And the Castles of Romagnia which were won by Pope Iulius were by him annext to the Ecclesiastical State The Common-wealth was not then upon any good terms with the Pope nor with the King of Spain though not long before she had entered into League and Friendship with them Not with the one because he did favour Caesar too much and not with the other because contrary to Articles he detained the City of Brescia which appertained to her The Switzers friendship was greatly suspected though they professed adherence to the Common-wealth as well by reason of their ancient repute of not being over faithful as also for the new success of Cremona But she profest open enmity to Lodowick King of France and the time of League made for some Months with the Emperour Maximillian was expired all Treaties of peace between him and the Venetians having always proved vain out of their constant resolution to recover and the like in him not to quit Verona This was the Condition of the Times and of the State of Venice When in the beginning of the year 1513. counting from the Birth of Christ and 1092. from the building of Venice Leonardo Loredano being then
endeavour that this Friendship and Peace might be confirm'd by the King as soon as might be Lewis seemed to be content with what was done and promised to make good all that had been agreed upon by Ferrario except that Article of yeâ—lding up Cremona and Giaradada to the Venetians which places he absolutely denyed to surrender up to any The Venetians would very gladly have had Cremona restored for when they called to memory what expence and labour they had been at in the getting of it the more desirous they were to re-possess it To which purpose they used these reasons to the King that either of their States ought to be bounded by remarkable Confines to take away all future occasions which might arise of breaking their Amity which could be none else but the two Rivers of Poe and Ada that the Cities of Brescia and Cremona were so scituated as unless they were Masters of Cremona their Dominion must be continually divided and weak and subject to many Inconveniences That the better to strengthen the new League it was best to renew it upon the same conditions which were formerly accepted of by the King that the King could not retract without injury to them from any thing which was treated upon and concluded by Feâ—rerio not without his knowledg Thus whilst both the parties were firm to their opinions Affairs grew every day more difficult and there appeared less hope of bringing them to their desired end The Pope was very much moved when he heard of this Treaty though it came to him but by an uncertain Rumor and was occasioned rather by Jealousie than by apparent Evidence he therefore being desirous to keep the French and the Venetians divided began to lay aside much of that severity wherewith he had wont to treat with them and endeavoured to sweeten them with many Courtesies and Humanities He excused himself for having entred into a new League with Caesar whereunto he was inforced for the avoiding of many mischiefes He promised that when he should have secured his own Affairs he would declare himself a Friend to the Common-wealth that the mean while he would not take up any Temporal Army against them but would annull the Ecclesiastical Censures which he had laid upon them Moreover the Switzers exhorted thereunto by Cardinal Sedunensa a great Friend to the French and being also stirr'd up by the Pope sent their Embassadours to Venice to use their Authority in this business which at this time was very great with all Princes out of the high esteem which was had of their Military Valour These exhorted the Senate to Peace and making great boasts of themselves and of their Power strove to make all other Friendships less safe and less desirable than theirs Likewise by Advice of the same Pope the Vice-roy of Naples sent Pietro di Castro to Venice to let the Senate understand that the Vice-roy had Power to prolong as long as they should please the Peace which but a little before they had concluded with Caesar by Ferdinand's procurement and to use all means to confirm such as were jealous in their ancient Friendship and Affection with his King The Senators being assaulted by these several Adresses as if it had been by so many Engines whereas they were joyntly minded before to make Peace with France and renew the War some of them began now to think upon Peace which they did the sooner because News came every day from several parts of great Preparations for War which Henry King of England was making to assault France Whence it was to be feared that King Lewis being busied in defending his own Kingdomes could not that year bethink himself of the Affairs of Italy nor imploy his Forces therein Therefore as soon as any Proposition was made tending to the new League the others by spinning out time endeavoured to abstruct the business They put them in mind of the great miseries of those times affirming that after so much labour and danger it was now time to endeavour Peace to themselves and their Subjects That all humane things were governed with a certain variety and change and by a perpetual turning about were seen sometimes to increase sometimes to diminish that their Common-wealth had enjoy'd Prosperity for a long time it now became them to bear with some Adversity that when the times should alter she might recover her ancient Reputation Empire and Glory That therefore they were to use such Wisdom and Temper as not to bring their Common-wealth to ultimate ruine by pressing upon time and by too hastily accelerating the nâ—w growth of their Common-wealth that all Italy might bear witness of the French mens cruel dispositions which being imperiously used by them as well in Peace as in War might prove how this Nation was equally â—roublesome and insupportable both to their Friends and Enemies That to open the way again to this barbarous Nation was to return Italy into much misery and calamity That Maximillian 's nature was such as through his Inconstancy and immense Prodigality which had oft time brought him to greatest Extremities they might assuredly hope shortly and at no great expence to recover all that he possest of theirs But others laboured to perswade the contrary who were of opinion that a high though no assured hope ought to be preferr'd before safer but more humble thoughts They said the Venetians were never so overcome by fear as by so great a desire of quiet to forego all occasions of just and glorious War That it was therefore that the fame of their Common-wealth was so highly extoll'd and lowdly cryed up even in the farthest distant Nations And that she had then purchas'd most praise when she appeared to be almost extinct triumphing over victorious Fortune That they should still keep the same noble resolutions for all things do at last bow to Worth That their greatest dangers were already over that they did not fight now for safety but now for Glory and Empire That since they had so freely undergone the weight of so great War there was no necessity of oppressing the little remainders by Peace and Agreement but to secure their Affairs for a longer time by a famous Victory That they should remember what the common Proverb sayes That every one builds up his own Fortune That the loss at Geradada was accompanied by many other unfortunate successes because dispairing so soon they neither hoped for nor put for any thing But as assoon as they began to rouze up their minds their Fortune began likewise to rouze up and their good hopes were accompanyed by good success That if the Affairs of Italy should be established in a setled Peace and that Venice now accustomed to the Inconveniences of War should be abased with idleness and wantonness it would be too late to hope for the recovery hereafter of her former State and Dignity That the condition of Italy was now such as she needed not to fear any prejudice by the coming in of
to the Government of all Italy So as if he would keep up his Dignity and Authority amongst Princes which he might perceive began now to grow less he should not suffer them so to abuse the reverend name of Pope That therefore quitting his first Counsels he should betake himself to new and safer cogitations and should resolve upon things becoming the safety of Italy and his own Dignity and that he should forthwith recall his Troops of Horse from the Spanish Army for that the Enemies having placed much hopes in his friendship and assistance they would proceed with more sincerity when they should see themselves deprived thereof that they would abstain from injurious proceedings and treat less arrogantly hereafter That he on his part had abundantly satisfied the tye of confederacy which he had with them that it became an Italian especially him who was plaâ—ed in so high a degree of Dignity and who was endow'd with so much wisdom by the present troublesome state of things to fore-see the beginnings of greater evils and to provide such remedies for them as became their importancy and which might as yet be used that if these Princes whilst their Affairs were in so bad a case by reason of the few Spanish and Dutch Foot which were then in Italy had notwithstanding arrogated so much Authority and would make such use of bare reputation without Forces it was much to be feared that when their power should be increased they would endeavour to dâ—mineer over all Italy The Venetians used reasons to exhort the Pope to keep up his greatness and authority They told him he could by no other way better effect it then by entring into League with the King of France and their Common-wealth But finding that these endeavours did no good they went to work with him the same way that they knew their Enemies had done It was generally thought that Leo favour'd the Emperours Affairs for he thought that thereby he promoted his own designs He had set his whole mind upon the aggrandizing of his own House hoping that he might be much farthered therein by Cesars favour whereby he might be inabled to alienate the Cities of Parma Piacenza Modena and Reggio from the Church and pass them over in fee by the Emperours help and consent to his Brother Iuliano Wherefore the Venetians labour'd to perswade him that he might better advance his Family by this new confederacy the Venetians being very willing to grant the Kingdom of Naples in fee to his Brother Juliano when it should be won by their common Forces upon the same conditions that he had desired those other Cities and to defend and maintain him in the possession thereof by all their forces and endeavours And that he should not need to doubt their promise nor suspect the Common-wealths faith as well in commemoration of the benefit which would be esteemed the greater in these unfortunate times as also for the States peculiar Interest for whose advantage and safety it would make very much that an Italian Prince a Friend of hers and obliged unto her for so great a favour should be Master of so noble and rich a part of Italy That doubtlesly he might promise himself the like from the King of France who setting his heart upon the reputation and keeping of Millan it did much import him that more potent Lords should be kept far from the Confines of Italy the parts whereof which should belong to the French would be the better confirm'd unto them by the Popes Friendship That this was the only way to make the House of Medici truly glorious and splendid which was famous enough already of her self And the best way likewise for the quiet and security of the Church and of all Italy That the Senate did recommend these things to his consideration in pursuance of their ancient custom and out of their particular observance of his own Person and their affection to his Family That he should not argue out of these their perswasions that they were so weakened by adverse Fortune or that they were so cast down but that they were able to renew and maintain the War of themselves though he should not be advised by them The Common-wealth had above 6000 Foot and 1500 Horse in pay at this time divided between Padua and Trevigi and Souldiers were continually raised for the service of the Common-wealth in several parts so as she hoped to have 10000 Souldiers on Foot within a short time Moreover new ships were a building to increase the Fleet and to furnish it with all things fitting that she might be ready and able for any Enterprize That on the contrary though the Enemies men were very few and impotent iâ— great want and scarcity of all things and that it was rather reputation then true strength that made them subject yet were they so encouraged by their past prosperous successes as they thought all things easie and promised themselves success in all their undertakings Wherefore Leo fearing more the audacity of the Spaniards and Dutch then he trusted or hoped in the French and Venetians could not resolve to accept of these new conditions but falling into his ancient irresoluteness was the occasion why both War and Peace grew daily more difficult But it was certainly known that Leo was more addicted to Cesar and did too much covet his favour for though he was not ignorant that the Emperours whole drift was to oppress all Italy and that he himself did confess as much yet he still spun out time as if he durst not pronounce nor did he limit any means or time wherein to do it Henry King of England had formerly undertaken to reconcile the Venetians with the Emperour behaving himself so therein as it appeared evidently to all men that he was well inclined to wish well to the Affairs of Venice but his affection seemed now to be quite altered out of jealousie that the Venetians had aided the French in the War which he made with their King the year before He complained particularly that the Common-wealth had sent her Albanese Horse into France Which suspitions were conceived to be purposely taken to the end that he might afterwards have the better colour to favour the Emperour in his proceedings whose good will he endeavour'd by all means to win out of a desire to draw him from the Truce which he had began to treat of with the French Therefore whereas Henry was formerly wont to exhort the Venetians to peace and to comfort them and assist them in their greatest nacessities he now proceeded clean otherwise accusing them by his Letters to the Senate for having persevered too much in breaking of the hopes of peace when things went well with them and deprived Christendom of much good saying that they ought to behave themselves according as the times went and not carry themselves higher then their present Fortune required wherefore he was very earnest with them to lay down their Arms and not
were met at the Assemby he came not thither himself but being busied about slighter Affairs sent the Cardinal Gurghense thither in his name giving him in charge to propound such things as were to be treated of in that Dyet But nothing was concluded in what Cesar chiefly desired and particularly touching the proposal made against the Venetians answer was made by both the Kings That they had no reason to take up Arms against the Venetians with whom they had had long friendship and which had been confirm'd by many good Offices Moreover that the present condition of times were such as the weakening of that Common-wealth could not but turn to the great prejudice of all Christian Princes and that the power and reputation thereof ought rather to be maintain'd that they might be the better able to resist the Turks who were grown so insolent and bold by the late Victory which they had gotten in Persia and had at the same time so inlarged their Confines by their having overcome John King of Daâ—ia as all Christendom had reason to dread their Forces That therefore it would be much better done to endeavour the reconciling of such Christian Princes as were at odds and enmity by reason of so long and heavy Wars that so they might with joynt consent oppose the so formidable power of the Ottoman Lords lest whilst Christian Princes out of greediness strove to make themselves Masters of one anothers States they might not all of them be inslaved by barbarous people Both these Kings did therefore promise to use their best means and authority with the other Princes and chiefly with the Common-wealth of Venice to perswade them to lay down Arms which Udislaus did immediately endeavour by his Embassadour who lay Leiger at Venice And Sigismond chose Mathew Bishop of Udislavia and Rafaelle di Licusco Commander of Scodovia for his Embassadours whom he sent to Venice to acquaint the Senate in his name That it was the King of Polands desire that the Common-wealth after so long and tedious Wars would at last be reconciled with Maximillian with whom as he had often formerly treated of Peace so he did now the like with the Venetian Senate in desiring them to lay aside the memory of past Injuries and imbrace peace and concord and if any thing of hatred or prejudice remained in them by the late Wars that they should pass it over for his sake and for the like of all Christendom The Senate thought fit to give the same Answer to these Embassadours as they had formerly done to the like propositions That the Venetians did not first make War with Cesar but had taken up Arms in their own defence that they did not desire to possess themselves of any thing that belonged to another but to recover what of right belonged to themselves and that they would willingly lay down Arms when they might do it upon honourable terms Thus and by these means did Cesar endeavour to renew the War but Ferdinando though he were bound by Articles of agreement to wage War from the Perenean Mountains yet not thinking that to do so would make any thing for their advantage he neither prepared any men for that Enterprize nor did he hasten to send Foot into Italy to increase his Army being resolved as it appeared not to keep any Souldiers as then in pay save such as were under Cardona's command which he kept upon very small expence upon design that keeping his Forces intire he might take the Empire of the States of Italy from out of the hands of others when they should be weary and wasted But the Switzers made open profession of maintaining that War saying that they preferr'd the Honour of Maximillian Sforza and the liberty of intire Italy before their own particular good for they were so inheartned by the good success which they had had in many Battles as they believed they were able of themselves alone to free all Italy from the fear of the French Wherefore as soon as the League was made they began to chuse out their best Souldiers and to order many Companies and having received two moneths pay they came in great numbers into Piemont and quartering themselves in three places Susa Pignarvâ—lo and Saluzzo they block'd up all the ways oâ— that side The French prepared this mean while to make War more settedly and upon better advice then did the Confederates for that their affairs were govern'd with a joynt consent and for that they did cheerfully hasten to pass into Italy their Army being the greater by reason that the Kingdom of France was on all sides free from Enemies for though Ferdinand was ty'd by the articles of the League to enter with an Army into the confines of Guirome and the Switzers into the Dukedom of Burgony to perplex the French yet neither of them had made any Preparations to do so Wherefore the French having prepared all things ready for their departure began on the 15th of Iuly to march towards the Alpes and being come to Grenoble they quartered their Army in the neighbouring parts for they were necessitated to stay there awhile to resolve upon what way they would go There were great difficulties on all sides for all the passages were so block'd up either by the nature of the places or by the Enemies as they could not make their way without much labour and danger If they would go by the right and ordinary way and enter Italy by the Confines of Piemont the Switzers had possess'd the narrowest passes so as they must cut their way through with their Swords and fight the Enemy upon great disadvantage and if leaving the Cotian Alpes on the left hand they would pass lower with their Army they were to overcome the tops of steep craggy Mountains and to pass through large Valleys with great inconvenience and difficulty which would be the greater by reason of the numbers of men and cattle and the train of Artillery which they brought with them Yet the King could not be pacified with these considerations who resolved to pass upon whatsoever conditions and not to leave any thing unattempted which might be done either by labour or industry hoping by power and constancy to overcome the natural asperity of the places So taking their way by the right side of the Alpes which looks towards the South and terminates upon the Tuscan Sea the French came in three days to the Mountain Argenta and going from thence on the left hand by divers unaccustomed paths they overcame all difficulties on the fourth day and to the great joy of the Souldier brought their whole Army into the Confines of the Marquisate of Saluzzo they past from thence unto Vercelles where they tarried to advise how they were to manage their War About 2000 Switzers kept all the ways at the Foot of the Pennimen and Cotien Alpes called Montcinese guarded and block'd up that they might oppose the French on that side by which they thought they
the establishing of a Peace To the end that they might not be thought to disturbe so great a good to all Christendom out of any particular respects unto themselves But as for the motion which was particularly made unto them by Leo of making War against the Turks they answered when things should be hopefully begun and that they should be prosecuted with like fervour the State of Venice would be readier then any others for such an Enterprize nor would they at any time be wanting unto themselves to whom they knew the care of these common dangers did more particularly belong as being most concern'd therein Nor would they be backward in the good of all Christendom nor in obeying the Popes pious and earnest entreaties But that notwithstanding by reason of the condition of their State by Sea which was every where environed by the confines of this powerful Enemy and not being able with their much weaker Forces to withstand the first Onset of the Turks nor to sustain the War in their own Territories before the Ottoman Empire should be assaulted by the Armies and Fleets of the Confederates they could not be the first in declaring themselves Enemies to the Turks But Truce with Cesar being treated of by Antonio Iustiniano who was Embassadour for the Common-wealth with the King of France it was at last concluded upon these conditions That all Arms should be suspended for five years And that people might live peaceably in either State without either doing or receiving any injury That it might be lawful for Cesars and the Common-wealths Subjects to travel and traffique safely in each others Country as in time of Peace That each of them should keep such Towns as they were now possess'd of that all Prisoners of War should be released except Christopher Frangipane who was to be sent into France to be kept there that during the time of the Truce the Venetians should pay Cesar 20000 Duckets yearly And that the Venetians should pay the fourth part of what they had got by the Revenues of such as had followed Cesars party to the former Owners And the differences concerning the confines being many and hard to decide and chiefly in Friuli they could not as then come to any determinate end Cesars Commissioners saying that they had no orders nor power to treat thereof but the settlement in this point as in all other difficulties was left to the King of France as to the Authour of this agreement Wherein he afterwards decreed that the Emperour and the Venetians should chuse Commissioners who meeting in Verona whither he would likewise send one who should represent his name and authority should treat upon and resolve the business of confines The State of Venice chose Francisco Pesaro for them and acquainted the King of France therewith saying that they would be ready to send their Commissioner to the place appointed as soon as they should hear that Cesar was about to send his Whilst these things were a doing the Emperour Maximillian fell sick and dyed in the beginning of the year 1519. Whereupon the Souldiers that were in Garrison at Gradisca and Marano entring licentiously into the confines of the Common-wealth plunder'd many of the Venetians Subjects Houses and committed many other Hostile Acts wherefore the Senate write Letters to the Viccars of the Empire telling them that for their parts they would not violate the Truce nor innovate any thing for Maximillians death provided that the Commanders and Souldiers of the Empire should abstain from doing injuries Which being by them praised and embraced the Truce was afterwards inviolably observed on all sides Now they began to treat of chusing the Emperour whereunto Francis King of France and Charles King of Spain did chiefly pretend Princes of rare endowments of mind and very eminent for Fortune but very formidable by reason of their great power The Princes of Italy were not a little troubled at this Election considering that whether of these two should be exalted to the Dignity of the Empire when they should have the reputation of the Empire added to the already potent Forces of their own Kingdomes and be made much greater then the other by the help of Germany he would endeavour to drive the other out of whatsoever he possess'd in Italy and so this Counterpoise being taken away they would at last bend their thoughts upon making themselves Masters of all Italy for ambition does always increase in great Princes together with new acquisitions and the unquenchable thirst of Government grows greater Therefore such an Election could not but be bad for Italy Yet ballancing all things well it was thought less dangerous for Italy that the King of France should be made Emperour then the King of Spain for they considered that the former as being a Stranger would be of much less power in Germany and that the French Nation as it is very hot and violent at the first so not being very constant to its purposes often times neglects and gives over those very things which it did before so much desire and endeavour wherefore the French are commonly thought better at getting then at keeping The Italians hoped that the Empire of the French in Italy though it were great might by some accident decline and at last be extinguished Which was not to be hoped for in the Spaniards who when they have once much inlarged their Dominions and laid a good ground-work for it all labour and endeavour to drive them out would be but in vain These were the reasons which did chiefly move the Pope and the Venetians to favour the King of France in this his standing for the Empire His Embassadours which he had sent to Rome and to Venice for this purpose were therefore willingly listned unto But to boot with all this Monsieur de Taligni who was sent by the King for this purpose to the State of Venice made several other propositions He desired the loan of a good sum of money that his King when he should be declared Emperour might have wherewith to supply many gifts and great expences which he was to be at and moreover that the Venetians would forthwith send some Souldiers into Germany to secure the Electors from any violence And that the Senate would declare what was to be done if Charles should enter Italy with an Army as it was given out he would do to go to Rome and force the Pope to free him from the Oath which he took from Julius the second when he was invested in the Kingdom of Naples note that it was decreed by Pope Urban that whosoever should possess that Kingdom should not take upon him the Imperial Dignity which was the chief reason why Leo used means to the Electors to keep Charles from being chosen Emperour To which demands the Senate answered That the Common-wealth was so highly obliged to the King as that they wish'd him all prosperity for they had always thought that whatsoever addition of State or Honour
because they saw themselves backt by the Venetians who making good the Rear secured them from being prest upon by the Imperialists Oâ— the French Army there perished in this assault more then 20â—0 men all of them Switzers but the loss was peradventure greater in the Imperial Camp they having lost many men of good condition Though this action had no very good success yet as being full of confidence and courage it was likely rather to have added unto then to have lessened the reputation of the French Army and to have invited them to other undertakings had not the same impatiency of the Switzers which formerly perswaded them against reason to attempt the Battle disturb'd all their designs and frustrated other hopes by their returning to their former tumults Lautrech loaded the Captains of the Switzers with gifts and promises and pray'd them that by their entreaties reasons and authority they would endeavour to keep their Foot in due obedience which they all did But amongst the rest Alberto Pietra a man in much favour and authority with his Nation calling them all together spoke thus unto them You gave yesterday My valiant Fellow Souldiers so noble a proof of your daring and military experience as that action is not to be numbred amongst the least of praises which by common consent are given to our Nation in all that appertains to the Militia But to arise to the height of glory it is requisite that we persevere in the same purpose of beating and quite conquering the Enemies Army And that we return to try the fortune of War lest it be thought that by yielding to the first no very fortunate encounter it was fickleness not true valour which made us expose our selves to the dangers of Battle Or else that we confess we are overcome though in truth we be rather Conquerours having assaulted the Enemy even within their works done them much harm and retreated safe and in good order not any one of the Enemy having dared to come out of their Camp and pursue us No not so much as to shew any resentment or that they do equal us in Force and Valour But if we do first quit our Quarters which we now are in it will assuredly be said that the Imperialists got the Victory and that we are gone not of our own wills but driven away by the Enemy Whereas on the contrary if we tarry here we may get many notable advantages we shall confirm all men in the opinion that the Victory was really ours we shall not a little encourage those that adhere to the French party we shall infuse such terrour into the Enemy as to avoid the danger of more assaults and of more certain ruine now that they are aware we are better acquainted with the situation of their Quarters and with our advantage and disadvantage they will retreat to within the Walls of Milan and will leave us Masters of the Field and free to fall upon whatsoever Designe we shall please We have understood by express Messengers that it is the will nay the express command of our Masters and Governors that we continue during this Militia in the service of the King of France How can we disobey what they command Or wherefore ought we to do it in a business which for our own glory and profit we ought to seek and pursue yea though we were forbidden We must not then certainly refuse to do it when it is enjoyned us under pain of disobedience We are assured that the King will very shortly come into Italy with a great warlike preparation nor can I see what forces the Enemy have to withstand so great a Force or how they can oppose our Designs The whole State of Milan will assuredly fall suddenly into the King's hands who to revenge himself of the City for her rebellion and of those his Subjects for their many injuries and to reward the valour of his Army will give the prey and plunder of them and it unto his Souldiers and you who have hitherto shared in such labours and in so many dangers will you lose the advantage thereof and not be at the sacking of so many and so rich Cities for the very hopes whereof though you were in Countries far off you ought endeavour by all means possible to be present at this Militia that you might receive fitting rewards for your military actions What consideration can there be of so great moment I beseech you which can counterpoise so great glory so great advantage What else is it that can make you forego such hopes You complain for want of pay and in resentment thereof will revenge your selves upon your selves Consider better what the injury is that is done you what it is you can with reason complain of The King hath not provided monies time enough for your occasions his Ministers may peradventure have been negligent therein Can you doubt that your Pays are stopp'd or that there is any doubt to be made of your receiving them We know for certain that the monies are already in your masters hands and that the delay of payment is only because the passages are so shut up and guarded by the Enemy as the monies cannot without manifest danger be brought unto the Camp If you will resent this revenge your selves upon those that are the true cause why they are detained Think of beating the Enemy and so all the ways will be open the Country will be ours all things will depend upon us and not upon the will of others These are more useful more generous thoughts and more answerable to your former actions then to think of returning home as chased by your enemies to whom you have been a terror and will be so still if you be not wanting unto your selves Tâ—ese words unwillingly lisâ—ned unto made no impression in the Souldiers as being contrary to their already resolved will who persevering obstinately in their former refractoriness required that the Camp might be removed from thence and that they might be dismist the Miâ—itia wherefore Lautrech to shun further danger was forced to rise and went with his whole Army towards Trecco where finding the Bridge already made he lodged upon the Banks of Ada â—is men being quartered some on the one side some on the other side of the River the Venetian Commanders desiring it should be so for the better security of their affairs Where having stayed a â—ew days the Switzers disbanded and went several ways to their own homes but most of them took their way towards Lecco where they undeâ—stood the monies for their pay was come The Grand Maâ—stre Monsieur de Mommorancie Monsieur de Palissa and other Frenchmen following them with their companies since neither words nor actâ—ons were able to prevail with the Switzers to make them tarry any longer for it was so provided by the Venetians that they should be defrayed by them without monies till their pay was come from France For the Venetians were very much troubled
altered the Colleagues should contribute such Forces as should be requisite to effect it and that when it should be gotten the Pope should determine to whom it should be given so as might make most for the quiet of Italy and so as it were done with the satisfaction of the Confederates without whose consent the Pope promised he would do nothing in that point that the new King who ere he should be should pay the usual Tribute to the Church and 70000 Duckets to the King of France whose pretences should remain entire to that Kingdome if it were not won now This being agreed upon the League was finally concluded in France Don Capona intervening for the Pope and Secretary Andrea Rosso for the State of Venice The end of this Conjunction was specified to be The freeing of the State of Milan from the oppression of the Imperialists the Liberty of Italy and the recovery of the King of France his children adhering for what concerned particularities and preparations for War to what had been formerly treated on and concluded with the Kingdome before the King had his Liberty Yet it was not published till they might know the King of England's resolution who was desired to be one of the chief Contractours For it was thought that his name and authority might adde much to the reputation thereof It was therefore resolved that some should be sent into England from the Colleagues to request Henry that he would quickly declare in the behalf of the Confederate Princes against Cesar. For the Pope there went Iovan Battista Sanya a man of an high spirit and great with the Datario for the King of France Ioan Ioachino and Mark Antonio Veniero for the Venetians who was intended before to be sent Embassadour thether from the Common-wealth But the king of England though he said he was very well inclined to this League and not well affected towards Cesar resolved notwithstanding not to declare himself publickly till he had desired Charles that to gratifie the Colleagues he would set the son of the most Christian King at Liberty and restore the State of Milan to Francisco Sforza which if he would not do he declared he was to denounce war against him in all their names which though it was consâ—nted unto yet the business was prolonged and divers difficulties promoted So as any longer delay being thought to be unseasonable the League between France and the Princes of Italy was published and proclaimed with great solemnity and it was generally thought that the Forces of this League would be able to quel the Imperialists and to drive them out of the State of Milan especially since the Castles of Cremona and Milan held still for Sforza There were at this time in the Venetian Army 1000 foot 900 Curasiers 800 Light-horse and a great many Switzers were suddenly expected taken into pay partly by the Pope and partly by the Venetians and partly by the King of France who when they should be arrived it was resolved that the Colleagues would go to succour the Castle of Milan to attempt the taking of that City and that on the other side the Marquis of Saluzzo should fall down into the Dukedome of Milan wiâ—h the French Curassiers and 10000 foot raised at the Confederates common expence and assault the Cities of Novarra and Alexandria and that in the mean while the Maritime affairs should be prepared to molest the Imperialists in other places and to divide their Forces The Venetians gave order to their Captain Generall and to Commissary Pietro Pesaro to bring their Camp as soon as might be to Chiari in the Territories of Brescia to begin the war and the Pope ordered all his Commanders and souldiers to go into the parts about Parma to the end that being joyned together they might do what should be thought best for the League But this joyning of forces was unseasonably deferr'd by reason of the difficulty in what place the Armies were to meet for Francesco Guicchiardini who was Lieutenant General of the Ecclesiastical Army would not give consent that the Pope's men should go to Cassalle Maggiore as it was first resolved alledging that the State of the Church was not to be abandoned though it was urged on the contrary that they being masters of the field there was no cause of fear This mean while Malatesta Baglione came to Lodi with a Troup of Vinetians where he had private intelligence with Lodovico Vistarlino a Citizen thereof and though there were in it a good Garrison of 1500 foot yet he easily took it and held it in the name of Francisco Sforza After this the whole Venetian Army past over the Poe and two dayes after the Popes men joyn'd with them and they went all to Milan the Duke of Urbane had good hopes to get the City at the first assault for he was informed by some of the Milaneses that the people were up and ready to side with them as soon as their Army should be come to the City and that the Imperial Commanders having already sent away their baggage would soon be gone themselves and give over the defence of the Town This was so verily believed as Lodovico Count di Belgiojoso had desired the Duke of Urbane to give him 2000 Foot with which he offerr'd to relieve the Castle of Milan The whole Army of the Confederates being advanced they quartered in the Monastory del Paradiso toward the Porta Romana with a firm intention to give an assault hoping to win the Suburbe and to lodg there and the enemy being often come forth to skirmish were still valiantly repuls'd by our men but soon after came the Duke of Burbone with a good number of foot and did not onely make good his station against such as skirmished with him but indammaged them on sundry parts so as the Duke of Urbane failing of his hopes of getting the city by assault and fearing lest he might fall into some greater disorder if he should tarry long in those quarters retreated with the whole camp in good order to Marignavo without receiving any prejudice But great hopes having been had by the Armies being drawn near Milan of good success in the Enterprise and there being great necessity of relieving the Castle of Milan the Senate when they heard by their Commissary that the camp was raised were very much amazed and grieved and the Duke to justifie this his act sent Luigi Gonzaga to Venice who might by word of mouth give an account of what was done and of the reasons which had moved the Duke thereunto whereupon the Senate were satisfied but the Pope was not so easily appeased he did not onely complain very much of this action but likewise of the manner of the Dukes proceedings for not having acquainted those that imployed him with his most important counsels which Guicchiardini did aggravate to the Pope by his bad offices done to the Duke being displeased with him because his Discourses were not well listned unto
would make thereof then in any self interest or doubt of theirs And Monsieur di Taberna who was resident in the Court of France on the Duke of Milan's behalf by not rejoycing nor holding any discourse with the King about this acquisition did by saying nothing witness as much his masters displeasure Which because it might produce many bad effects the Venetians laboured to free him of this suspition and to appease his displeasure witnessing the Kings good will and excusing Lautrech And that these their endeavours might be the more efficacious and to maintain the Dukes reputation as much as they could they sent Gabriel Veniero Embassadour to him to remain Resident with him Luigi Sabadino the States Secretary having been there till then Alexandria being taken Lautrech gave out that he would march with his Army towards Rome to free the Pope who though he had accorded with the Spaniards as hath been said was still kept Prisoner by them many difficulties being met withal as well in the payment of the monies promised to the Souldiers as in the assignation of the Strong-holds nor did Cesar seem to be well resolved therein though by his Speeches he sought to make the contrary be believed But the Venetians did openly oppose this course not but that they did equally with the King desire the Popes freedom but because they thought it little useful for the common affairs the same reasons and respects concurring then and being made more considerable by other new accidents which upon narrow examination before were by common consent thought sufficient to perswade that Lautrech when he past first over the Mountains was rather to come into Lombardy then into the Territories of Rome it being known that all the remainder of the War would depend upon the success thereof That there was great hopes at this time of getting the Cities of Pavia and Milan each of them being but slightly garrisoned and Antonio da Leva by whose diligence and discipline that State was more maintained then by his Forces being very sick and altogether disabled for action That if this occasion should be lost the condition of all things would grow dayly worse for the League for a great many Landsknechts were ready to fall down presently from the Country of Tinoll into Lombardy By whose coming the Enemy would become much stronger and it would be but in vain for the Confederates to attempt any thing But that if these men should find no safe receptacle in Milan they neither having Horse nor victuals they would be forced to alter their minds and to return home Time and opportunity would this mean while be gotten for the coming of the ten thousand Dutch Foot to the Camp which were raised with the King of Englands monies by which the Army being much increased both in reputation and Forces might with assured hopes of victory proceed on to the Enterprize of Rome and the Enemies would be soon driven from thence and the Ecclesiastical State and Liberty of Italy secured Lautrech being overcome by these reasons was content to march with his Army towards Pavia which not being timely succour'd by the Forces which Antonio da Leva sent thither from Milan fell easily into the Leagues hands and was sack'd by the Army the Souldiers using all sorts of cruelty to the Inhabitants because it was said that they boasted themselves to have quell'd the King of France by the imprisonment of King Francis which hapned whilst he besieged that City This News was very welcome to France the French men thinking that by this victory they had cancell'd the infamy of the Battle fought by that Nation in that place some few years before At the same time Andrea Doria was come to Savona with his Gallies and some others belonging unto the French where the Venetian Gallies were to have joyned with him to attempt the business of Genna it being thought that great advantage might have been made by that City if it should be reduced to the Kings obedience But after a whiles stay and before the Venetian Fleet came unto them a very fair occasion was offer'd of suddenly dispatching the business For the Genouese ships being come loaded with corn to the Washes near Porto Fino the Genouese being very desirous to have them come safe unto the City were gone out to meet them with 8 Gallies part Genouese part Spanish and put therewith into the same Haven Moreover understanding that Doria had landed some men and that making some Trenches he indeavoured to make himself Master of the Haven and to hinder any relief from coming to those Ships and so get possession of them they had sent Agostino Spinola thitherward with a company of select Foot to disturbe the Enemies works and to secure the Haven and the Ships Wherein they had good success for Spinola falling at unawares upon Doria's Souldiers whilst they were confused and in disorder put them quickly to flight though they were more in number and took Phillippo Doria Prisoner But News coming not long after to Genua that Cesare Son to Ianus Frigoso was come into the Valley of Pozzavera and incamped in a Town called San Pietra de l'arena with two thousand Foot and some Troops of Venetian Horse with which Lautrech had sent him to favour the business of Genua and that being gone from thence he was marching towards that City they were all of them on a sudden mightily afraid for that their best Souldiers were gone out of the City to Porto Fino and for fear of some rising in the City by reason of the several factions that were therein Wherefore the Adorni who had then the chief Government of the City apprehending these commotions sent to Spinola commanding him to come speedily with all the men he had with him and to relieve the City So as being inforc'd to abandon the Fleet he left it a prey for Doria into whose hands eight Gallies six of the Enemies Ships fell without any dispute or danger The mean while the Adorni joyning many others of the people to the Souldiers which Spinola brought along with him believing that by falling at unawares upon the few that Fregoso brought along with him he might overcome them and keep the City safe and quiet they went forth and drew near the Enemies Quarters Who being advantagiously seated fought more confidently and did not only make their party good but began to disorder them afterwards to make them run killing many of them and taking many of them prisoners amongst which chief Commanders Spinola was one Wherefore Frâ—goso pursuing his victory and not being retarded by a company of Spanish foot of the Garrison who were march'd out to relieve their fellows he routed them easily and march'd towards the City of Genua which being bereft of almost all defence and having many in her who were formerly resolved to surrender by reason of the love they bore to the family of Fregosi and to the French did receive in Cesare Fregoso and
his Sons since he could not be perswaded thereunto by reason After these perswasions the King appeared to be somewhat more fervent touching the affairs of Italy so as they hoped they might be able at one and the same time to renew the Wars both in Lombardy and in the Kingdom of Naples And to make some notable advancement by anticipating the coming of Cesar and of his succours The Senate were therefore of opinion that the Duke of Urbine should come to Venice where in the presence of the Embassadours of the King of France and of the Duke of Milan's and of a Gentleman sent to that purpose from Monsieur di S. Paule many long consultations were had touching the manner of managing the War And at last it was concluded that the first thing to be done was to mind the business of Milan but rather by the way of siege then assault by taking in the neighbouring places and by reducing Leva's Army to want of victuals and in the mean time to raise greater forces and the number pitch'd upon were twenty thousand foot to wit eight thousand French eight thousand Venetians two thousand of the Duke of Milan's and two thousand Landsknechts which were expected from Lions and were already taken into pay at the common expence and as for the Enterprize of Genua that it should be managed according as occasions should fall out and as things should succeed in Lombardy But the greatest security for the affairs of Italy was judged to depend upon the keeping off Cesars coming it was therefore resolved that the French Fleet should be increased as much as might be as also the Venetian Fleet and particularly in great Vessels to the end that they might keep the better at Sea and oppose the Imperial Fleet which consisted of like vessels to the end that when Cesar should see he could not sail without great danger he might keep from doing so Yet it being afterwards known that the Kings inclination lay to make War with Cesar beyond the Mountains accordingly as was formerly designed the Senators began to differ in their opinions Andrea Navagiero being at this time chosen Embassadour to be sent to the Court of France to renew the first desires what they ought first to exhort the King to whether to come in person into Italy or to send his Armies to the Perenean Mountains and assault Spain Amongst the rest Luigi Mocenigo a man vers'd in the management of the weightiest Affairs of the Commonwealth and one of great authority was of opinion that they were chiefly to perswade the King to send his forces to the confines of Spain so to divert the War which was intended to be made in Italy In these times so full of difficulties said he in an Oration which he made we must take many things into consideration and proceed therein with much temperance The Art of a skilfull Phisitian consists in curing his patient so that his malady draw not on another sickness and the Pilot who sails in the sea where are many Rocks if he know not how to steer his ship whilest he endeavours to shun one rock may give against another We are now assuredly in a very narrow condition we have to do with all the precepts of civil wisdome and are to consider many things at once Our Common-wealth through so many and so long wars is now become weak the times are subject to chances and we sail amidst many dangerous rocks Doubtlesly we ought to be concerned in Cesar 's greatness for he threatens the ruine of the Italian Potentates It is a usefull or rather a necessary Counsel to seek by all means how to suppress him For by fautering him or suffering him to grow greater he becomes daylie more formidable and the remedy proves harder Yet I am of opinion that to attain unto our true intentions it is not good neither ought we to use all remedies though they may seem proper to cure our present maladies For it is not our thoughts nor our intentions to keep Cesar low out of any hatred we bear unto his person or out of any Rivalship that our Commonwealth hath with him but onely for our own conveniency and safety that our State may not be exposed to his victorious will That if he should possess himself of the State of Milan we meet not with so powerfull a Neighbour as to be in perpetual jealousies of him Whence it may be easily conceived that it makes not for our advantage to suppress Cesar so as to raise up another Potentate in Italy of equal power and authority with him who may in time bring us into the same dangers which now we strive to shun For my part I doubt very much whether the coming of the most Christian King into Italy be like to prove that powerfull means which others may believe of keeping Cesar far off and to confess the truth I cannot promise my self that when we shall have our desire in this we shall find such continency in the King as that driving the Imperialists out of Italy he be to restore her to peace and safety but that he will rather claim the whole fruit of the victory to himself The King of France is no less desirous to become master of the Kingdom of Naples and of the Dukedome of Milan then Cesar nor are his pretentions thereunto weaker The so many wars made for this intentâ—on and many other signes discovered upon other occasions though cloaked under other ends shew that this Kings thoughts have been sucâ— and such the like of his Predecessors Who can secure us that when the King shall be become Arbytrator of the Affairs of Italy and not being counterpoâ—sed by the Imperial forces and that he shall know he stands not in need of our help to keep possession of these States that he may not slight our Interests and forget all that we have done to exalt him The desire of Rule doth oft times so blind men as it suffers them not to see reason makes them violate all Laws and value nothing but their own peculiar and apparent profit So as if Italy be to be subjected what doth it impâ—rt us whether it be by the Spaniards or by the French He who shall consider things aright will find that these two differ in many things among themselves but that as for us they are to be of a like prejudice and danger For though for what relates to our present affairs it may seem that we ought as much to desire the comming of the King of France into Italy as to fear the like of Cesar 's the one being a Friend and Confederate and that the dangers which may incur by him are more uncertain and farther off and that the other thinks himself injured by us and meets with many occasions of discord from our Common-wealth Yet it is not to be doubted but that it were by much best for us that neither the one nor the other of these Princes had either State Forces
all the Fleets and not any waies to disturb their designes nor meddle in any thing which either of the Fleets should have to do with He therefore required some particular order touching either his stay or whither he was to go Some Senators were of opinion that the whole Fleet keeping still together the Generall should alwaies keep before the Turks leaving them behinde him alleadging that their chiefe care should be to preserve the Cape and not to leave the Gulph to the discretion of the Turks when being gotten well within it with so great Forces they might be hindred from being able to joyn the Gallies of Dalmatia and others which were still appearing in Venice with the rest of our Fleet. Others agreeing that the Fleet should keep together were of a contrary opinion touching where it should stay thinking it neither honourable nor advantagious to abandon the Levant and to deprive themselves of the opportunity if they should find it fit to do so of joyning our Fleet with that of Spain some blaming both these opinions as extream and which would produce some disorder proposed that the Fleet should be divided commanding the Generall that when he should understand the Turkish Fleet did make for the Gulph he should choose out 40 of the best Gallies wherewith himselfe and Commissary Contarini should tarry about Corfu and that he should send the other Commissary Pasquillio with the rest into Dalmatia That he should diligently watch the proceedings of the Turks who if they should make for Puglia the Generall should not stir from Corfu but if entring into the Gulph and seeming to go for Puglia when they were past the mount St. Angelo they should bend towards Ancona and Romagna he should follow them but at such a distance as he should by no means indanger his Gallies and others were of opinion that all accidents which might occur not being to be foreseen and yet the Commanders being to govern themselves thereby they should leave all to the Generalls discretion and diligence Amongst which diversity of opinions theirs prevailed who were for the Fleets keeping in an intire body in the Levant But it being soon after known that the Turks advanced into the State so as there was no open war declared nor was there yet any certainty of peace it behoved them to divide their Fleet so they resolved to create a new Sea-Generall in the Gulph but who should be inferiour to Pesaro for that when they should be together he was to take down the standard and Lanthorn and yield obedience to him And this imployment was given by almost all the votes of the Senate to Iovan Vetturi who by tryall given of himselfe in the late Wars had got a great renown for wisdome and valour He putting himselfe speedily in order and parting from Venice with some armed Gallies went to Dalmatia whither Commissary Pasquillio came to meet him with some of those gallies which were at Corfu Nicolo Bondimiero Captain of the Gulph and Dominico Contarini Captain of the fly-boats So as Vetturi had quickly under his charge 46 Gallies besides six fly-boats and 54 Gallies one Gallioune commanded by Battuzzi Contarini and a Frigate under Iacopo d' Armero remained with Generall Pesaro But the same doubt rose soon again which had at first divided them in giving out these orders which was made the greater by the newes which encreased daily that the Turks were comming in an hostile manner to the Island of Corfu and that their Fleet was already discovered from the Island of Zantes some being of opinion that the Fleet should keep divided others that General Pesaro should have liberty to make one entire body of the whole Fleet if he should see occasion for it and Vetturi was ordered that if Pesaro should require it he should obey him without expecting further orders from the Senate This opinion was much withstood by many who mentioned the great danger and little advantage which would thereby accrue for the Turkish Fleet being very numerous and strong in the Channel of Corfu and therefore the western Point being well guarded how could our Gallies come near the Island whereas I Venti di Provenza which were wont to be constant in that season made the entry thereinto hard and the abode there unsafe So as when they should know that the Peace was broken they were to think of the safety of Corfu and of the rest of their Dominions by sea by other more prevalent means That the Emperour offered to joyne his Gallies with ours That if Generall Pesaro should receive orders to keep good intelligence with Doria that this conjunction might speedily be made with more honour and greater hopes of doing good Yet the Senate being moved either by fear of making the Turks jealous and of accelerating the evill which they sought so much to shun if they should hold closer intelligence with the Imperialists or else by the hopes of being able to do some good of themselves the businesse was carried though but by a very few votes for leaving it in Pesaro's power to joyne our Fleet together if he should see occasion for it and therewith to defend the subjects and affairs of the Common-wealth The French hoping hereby to bring the Venetians by new applications to consent to those things which they would not before listen unto sent Count Guido Rangone speedily away to Venice who having had audience in the Colledge in presence of the Capi del Consiglio di dieci without the Embassadour of France his intervening who afterwards did of himself almost the same things Rangone delivered the Kings credentiall Letters and began in a very effectuall manner to relate the love which his King bore to the Common-wealth and the esteem he had of her commemorating divers things done by the Crown of France tending to the Venetians service Then entring into consideration of the particular accidents of that time he exhorted them to forego their confederacy with Cesar and to joyne in friendship with France making great offers by order from the King and in the Kings name of yielding up unto the Common-wealth when the State of Millan should by their joynt forces be recovered the city of Cremona with whole Giaradada and to assist them readily in repossessing them of Cervia and Ravenna and also of the Towns in Puglia as Otranto Brandizzo Monopoli Puglinian and Travi so as the Venetians should be made masters of all that they possest before the late wars But he insisted chiefly upon the presenâ— condition of times which he knew would be of great force promising that by the Kings intercession and authority they should be free from all the present dangers which were threatned them by the Turks to the honour and advantage of the Common-wealth that the disputes which did yet remain between her and Soliman should be ended the new Imposts laid upon the Merchants of Soria taken away the Cantarinan ship restored and that the Merchants who were imprisoned should together
comming by the way of Trent into Italy they quickly sent four Embassadours to him Iovan Antonio Veniero Nicolo Tiepolo Mark Antonio Contarini and Vicenzo Grimani who going to meet him upon the confines of Verona received him with much honour and waited upon him whilst he passed through the State which was but onely for two daies for going to Peschiera he entred into the Mantuan Territories from whence he went to Millan from thence to Genua and then to Luca to meet the Pope with whom having tarried a while he pursued his journey towards Algiers But his advice proved bad as was foreseen for having landed his men on the shore of Algiers and meeting with more resolution and worth in the Inhabitants of that City then he expected but chiefly receiving very great losse by the Arabian Horse raised by the Turks of the neighbouring Country who with great speed and with a new and unknown way of fighting to our Souldiers disturbed their works The time was so spun on as way was made to great ruine for a horrible tempest arising at Sea which made the Ships Anchors come home some were driven upon the shore others carried into the high and boisterous seas Insomuch as having lost many of his ships and the rest being much torn the Emperour was forc'd to quit the enterprise having onely purchased this praise That he was never in the least dismai'd amidst so many adversities and dangers Many chief personages who followed the Court perished by the distemper of the aire and sufferings amongst the rest Marino Iustiniano Embassadour from the Common-wealth who by orders from the Senate had alwaies accompanied the Emperour and Nicolo da Ponte who was then Lieutenant at Udine was chosen in his steed This so great losse was interpreted by some to redound much to the advantages of the Italian Princes since thereby Caesar's forces were weakned and his minde began to droop who having alwaies promised unto himself prosperous successe in all things was thought did aspire at the soveraignty of all Italy Notwithstanding others out of serious considerations were of another 〈◊〉 thinking this to be a common losse and inconvenience to Christians in generall and particularly to the Common-wealth of Venice For the Turkish Fleet being counterpoised by his Forces at sea that ceasing these more formidable Enemies grew almost insuperable and all things were exposed to their discretion and fury Whilst these things were done by Caesar the King of France his thoughts were not quiet who being highly incens'd against Caesar studied by all means possible to revenge the injuries he had received therefore he had by his Embassadors whom he had sent before to Luca to meet the Pope press'd hard that his Holinesse would declare that the Truce made formerly at Neece by his procurement and authority the more to honest his cause was broken by Fregoso's and Rincone's death But resolving howsoever to use Force and hoping to out-do Caesar by the friendship and assistance of the Turks and Venetians he resolved to send Paulino Embassadour to Constantinople to treat of the particulars touching the Fleet 's putting forth to prejudice Caesar and tryed again to get the Venetians to joyne with him On which Paulino having discoursed much before he parted from Constantinople he had obtained as hath been said that Ianusby should be commissioned to enterpose Soliman's authority with the Venetians to encline them to listen to his proposalls touching making War with Cesar. Paulino being then come to Venice as he returned to Constantinople he together with the Bishop of Monpelliers who was there Embassadour in ordinary for the King had private audience in the Colledge before the chief of the Councell of Ten where he delivered what they were ordered to do by the King Paulino in a long Oration perswaded the Senators to a new confederacy with the King What the ends were said he of the King my Master and what those of the Emperour may now be so plainly discerned by their actions as their ends and designes are no longer concealed The King of France at the Popes perswasion laid down his Arms in Piemont and stopt the course of his almost assured victories out of a good inclination which he alwaies had to concord so far as his honour might not be thereby prejudiced And the Emperour who first seemed so desirous of peace refusing Articles of a fair Agreement entred himself in person with an Army into France That the King was contented to accept of the Dukedom of Millan not to unite it to the Crown of France that so the Princes of Italy might not by reason of his greatnesse grow jealous of him but to make one of his sons Lord thereof And the Emperour being resolved to keep that Dukedom in himself had often deluded his King and the Princes of Italy with vain hopes especially the Venetians who desired alwaies more then others to haâ—e a new Duke and particular Lord in that State That the King had of late nobly refused the offers of those of Guant who rebelling against Cesar had recourse to him for protection Nay he had readily given way to Cesar 's men and for himself to passe through France for Flanders to appease the tumults of that Province from whence if he had been so minded he might have reaped advantage That he had several other waies witnessed his goodwill to Cesar having received him with incomparable honour throughout his 〈◊〉 â—ingdome in the very City of Paris and in his own Palace treating with him still with singular civility That on the other side as sooâ—â—s his businesse was done the Emperour had not onely not corresponded any waies with him openly denying what he had promised but being full of implacable anger against the King had treacherously and spitefully caused his servants to be slain when by the Truce renued at Paris all his affairs should have been secure That these and many other things which lay open to the eyes of all men might witnesse what the endeavours ends and natures of these two Princes were by which might be well considered whether of these ought to be chosen for a friend and confederate to the Common-wealth in whether she might repose more faith friendship gratitude equity and modesty in all proceedings That it ought also to be particularly considered how great Cesar 's power would be when he should together with the Kingdom of Naples securely possesse the State of Millan the French being excluded Italy and all allayes ceasing which might curb his desires bent undoubtedly to be Lord of all Italy That it was to be had in consideration what good might be got by keeping friendship with Cesar and what they could promise unto themselves from the King of France That Cesar promis'd onely in gratification to the Common-wealth to put a Duke into the State of Millan not intending as might be seen by his actions to do as he said That what his King's gratitude would be and the fruits of this new conjunction
others having learnt by experience how unfortunate they had been in waging War with Soliman how powerful and formidable an enemy he had been to all Christendom and how little reason they had to trust to the help of other men or in the doubtful success of War having been much to their prejudice deceived in their hopes either by the insincerity of some of the Collegues or by the uncertainty of fortune At this time all men commended the Senates wisdom who could use such temper with the Turks as they should neither fear nor despise the Venetian name For as oft as any powerfull Fleet was put to Sea they spared for no cost to keep the maritime Forts munited and by arming their Gallies to give a kind of counterpoise to the Turkish Forces But they did still shun all occasions of interposing themselves in their designs and kept such friendship with Christian Princes as might seem to look more at their own safety then at the injuring of others and rather to the preserving of what was their own than to the acquiring what was their Neighbours Whence the Turks saw that the Venetians desired to keep friendship with them and that they knew how and were able to make War and be at enmity with them that they willingly avoided all occasions of making triall of their Forces but yet would not suffer such injuries as might be prejudicial to their Honour or State and by this means they had injoy'd peace for above thirty years Whereby besides the spinning out of time which made much for the weakest they did very much advantage the City of Venice wherein all Arts and Merchandize did flourish Whereby being much increased in inhabitants and in all sorts of Commodities they had lived a long time joyfully and contented in great tranquillity plenty the Citizens gaining much by traffick in the Levant and injoying their Revenues so long free from extraordinary taxes of War Yet were not all mens minds free from jealousies and troubles for finding that Soliman had studied Sea-affairs more by much then any of his Predecessors so as he sent forth almost every year a great Fleet the end whereunto not being known it caused much fear the Common-wealth being able by reason of her scituation to give a just counterpoise to the Turkish Fleets which grew now as formidable at Sea as their Armies had been some years before at Land so as feeling the inconveniences of War in time of Peace they were oft necessitated to Garrisonize their Forts knowing how little faith they were to adhibit to Infidels and to be in continuall expence and jealousie as may be known by what hath been said in the preceding Books But all men were chiefly concern'd in the care of Cyprus that Kingdom being a very considerable member of the State and which lying far from the City of Venice and being inviron'd round about by the Turkish Territories was in greater hazard of being possest by so powerfull Neighbours Being therefore intent upon the preservation of so rich and commodious a Province they had reduced the City of Necossia the Metropolitan of that Kingdom into a Fort-Royall and had added new Foot-Companies of those of the Country to the ordinary Militia of the Stradiosti and made other provisions for War indeavouring thereby to secure that Island and to bereave the Turks as well of mind as of means to assault it Thus this war which had been feared many years was defer'd all Solimans life time But his Son Selino succeeding him in his Empire all men grew quickly more afraid it being publickly given out that he had long had an inclination to the enterprise of Cyprus For before his Fathers death whilst he according to the custome of the Ottamans lived far from him in the Province of Magnasia having occasion by reason of the Neighbour-hood to receive severall informations of that Island and daily hearing much talk of the fruitfulnesse thereof of the Noblemens wealth and of the abundance of all things therein he had a great desire to possess it so as he said publiquely that when he should succeed his Father in his Empire he would seek to make himselfe master thereof It was also given out that Selino had begun to build a magnificent Moschea in Andrenopoli following therein the custome of many of his Ancestors who perhaps in imitation of those ancient Egyptian Kings who built Piramids and other Fabricks of a stupendious magnitude indeavoured to perpetuate their memorie to posterity by making royall Edifices He being therefore very fervent herein was told by the Mufty whose authority is as venerable in the Mahometan superstitious Ceremonies as is the Popes in the true Christian Religion that he not having as yet made any acquisition it was not lawfull for him to build a Moschey together wherewith many pious works were to be instituted and that it was not lawfull by their Lawes to employ any of the antient Revenue of the Empire in such things but onely the Incomes of such Countries as were conquered by him who would have so much honour done him Hereunto was added that it seemed Selino had not onely an occasion offered him to do this but that he was almost necessitated to make war somewhere that he might follow the footsteps of his predecessors who were alwaies used to do some notable action in the beginning of their Empire to win the favour and good-will of the Souldier the which it was thought it was the fitter for Selino to do for that he not being held to be a warlick Prince began to fall from that high reverence amongst the souldiers and people which was wont to be given by them to his fore-fathers War being therefore to be made it was not judged convenient for him to make it in Hungary and much lesse in Persia since the confines of the Turkish Empire were of so large extent as their Armies could not be conducted thither without much inconveniency they being much wasted by sufferings and by the length of the way before they could see the face of the enemy as had hapned to his grand-father Selino in the wars against the Sophie of Persia whom though he overcame in Battle yet he himself was overcome at last having in his return lost the greatest part of his Army by the length and difficulties of the march And as was more clearly seen in the last enterprise made by Soliman in Hungary wherein the getting of the Fort of Zighet was not thought answerable to the losse of so many of his best souldiers which ensued thereupon So as it was best for Selino to betake himself to some Sea-enterprise whereof none lay more convenient for him then that of Cyprus it being full of wealth and placed in the utmost precincts of the Venetian Dominions and therefore weakest as lying furthest from the heart wherefore it might prove an easie and a rich booty Whereas if he should go to the steril parts of Spain to attempt any enterprise he might
as God did now lay before him to preserve the faithfull Musselmans to molest their enemies and to make way for noble and glorious atchievments But Piâ—li and Mustafa Bashaw endeavoured the contrary with much fervency and with the same reasons but applyed otherwise who not onely out of envy to Mehemet but as his declared enemies the former having by his means been deprived of the dignity of Bashaw del Mare and the latter's life much endangered by severall imputations whilst he was Governour of Cairo did alwaies oppose Mehemets designes and counsells and they appeared the more zealous herein for that knowing they advised that whereunto their Lord was much enclined they hoped to wind into his favour and to deprive him thereof who advised the contrary by applauding his resolution To this was added That if the businesse of Cyprus should be pitched upon according to their opinions and perswasions Piali hoped to be restored to his former honour and to be Governour of the Fleet and Mustafa hoped to have the chief employment by land so as upon any happy successe they might each of them regain their former reputation and authority These men sometimes considering the advantage sometimes the easinesse of this enterprise and oft-times mixing the consideration of Religion with these concernments of State shewed How that the Venetians forces were of themselves weak and that what assistance they might receive from other Christian Princes was by example known to be uncertain and fallacious That the Island of Cyprus by reason of its far distance from Venice was hard to be garrisoned or succoured very convenient to be assaulted by them by its lying so near their Countries That it was a rich and noble Kingdom commodiously seated for their other Territories and so as it might secure the navigation upon those Seas to the subjects of the Ottaman Empire which so great an Emperour as he ought the rather to take into his care for that not onely in derision of his dignity but to the hainous scandall of Religion and of the name of Musselman the voyage to the Mecca was impeded the Pilgrims being miserably made prisoners by the western Pirats who had safe harbour in that Island And that as this war was of it self holy so it might be made the more meritorious by applying the rich revenues of this new acquisition to the use of the magnificent Temple which Selino caused to be built in Andrenopolis They moreover opposed Mehemet 's opinion very strongly and the Spanish enterprise urging the difficulty of carrying so numerous a Fleet into so far distant Countries to what dangers it would be exposed sailing through places where there were no Havens through the enemies Rivers and then how long it would be before the war could be begun what alterations time might afford how vain those hopes use to prove which are grounded upon popular insurrections without the groundwork of reall forces How craggy and mountainous those parts were and naturally apt to hinder any considerable progresse of any power how great soever Selino listned the more willingly to what these men said for that it was conformable to his own sense and on the other side Mehemet's allegations were of lesse authority for he being known to be very wary nay rather timorous sometimes in his advices he was thought to act according to his own inclinations when he was against making any war without necessity and now when he was for the enterprise of Spain wherein there wanted not much difficulty he seemed to do not onely what was contradictory to reason but contrary to his own nature Selino proceeded therefore herein with great respect and temper and at last meeting with no more opposition he resolved upon the enterprise of Cyprus saying He would be himself in person in it And he was so affectionate and so constant in this resolution as all men believed he would have begun this War the very first year of his Empire had he not been detained by other impediments for he found the Empire much exhausted of many things by reason of the continuall Wars made by Soliman and especially in the last enterprises of Malta and Sighet wherein many men were consumed and the Fleet was also almost unfurnished of all things so as it was necessary to refresh the Forces and to recruit the Navy by time and rest The Bashaw of Caffa being put upon it as it was thought by Mehemet to imploy the Grand Signior in other affairs had put him in minde that by cutting a neck of Land about some eighteen miles over in a place called Asdragan which was possest by the Russians two great and famous Rivers might be joyn'd together the Tanai and the Volga whereby severall Navigations would be much accommodated and the fishing of the Tanai would be bettered to the great and assured advantage of his Highnesse Imposts and with hopes of greater things for thereby an easie Navigation would be opened to Mare Maiore whereinto the Tanai falls and to the Caspian Sea whereinto the Volga doth disgorge her selfe so as Armies might upon any occasion be easily led into Persia. For the which many men being assembled and much indeavour being had the Muscovites through whose Country the Cut was to be made did not onely raise many Horse to disturbe the worke but the King of Persia hearing thereof and considering as it was true that by leaving this way open to his Territories they were bereft of a great security by reason of the difficulties of the deserts and by the length of the march which the Armies meet withall which come to assault them he began to multiply his men who were upon his confines and gave Selino just occasion to suspect that these things being discovered he would not ratifie the peace and confederacy which he had made with his Father Soliman Nor was the rising of the Arabians to be slighted who had possest themselves of much Territories about the River of Giemen tane the City Aden and indeavoured to make themselves Masters of the Mecca and giving out that they held intelligence with the Portuguesse made greater proceedings be apprehended But these rumours of the Arabians being at last appeased and the King of Persia having sent Letters that he would continue his friendship and former confederacy and together with them which made them be the better credited notice being given by the Bashaw of Ersirun that all things were peacefull upon the confines of Persia Selino thought that being free from all impediments and having already made much provision for War he ought not now defer it any longer and the rather for that he seemed to be invited to hasten the enterprise by two sad accidents which hapned this year which did much incommodiate the Venetians but not so much as it was thought The one was that there was so great a scarcity of all sorts of Grain this year throughout almost all Italy as there was great want found thereof in the City of Venice
Turkish Fleet and by hindring the Turks further progresse they were very reserved in falling upon any other undertakings lest if they should prove prosperous the Venetians power and reputation might grow too immoderate whereby the Spanish Fleet might meet with another weighty counterpoise and greater then peradventure might be thought convenient for the safety of the territories which the King of Spain was Master of in Italy Nor wanted there those that said the Grandees of Spain did envy Iohn's glory and that therefore they had held forth his too great Grandezza to the King of Spain as a thing that might cause trouble and danger to his Dominions But what the true cause of these proceedings was is unknown for the Spaniards were so close in concealing their counsells as without appearing alienated from having the Fleets meet or from the enterprises of the Levant for fear of the French or out of any other respect they still affirmed the contrary giving daily hopes that they would go to Corfu which they were very crafty in doing for they knew very well that if the Venetians should have any the least suspition of being abandoned by the Colleagues they would be forced to come to some agreement with the Turks which for some other respects would be inconvenient for the Spaniards for then they must of themselves alone withstand the forces of so great a Potentate against whom they had alwaies profest enmity Thus and for these reasons did not the Spaniards discover their intrinsicall thoughts but finding sometimes one cause of delay sometimes another spun on time without doing any thing At this time did Pope Pius Quintus die which caused a generall grief being taken away very unseasonably when Christendom was was in so great need for he being a sanctified man and very zealous of the common good and consequently of great authority and reverence with all Christian Princes was held by all to be an excellent means of keeping up the League and of encreasing the power and reputation thereof giving also great hopes of making way for some notable acquisition by the Christians and for the suppressing of the barbarous Infidells As soon as his death was heard of the Venetian Senate wrote suddenly to the Colledge of Cardinalls praying them that they would not suffer the affairs of the League to slacken wherein the late Pope had been so zealous since any the least protraction might prove very prejudiciall and might hinder the happy proceedings against the enemy They were all of them very well minded to pursue the war and that they might proceed the more resolutely the employment was presently confirmed to those very Cardinalls who were formerly deputed by Pius Quintus to negotiate the affairs belonging to the League who were very diligent in ordering all things necessary But the interâ—all of Popedom was but very short for the Consistory of Cardinalls meeting they the very first day chose Hugo Buoncompagno Cardinall of San â—esto Pope who took upon him the name of Gregory the 13th a Bulligonesse by Nation a Doctor of Law who had lived long in the Court of Rome and was held to be a just man but of a soure and austere nature well minded but meanly witted and not much experienced in managing of State-affairs This election was much favoured by the Spaniards and particularly by Cardinall â—ranville were it either that Hugo whilst he was Legaâ— in Spain had won the Kings favour by his integrity or else as some others said because he was known then to be so moderate a man as that it was thought when he should be Pope he would prove such a Prince as in many respects would make for the advantage of the Catholick King particularly for the safety and preservation of his territories in Italy Pope Pius Quintus his death brought great disturbances to the uniting of the Fleets though Gregory as soon as he was crowned confirmed the League in the same manner as his Predecessor had done For Don Ioâ—n who sought to protract time began more to scruple his departure considering that he could not of himself resolve to move with his Fleet any where unlesse he should receive new orders from Spain which he notwithstanding giving hopes should be suddainly had according to the common desire was the reason why the Venetian forces did as yet nothing and continuing still the same course he according as he thought time required his answer did continually inâ—imate his suddain departure affirming it so particularly as that he writ to Generall Foscherini he stayed onely from comming to Corfu in expectation of the Duke of Sessa who if he should not come all the sooner he would assuredly come away without him Nay he blamed Colonna's counsell who expecting some few gallies from Florence did so long delay his comming to joyne with them The Senate had commanded Generall Foscherini to wait for the comming of the Spanish gallies and not to attempt any thing nor to employ those his forces in any enterprise whereby the common concernment and further progresse might be retarded But the Venetians being desirous that their Forces might be somewhere felt by the Enemy resolved to attempt Castel Nuovo Sâ—iâ—rra Martiningo being the chiefe adviser thereunto who having been the preceding year at Catarro and having had opportunity to inform himselfe well propounded it as a thing easie to be done This man was born in Bressia of a noble Family though illegitimaâ—ely and being banisht upon occasion of private enmities had been long in the French Wars where he had won much repute for military valour And upon occasion of this War he had noâ— onely obtained a safe conduct but was made as it is said Generall Governour of Albania every one conceiving well of him His advice being imbraced and his speeches believed all things werâ— provided which he desired as necessary for this action The taking of Castel Nuovo was very much desired by the Venetians not out of meer consideration of the thing it selfe it being a little Town of no great circuit not very strong nor well inhabited but for the many advantages which might be had thereby For it stands almost in the mouth of the Gulph of Catarro near whereunto the land thrusts out and streightens the Channel so as they who are the possessors thereof may hinder any from passing further into the Gulph which winding towards the Levant makes an other great Creek which is safe from storms wherein any Fleet how numerous soever may upon any occasion ride safely and in the utmost part thereof stands the City of Catarro which cannot be by any other way supply'd with Garrisons Victualls or any other necessaries it being invironed every where on the Lands side by the Turkish Territories Sciarra having imbarkt himselfe at Chioggia with 5000 foot whereof many were French gallant men and very well disciplin'd went with great expectation of success towards the Gulph of Catarro bringing orders with him to Generall Veniero from the Councill of