Hameth Abducarin to sée if it came in Arabian I did present it also to Siculo that he might sée the stile if it were in Greeke I sent it vnto maister Alaia to vnderstand if it were a thing of Astrologie Finally I shewed it vnto Flemings Almans Italians Englishmen Scottes and Frenchmen the which all did affirme that either it was a letter in iest or else a writing inchanted And when many said that it was not possible but that it was a letter inchanted or else infected with a spirit I determined with my selfe to send it to the great Nigromancer Iohn de Barbota instantly desiring him to read it or else to coniure it who aunswered by writing and also certefied me that he had coniured it and also put it in circle and that he could gather of the matter is that the letter without doubt had no spirit in him but he aduised me that he which wrote it should be besprited Sir for that I wish you well and am also beholding vnto you I aduertise and also beséech you from henceforth to vse some amēdment in your letters if not ye may cōmend them to Iohn de Barbota That your letters shall scape my handes as good a virgin as Putifars wife did scape the handes of Ioseph or the fayre Sara the handes of Abimelech or the Hebrues Sunamite the handes of Dauid or the Dame of Carthage the handes of Scipio or Phocions wife the handes of Dionisius or the daughter of King Darius the handes of Alexander or Quéene Cleopatra the hands of Augustus finally I do say that I cannot reade or els you know not to write If the letter sent by Dauid vnto his Captaine Ioab vppon the death of the vnhappy Vrias and the conception of the fayre Bersabe had bene of this cursed letter Dauid had not sinned neither the innocēt Vrias bene slaine If the consederacie made by Escaurus and his companions in the comuration of Catiline had bin of such miserable letter as youres neither had they receiued so cruell death or in the Citie of Rome had they raysed so infamous warre that it had pleased the diuine prouidence that you had bene secretarie to Manicheus to Arrius Nestorius Sipontinus Marius Ebion and all the other heretiks that haue bene in the world for though they had constrayned you to write their excommunicate and cursed heresies wée should neuer or any other haue found meane to reade them Of Plinie in his naturall History of Clebius in his Astrologie of Pitus in his Philosophy of Cleāder in his Arithmetike of Estilphon in his Ethiks and of Codrus in his Politikes all the auncient writers doe most sharpely complaine bycause in their doctrines they did write some thinges the which are easie to bee reade but difficill to vnderstand In the Captaineship of these so excellent men you may well set downe your launce and also giue thrée poundes of wax to enter their fraternitie For if their writings will not be vnderstoode no more may your lines be read Many times I do muse how with the antiquitie of times and with the varietie of wits all things haue bin renued and many made better except the letters of the A.B.C. in whiche from the time they were first inuented there hath bene nothing added and much lesse mended The A.B.C. holdeth xxj letters eightene of the which Nestor found and the other thrée the captaine Diomedes inuented being at the siege of troy And surely it is a thing to be noted that neither the eloquence of the Greekes either the curiositie of the Romanes or the grauitie of the Aegyptians ne yet the excellency of the Philosophers both found or could find another letter to the A.B.C. to be added or to be taken awaye or to be changed And although the humaine nations are in some part diuers at the least the letters of the A.B.C. thoroughout the world do sound one As Solon Harman Cortes Pedrarias and Pisarro haue discouered in the Indies a new world to liue in it may be that you haue found out a new A.B.C. to write withall but I feare mée much that none will goe to learne at your schole if the matter therof be like your letters I say for my owne opinion that you shall neuer come to any good market to sell your land by such a list I will say no more of the matter of your letter but that you accept this of mine as a warning and therwith of your curtesie I do craue from henceforth you kéepe your letter vnmoth eaten And that it may stand with your pleasure to amend the imperfection of the same for I haue learned too read and not to diuine I did imagine with my selfe that of purpose you had sent me this letter in iest to giue me occasion to answere you in iest and of very ouerthwartnes you did write to me so bycause I should aunswere to the same purpose if happely it were your intent Sir you must thinke that out of such pilgrimage you can obtaine but like pardons Sir from this Court of Caesar very fewe things are to bée written although many to be murmured the newes now are that many titles of Dukes Marqueses Earles and Vicountes the Emperour our Lorde and Maister hath giuen to many of his kingdome thē which do deserue them very wel for the authoritie of their persons for the antiquitie of their houses If ye demaund of the rents they receiue and of the landes and Seigniories they possesse in these things I do not entermedle or dare not put to my hand although it be true that some of these Noble mens estates be so narow and strait that if it appertained to the Friers Hieronimites as it doth to thē they would shortly choose it within a wall Rodrigo Giron to you beholding and my speciall friend desired me of his owne part and commaunded me of yours that I should speake to the gentleman Antony of Fonseca vppon I cannot tell what unbarge or stay that you had vppon a licence Sir I haue dispatchte it as your authoritie and my fidelitie did require Since that time I haue not vnderstood what hath ben done therin but that which I can certifie you of and affirme is If he do perseuer with suche diligence too take order for your licence as he hath with great earnestnes played away his goodes your worship shal as well be deliuered of auditors and of an accompt as he was this other night of gamsters at dice. For as one of them aduertised me he lost no more but the cap he did weare the spurs vpon his héeles There are that do well resemble their owne and do followe the steps of their forefathers for if I be not forgetfull I haue séene his father the Iustice or Maior of Montanches many times kepe his chamber not bycause hée was sicke but for that in Merida hée had played and lost all that euer he had The lord haue you in his kéeping
hath sent thée and that thou art a yong man my nephew and a Citizen of Rome The Emperour Tiberius writing vnto his brother germain said thus The Tēples be reuerenced the Gods be serued the Senate in peace the common wealth in prosperitie Rome in health Fortune gentle and the yeare fertile this is here in Italy the same we desire vnto thée in Asia Cicero writing vnto Cornelius sayeth thus Bée thou merry since I am not euill for likewise I shall reioyce if thou be well The diuine Plato writing from Athens vnto Dionysius the tirant saith thus To kill thy brother to demaund more tribute to force thy people to forget me thy friende and to take Photion as an enimie be workes of a tyrant The great Pompeius writing from the East vnto the Senate saith thus Conscript Fathers Damascus is taken Pentapolis is subiect Syria Colonia and Arabia is confederate and Palestina is ouercome The Consull Cneius Siluius writing newes of the battel of Pharsalia vnto Rome saith thus Caesar did ouercome Pompeius is dead Rufus is fled Cato killed himselfe the gouernement of Dictator is ended and the libertie lost Behold Sir the manner that the ancients vsed in writing to their peculiar friends which with their breuitie gaue vnto all men wherefore to be noted but we in neuer making an end giue large occasion to be corrected No more but that I pray the Lord to be your protector and giue me grace to serue him From Valiodolid the eight of October in the yere 1525. A letter vnto the Marques of Pescara wherein the Authour doth touch what a Captaine ought to be in the warres BEing with Caesar in Madrid the .xxij. of March I receiued a letter from your Lordship written the .xxx. of Ianuary and God be my witnesse that when I sawe and read it I would rather the date thereof had bin not from the siege of Marcellus but from the conquest of Ierusalem For if it were from Asia and not from France your iourney should be more famouse and magnified and of God much more accepted Titus Liuius reporteth of no small variance betwixt Mar. Marcellus and Quintus Fabius which did arise vpon the Cenfulships of the warres for that the good Mar. Marcellus would not be Captaine of the warre which was not very well iustified And Quintus Fabius did not accept to go to the warres were it not very daungerous The Romanes were in a maruelous vaine glory in that worlde when these twoo noble Princes were borne but in the ende muche more was the estimation of Marcus Marcellus for being iust than of Quint. Fab. for being valiaunt The Romanes were neuer so foyled or euer did incurre so muche dishonor in the warres of Asia either in Africa as they receiued at the siege of Numantia And this was not for defaulte of batterie eyther bicause the Citie was very strong but for that the Romanes had no reason to make them warre And the Numantines had iust cause to defend themselues Helie the Spartan doth say that onely the Emperour Traian was hee that neuer was ouercome in battell And the reason thereof was this that he did neuer take any warre in hand wherein he did not iustifie his cause The King of Pontus whiche was called Mithridates dyd wryte a certaine Letter vnto the Consull Silla being bente in warres moste cruelly the one against the other wherein was thus written I doe muche wonder of thée Consull Silla to take warre in hande in so straunge a lande as this of mine and that thou darest aduenture to deale with my great fortune since thou knowest shée neuer deceiued mée neither had acquaintance with thée To these woordes the Consull did answere Oh Mithridates I weighe it very little to holde warre farre from Romae since the Romanes haue fortune alwayes by them And if thou say that she did neuer fayle thée nor euer know mée thou shalt now sée how in vsing hir office she shall passe to mée and take hir leaue of thée And although it be not so I do neither feare thée or doubte hir for that I hope that the Goddes will do more for my iustice than for thée thy great fortune Many times the Emperoure Augustus vsed to say that warres to be good must be incommended vnto the Goddes accepted of Princes iustified of Philosophers and executed of Captaines Thus much I haue saide vnto your Lordship to this end that if your warre had bin vpon Ierusalem it were to be holden for iust but for that it is vpon Marsellius alway we hold it for scrupulous The kings hart is in the hand of God saith the diuine scripture If it be so who may attaine vnto this so great a secret whiche is to wéete that the Kings hart being in Gods hand he dare offend God which doth appeare most cleare in that we see no other thing but warres amongst the Christians and leaue the Moores to prosper and liue in rest This businesse to me is so difficulte that although I cā speak thereof I know not how to vnderstand it since all day wée sée no other thing but that God doth permitte by his secrete iudgements that the Churches where they prayse him be destroyed and throwen downe and the cursed remaine sound and frée where they do offend him Your Lordship is a Christian a good man at armes my neare kinseman and my speciall friend any of which things doth much binde me to féele your trauaile and to be gréeued with your perill I speake of trauell to the bodie bycause the Captaine that holdeth much of his honour ought to estéeme little of his life I say perill vnto the soule bicause amongst Christians there is no warre so iustified that in the same remayneth not some scruple Herein your Lordship shall sée that I desire to saue you in that I will not delite you with lies But only to say vnto you that which I do conceiue to the end that afterwards you may do what is méete If you know not wherunto you are bound I wish your Lordship to vnderstand it is that the Captaine generall do auoyde vniust wrongs correct blasphemers succour innocents chastise quarellers pay his armie defend the people auoyde all sackings and obserue fayth with the enemies Assure your selfe my Lord that there shall come a time in whiche you shall giue an accompt to God and also to the king not onely of what you haue done but likewise of that whereunto you haue consented Sir Iohn of Gueuara was your Grādfather and my cousin and he was one of the Gentlemen at armes that passed out of Spayne into Italy with the King Sir Alonso and there did helpe to get this kingdome of Naples and in recompence of his seruice hée made him Lorde greate Seneshall of the kingdome Of whiche you may gather howe muche your Lordship ought to trauell to leaue suche another renoume vnto your successours as hath bene left vnto you by your predecessors As
great eyes a soft skinne colour baye and aboue all of courage maruellous fierce This horse being yet but a colt they came from Asia from Palestina from Thebes from Pentapolis and from all Greece by the meane of his fame some to sée him others to buy him and other some to praise him and set him a sale to the people for there was no person that desired not to sée him and much more to haue him And in this world as there is not a thing so perfit in whiche there is not some imperfection the destiny of this horse was so accursed for all they that bred him bought him and did ride him died miserable and infamed And for that it shall not séeme that wée speake at large and doe recounte an historie very suspicious briefly we will touche who were they that bought this horse and did possesse him and also the great misfortunes that came vnto them by the same In the yeare CCCCxiij from the foundation of Rome Quintus Cincinatus the Dictator being dead the Romanes did sende a Romane Consull into Grecia that was named Cneius Saianus a man in bloud holden famous and for gouernement in the common wealth very wise When the Consull Cneius Saianus went into Greece that horse was a Colt of thirtie monethes the which he cheapened bought and brake and was the first that did ryde him And for that this Cneius Saianus being in Rome did follow the partialitie of Octauius Augustus a yeare after hée went into Greece and not six moneths after hée had bought that horse Marcus Antonius commaunded his head to be cut off and also his body to be vnburied This maye it appeare that Cneius Saianus was the first that bought and brake this horse and also did experiment by death his vn happy destenie They named him then and from thence forwarde Saianus horse Cneius Saianus being beheadded there succéeded him in the office of Consulship a certayne Romaine named Dolabella whiche immediatly being Consull did buy that horse for an hundreth thousand Sestercios and surely if hée had knowen the euill that hée bought vnto his house I think hée would haue giuen an other hundreth thousand not to haue bought him Within a yeare after the Consull Dolabella had bought that horse there arose in the Citie of Epirus were hée was resident a popular sedition in whiche the sorowfull Dolabella was slaine and also drawen throughe the streates The Consull Dolabella being dead another Consull was desirous to buy that horse whose name was Caius Cassius a manne whome Plutarch writeth to haue borne great office in Rome and to haue done great déedes in Africa Not two yeares after the Cōsul Cassius had bought that vnhappy horse they gaue him suche herbes at his dinner that within an howre hée his wife and children lost their liues not hauing time to speake one word The Consull Caius Cassius being dead the famous Romane Marcus Antonius desired to buy that horse and hée was so pleased with the forme and shape thereof when they brought him that hée gaue as great reward to the bringer as hée paid vnto him that solde the same not twoo monethes after that Marcus Antonius had bought this horse a batell was fought at Sea betwixt him and his enemy Octauius Augustus In whiche bataill his onely beloued Cleopatra would be present to hir greate infamie and greater losse of him selfe What vnfortunate ende Marcus Antonius had and what an hastye death his Cleopatra did suffer is notorious to all men that haue reade Plutarch Marcus Antonius being dead yet still that vnfortunate horse remained aliue whiche came to the handes of a Knight of Asia who was named Nigidius and for that the horse as now was somewhat olde at that present he bought him good cheape although afterwards he cost him very deare for within one yeare after he bought him at the passage of the Riuer Marathon the horse stumbled and fell in suche wise that both master and horse were drowned and were neuer more seene These are the fiue Knightes that are throwen downe at the foote of Sayans horse to wit Saian Dolabella Cassius Marcus Antonius and Nigidius The whiche history although it bée delectable to reade on the other part it is lamentable to heare Afterwardes whē in Asia they fell in reckoning and to remēber the euill fortune that the horse had alway with him there arose amongest them a common prouerbe to saye vnto the man that was vnhappy or vnfortunate That he had ridden vpon Sayans horse The like chaunce happened when Scipio did robbe the Temples of Tolosa in France in that of all those which caried away any golde and riches to their houses none did escape but within one yeare died and all his familie and house destroyed To this daye it is a custome in France to saye vnto the man that is vnfortunate That he hath Tolouze golde in his house Laertius saith that in Athenes there was an howse where all were borne fooles and there was another house where they were all borne doltish and as by discourse of time the Senators fell into the reckoning therof they commāded that those houses shoud not bée inhabited but pulled downe Herodianus sayeth that in the Marcian field in Rome there was a Gentlemans house in whiche all the owners died sodainly And as the neighbourhod made relatiō thereof vnto the Emperour Aurelianus he did not onely commaund it to bée threwen downe but also that all the tymber shoulde be burned Solon Solonius forbiddeth in his Lawes to the Aegyptians that nothing of the dead should be sold but that all should bee parted amongst his heyres saying If the dead had any vnfortunate or vnluckie thing it should remayne in his family and kinred and should not passe vnto the common wealth Incontinent vpon the death of the infamouse Romane Princes Caligula and Nero the Senate prouided that all the riches and houshold stuffe should be burned and buried in welles fearing that in their tyrānicall goods ther might be hid some euill fortune by the couetousnesse whereof Rome might be lost and the common wealth impoysoned Sir I thought good to write all these examples and straūge chaunces not that you shoulde béeleue in Augureis but to the ende you should think that there be in this world some things so infortunate as they séeme to draw or bring with them the selfe same or other mishaps No more but that our Lord bée your protector c. A letter vnto the Duke of Alba Sir Frederique of Toledo in the whiche is entreated of infirmities and the profites of the same REnoumed and most magnificēt Lorde at the time that Palome your seruaunt came to visit me on your behalf and gaue me your letters I was in a furious feuer in suche wise that I could neither read your letter or speake a word vnto the bearer thereof After that the feuer begā to cease that I had reade your letter I vnderstood the desire you had of my
whipt drawne they brought me to my cruell maister and I may say to thée O good Caesar that I wold rather haue remained dead at the Lions féete than aliue to appeare before my mayster Incontinent after I was brought into his presence he began to take aduice of them that brought me if I should be drawne to péeces haue my throate cut be hanged flayne quick or else be drowned In suche wyse that thou mayest well conceyue O noble Caesar in what case my hearte stoode and how afflicted in spirite I was when in my owne hearing they intreated not how they shuld chastise me but what cruell death they myght giue me After they had spoken many cruell wordes had threatned me with diuers cruell deathes he commaunded that I should be thrown into the dungeon amongst the condemned men for that with them I should be broughte hyther to Rome to bée meate for beastes and surely he did not erre in thinkyng to be thus moste cruelly reuenged of mée for there is not so cruell a kinde of death as to tarie thinke euerie houre to die This lion that you sée here lying by me is the same that I cured of the thorne and he that kept me so manie dayes in his caue and since the immortall Gods haue willed that he and I I and he should come to be acquainted in the place where they haue brought vs to be slain vpon my knées I beséech thée most victorious Caesar that since my fault hath condemned me to the beasts that it may please thy great clemencie to quite vs and to make vs frée This was that which Andronicus sayde vnto the Emperor Titus and that he related before all the Romane people If the myldnesse of the Lion had put them in greate maruel the words the great trauailes of Andronicus moued them to great compassion to heare the immeasurable paines the poore man had passed to sée how many times death had swallowed him with loude voyces al the people began to beséech pray the Emperour Titus that it might please him to prouide and commaund that Andronicus might not be slaine neyther cast vnto the Lion for the best part of the feast had bin to sée the mildnesse of the Liō to heare the life of Andronicus The Emperor Titus condescended with a very good wil to that whiche the people required and Andronicus desyred And thus it was that from thence forward he and the Lyon wente together throughout all the stréetes and Tauernes of Rome making merie and al the people reioycing with them After the maner of a little asse Andronicus with a small lyne did leade the Lion girded with a payre of bougets wherin he caryed certaine prouision of bread and other things that they gaue him at their houses and tauernes And somtime he consented that boyes shoulde ride vpon the Lion for money and to the straungers that came to Rome from farre countreyes and had not heard the storie therof demandyng what that so straunge and monstrous sighte shoulde signifye aunswere was made that that man was the Lyons surgion and that the Lyon was that mannes host This historie is recounted by Aulus Gellius the Latin and Apius the Gréeke much more at large Behold sir your paynting here declared behold here your straunge storie founde out beholde here your desire accomplished and beholde mée here that remayne tyred that for any thing woulde not againe take suche paine neyther put my selfe in suche care No more but that our Lord be your protector and giue vs good ending Amen From Toledo the .25 of August 1529. A letter vnto Sir Peter of Acuna Earle of Buedia wherin is touched howe Lordes should gouerne their estates A notable letter for suche as come newly to their inheritance REnoumed Lord and Christian knight Gonsalus of Vrena your seruant my friend gaue me a letter frō your lordship by the which you maintain against me a certain greate cōplaynt saying that it is a yere past since I haue not séene you and six monethes wherein I haue not written vnto you Syr I am so busyed and of my naturall condition so solitarie that it is painfull vnto me to visite and no lesse tedious to be visited not bycause they doe visit me but for that they let and hinder me The diuine Plato said quòd amici sunt fures temporis whiche is to saye that friends are stealers of tyme wherein he sayed troth For there be friends so importune in visiting and so tedious in communication that the time is more euill employed that is lost with them than the goods that theeues steale from vs. We Courtiers be much combred with tediousnes whiche in the court our friends doe vse with vs that sit downe by great leasure and doe settle them selues in a chayre not to aske any case of conscience or to talke any thing of holy scripture but to murmur saying that the King doth not firme the Counsell doth not dispatch the Paymasters doe delay the priuat doe commaund the Bishops bée not resident the Secretaries rob the Iustices dissemble the Officers compoūd the Gentlemen play and the women go at large Thinke you Sir that a man learned giuen to reading solitary and busied doth not more loose tyme in hearing these newes than to cure an infirmitie with euill diet to haue delight in murmuring he must be ill tongued that talketh of lend dispositiō and of euill condicion that delighteth therein They say that the good Marques of Santillana vsed to saye that euill tongs and euill eares did frame pleasant murmurings There be so many men in this Court loytering superfluous idle vagarant and euill tonged that if Laurence Temporall bée so great workman in refining clothes as they bée in shearing their neighbours liues we maye boldly giue more for the refining of cloth of Segeuia than for the cloth in Graine of Florencia My Lord I saye all this to the ende you haue me excused for my want of diligence and also to giue you to vnderstand of my condicion the whiche stretched no farther with his friendes than to make them aunswere to their letters and that sometime I write vnto them Before all things I am right glad of the sentence gyuen on your Lordships behalfe wherin they haue entituled you with Towne of Duennas and the Earldome of Buendia in whiche I beséeche God giue you many yeares of fruition and children to inherit For it is no small sorrowe to sée strange childrē inherit our proper sweat Your Lordship doth write vnto me in your letter that I pray vnto God to giue you grace as well to saue you as also to gouerne this estate whereunto I aunswere as also vnto them of the Towne of Duennas great is the mischance if they should not bée better intreated than my sacrifice of God aceepted Do you not thinke that I being a sinfull man a religious sinner and a Courtlike sinner shall not haue ynough to pray
as you that be supreme Iudges and constituted in high estates to the ende that if you will not doe all that wée craue at the least you will not chide vs when we be suters vnto you bycause that bond that holdeth the Iudge to be iust in that he iudgeth the very same doth bind the good to be importune when he sueth for another The office of the good maÌ„ is to pray and be importunate not only for the good but also for the euill it is to wit for the good that they maye be made better and for the euill that they pardon them Since there is no lawe in this worlde so rigorous that in good or in euill part may not be interpreted the Iudges haue to presuppose we do not desire them to breake their lawes but that they do but moderate them for many times the suter doth complaine not of the sentence of condemnation but of the desire that the iudge did shew to condemne him In the iudge it is not onely a vice intolerable to condiscend to all that which they craue but also a great extremitie to doe nothing of that they desire the good Iudge ought to be alwayes iust in that he giueth sentence and in that they desire him sometime humaine When the Consull Ascanius did boast himselfe that in the office of Censor or iudge he had neuer admittted either so muche as heard the requests of his friends The good Censor Cato sayd vnto him on a certain day in the Senat the offence standeth not oh Ascanius in that the Iudge suffreth himselfe to be sued vnto but to consent himselfe of any man to be commaunded Not of few but of many Iudges we maye iustly saye that which they do not at the intreatance of a gentleman they doe afterwards by the Counsell of their priuat friend I do lie if I did not intreat a Iudges wife to cause him to coÌ„sider of a plée of a friend of mine whiche aunswered me Intreat what think not Master Gueuara that my husband hath a wife that must intreat but commaund And so it came to passe as she said for that which could not be obtained in halfe a yeare she dispatched in one night In the bookes of common wealth Plutarch doth aduise Traiane that since in humane lawes there be more things arbitrable than forceable he should aduise his Iudges to approch more vnto reason than opinion The vnbridled Iudges that naturally be seuere and vntractable it is impossible but that they must be odious vnto all men and for this cause I thinke it very méete that one by one they shoulde heare all men with curtesie and afterwards determine what they shall finde by Iustice Many Iustices do holde it for aduauncement of honour to heare their suters with an euill will and not to doe anye thing wherein they bée intreated which they do not bycause they be iust in their offices but for that of their nature they be euill condicioned The good Iudge ought not to wrest the lawes to his condicion but wrest his condicion conformable vnto the lawes for otherwise it should not be expedient to séeke iust Iudges but men well coÌ„dicioned but in somuche as God was intreated of those of Niniuie that wâ—re condemned of Ezechias that was anoynted of Dauid that offended in adultery of Achab that committed Idolatry of Iosua that did not ouercome of Anna that was barraine and of Susan that falsely was accused surely it is not much that men do suffer them selues to bée intreated of other men I thought good my Lord president too write all these things not to teach you them but to remember you of them The Abbot of saint Isidro is of my acquaintance and great friend for we were brought vp in pallace together and were fellowes of one Colledge in suche wise that we be bretherne not in armes but in letters and now of late there hath bin proces againste him to appeare in this youre audience for which he would present him selfe before youre presence and in his way take a letter of mine by which I do much desire your Lordship that the Father Abbot and hys Monks Sentiant si placet quod non sit amor ociosus siue vester ad nos siue nostrum ad illos salua tamen in omnibus iusticia contra quam noque patrem respicere fas est From Toledo the xx of August 1532. A letter vnto the Earle of Beneuent sir Alonso Pimentell wherein is intreated the order and rule holden by the auncient Knights of the band RIght renowmed and greatest Earle of Spaine most acceptable to my hart was the letter you did write vnto me by the Commendathor Aquilera bycause there was not in these Kingdomes Lorde nor Prelate that had not written vnto me and to whome I had not writteÌ„ againe except your honour my Lorde the Earle of Cabra but since we haue passed the port and that the gulfe is nauigable the way tracked and I come to youre acquaintance knowing the sinceritie of your bloud the generositie of youre persone the authoritie of your house and the fame of your renowme I will not leaue from hence forward to request you neither will I be negligent to write vnto you With some Lords and gentlemen I hold aquaintance with others kinred and affinitie with other friendship with others couersation but to other some I refuse communication and flye their condition for in wit they be doltishe and in their coÌ„munication very tedious It is more painefull to suffer a tedious Lord or Gentleman than a foolish ploughman for the inconsiderate Gentleman will make you raue and the doltish ploughman prouokes you to laugh and farther and besides this the one you may commaunde to holde his peace and the other you must suffer vntill he haue made an end but youre Lordship is of so good stuffe and come of so right a Turquois and so delicate of iudgement that there may be no place in my conceit but that from hence forward I wil boast my selfe of your conuersation and ioy my selfe of your condition Your Lordship dothe commaunde me to write vnto you if I haue read in any auncient writing who were the knights of the Band in Spaine Also you woulde vnderstande in the time of what prince this order was established who was the inuentour thereof why he deuised the same what rules he gaue them to liue with how long it lasted and wherefore it was lost although I were some suspitious witnesse and youre Lordship were iudge Ronquillo you could not take my deposition by interrogatories more delicatly I sweare by the law of a good man that if mine answer be so accomplished as your demaund is exquisit your honour shall be satisfied and I not a litle tired After I did sée the stately buildings that you haue made at Valiodolid I did more boast you for a good builder thaÌ„ for a curious reader and therefore I do much delight in that
offended and growe angrie if I answere not presently vnto your letters and send you not your doubtes declared As concerning that whiche you write of Marcus Aurelius the case standeth thus that I translated and presented it vnto Caesar not all finished the whiche Laxao did steale from the Emperoure and the Quéene from Laxao and Tumbas from the Quéene and the Lady Aldonsa from Tumbas and your lordshippe from the Lady Aldonsa in suche wise that my sweates ended in your theftes The newes of this Courte is that the Secretarie Cobos groweth priuate the gouernour of Brefa doth kéepe silence Laxao doth murmure and groane the Admirall dothe write the Duke of Veiar dothe hoorde and kéepe the Marquise of Pliego dothe plays the Marquise of Villa Franca followeth his busynesse the Earle of Osorno dothe serue the Earle of Siruela doth praye the Earle of Buendia doth sigh Gutiere quixada doth iust and the Iudge Ronquillo doth whippe From Madrid the sixthe of Ianuarie 1524. A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynigo of Velasco in which is said that which the Marques of Piskara reported of Italy REnowmed Lorde and cōplayning Constable it hath chaunced me with very good grace that you neuer writte me letter wherin there cōmeth not some murmuring complaintes saying that I haue not answered to all that you haue written or that I am very short in writing or that I write but now and then or that I detayne the messenger or that I write as one offended in suche wise that neyther in me is any end of faults nor in your Lordship any lacke of complaints but if youre Lordship will note and accuse all the wants of considerations negligences slacknesse simplicities and doltishnesse that I haue I can tell you that you shall be wearied and also tyred for there is in me many things to be reprehended and very few wherefore to be praised That which is in me to be praised is that I estéeme my selfe to be a Christian kéepe my selfe from doing hurt to any man and boast my selfe to be your friend And that which is in me to be reprehēded is that I neuer leaue to sinne neither euer begin to amend this it is my Lorde that doth vexe me this it is that settes me aground and this is the cause why that there neuer remayneth in me gladnesse for as youre Lordship knoweth matters of honor and of conscience gyue great cause to be felt or considered but not to be discouered To write short or at large to write late or in time to write polished or without order neither is it in the iudgemente of him that doth indite it either in the pen that writeth the same but in the matter that he hath in hande or in the aptnesse of time he vseth for if a man be disgraced he writeth that hée ought not and if in disposition he writeth what he listeth Homer Plato Aeschines and Cicero in their writings neuer ceasse to complaine that when theyr common wealthes were in quiet and pacifyed they studied read and writte but when they were altered and vnruly they coulde not study much lesse wrought That which passed by those glorious personages in those days euery day passeth now in my selfe for if I bée well disposed and in temper it is offred me by heapes as muche as I woulde write and if by chaunce I bée disgraced or distempred I would not so muche as to take pen in hand There be tymes that I haue my iudgement so kindled and so delicate that as me thinketh I coulde swéepe one graine of wheate and cleaue a haire in sunder At another time I haue it so dull and so farre remoued that I can hardly hit a nayle with a stedge I knowe not what to write of thys Court but that the Marques of Peskara is come hither from Italy which doth recount from thence such so many things that if they be worthy to be put in Chronicle they be not to be written in a letter He that knoweth the condicione of Italy will not maruell of the things therof for in Italy no man may liue vnder the defence of iustice but that to haue and too be able he must be of power or else very priuate Let him not desire to liue in Italy that hathe not fauour of the king to defend or power in the field to fight for in Italy they neuer care to demaunde by Iustice that whiche they may winne by the launce In Italy they haue not to aske of him that hathe an estate or goodes of whome he did inherit them but how be did winne them In Italy to giue or take away estates or goodes they séeke not right in the lawes but in armes In Italy hee that leaueth to take any thing it is for want of power and not for want of will. Italy is very pleasant to liue in and very perillous to be saued Italy is an enterprise whether many do go and from whence few do returne These and many other such like things the Marques of Peskara recounted vnto vs at the table of the Earle of Nassao many Lords being present and some Prelates Giue thanks vnto God our Lorde that hath bred you in Spaine of Spaine in Castile and of Castile in Castile the olde and of Castile the olde in Burgos where you are beloued and serued for that in the other places or townes of Spaine althogh they be noble of power they haue always some controuersies The memoriall the your Lordship sent me this yeare to consider of and vpon the same to giue you counsell nowe I sende it you corrected with my conscience and consulted with my science No more c. A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynigo of Velasco in which is declared the prises of thyngs as in olde tyme they were wonte to be sold in Castile REnoumed and curious Constable I haue receiued a letter from your Lordshippe as it appeareth by the same although you be chief or heade of the Valascos and I of the Ladrons of Gueuara there you haue the déede and here I haue the name For entring into my cell you haue stolne my Pictures and ouerturned my Bookes If there be a priuiledge of the Constables of Castile the religious being at his prayers that they shal enter and sacke his Cel it were very iust to shew wherfore they did it or else to restore vnto the owner the thing stolne Your Lordship writeth vnto me that you wil not restore the pictures that you haue takē away except I send you written the auncient ordinances that were made by the king Don Iuan in Toro in suche wyse that you doe not content your selfe with stealing but that you will also extort and doe violence I know not which was greater that day your fortune or my mischance in that my Cell was open for I swear by the faith of a christian that my lance in the sight of God wer much more worth if I shuld vse as great circūspection in
easily make themselues Lordes of all Spaine A letter vnto the Admirall Sir Frederirk wherein the Auctor doth touche the maner that in olde time was vsed on their sepulchers and the Epitaphes that were placed vpon the same GLorious Admiral curious Lord neither doth it profite mée to bée angrie eyther to hold my peace to exclame or complayne neither yet to cease to make answere but that alwayes I must continue in combate with your letters as also with your messengers for absoluing your doubts It is but .15 dayes since I answered your letter and not a month since I absolued a certaine doubt I am determined with my selfe not to answere you to any letter neither to declare you any doubt vntill the counsell of Saratan haue considered therof and they of Villaunblalo do determine and iudge therein To performe wherin you request mée to execute the case which you cōmaūd me I may not deny vnto your Lordship that I haue not séene much heard passed also reade muche but ioyntly herewith your honor hath to consider that I am now become old wearied also tired go ladē with greate afaires which be of necessity but your doubts procéede of will. I haue sayde also written vnto your honor many times as you are but of little bodie haue that minde so generous noble it should be much to your ease that you Alonso Espinel made exchange which is to wit that he should lend you some more body wherin that hart of yours might be conteined and you bestow on him some more heart for that grosse and so vnweldy a bodie Cōsidering the great dulnes of Alonso Espinel and the excéeding spirite liuelinesse of your honor I do not thinke to be deceiued to vouche that your Lordship is a soule without a body that he is a body without a soule One thing doth yet comfort me which is that as your Lordshippe nowe groweth old and I also both olde sickly we shall not much write eche to other and much lesse vse mutuall visitation bicause as the diuine Plato sayd that yong men at times die sodenly but olde men may not liue long Little or muche or muche or little may it please the king of heauen that that which we lyue we may liue to his seruice for that we haue no accompte to make what we lyue but howe we lyue Leauing aparte both your iestes and my complaintes I my Lorde from hence foorth am determined to answere your letters with all breuitie as also to declare vnto you all your doubts for as Horace the Poet sayth it appertaineth to wise men to shewe a willing minde in that wherein necessitie constreyneth Cōming to the purpose your honor cōmādeth me to write vnto you the maner which they vsed in old time to make their sepulchers the fashion which they obserued in placing their Epitaphes for as it séemeth you meane to take order for your sepulture to deuise for the inuention of your Epitaph From hencefoorth I say and diuine that all those which shall sée my answere vnto your demaunde will maruell also as it may chance to laugh for that I shal be forced in this place to relate histories very straunge and customes neuer heard off Plinie in the beginning of his seuēth booke reciting the great miseries wherwith man is borne the immesurable trauels wherin he liueth sayeth thus Amongs all the beasts that nature hath brought foorth only man crepeth onely man is ambitious man onely is proude couetous and superstitious only desireth long life maketh a sepulture wherin to be buried moste truely Plinie spake greate troth bicause all other beasts neither riches doth make proude neither pouerty doth make sad neither care to lay vp in store neither trauell to gather togither neither wéepe whē they be borne neither grow sad when they shall dye but only trauell for liuing without carefulnesse where to be buried Onely the foolishe man is he which fetcheth marble from Gene Alabastre from Venice porphire from Candie bone of Gelofe and Iuory of Guinea for no greater purpose than to build a stately chappell and to erect a sumptuous sepulcher where to bury his bones the wormes to gnaw his intrailes I do not disalow eyther reproue but the rather I admit prayse to build good churches to erect great Chappell 's to endue with good doctrines to paint faire stories and to make rich ornaments but ioyntly therewith I say that I hold it for more safe that a man trauell and payne himselfe to leade a good life than make a rich Sepulture Oh how many poore men which are buried in Churchyards whose soules reioyce and rest in heauen and how many which be buried in sumptuous and stately Sepulchres whose soules be tormēted in Hell. On that night which Troy was burned Aeneas intreating his father Anchises to depart the Citie to the end he should not want a Sepulchre the old man aunswered Facilis iactura Sepulchri as if he had sayd There is no lesse griefe vnto manne than to want a Sepulchre The King Anchises sayde well in that he spake since we sée the liuing man complayne of the biting of a flye and of a flea that doth offend him but of a man that is dead we neuer heare any complaynt for any lacke of ringing or want of sumptuous buriall If Homer and Pisistratus do not deceyue vs The Cithes were the people that with most pomp did burie their dead and in most reuerence did hold their Sepulchres Zenophon the Thebane sayth That the Cithes fléeing before Darius he sent word to knowe how farre they woulde runne they aunswered we Cithes make no great accompt to lose our houses our fieldes neither oure children neyther yet our selues in respect of offence to the Sepulchres of our forfathers vnto the which whē thou shalte approche oh King Darius there shalte thou sée and know in how much more we estéeme the bones of the dead than the life of the liuing The Salaminos buried their dead their backs turned against the Agarens whiche were their mortall enimies In such wise that their enemitie endured not onely in time of life but also when they were dead The Massagedas at the time of death of any man or womā they drew foorth all the bloud in their vaynes and that day all the kindred being assembled did drinke the bloud and afterwards did burie the body The Hircans did washe the bodies of the dead with wine and did anoynt the same with a precious oyle and after the parents had bewayled and buried the dead they kept that oyle to eate and that wine to drinke The Caspians in finishing the last breath were cast into the fire and the asshes of the bones being gathered into a vessell did afterwards drinke them in wine in suche wise that the entrayles of the liuing was the Sepulchre of the dead The Cithes held for
Gonsalis Fernandes of Cordoua great captaine in vvhich is touched that the knight escaping the vvarres ought not from thenceforth to depart his house 77 A letter to sir Enrique Enriques vvherein the author dothe aunsvvere to many gratious demaundes 83 A letter for sir Anthony of Cneua vvherein is expounded an authoritie of holy scripture 88 A letter vnto Maister frier Iohn Beneuiades vvherein is expounded the text vvhich sayth The euill spirite sent of God came vpon Saule 94 A letter vnto the Marques of Velez vvherin he vvriteth vnto him certaine nevves of the court 98 A letter vnto the Bishop of Tui nevve president of Granado in vvhiche is sayd vvhat is the office of Presidents 103 A letter vnto the VVarden of Alcala in vvhiche is expounded the Psalme vvhich sayth Let the liuing descende into hell 1â—7 A letter vnto Diego de camina vvherin is treated hovv enuy raigneth in all men 111 A letter vnto syr Iohn de Moncada in vvhich is declared vvhat thinge is ire and hovv good is pacience 115 A letter vnto sir Ierome Vique in vvhich is treated hovve greate libertie is much hurtfull 121 A letter vnto sir Ierome Vique vvhere in is declared an Epitaph of Rome 125 A letter vnto the Bishoppe of Badaioz vvherein is declared the auncient lavves of Badaioz 127 A letter vnto sir Iohn Palamos vvherein is declared vvhich vvas Saians horse and Toloze gold 129 A letter vnto the Duke of Alba syr Frederique of Toledo vvherein is intreated of infirmeties the profits of the same 134 A letter vnto sir peter of acunia Earle of Buendia vvherein is declared a prophesie of a certaine Sibill. 138 A letter vnto Ynigo Manrique in vvhich is recompted vvhat happened in rome betvvixt a slaue and a Lion 141 A letter vnto sir Peter of Acunia Earle of Buendia vvherein is touched hovv lordes should gouerne their estates 152 A letter vnto the Admirall sir Frederique Enriques in vvhich is declared that olde men haue to bevvare the yere three score and three 168 A letter vnto the admirall sir Frederique Enriques vvherein is expounded vvherefore Abraham and Ezechiell did fall forvvarde and Hely backevvardes 172 A letter vnto the abbot of Monserrate vvherein is touched the Oratoris that the Gentyls vsed 176 A letter vnto the Admirall syr Frederique Enriques vvherein is declared a certayne authoritie of holy Scripture 178 An other letter vnto Levves Braue vvherein is touched the conditiones that honourable olde men ought to haue 185 A letter vnto sir Ieames of Gueuara Vncle to the author vvherein he doth comforte him 192 A letter vnto Mayster Gonsalis Gill â–ª in vvhich is expounded that vvhich is saide in the Psalmiste Inclinaui cor meum 198 A letter vnto the Abbot of saint Peter of Cardenia in vvhich he much praiseth the Mountaine countrey 201 A letter vnto Doctor Manso Precident of Valiodolid vvherein is declared that in other mens affaires vvee may be importunate 204 A letter vnto the Earle of Beheuent sir Alonso pimentill vvherein is intreated the olde auncient order of the knightes of the band 208 A letter vnto the Constable of Castile sir Ynigo of Valasco in vvhich is touched that the vvise man ought not to trust his vvife vvith any secrete of importaunce 220 A letter vnto the Constable sir Ynigo of Valasco vvherein is touched that in the harte of the good Knight there ought not to raigne passion or anger 223 A letter vnto the Constable sir ynigo of Valasco vvhiche is sayde vvhat the Marques of Piscara reported of Italy 227 A letter vnto the Constable sir ynigo of Valasco in vvhich is declared the prises of thinges in olde time in Castile 229 A letter vnto sir Alonso of Fonsica Bishop of Burgos president of the Indians vvherein is declared vvherfore the Ringes of spaine bee intituled catholique 2â—0 A letter vnto Moson Rubin of Valentia being old and enamored 237 A letter vnto the Bisshop Zamora Sir Antony of Acuna vvherein he is sharplie reprehended being capitaine of the commoners that rebelled in spaine 242 A letter vnto the saide Bishoppe of Zamora in vvhich he is pesvvaded to turne to the seruice of the king 248 A letter vnto syr Iohn of Padiila captain of the commoners reuolted â—54 A letter vnto a gentleman and secrete friend to the Aucthor vvherein hee aduiseth and reprehendeth his vvretched couetousnesse 260. A letter vnto the Lady Marye of Padilla vvife to Don Iohn of Padilla vvherein the Aucthor doth persvvade that she turne to the seruice of the king 265 An oration made in the Toune of Braxima vnto the knightes and gentlemen of the assemblie vvherein the Aucthor doth tequest them to peace in the name of the king 272 A letter vnto Doctour Melgar Phisition vvherein is touched the profites and disprofites of Phisicke 282 vvho first inuented medicine and practised Phisicke 282 Of kingdomes and prouinces that banished Phisicke 287 The trauailes of Phisicke 289 A letter sent from Grecâ—a to Rome vvith a caueâ—t against Phisitions 291 Of seuen notable benefites proceeding from the good Phisition 293 Of nine perniciouâ— euils that Phisitions commit 295 The Aucthors iudgement of Phisicke 297 A letter vnto Mâ—sen Puche of Valentia vvherein is touched at large hovve the husband vvith the vvife and the vvife vvith the husband c. 300. That none doe marrie but vvith his equall 304 That the vvomen be very shameâ—aced and no babler 3â—8 That a vvoman be a home keeper and â—hun occasions 309 That the maried vvoman be not proude or cruell 311 That the husbands be not rigorous especially vvheÌ„ they be nevv c. 313 That the husbandes be not ouer ielouse 316 That if betvvixt the married there passe any vnkindnesse they giue no part thereof vnto their neighbours 318 That the husbands prouide thinges necessarie for the house 321 That the husbands bring not to their houses suspicious persons 322 That maried vvomen ought to learne to sovve and gather togither 325 A letter vnto Mosen Robin of Valentia vvherein he ansvvereth to certaine notable demaunds a letter very conuenient for the vvoman that marrieth an olde man. 327 A letter to the chaâ—on Osorius vvherein is declared that vve knovve not the things that profit or hurte vs in this life 331 A letter to count Nasaoth Marques of cenece vvherein is expressed vvhy amongst the fectes of Mahomet some be termed Turkes some saracens and others Moores 334 A letter to Don Frances of vlloa expounding certayne straunge and auncient Epitaphes 344 A letter vnto the admirall sir Frederike vvherin is touched the maner that in olde time vvas vsed on their sepulchers and the Epitaphe vpon the same 351 A letter vnto sir Alphonce Maurique Archbishop of ciuill vvherein is declared a certaine passage of holy scripture 361 A discourse made vnto queene Elinor in a sermon of the transfiguration vvherein is touched the great loue that christ did beare vs. 371 The taking and ouerthrovv of carthage done by scipio the great 378 A disputation and discourse holden against the Ievves at Rome 383 An excellent disputation that the authour had vvith the Ievves of Naples vvherein is declared the most high mysteries of the trinitie 398 A right high ê“fitable discourse apertayning chiefly vnto the learned 401 A letter to sir FerdenaÌ„do of Cordoua vvherin is discoursed the eleuen persecutions of the church vvhen and by vvhom they vvere persecuted 405 FINIS The favvtes that be escaped in printinge Foll 328. line 2. Reade caspe for paâ—pe Foll 329. line 4. Reade they for flee Foll Idem line 16. Reade falne for fall Foll 331. line 11. Reade algezire for algezi Foll Idem line 20. Reade Tincinatus for omitus Foll 336. line 26. Reade during for baâ—ging Foll 335. line 13 Reade enxoâ—ius for enponius Foll Idem line 14. Reade pithiniachus for pithanius Foll Idem line 17. Reade thesithes for gothes Foll Idem line 23. Reade Cesaria for â—osarâ—a Foll Idem line 24. Reade Isawrus for Isauca Foll Idem line 24. Reade feleuce for solenua Foll Idem line 25. Reade briquiene for briquemust Foll Idem line 26 Reade fes for fee. Foll Idem line 6. Reade quisquiane for gnisquaince Foll 354. line 27. Reade ninus for mimus Foll â—6â— line 5. Reade demanded for determined Foll 384. line 20. Reade neither for ether
neuer gaue obedieÌ„ce to any but alwaies made a Seigniory of it selfe The seate of the Citie of Sagunto was foure leagues from Valentia where is now Monviedro he that shall say that which we call now in Castile Ciguenca was in time paste the Citie Sagunto it shall be because he dreamed it not to haue read it Being Inquisitor of Valentia I was many times at Monviedro as well to visite the Christians as to baptise the Moores And considering the sharpnesse of the place the antiquitie of the walles the greatnesse of the colledge the distaÌ„ce from the Sea the statelinesse of the buildings and the monstrousenesse of the sepulchers there is none but he may vnderstand that to be Monviedro which was Sagunto and that which was Sagunto is now Monviedro In the fields of Monviedro and in the ruinous buildings that be there at these daies there are found many stones ingraueÌ„ and many auncient Epitaphes of the Hannibals of the Asdrubals that died there in the siege of Sagunto the which were two linages of Carthage very notable of bloud and also famous in armes Neare to Monviedro there is a certaine place that in those daies was called Turditanos is now named Torres torres for that they were mortall enemies of the Saguntines Hanniball put himself in with them and from thence did make his batterie did throw downe burne the citie of Sagunto not succoured then of the Romanes or euer after reedified Behold here my Lords how your contention was which was Sagunto and not whiche was Numantia So that Soria and Samorra doth rather giue doubte whiche was Numantia and Monviedro and Sigentia which was Sagunto But the resolution and conclusion of all the aforesayde considering the merites of the processe and what eyther partie hath alledged for him selfe I doe say and declare by my definitiue sentence that the Archbishop of Ciuile did faile and the Duke of Naiara did erre in the thing that both did contend and lay their wager And I condemne either of them in a good Mule to be employed vpon him that shall declare whiche was the greate Numantia I my Lordes will now recount and declare whiche was that Citie Numantia and also say who was the founder therof where it was foÌ„nded how it was founded and what time it lasted and also how it was destroyed for that it is an history very delectable to read worthie to be vnderstood pleasant to recount and lamentable to heare VVhich was the great Citie Numantia in Spaine THe Citie of Numantia was founded by Numa Pompilius the second king of Romanes in the fiftie and eight yeere after the foundation of Rome and in the eightenth yeare of his raigne in suche sorte for that the founder thereof was called Numa it was named Numantia In the old time they did much vse to name their Cities they builded by their owne proper names as Ierusalem of Salem Antioche of Antiochus Constantinople of Constantine Alexandria of Alexander Rome of Romulus and Numantia of Numa Onely seuen Kings there were of Romanes The first of the which was Romulus the seuenth was Tarquine of these seuen the moste excellent of them all was this Numa Pompilius for he was the first that brought the Goddes into Rome he did inclose the vestall Virgins builded the temples and gaue lawes to the Romanes The situation of this Citie was neare the riuer of Dwero and not farre from the head of the same and it was set vpon the heigth of an hill and this heigth was not of a Rocke but vpon a certaine plaine Neither was it towred within nor walled without onelâ— it was compassed about with a broade déepe dischâ—… was inhabited with more than fiue and lesse than sixe thousand households two partes of the which did follow the warres and the third parte their tillage and labour Amongst them exercise was much praised and idlenesse greatly condemne which is more not couetous of goods and yet very ambitious of honour The Numantins of their naturall coÌ„dition were more flegmatike than colericke suffring dissembling suttle and of great actiuitie in such wise that that whiche they did at one time dissemble at another they did reuenge In their Citie there was but one crafts man that was the Smith Goldsmiths Silkworkers Drapers Fruters Tauerners Fishmongers Butchers such like they would not coÌ„sent to liue amongst them For al such things euery maÌ„ ought to haue in his owne house not to séeke them in the common wealth They were so valiant and so doubtie in the affayres of warre that they neuer saw any Numantine turne his barke or receiue any wound in the same in such wise that they did rather determine to die than to flée They could not go a warfare without licence of their common wealth and those also must goe altogether and followe one quarell for otherwise if one Numantine did kill another Numantine the murtherer afterwards was put to death by the common wealth Foure kind of people the Romanes had very fierce to tame and very warlike to fight that is to wit the Mirmidones whiche were those of Merida the Gauditanes whiche were those of Calis the Saguntines whiche were those of Monviedro and the Numantines whiche were those of Soria The difference amongst these was that the Mirmidons were strong they of Calis valiant the Saguntines fortunate but the Numantines were strong valiant and fortunate Fabatus Metellus Sertorius Pompeius Caesar Sextus Patroclus all the other Romane Captaines that by the space of one hundred and foure score yéeres held warres in Spaine did neuer conquere the Numantins neither at any time had to doe with them Amongst all the Cities of this world onely Numantia did neuer acknowledge hir better or kisse the hands of any other for lord This Numantia was somewhat Rockie halfe coÌ„passed with out-towers not very well inhabited and lesse riche With all this none durst hold hir for enemie but for confederate and this was the cause for that the Fortune of the Numantins was much more than the power of the Romanes In the warres betwene Rome and Carthage Caesar and Pompey Silla and Marius there was no King or kingdome in the world that did not follow one of those partes and against the other did not fight except the proude Numantia which always made aunswere to those that did persuade hir to followe their opinioÌ„ that not she of others but others of hir ought to make a head In the first Punick warres neuer would the Numantines follow the CarthaginiaÌ„s or fauour the Romanes for which occasion or too say better without any occasion the Romanes determined to make warre vpon the Numantins not for anye feare they had of their power but for enuie of their great fortune Fouretene yeares continually the Romanes besieged the Numantins in which great was the hurt the Numantins receiued but much more meruelous of the Romane Captaines that there died There were slaine in
Romaines neuer possessed or inhabited The Prince Iugurth of the age of .xxij. yeares came from Africa to the warres of Numantia in fauor of Scipio and did there suche and so notable feates in armes that he deserued with Scipio to be verie priuate and in Rome to be esteemed Al the Historiographers that write of the warres of Numantia saye that the Romaines did neuer receyue so muche hurte or lose so many people or were at so greate charges neyther receyued so great shame as they did in that conqueste of Numantia And the reason they giue for this is for that all the other warres hadde their beginning vppon some iniurie except that of Numantia whiche was of méere malice or enuie To say that the Citie of Samorra was in tyme past Numantia is a thing verie fabulous and worthie to be laughed at bicause if stories do not deceiue vs from the time that Numātia was in the world vntil the time that Samorra begā to be there did passe seuen hundreth thirtie thrée yeres If Plinie Pomponius Ptholomaeus Strabo had said that Numantia was néere to Dwero there had bin a doubt whether it had bin Soria or Samorra But these Historiographers doe saye that the foundation thereof was néere to the head of Dwero wherof it may be gathered that séeing Samorra is more than thirtie leagues from the heade of Dwero Soria is but fiue that it is Soria and not Samorra There be thrée opinions where the situation of the citie of Numantia should bée in whiche some doe saye that it was where nowe is Soria others affirme that it was on the other side of the bridge vpon an hill some do auouche that it was a league from thence on a certain place named Garray and in my iudgement as I consider of the thrée situations this opinion is moste true bycause there is founde greate antiquities and there doth appeare auncient greate buyldings Those that wrote of Numantia were Plinius Strabo Ptholomaeus Trogus Pompeius Pullio Trebellius Vulpicius Isodorus Instinus and Marcus Ancus A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynigo Valasco in the whiche the Authour doth perswade that in the taking of Founterabie he first make proofe to profite his wisedome before he do experiment his Fortune MOst renoumed Lorde and Captaine to Caesar about the dead of this night Peter Herro deliuered mée a Letter from your Lordship the whiche althogh it had not come firmed or with superscription by the letter I should haue knowen it to be written with your owne hand bicause it conteined few lines many blots While you are in the warres it is tollerable to write on grosse paper with crooked lynes euill ynke and blotted letters For good warriers doe more esteme to sharpen their launces than to make pennes Sir you write vnto me that I should pray for your health and victorie for that at the commaundemente of Caesar you goe to besiege Founterabie which was taken by the Admirall of Fraunce the same béeyng of the Crowne of Castile Thys youre seruaunt preaceth with such diligence for this letter that I shal be forced to answer more at large than I can and muche lesse than I woulde As touchynge Founterabie I doe certaynly beléeue that within these two yeares the takyng and susteynyng of it hathe coste the French King more than it would haue cost to haue bought or else to haue buylt it Wherof there is no cause to haue maruell for that great Lordes and Princes do spend much more in susteyning the opinion they holde than the reason that they vse In all christendome at this presente I fynde not an enterprise more dangerous than this of Founterabie For either you muste ouercome the French king or else displease the Emperor I wold say that ye take in hand to deale with the might of the one and with the fauour or disgrace of the other To be a Captain generall is an estate verie honorable and profitable although ryght delicate For notwithstanding hée doe all that he can and all that is méete to bee done it by the mishap of his sinnes hée giue any battel and carie not away the victorie it is not sufficiēt that the sorowfull man doe lose his lyfe but also they séeke some faulte by the whiche they say he lost that battell Be it that euery man be what he can and fight what he may yet neuer to this day haue we séene a conquered Captain called wyse neyther him that ouercame termed rashe It is verie good that the Captaines which fight and the Physitions that cure be wise but it is muche better that they be fortunate For these bée two things wherein many tymes wysedome fayleth and fortune preuayleth Sir you do take in hand an enterprise iuste and verie iust bicause from tyme out of mynde to this day wée haue neuer heard or séene the towne of Founterabie possessed by any king of France neyther any king of Castile to haue giuen it them In suche wyse that it is a conscience for them to holde it and a shame for vs not to take it Sir consider well for your owne part that a warre so iust be not lost through some secrete offence bycause the disgraces and ouerthrowes that do happen in such like enterprises doe not chaunce bicause the warre is not iust but for that the conductours thereof bée vniuste The warre the Hebrewes made with the Philistines in the mount of Gilboa was a war verie iust but king Saule that had the conduction therof was a Kyng verie vniuste for whose cause the Lorde did permit that noble battayle to be lost to the ende the kyng should be slayne in the same But as the iudgements of God are in them selues so high and of vs so vnknowen many times it dothe happen that a king or prince doth chose out one of his seruāts to make him general of an armie to the ende he be honored and his state more amended than the rest And on the other side God doth permit that there where he thought to obtayn most honor good happe from thence he dothe escape moste shamed and confounded Let it not bée thought of Princes and of great men that séeing they woulde not abstaine from sinne they shall more than others auoyd the payne For God doth compasse them in suche wise that they come to make paymente in one houre of that whiche they committed in all their life In the house of God there hath not is not neyther shall be merite without reward or fault without punishment And if it hap that presentely wée sée not the good rewarded eyther the euill chastised it is not for that God doth forget it but vntill an other tyme to deferre it The Marshall of Nauarre with his band of Agramontenses wée vnderstande is in the defence of Founteraby it séemeth not to be yll counsell to make youre siege openlye and to practise wyth them secretely For although they be nowe seruauntes to the Frenche Kyng
of his great Librarie but of his good armorie For the weale of the common wealth it is as necessarie that the knight doe arme as the priest reuest himselfe for as prayers do remoue sinnes euen so doth armour defende from enimies Sir I haue sayd all this to the ende you shall vnderstande there that we know here all that you do in your campe and also all that you do say Wherwith you ought not to be grieued sith euery man dothe praise your wisedome and magnifie your Fortune In the register of fame maruellous is the great Iudas Machabeus the whiche when he was counselled by his souldiours by flying to saue their liues euen at the instant to giue battaile sayd God neuer permit that we put our fame in suspitioÌ„ but that this day we die all here to kéepe our lawes to succour our brethren and not to liue de famed Great account doe the Gréeke writers make of their king Agiges the which vpon the point to giue battayle to the Licaonians when his souldiors began to say that the enimies were very many he made answere The Prince that will subdue many of necessitie must fight with many Anaxandridas Captaine of the Spartans béeing demaunded why those of his armie did rather endure themselues to be slaine than taken answered That it was a lawe amongst them much vsed rather to dye frée than lyue captiues The great Prince Bias holding warres with Iphicrates Kyng of the Athenians when hée happened to fall into the stale of his enemies and hys Souldiours beganne to crie what shall we doe he made aunswere That you make reporte to those that are aliue that I dye fyghtyng and I will say there to the dead that you scapte flying Leonidas the sonne of Anaxandridas and brother to Cleomenides fighting in a certayn battaile when his souldiours sayd the enemies dyd shoote arrowes so thick that the Sunne was couered He aunswered Then lette vs fighte in the shade Charrillus the fifte King after Licurgus béeing in warre with the Athenians when one of his Captaynes didde aske an other if hée dydde knowe what number the enemyes were Charrillus answered The valiant and noble mynded Captaynes ought neuer to enquyre of their enimies howe many they are but where they be The one is a signe of flying the other of fyghting Alcibiades a famous Captaine of the Athenians in the warres he held with the Lacedemonians when they of his campe sodenly made alarum with great cries that they were fallen into their enemies handes â—e valiant and feare not quod he we are not fallen into their handes but they into oures I thought good to recounte these fewe antiquities that it may be knowne to all that be presente and also notified to those that are absent that amongst these so glorious personages your noble worthinesse mighte be recounted for that they neyther did excéede you in their wordes they spake neither in their actes they did We haue here vnderstoode in what manner the armye of Toledo did make their salye to take away a great bootie that you were driuing to your Campe and many of your souldiours did not onely begin to flée but also gaue you counsell to saue your selfe by running away but you of your part as a man of muche courage and a Captaine of no lesse experience gaue onset amongst the enimies crying Here Gentlemen here shame shame victorie victorie if this daye wée ouercome we obtain that we desire and if we die we perform our duetie Oh woordes worthy to bée noted and right worthie vppon your tombe to be engrauen Since it is certain that you slew that day more thaÌ„ .vij. with your sword with your noblenes of mind ouercame more than seuen thousand Trogus Pompeius doth saye many tymes and in many places that the innumerable victories whiche the Romaines did obtain were not so much for that their armies were of such power but bicause their Captains were of experience And this may we verie well beléeue for we euery day sée that the happie successe of a battell is not so much attributed to the armie that fighteth as to the captain that ouercoÌ„meth The Assyrians doe muche glorie themselues of their captaine Belus The Persians of Syrus The Thebans of Hercules The Iewes of Machabeus The Grekes of Alcibyades The Troyans of Hector The Aegyptians of Osiges The Epirothians of Pyrhus The Romains of Scipio The Carthagians of Hanniball The Spaniardes of Viriato This noble man Viriato was naturall of the prouince of Lusitania the which is now called Portingale In his youth he was first a shepeherd afterwarde a ploughman and then a robber and in fine made Emperour and of his countrey only defendour The writers of Rome themselues doe recount of this valiant Captaine Viriato that in fiftéene yeares that the Romaines helde warre with hym they coulde neuer kill take eyther foyle hym When they founde him inuincible and not to be ouercome in battaile they ordeyned treason to kill him with poyson Sir I thought good to bring this Historie in remembraÌ„ce to the ende that in this ciuill warre that we the Gentlemen hold with the Communers that you shew your self an other new Machabeus amongst the Hebrues and an other newe Viriato amongst the Spaniards To the end that our enimies may haue what to say and your friends what to prayse But to let the conclusion bée that you ceasse not to trauell as you haue a noble mynde to giue aduenture vpon your enimies that you may also resist al vices for men of valiantnesse as your worship is fewe vices are sufficient to darken many victories As concerning the reste that M. Hernando of Vega did commend vnto mée of your part wich is to wit that since you haue doone notably in the warres it maye bée remembred in the Chronicles Sir holde your selfe for happie that if your launce shall be such as was Achilles my pen shall be suche as that of Homere From Medina of Ruisseca the .18 of Februarie 1522. A Letter to the Earle of Myranda wherin is expounded that text of Christ whych sayth My yoke is sweete c. MOste famous and right noble Lorde and Master of the house to Caesar your honoure requireth by youre Letter that I should send vnto you the exposition of that text of Christe whiche sayeth My yoke is sweete and my burden is lyght the whiche you heard me preache the other day before his maiestie in the sermon of all saincts and that you delighted not a little to heare it and no lesse desire to haue the same in writing Also you write it shall not be muche for me to take the payne to send the exposition thereof for that you came to visite me when I was Warden of Soria in suche wise that if I would not performe your request of courtesie you would demaund it by iustice I will not denie but that visitation was to me no smal pleasure and consolatioÌ„ for that the
and giue me grace to serue him From Burgos the 15. of September in the yeare 1523. A letter vnto Sir Ynnigo of Velasco Constable of Castile wherein the author doth teache the briefenesse of writing in olde time THe fourth of October here in Valiodolid I receyued a letter from your honour written in Villorado the thirtith of September and considering the distance from hence thither and the small tarying of your letter from thence hither too my iudgement if it had bin a troute it had come hither very fresh Pirrhus the King of the Epirotes was the first that inuented currers or postes and in this case he was a Prince so vigilant that hauing thrée armies spred in diuers partes his seate or pallace being in the Citie of Tarento in one day he vnderstood from Rome in two dayes out of Fraunce in thrée out of Germany and in fiue out of Asia In such sorte that his messengers did rather séeme to flie than otherwise The hart of man is such an inuentor of new thinges and so farre in loue with nouelties that the more straunge the thing is they say or wright vnto vs so much the more we do reioyce and delight therein for that olde things do giue lothsomenesse and new things do awaken the spirites This vātage you haue that can do much of them that haue but little that in short time you write whether you will and vnderstand from whence you think good although also it is most true that sometime you vnderstand some newes within thrée dayes which you would not haue knowen in thrée yeares There is no pleasure ioye or delight in this world that with it bringeth not some inconuenience in such wise that that wherin long time we haue had delight in one day wée pay and yelde againe Sir I haue saide thus muche to the end to continue your good opinion towards Mosen Ruben your Steward whiche by the date of your letter dothe séeme to haue made greate spéede and to haue slept very little for he brought the letter so freshe that it séemed the inke to be scarce drie You write vnto me that I should certefie you what is the cause that I being descended of a linage so auncient of body so high in the momentes of my prayers so long and in preaching so large how I am in writing so briefe especially in my last letter that I sent from the monasterie of Fres Dell Vall when I was there preaching vnto Caesar Whiche you say did containe but foure reasons and eight lines Sir in these things that you haue written you haue giuen me matter not to answere very short And if by chaunce I shall so doe from hencefoorth I say and protest it shal be more for your pleasure than for mine owne contentation As concerning that you say my linage is auncient your lordship doth well knowe that my graundfather was called sir Beltran of Gueuara my father also was named sir Beltran of Gueuara and my Cosin was called sir Ladron of Gueuara and that I am now named sir Antony of Gueuara yea and also your Lordship doth know that first there were Earles in Gueuara before there were Kings in Castile This linage of Gueuara bringeth his antiquitie out of Britaine and dothe containe sixe houses of honour in Castile whiche is to wete the Earle of Onate in Alaua sir Ladron of Gueuara in Valldalega sir Peter Velez of Gueuara in Salinas sir Diego of Gueuara in Paradilla sir Charles of Gueuara in Murcia sir Beltran of Gueuara in Morata All which be valiant of persones although poore in estates rentes in such sorte that those of this linage of Gueuara do more aduaunce themselues of their antiquitie from whence they are descended than of the goods which they possesse A man to discend of a delicate bloud and to haue noble or Generous parents doth muche profite to honour vs and doth not blunte the launce to defende vs for that infamie doth tempt vs to be desperate and the honour to mende our estate Christ and his Mother would not descend of the tribe of Beniamin whiche was the least but of the tribe of Iuda which was the greater and the better They had a law in Rome named Prosapia which is to say the law of linages by which it was ordained and commaunded in Rome that when contention did arise in the senate for the consulship that those which discended of the linage of the Siluians of the Torquatians and of the Fabritians should obtain chiefe place before all others and this was done after this manner for that these thrée linages in Rome were most auncient and did descend of right valiant Romaines They whiche descended of Cato in Athenes of Licurgus in Lacedemonia of Cato in Vtica of Agesilaus in Licaonia and of Tussides in Galacia were not onely priuiledged in their prouinces but also amongst all nations much honored And this was not so much for the desert of those that were liuing as for the merite of the auncient personages that were dead Also it was a lawe in Rome that all those that descended of the Tarquines of the Escaurians Catelines Fabatians and Bithinians had no offices in the commō wealth neither yet might dwell within the compasse of Rome And this was done for the hate they bare to King Tarquin the Consull Escaurus the tyrant Catiline the Censor Fabatus and the traytour Bithinius all which were in their liues very vnhonest and in their gouernement very offensiue Sir I say this bicause a man to be euill descending from the good surely it is a great infamie but to descend of the good and to bée good is no small glorie But in fine it is with men as it is with wines sometime he sauors of the good soyle sometime of the caske others of the goodnesse of the grapes A minde not to flie a noblenesse in giuing swéete and curteous in speach an heart for to aduenture and clemencie to pardon graces and vertues be these that are rarely founde in a man of base soyle And many times suche one is extract of an auncient and Noble linage As the worlde nowe goeth vpon who art thou and what art thou it doth not séeme to me a man may haue better blason in his house than to be and also descended of a bloud vnspotted For that such a man shall haue whereof to commend himself and not wherefore to be despised or taunted Sir also you say in your letter that I am in body large high drie and very straight of which properties I haue not whereof to complaine but wherefore to prayse my self Bycause the wood that is large drie and straight is more estéemed and bought at a greater price If the greatnesse of bodie displeased God hée had neuer created Paulus the Numidian Hercules the Grecian Amilon the wilde woodman Sampson the Hebrewe Pindarus the Thebane Hermonius the Corinth nor Hena the Ethicke whiche were in the
they hope for that which is not giuen them and they procure that which they can not obtaine Suche and so great trauelles as these are although we performe with our bodie that suffereth we can not bring to passe with the heart to dissemble them if the body suffer paynes and the heart bée compassed with anguish sooner dothe the body cease to complain than the hart to sighe Plutarche saithe of Aeschines the Philosopher that being as he was alway sick did neuer complaine of the Splene that did gréeue him and on the other parte hée did muche lament of any sorow that hapned vnto him As a wise man it séemethe your Honor to bée aduised in kéeping your house ouerseeing your landes enioying your goods vnderstanding how to liue and howe to discharge your conscience In suche wise that of affaires in court ye delight to heare flie to sée them For of a troth as all things that doe passe here are fayned vayne voide inconstant and daungerous it is a pastime to vnderstand them and a great despite to behold them Your Lordship will that I write vnto you whether I bée present at any time when the Emperesse doth eate and what things she doth most vse to feed on Now in winter as at this present few Prelates being at Court I my Lord am present euery day at dinner and supper not to sée but to blesse the table And I can tell your Lordship that if I blesse hir I cursse my self bicause at the houre that I departe the Court to go to dinner it is then time very neare to goe to bed There is much lesse trauell in seruing of God than the kyng For the king doth not accept seruice but when it liketh him but our God dothe not only accept when hée will but also when we thinke good To that you demaund what and how the Empresse doth eate I can shew your Lordship that shée eateth that whiche she eateth cold and in the cold alone with silence and that all stand beholding If I be not deceiued these bée fiue such condicions that onely one were suffcient to giue me a very euill repast Sir it is now winter the which naturally is a time very heauie cold melancholike and all men delite to eate their meate by the fire warme accompanied and talking and that none stand to behold for that in time of reioycing when a man neither eateth or serueth but standeth with silence musing with him selfe I dare saye of such a one that he doth not behold vs but rather watch vs To eat in the winter any cold meat is no smal wāt of good diet for meats that are cold do hurt the stomacke giue no apetite A man to eat alone is likwise great solitarnesse in the ende the gentleman doth not so much delite in the meate he eateth as in the mirth he maketh with the company he hath at his table For a man to eate without communication and warmthe I would say the one proceded of filthinesse the other of wretchednesse Princes bée not bound to bée subiect to these rules bycause they are forced to vse great seueritie in their life and great authoritie at their meat My Lord be it as be may and let hir Maiestie eate as shall please hir to commaund for in the end I do more repine at hir pacience than enuie the meat she eateth The meates that are serued at hir table are many and those that shee féedeth on bee very few for if hir Phisiognomie do not deceiue me the Empresse is of a very good condition and of a weake complexion The most that shée eateth of is winter Mellons poudred Beefe fed Pigions minst Bacon great Geese and Capons rosted in suche wise that shée eateth that others do loth and shée abhorreth that for whiche men of the countrey do sighe They set before hir Pecocke Partridge Capōs franked Fesant Manger blāck Pasties Tarts and other variable kind of gluttonies of all whiche shée not only pretendeth a contempt to eate but also sheweth a lothsomnesse to behold In such wise that the contētation doth not cōsist in the much or little that we haue but only in that wherunto we be inclined In all her dinner shée drinketh but once and that is not pure wine but water mixed with wine in suche wise that with hir sippets none may satisfie his apetite and much lesse kill his thirst Shée is serued after the maner of Portingall which is to wit there is placed at the table thrée Dames vppon their knées the one to carue the other twaine to serue in such sort that the meate is braught by gentlemen and serued with Ladies All the other Dames be there present standing vpright not in silence but talking not alone but accompanies so that the thrée Ladies giue the Empresse to eate and the others yéeld their seruaunts sufficient matter both to speake and thinke Authorized and pleasant is the maner of Portingall yet truly notwithstanding that sometimes the Dames do laugh so loude and the gallants do speake so high that they lose their grauitie and also are yrksome to hir Maiestie To that whiche your Lordship doth demaunde that whether bée more the Dames that be sued vnto or the gallants that do serue them to this I aunswere that Esayas did saye Apprehendent septem malieres virum vnum Manye sonnes of Knights and Gentlemen do trauel to sée the Dames to talke with them and to serue them but at the tyme of maryage none doth marrie with them In such maner that Iustice iustice but not at home To that whiche you demaund who gaue the Hat to the Lorde Cardinall it was Sir Frauncis of Mendoza Bishop of Samora And if my diuination deceiueth me not the Lord Bishop had rather haue ben vppon his knées to receiue the same than sitting to giue it They presented the Hat in saint Antonies Church and at the instāt it was giuen him there fell so great tempest of wind and raine that if as he was a Christian hée had bene a Romane either he would not haue receiued it or els haue defered it vntill another daye My Lord it is not to be holden for a iest that at the very present the wind and the raine was so cruell and vehement and the water so great that when the Cardinall went thence made Cardinall he did more profite him selfe of the Hat he brought than of the Hat whiche he receiued The banquet made by the Cardinall was magnificent in expences and of long continuance for that we began to eat at one and made an end at foure As concerning drinking there were found so good wines and also so good drinkers that Toro S. Martin Madrigall and Arenas did cause that some did stauke with vnstedy steppes As concerning my lodging your Lordshippe ought not to aske me if I haue good lodging but if I haue any lodging For I saye many times vnto Iohn de Aiala the harbenger that of God wée obtain
health and the grief you séemed to haue of my infirmitie Beleue me Sir and be out of doubt that at that present I had more abilitie to drink than to read for I would haue giuen all my Librarie for one only ewer of water Your Lordship writeth vnto me that you also haue béen ill that you thinke all your sicknesse to be well employed as well for that you féele your selfe recouered as also that you finde your selfe affected with a holy purpose to departe from sin and to abstaine from excesse in eating My Lord I am sory with all my heart that you haue ben sicke and it pleaseth me very much that you stand vppon so good a purpose although it be very true that I wold more reioyce to sée you performe than to heare you promise for hell is full of good desires and heauen is full of good workes But be it as be may to my iudgemeÌ„t there is not any thing wherin we may soner discerne a man to be wise or foolish than to sée in what maner he behaueth him selfe in aduersitie how he reapeth profite by sicknesse There is no such foolishnes as to employe our health to euill purpose either is there any such wisedome as to drawe fruite or commoditie out of sickenesse Cum infirmor iuncfortior sum the Apostle said that wheÌ„ he was sicke then was he most strong this he said bycause the sicke man doth neither swel by pride or fornication doth make him coÌ„bat or auarice doth ouerthrow or enuie doth molest or ire doth alter or gluttony doth bring vnder or slouthfulnesse doth make negligent either ouerwatch him selfe with ambition My Lord Duke pleaseth it the Lord that wée were suche being whole as we promise to be when we be sicke All the care of the euill Christian when he is sicke is to desire to bée whole onely to liue and enioye more of this world but the desire of the good Christian wheÌ„ he is diseased is to be whole not so much to liue as to reform his life In the time of sickenesse there is none that doth remember himselfe of affection or passion of friendes or enemies of riches or pouertie of honour or dishonour of solace or trauell of laying vp treasure or growing poore coÌ„maunding or obeying but to be deliuered of one grief of the dead would giue all that he had gotten all the daies of his life In sicknes ther is no true pleasure in health all trauel is tollerable what wants he that lackes not health What is it worthe that he possesseth that enioyeth not his health What doth it profite to haue a very good bed if he cannot sléepe What benefite hath he that hath old wine of fragrant fauour if the phisitian do commaund that he drinke sod water What auayleth to haue good meat wheÌ„ only the fight thereof moueth belkes and makes the stomacke wamble What commoditie ariseth vnto him that hath much money if the more part hée spend vpon Phisitians and Poticaries Health is so great a thing that to kéepe it and to conserue it wée ought not only to watche but ouerwatche The whiche surely séemes not so since we neuer haue regard thereof vntil we haue lost it Plutarch Plini Nigidius Aristicus Dioscorus Plotinus Necephalus with them many others haue written great Bookes and treatises how infirmities are to be cured and how health is to be conserued And so God saue me if they affirmed a troth in some things in many other things they did but gesse and other things not a few they dreamed Béeleue me my Lord Duke and bée out of doubt for my part I doe fully béeleue and also I haue experimented that to cure diseases and to conserue healths there is no better thing than to auoyd anger and to eate of few meates How great weale should it be for the body and also for the souls if we might passe our life without eating and without anger For meates do corrupt the humors and anger doth contâ—â—ne the bones If men did not eat and would not be angrie there shoulde be no cause to be sicke and muche lesse of whom to complaine For the whips that doe most scourge our miserable life are ordinary excesse and profound sadnesse Experience teacheth vs euery daye that the men that bée doltishe and ignorant for the more part are alwayes strong lustie and in good healthe and this is the reason for that suche as they are neither doe weary them selues to obtaine honour eyther doe féele what is shame reproch or dispite the contrary of all this doth happen to men that be wise discrete quicke witted and of sharpe deuise euerye one of which be not only grieued of that which is spoken vnto them but also they growe sorowfull for that they imagine what others do thinke Ther be men that be so sharpe and so ouersharpe or refined that it séemeth little vnto them to interprete wordes but also they holde it for an office to diuine thoughts and their repaiment is that by them selues always they goe discomforted and with others euill lyked I durst affirme and in a maner sweare that to bréed a sickenesse and to daunger a mannes lyfe there is no poyson of so daungerous infection as is a profounde and déepe sorrow for the miserable hart when he is sad doth reioyce in weping and takes ease in sighing Let euery man speake what he thinketh good for amoÌ„gst such as be discrete and no fooles without comparison they be more that grow sicke by anger they receyue than of the meates they féede on All day long wée sée no other thing but that those men whiche be merrie and glad be always fat whole and well coloured and those that be sadde and melancholike alwayes go heauie sorowful swollen and of an euill colour In these writings I confesse vnto you my Lorde Duke that the Ague that now I haue was not of any meate that I had eaten but of a certayne anger I had taken Your Lordship doth write that by sléeping vpon the grouÌ„d you haue taken a pestilente reume I verily thynke the greafe heate of this moneth of Auguste hath bin the cause therof whiche in myne opinion you ought not to vse or counsell any other therevnto For it is lesse euill to sweate with heate than to cough with colde To the rest which I vnderstand by your letter in desiring I should write some newes it is sufficient for this tyme that of this our Courte there bée few things to be trusted in paper much to be said in a maÌ„s eare The thinges that appertaine vnto Princes and lordes of high estate wée haue permission to conceyue them and no licence to speake them In the Courte and out of Courte I haue séene many aduaunced by secrecie and many shamed by want of silence Your Lordship pardon for this tyme my pen and when wée shall méete together my toung shall supplie this present want No more but that
for myne own sinnes but that I must burdē my selfe with you Much is God pleased with the prayer of the iust but much more he doth delight in the amendment of the sinner for it doth litle profit for the one to augment his prayers if the other do not diminishe his sinnes If you will gouerne this Earledome very well begin the gubernation in youre selfe for it is impossible for him to vnderstand to gouerne the common wealth that doth not know to rule his owne house or order his owne person when the Lorde is milde honest chast sober silent patient and deuout all his housholde and common wealth be likewise affected and if by chaunce there be any seruaunts absolute or dissolute they must be hidden and withdrawen which to the Lord is no small glory for hée doth not little that taketh holdnesse from any man in his house to be euill In the houses where Lordes are ambitious rashe quarelling lyars gluttons gamsters infamous and lecherous what steward may bring to passe that the seruants bée honest seeing they do not but what their maisters do allowe and likewise do The wordes of Lords be fearfull but theyr good works do animate and I say it to this end for their seruaunts and vassalles do rather imitate the works they sée thē do than the words they heare them speake The charge that a Bishop hath of his housholde and Diocesse the same hath a Gentleman of his seruants For it is not sufficient that a master or Lorde pay his seruants what is dew but that they make them also do their dutie it is a lamentable thing to sée that a mother shall send hir sonne to the house of Gentleman clad shod shamefast honest solitarie well mannered and deuoute and at the yeares end the poore yong man shall returne ragged bare legged dissolute a glutton a dice player a liar and a quarreller in such wise that it had bin lesse euill to haue had him dead than sent to such pallace or court Let the conclusion of this case be that in suche maner you order your life and gouerne your house that your owne may haue to follow and straungers to prayse That the Knight ought to be to God gratefull and to men pitifull ALso it is right necessary that alwayes you haue in remembrance the bounties and good things ye haue receyued of god In speciall to giue you this Earledome be depriued the Earle youre Brother of his life the Lady countesse died disherited your Cosin gaue a sentence against the Admirall in suche wise that you owe vnto God not only for the gift thereof but also for the deliuerance of the incumber thereof My Lorde be ye certaine that although before God all sinnes be gréeuous yet the sinne of ingratitude is holden for most intollerable for God will not any thing that we haue but only for that which he giueth vs we be thankfull Giue thanks vnto God for that he created redéemed and reléeued you and also prouided for you And surely with this estate Earledome if you kéepe rekoning with your rent and measure in expences you may serue God and liue honorably Although this Earledome hathe cost muche trauell perilles sutes anger and money contend not wyth God thinking that you haue obtained it by youre owne diligence but confesse his great mercie to haue giuen it for the victories and good gifts that God doth giue vs we may desire thē also craue thē but not deserue thē Remēber my Lord that god hath remoued you frō anger to ease frō poore to rich from asking to giuing from seruing to commaunding from misery to plentie and from sir Peter to be intitled the Earle of Buendia in such wise that you owe vnto God not only the state that he hath giuen you but also the miserie that he hath taken from you Oh how great mercie doth God vse with that man that giues him wherewith to giue and putteth him not in estate to craue of any man For to shamefast faces and to generous hearts there is no trauell that so doth perce their intralles as to enter to craue at other mens dores Plutarch reported of the great Pompeius that being sicke in Pusoll whē the Phisitions saide that to be hole and recouer strength it were conuenient hée shoulde eate of certain Zorzales that the Consull Luculus did bréede he aunswered I will rather die than sende to craue them for the Goddes haue not created Pompeius to aske but to giue My Lord I saye thus much to the ende ye consider since God hath giuen you liberally that you néede not craue of any man that you be not rechlesse to giue as they gaue you to succour as they succoured you and to part as they parted with you For of the temporall goods that God giues vs we be not lords but reparters Although the Earledom of Buendia be of no great rentes yet maye you do with it many good workes For as I haue said the gentleman that knoweth to rule his house and to order his goodes hée shall haue to spende to kepe and to giue For Princes and Lordes of power ought not to bée called great or mighty for the proude estates that they hold but for the great rewardes they giue The office and dewtie of the labouring man is to digge the religious to be contemplatiue the priest to pray the craftes man to worke the Marchaunt to be guilefull the vserer to keepe the poore to craue and of the gentleman to giue for vppon that day that the gentleman doth beginne to hourde vp money from thēce foorth he putteth his fame in proclamation In Lordly houses and of inheritours there ought to be the haunts of brothers cosines nephewes vncles and all others of his kinne bearing good will to their affaires and supporting their necessities In suche wise that to them there is no houre forbidden or any dore shut neuerthelesse there are some Brothers Cosins and Nephewes tedious in theyr spéech so importunate in visiting and so without measure in their crauing that they make a man angrie and also abhorre them and the remedy for suche is to succour their necessities and to appart their conuersations You shall now find in your Earledome retaynours of your Fathers Seruants of your Brothers allies of youre house and friends of all your dealings vnto whome you ought in generall to vse good countenance speake sweete words gyue good hope and deale some rewards for if you should be ingrate vnto them you should run into greate indignation of the people Also my Lord you shal find some old Seruants and some poore widowes vnto whome youre predecessours commaunded to be giuen some pension or some refreshing for trauelles past or for seruice they did them beware in no wise to take it away neither yet to diminish it For besides that vnto you it were a great wretchednesse and vnto them a great want In the place to pray vnto God for your life
that I do owe no more will I denie the fault that I haue committed in neglecting my dutie in visiting and writing vnto you for with our friendes we ought to accomplishe vntill we may doe no more and spende vntill we haue no more let it auayle what it may auayle and my excuse serue what it may serue The very troth is that I go in this court with myne offices so occupied and so bewandred in my busines that scarsely I knowe any man neither yet remember my selfe and this which I say is not so muche to excuse my fault as it is to accuse my liuing For in the time when I was aliue and abode in my monastery I did rise earely to go to Church I studied my bookes preached my sermons fasted the aduents performed my disciplines bewailed my sinnes and prayed for sinners in such sort that euery night I made a reckening of my life and euery day did renewe my conscience But afterwards I died afterwards they buried me and afterwards they brought me vnto the Court I grew negligent in fasting I brake holy days I forgot my disciplines I dyd no almes I prayed with negligence I preached sildome I spake at large I suffred little I celebrated wyth dulnesse I presumed much and ouer much and the worst of all is that I gaue my selfe to vnprofitable conuersations the which lead me vnto some tedious passions and also affectiōs to be auoyded Beholde here my Lorde and Vncle after what manner we goe in Court neither know we kindred or speake to friends neither be sensible of the mischiefe or profit vs of the time neyther do we séeke rest or haue any wit but wandring here and there we goe as certaine men bedolted and charged with a thousand thoughts But setting this apart since in time to come there shal be amends and for that which is past I may obtaine pardon I shall promise you by the faith of an honest nephew that the court hauing passed these ports I shall come to visit you and wil write by euery messēger Sir Ladron your sonne and my cosin willed me here in Madrid that I shoulde write vnto you the sorow which I conceyued of the sicknesse your Lordship hath had and the long diseases you haue passed The excesse you vsed is grief vnto mée the ague that held you sorroweth me the sorowes you haue paste displeaseth me the syropes you receyued irketh mée the purgations you vsed lothed me the oyntmentes you experimented despiteth me the bathes you proued are tedious and tormenteth mée the lauatories you tasted payneth me the money you wasted vexeth me bycause the sicke man consideryng the goodes he expended and the little that medicines haue profited many tymes it dothe more gréeue hym that he giueth to the Physition and Apoticarye than the maladie whiche hée suffered Behold here my Lorde howe I am not a man that giueth one sorowe but an hundreth if néed bée although it be true that a thousand tymes it soroweth me is not so much worth as one it pleaseth me Licurgus in the lawes that he gaue to the Lacedemonians did commaund that no man should bring euill newes to any man but that the pacient should diuine it or by discourse of tyme he shoulde vnderstande it The diuine Plato in the bookes of his common wealth did counsell the Athenians that they should not visite any of their neyghbours in tyme of aduersitie except they coulde by some meanes remedie them For he sayd and sayd well that colde and vnsauorie is that comfort when it commeth not be wrapt in some remedie Of a trouth to remedie and giue counsell bée two distinct offices very seldome conteyned in one person for counsel is to be giuē by the wife the remedy by him that possesseth the same My Lord vncle I would God that your remedie were in my hands as it is to desire it that I myght rather say It pleaseth me of your helth than that it soroweth me of your sicknes Sir you haue to vnderstand I beare you much enuie not of Paradilla where you dwel not to the newe plāted vineyard which you possesse or to the mil that you make either to the nintie yeares that you possesse but of the order that you vse in your house for that in nurtour it is a palace and in honest ciuilitie a Colledge Cato the iudge in his old age did withdrawe himselfe to a countrey house which stoode betwixt Nola and Caieta all the Romanes that past thereby did say iste solus scit viuere whiche is to vnderstand this man knoweth to liue by himself wherfore they reported that he had withdrawn himself thither in time and sequestred himselfe from the hurly burly of the worlde The greatest mercy that God vseth to an old man is to giue him to vnderstand that he is become old for if he know this of himself of a trouth he shal fynd that the olde man hath not of any thing more certaintie than euery day to look for death Plato saide Iuuenes citò moriuntur senes autē diu viuere nō possunt that is to say it is true that yong men die quickly but the old men can not liue long The stéele being spente the knife may not cut the talow consumed the candle goeth out the Sunne being set the day can not tarie the floure being fallen ther is no hope of fruite By that which is sayd I would say that after an olde man is past foure score yeres he ought to make more readinesse to die thā prouisiōs to liue Diodorus Siculus sayth that it was a lawe amongst the Aegyptians that no king after he had children either any old man hauing passed thréescore yeares shoulde presume to buylde an house without first for himselfe he had made a sepulcher My Lord thus much I say that not as an Aegyptian but as a good Christian you haue in the Monastery of Cuenca made a sepulture and indued a chapell where your bones shall rest and whereof your kynred may boaste Peter of Reynosa your neyghbour and my greate friende hathe aduertised mée that in the pleasant Peradilla the storm hath spoyled youre wheate and that in lowe places the vines be blasted with which lamentable and straunge chaunce although you féele much grief your lordship must shewe good courage and haue great pacience for that you now stande in suche an age as you shall rather wante yeares to lyue than corne to eate Those that ingrosse wynes to make it deare kéepe their corne against the moneth of May vpon such men heauinesse ought to fall and vpon suche losse is wel employd for there is nothing so méete eyther more iust than the man that wisheth an euill yeare to the common wealth shoulde neuer sée a good yeare enter his owne house It is a propertie of such as be muche couetous and little vertuous to murmure at that which nature doth performe and God doth permit in such sort that
in bloud if they haue little and may doe little let them hold it for certaine they will estéeme them but little and therefore it were very good counsell that they shoulde rather remayne riche seruantes in their countries than to come to the Courts of Kinges to bée poore Gentlemen For after thys manner they shoulde in their countries be honored that now go in Court discountenaunced According to this purpose it came to passe in Rome that Cicero being so valiaunt of person and hauing so great commaundement and power in the common wealth they dyd beare him great enuie on all sides and beheld him with ouermuch malice Wherefore a certaine Romane magistrate said as if we should say vnto a frankling of Spaine tel me Cicero wherfore wilt thou cōpare with me in the Senat since thou knowest al others do know that I am descēded of glorious Romanes and thou of rusticall ploughmen where vnto Cicero made aunswer with very good grace I will confesse it that thou art descended of noble Romane magistrates and I procéede from poore ploughmen but ioyntly with thys thou canst not denie me but that all thy linage is ended in thée and all mine beginnes in me Of thys example your Lordship may gather what difference there is betwixt times betwixt linages and also betwixt persons Since we knowe that in Caius began the Augustus and in Nero ended the Caesars I would say by that which is saide that the want of noblenesse in many gaue an ende to the linages of the Knightes of the band and the valiantnesse of others gaue a beginning to other glorious linages that be now in Spaine bycause the houses of greate Lordes be neuer lost for want of riches but for want of persons I haue enlarged this letter much more than I promised and also more than I presupposed but I giue it all for well employed since I am sure that if I remaine wearied in writing thereof it will not be tedious vnto your Honour too reade it bycause therein are so many and so good things that of old Gentlemē they are worthy to be knowen and of yong gentlemen necessary to be followed From Toledo the xij of December 1516. A letter vnto the Constable of Castile sir Ynigo of Valesco in which is touched that the wise man ought not to trust his wife with any secret REnoumed and good Constable Sir Iames of Mendoza gaue me a letter from your honor written with youre hand and sealed with youre seale I would to God there were as good order taken with my letters that I aunswer you as is here vsed with such as you send me For I cannot say whether it be my hap or my mishap that scarcely I can write you a letter wherof al in your house vnderstand not As much as it doth please me that al men know me to be your friende so muche doth it gréeue me when you discouer of me any secret chiefly in graue and most waightie affaires for comming to the intelligence of youre wife and children that you communicat with me your delicat affayres they will make great complaint if to the profit of their substance I direct not your conscience My Lady the Duchesse did write vnto me aduertising to haue some scruple in me saying that I was against hir as concerning the house of Touare which I did neuer speake or thinke for the office that I do most boast myselfe of is to direct men that they be noble and vertuous and not to vnderstand in making or marring of heyres or Manor houses My Lorde Constable you do know that at all times when you discouer your selfe and take counsell of me I haue always sayd and do say that the Gentleman of necessitie must pay that he oweth and what he hath deuide at his will and that to make restitution there néedeth a conscience and too giue or deuide iudgement and wisdome if there passe eyther more or lesse betwixt vs two it is without néede that youre noblenesse should speake it or of my authoritie be confessed For the things that naturally be graue and do require secrecie if we may not auoyde that they iudge or presume of them at the least we may cut off that they knowe them not In that your Lordship hath let flie some words or lost some letter of mine my Lady the Duchesse is not a little offended with me and I do not maruell thereof in that she not vnderstanding the misterie of your spéech or the ciphers of my letters did kindle hir choller and raysed a quarrell against me Beléeue me my Lorde Constable that neither in iest or earnest you ought to put secret things in confidence of women for to the end that others shall estéeme them more they will discouer any secret I hold the husbands for very doltish that hide their money from their wiues and trust them wyth their secrets for in the money there is no greater losse than the goodes but in discouering their secretes sometime he loseth his honour The Consull Quintus Furius discouered al the conspiracie of the tirant Cateline to a Romane woman named Fuluia Torquata the which manifesting the matter to another friend of hirs and so from hande to hande it was deuulgate thorough all Rome whereby it happened that Quintus Furius lost his life and Cateline his life and honour Of this example your Lordship may gather that the things that be graue and effectuall ought not to be committed to the confidence of women muche lesse spoken in their presence for to them it importeth nothing the knowledge of them and their husbāds it toucheth much if they be discouered There is no reason to thinke either is it iust to presume and say that all women are like for that we sée there are many of them honorable honest wise discrete and also secrete whereof some haue husbands so foolish and such buzardes that it shoulde be more sure to trust them than their husbands Not offending the gentlewomen that be discrete and secrete but speaking commonly of all I saye that they haue more abilitie to breede children than to kéepe secrets As concerning this let it bée for conclusion that it happen you not another day to talke before any man much lesse before any woman That whyche we haue cōmuned and agréed betwixt our selues there might rise thereof that your Lordship might remaine offended and I disgraced At this present there is nothing more newe in Court to write thā that I am not a little offēded of that your Lordship dare discouer troubled with the wordes that my Lady the Duchesse hath sent me for which cause I beséeche you as my good Lord and commaund you as my godsonne that you reconcile me with my Lady the Duchesse or commaund me to be forbidden your house From Valiodolid the eight of August .1522 A letter vnto the Constable Sir Ynigo of Velasco wherein is touched that in the hart of the good Knight there ought not to raigne passion
or anger REnoumed Lord and pitifull Constaple I may saye by your honour that whiche God saide by the Sinagog which is to wit Curauimus Babilonian nō est curata relinquamus illam which is to say we haue cured Babilon and it woulde not bée cured let vs abandon it Sir I say thus muche for that it hath happened not a little gracious vnto me that whereas I craued in my letter that my Lady the Duchesse should not see any one part therof notwithstanding you haue not only shewed it and conferred theron with hir but also had great game thereat Wherevpon in the way of reuenge I shewed youre letter vnto the Earle of Nassaro who with Flemings Portingalles Almaines and Spaniards dyd also take some pastime therewith yet was it my very good lucke that all the euill that I saide of women in your letter my Lady the Duchesse conuerted into iest in such wise that with greate reason I may praise hir for hir wisedome and complaine me of your temeritie My Lord Constable I shall most hartely desire you not to haue such care to make proues of triacle with my letters but to reade them and to teare or else burne them for it may happen that some day you might reade them before some not very wise either yet of good condition that might deuine to my hurt that which they vnderstand not to their owne profit Leauing this a part your Lordship sayeth that for my sake you haue remitted the displeasure you did beare against the Gentleman the which I accept for so great courtesie and grace as if vnto my selfe the iniurie had bin pardoned for I am so tēder ouer him that is my dere friend that al which I sée to be done in the behalfe of his person to the amendment of his estate I set it downe in mine own account Besides the accomplishment of my desire your Lordship hath performed that which you were bound to doe for Princes and great Lordes haue no licence to doe iniuries eyther so muche as to reuenge them For as you know that whiche is in the meaner called wrath in the mightie is named pride and that which amōgst the smaller sort is chastisement in the mightie is termed vēgeance As oft as you shall make coniugation with youre noblenesse and conscience and shall call to remembrance that you be a Christian and a Knight it shall not mislike you of the offences you haue dissimuled and it shall grieue you of the iniuries you haue reuenged The pardoning of iniuries gyueth great contentation to the hart and the desire of reuengement is no small torment thereof By that whiche is said I woulde saye that sometimes for some man to reuenge some little iniurie he escapeth from thence much more iniuried There be some iniuries that onely are not to be reuenged neither as muche as to bée confessed for things of honour are so delicate that the same day that any confesseth to haue receyued an iniurie from that day he bindeth himselfe to take reuengement The Consull Mamilius demaunded at a certaine time of Iulius Caesar wherein it was that he had in this worlde most vaine glory and in the remembring thereof did take most pleasure to this the good Caesar made aunswer by the Goddes immortall I sweare vnto thée Oh Consul Mamilius that of nothing in all this life I doe thinke that I deserue so muche glory or any other thing doth giue me so greate ioy and contentation as pardoning of those that do offend me and gratifying such as do serue me Oh wordes worthy prayse and pleasant to heare notable to reade and necessary to followe for if Iulius Caesar did beléeue as a Pagane he did worke as a Christian but we all beléeue as Christians and worke lyke Paganes I speake it not without a cause that we liue as Paganes although we beléeue as Christians since in this case the malice of man is growen so great that many woulde pardon their enemies and dare not for feare of their friends for if they once perceiue them to speake of pardoning any man presently they will say they doe it more of cowardise than of conscience Be it as be may and let euery man speake as he thinketh good in this case of pardon your lordship hath done with that Gentleman like a faithfull Christian and with me like a very friend and beside fidelitie to God and frendship to a friend There is no more to be craued of any man in this world The memoriall that your Lordship sendeth me of that things that toucheth your goods and conscience I my Lord wil consider therof at leysure and wil answere vpon aduisement because in your charges or discharges in such wise I will giue you counsel as in my brest no scruple shall remaine In him that asketh counsell there ought to be diligence and no slackenes for that many times businesse lieth so in corners and so farre from hand that it shall be more sure counsell to trust to our weapon than to staye for that bookes shall say the contrary wherof is to be vsed of him the shall giue counsel vnto another which is to wit that he haue much wisedome and little diligence for counsell that is giuen if it be not vpon aduisement most times bringeth some repentance The diuine Plato writing of Orgias the Greeke sayd My frend Orgias thou writest vnto me that I should counsell thée how thou shouldest behaue thy selfe in Licaonia and on the other parte thou makest great haste to haue an aunswere which thing although thou doest rashly craue I dare not performe for that I doe much more studie to counsel my frends than to read in scholes to Philosophers the counsell that is giuen or taken ought to be giuen by a man that is wise for the good iudgement he hath a learned man for the much that he hath read an auncient man for that he hath séene a patient man for that of him selfe he hath suffered a man without passion bycause malice shall not blind him a man without interest for that couetousnesse shall not let him Finally I saye that the shamefast man and of a noble minde oughte to giue vnto his friendes money with liberalitie and counsell with greate grauitie If it bée true as it is moste certayne that he oughte to haue all these conditions that shoulde giue counsell vnto an other we dare wel say that to giue counsell is an office so cōmon that many vse it and very few can performe it There commeth a carefull man to aske counsell of his friende in giuyng whiche counsell the one way or the other there goeth lyfe honour goodes and also conscience and then his friend whose counsell he hath craued without remouing or further thinking therof voyde of all scruple or doubt sayeth what is to be doone in that case as though he had founde it written in the holy Scripture All this I say vnto youre Lordship bycause sometime you be
life and iust in youre tribunall or iudgements I wold not gladly heare that those that do praise that which you do should complaine of that whiche you say with a Lorde of so high estate and with a iudge of so preheminent an office my pen should not haue presumed to write what it hath written if your Lordship had not commaunded My Lord I saide it bycause if this that I haue here written vnto you shall not like you that it may please you to sende too reuoke the licence that you haue giuen Also you will that I shall write vnto youre Lordship if I haue founde in anye auncient Chronicle what is the cause wherefore the Princes of Castile do call themselues not onely Kings but also Catholique Kings And that also I write vnto you who was the first that called himself Catholique King and what was the reason and the occasion to take this so generous and Catholique title There were ynowe in thys Court of whome you might haue demaunded and of whome you might haue vnderstood in yeares more auncieÌ„t in knowledge more learned in bookes more rich and in writing more curious than I am But in the end my Lord be sure of this one thing that that which I shall write if it be not written in a polished stile at the least it shall be all very true Comming to the purpose it is to be vnderstood that the Princes in olde time did always take proud ouer-names as Nabugodonozer that did intitle him selfe King of Kings Alexander the greate the king of the world the king Demetrius the conqueror of Cities the great Haniball the tamer of kingdomes Iulius Caesar the Duke of the Citie the king Mithridates the restorer of the world the king Athila the whip of nations the king Dionisius the host of all men the king Cirus the last of the Gods the king of England defender of the Church the king of Fraunce the most Christian king and the king of Spaine the Catholique king To giue your Lordship a reckoning who were these kings and the cause why they did take these so proude titles to me it should be painfull to write and to your Lordship tedious to reade it is sufficient that I declare what you commaunde me without sending what you craue not It is to wit that in the yere seuen hundreth fiftie two the fift day of the month of Iuly vpon a sunday ioyning to the riuer Bedalake about Xeres on the frontiers euen at the breake of day was giuen the last and most vnfortunate battell betwixt the Gothes that were in Spaine and the Alarues that had come from Africa in whiche the sorowfull king Sir Rodrigo was slaine and all the kingdome of Spaine lost The Moore that was Captaine and that ouercame this famous battell was named Musa which did know so well to folow his victorie that in the space of eight moneths he did win and had dominion from Xeres in the frontieres vnto the rocke Horadada which is neare to the towne of Onnia And that whiche séemeth to vs most terrible is that the Moores did win in eighte moneths which in recouering was almost eight hundred yeres for so many yeares did passe from the time that Spaine was lost vntill Granado was wonne The fewe Christians that escaped out of Spaine came retiring vnto the mountaines of Onnia neare vnto the rocke Horadada vnto which the Moores did come but from thence forward they passed not either did conquer it for there they found great resistance and the land very sharp And when they of Spaine did see that the king Sir Rodrigo was dead and all the Gothes with hym and that without Lord or head they could not resist the Moores they raysed for king a Spanish Captaine that was named Sir Pelaius a man venturous in armes and of all the people very well beloued The fame being spread thoroughout all Spaine that the mountaine men of Onia had raised for king the good Sir Pelaius all men generouse and warlike did repaire vnto him with whome he did vnto the Moores greate hurt and had of them glorious triumphes Thrée yeares after they had raysed the good sir Pelaius for King hée married one of his daughters with one of the sonnes of the Earle of Nauarn who was named Sir Peter and his sonne was called Sir Alonso This Earle Sir Peter descended by right line of the linage of the blessed King Richardos in whose tyme the Gothes did leaue the sect of the curled Arrius by the meanes of the glorious and learned Archbyshop Leonard The good king Pelaius being dead in the eighteene yeare of his raigne the Castilians exalted for king a sonne of his that was named Fauila the which two yeares after he began to raigne going on a certaine day to the mountaine meaning to flea the Beare the Beare killed him And for that the king Fauila died without children the Castilians elected for king the husband of his sister whiche is to wit the sonne of the Earle of Nauarne who was named Alonso the whiche began his raigne in the yeare .vii. C.lxxij hys raigne endured eightene yeares which was as much tyme as his father in law the good King Sir Pelaius had raigned This good King was the firste that was named Alonso which tooke his name in so good an houre that since that daye amongst all the kings of Castile that haue bin named Alonso we reade not of one that hath bin euill but very good Of thys good king Alonso the historiographers do recite many landable things to recompt worthy to be knowen and exemplars to be followed The King sir Alonso was the first that out of Nauarne entered Galizia to make warre vppon the Moores with whome be had many encounters and battells in the ende he ouercame and droue them out of Astorga Ponferada Villa franca Tuy and Lugo with all their Countries and Castelles This good king Alonso was he that did win of the Moores the Citie of Leon and builded there a royall place to the ende all the Kings of Castile his successors should there be resideÌ„t and so it came to passe that in long time after many Kings of Castile did liue and die in Leon. This good King Alonso was the firste that after the destruction of Spaine began to builde Churches and to make Monasteries and Hospitalles in especially from the beginning the Cathedrall churches of Lugo Tâ—y Astorga and Ribeâ—ew the which afterwards did passe to Mondonedo This good king Alonso did buiâ—d many and very solempne Monasteries of the order of saint Benet and many hospitalles in the way of saint Iames and many particular Churches in Nauarne and in the Countrey of Ebro whiche he endewed all with great riches and gaue them opulent possessions This good King Alonso was the first that did séeke and commaunded to be sought with very great diligence the holy bookes that had escaped the hands of the Moores and as a zelous Prince commaunded that
the King and procured peace vnto the Kingdome When I was at the towne of Braxima with your Lordship and with the Commoners I preached nothing vnto you but penitence and to the kings gouernours at Medina del rio secco I perswaded nothing but clemencye for it was impossible if the one did not repent and the other pardon that these kingdomes might be remedied neither so many euilles and daungers cut off Now since I haue traueled after this maner and suffered so greate trauails I knowe not why you should call me traytor desire to kill me and to hang me at a window since I desire not to sée your Lordship hanged but amended Titus Liuius maketh mention of a Romane Patricide who being ambitious of honour a coward to obtaine the same determined to set fier on the treasure house where all the people of Rome layd vp their treasure This euill disposed fellow being taken tormented and examined of the cause of his enterprise made answer I would haue done this hurt to the commō welth for that writers should make mention of me in their Chronicles whiche is to wit as touching the treasures of Rome though I had not abilitie to obtaine them yet had I skill to burne them I thought good too put youre Lordship in remembraunce of this historie to the end you may vnderstande considering I am Preacher and Chronicler vnto his maiestie in which imperiall Chronicle there shall be sufficient report of your Lordship not that you were a father and a pacifier of your countrey but rebellious and an inuentor of these warres How maye I with troth write of the rebellion of Toledo the death of the ruler of Segouia the taking of Tordesillas the imprisonment of the counsell the siege of Alaheios the conuocation of Auila the burning of Medina the alteration of Valiodolid the scandall of Burgos the losse of Toro Zamora and Salamanca without I make mention of your Lordship How may I make report of the euils that Vera the Lockier hath cōmitted in Valiodolid Bobadilla the shereman in Medina the Lockiar in Auila and Burgos and in Salamanca the Skinner but that in that holy brotherhood we must find the Bishop of Zamora I report me vnto you my Lord Bishop shall I raise any slaunder vpon you by reporting in my Chronicle that I sawe at the towne of Braxima all the artillerie brought togither to the gates of your house I saw watch ward kept rounde about your lodging I saw all the Captaines of your bands féede at your table I saw them all ioyne to consult in your chamber and that al did exclame for long life to the bishop of Zamora All these things which your Lordship hath done I woulde gladly leaue them vnwritten if your Lordship would amend and also remedie the mischiefe you haue in hand but I beholde you with suche eyes and with such an opinion that you will rather lose your life wherewith you liue than the opinion which you follow I conceiued no small compassion when this other day I saw you compassed with the commoners of Salamanca with villaines of Saiago with manquellers of Leon with rebelles of Zamora with Cappers of Toledo and with hit makers of Valiodolid All which in generall you are bound to content and not licence to commaund This kind of people that you leade of the communaltie is so vaine and fickle that with threates they will followe you with intreatance bée sustayned with promises be blinded fighting with feare walking with suspition liuing vpon hope not contented with little or pleased with gifts for their intente is not to followe those that haue most right but such as giue best wages There is a certayne difference betwixt vs and you which is that we whiche follow the King hope to be rewarded but you haue no suche hope but by violence to please your selues which we knowe well that you your selfe haue promised to your selfe the Archbishoprike of Toledo we well knowe that Iohn of Padilia hée himselfe hath promised vnto himselfe the Mastership of S. Iames we do know that Clauero himselfe hath promised vnto himselfe the Mastership of Alcantara we well knowe that the Abbot of Compludo he himselfe hath promised vnto hym selfe the Bishoprike of Zamora we well know that the Prior of Vadiodolid he himselfe hath promised vnto himselfe the Bishoprik of Valentia sir Peter Pinentel Maldonado Quintanilla Sarabia the Licēciat Barnardine and the doctor Cowsehed None of these at this day wil giue their hope for a good quēt of rent Ramir Nunez Iohn Braue do accept to be called Lordes Iohn Braue for that he hath hope to be Earle of Chincon Ramir Nunez Earle of Luna it may be that one of thē or both may first lose their heads before they haue obtayned their estates Wherefore my Lord Byshop retire repent and amend bycause the loyaltie of Castile doth not suffer but one king neyther endure but one lawe No more but that our Lord bée youre instructor From Tordesillas the tenth of March. 1521. A letter vnto Sir Iohn of Padilla Captaine of the Commoners against the King wherein he perswadeth him to surcesse that infamous enterprise MAgnificent and vnaduised Gentlemā the letter that with youre owne hande you haue written vnto mée and the credite and trust you sent me with your seruant Montaluan I haue receyued here in Medina and to say the troth I did not more delight to sée your leter than I receyued griefe to heare youre message for that it séemeth you determine to procéede with youre enterprise and to finish the ruine of this common wealth Sir you do well vnderstande at the assemblie of Auila I saide vnto you that you were lost deceyued and solde bycause Hernando of Auila Sir Peter Giron the Bishop of Zamora and the other commoners had not inuented this Ciuill warre with zeale too redresse the offences in the common wealth but to take vengeance of their enemies Sir also I saide vnto you that the resolution of that assembly séemed vnto me great vanitie and no small vaunte and that which the common people demaunded which is to witte that in Castile all shoulde contribute all shoulde be equall all shoulde paye and that they should be gouerned after the manner of segniories in Italy the whiche is scandalous to heare and blasphemie to speake for as it is impossible to gouerne the body without armes so is it impossible that Spaine be sustayned without Gentlemen Also I said vnto you that being of bloud vndefiled of persone so well compact in armes so expect of minde so valiant in iudgemente so aduised in condition so well liked in age so tender and in the flowers of youre youth it were muche more conuenient for you to serue the King in Flaunders than Castile to trouble his kingdome Also I did aduertise you how in that of late the King had created the Admiral and the Constable for gouernours whiche
sée them fled that they neyther dare assemble or execute iustice This other day I sawe in Soria where they hanged a Procurer of the citie béeing poore sicke and olde not bycause he had cōmitted any euill but for that some did wish him euill To report vnto you how they haue throwen the Constable out of Burgos the Marques of Auia frō Tordisillas the Earle and Countesse of Duneas and the knights and gentlemen frō Salamanca and Sir Iames of Mendoza from Palentia and how in place of these gentlemen they haue taken for their leaders and captaines bit makers sheremē skinners lockmakers is no smal shame to recount and infamy to heare The hurts murders robberies and scandals that is nowe committed within this realme I dare say that of this so great fault wée al are in fault bycause our God is so right a iudge that hée would not permit that all should be chastised if all were not offenders The affairs of this miserable kingdome is come to such a state the through the same there is no way sure no tēple priuiledged none that tilleth the fielde none bringeth vitailes none the executeth iustice none safe in their houses yet all confesse a king and appeale to the king but the disgrace is that none doth obserue the law none doth obey the King beleue me if your people did acknowledge the King and obserue the law neyther would they robbe the kingdome or disobey the King but for that they haue no feare of the sword nor doubt of the gallowes they do what they lust and not what they ought I knowe not how you can say that you wil refourme the kingdome since you obey not the King you consent to no gouernours you admit no royall counsell you suffer no Chancelour you haue no Iudges nor Iustices no giuing of sentence in matters of lawe neyther any euill chastised in such wise that your iudgemēt to haue no iustice in the kingedome is to refourme iustice I can not cōprehende how you wil reforme this kingdome since by your consent there is no subiect that shall acknowledge a preacher neither any Nunne that keepes hir cloyster no Frier that remayneth in his monastery neyther womā that obeyeth hir husband nor vassall that obserueth loyalty neyther any man that dealeth iustly in so much that vnder the colour of liberty euery man liueth at his owne wil. I know not how you will reforme the common welth since those of your campe do force women rauish maydens burne villages spoyle houses steale whole slockes cut downe woods and rob churches in such wise that if they leaue any euill vndone it is not bycause they dare not but for that they can not I can not conceiue how you will reforme the common welth since by your occasion Toledo is risen Segouia altered Medina burned Halaheios besieged Burgos fortified Valiodolid immutined Salamanca stragled Soria disobedient and also Valentia an Apostata I can not perceiue how you will reforme the common welth since Naiarza is rebelled against the Duke Dueas against the Earle Tordisillas against the Marques Chincon against his Lorde since Auila Leon Toro Zamora and Salamanca doe neither more or lesse than the assembly doth commaund So may my life prosper as I like of your demaund which is to weete that the King be not absent out of this Realme that he maintaine all men in iustice that he suffer no money to be transported out of the Realme that he giue his rewardes and offices vnto the natural subiectes of Spaine that they deuise not any new tributs and aboue all that the Offices be not solde but gyuen to men of most vertue These and such other like things you haue licence to craue and only the King hath authoritie to graunt but to demaund of princes with the lance that which they haue to prouide by Iustice is not the part of good vassalles but of disloyall seruants wée well vnderstand that many people of this lande doe complaine of the newe gouernement of Flemmings and to speake the truth that fault was not all theirs but in their small experience and our much enuie Further aduertising that the straungers were not more to bée blamed than our owne countrie men they knew not the state of things either what offices to craue neither how they would be solde but that they were aduised and also instructed in the skill thereof by the men of our owne nation in such wise that if in them there did abound desire of gain in vs there did excéed the vice of cruell malice Although Maister Xebes and the rest haue cōmitted some fault I know not that our Spaine hath done any offence that you should in the same and against the same rayse any warre The medicine that you haue inuented for the remedie of this mischiefe is not to purge but to kill But since you will néedes make war let vs examine here against whom is this war not against the king bycause his tender youth dothe excuse him not against the Counsell for they appeare not not against Xebes for hée is in Flaunders not against the Gouernors whiche haue but nowe entred their offices not against the Gentlemen who haue not offended neither yet against tyrantes for the Kingdome was in peace than is this war againe your own countrie and against our own lamentable common wealth The wante of prouidence in the king neither the auarice of Xebes is sufficient cause that we should sée that whiche wée doe sée the people to ryse against people fathers against the sonnes the vncles against their cousins friends against friends neighbors against neybours and brothers against brothers but that our sinne hath so deserued to be chastised and yours hath merited that you shuld be our scourge Speaking more particular you are not able to excuse your faulte for beginning as you did the assemblie of Auila from which counsell all this warre hath had his féeding and of a trouth presently I did diuine and also preache that is to witte that neuer was Monipody of any kingdome whereof did not arise some notable scandall The kingdom is nowe altered the kyng is disobeyed the people are nowe risen the hurt is alreadie begon the fire is alreadye in flame and the common wealth goeth sinking to the bottom But in the ende if it like you a good end may be made from whence may procéede all the remedie for that we haue firmely to beléeue that God will rather heare the hearts that praye for peace than the fifes and drums that proclaime warre If it may lyke you to forget some part of your anger and the gouernours to lose some part of their right I hold it all for finished And to speake you the trouth in popular and ciuil warres men do rather fight for the opinion they haue takē than for the reason that they hold My iudgement should be in this case that you should ioyne with the Gouernours to talke and conferre for the
wise that many Gentlewomē to mayntaine an estate make their house a stable For a woman to be good it is no small help to be alwayes in businesse and by the contrary we sée no other thing but that the idle woman goeth always pensitiue Let all maner of women beleue me that in any wyse they busie their daughters in some honest exercise for I giue them to vnderstand if they know not that of idle moments and wanton thoughtes they come to make euill conclusions No more but that our Lord be in your procéeding from Granada the .4 of maye .1524 yeares A letter vnto Mosen Rubin of Valentia wherein he answereth to certayne notable demaunds A letter very conuenient for the woman that marrieth an olde man. RIght worshipfull aunciente renued with youthely motion youre Letter read and considered that which I conceyue and comprehende thereof is that it contayneth much writing and commeth written in very grosse paper whereof it may very well be inferred that you haue wast time and want of money Small comforte shoulde he haue at youre handes that at thys instant should craue youre almes for a Cote that hathe not a Maruedye to buy a shéete of paper Althoughe I holde it for most certayne that if you haue not at this present a Mareuedy to buy paper at other times you vse to set an hundred Duckats at a rest The property and condition of Players is sometymes to haue greate abundaunce and at other times to suffer greate lacke in suche wise that to daye hauing too many Duckats to play on the morrowe they haue not to paye for their dinner I haue sayde it many times and also written in my doctrines that I enuy not these gamesters for the money that they win but at the sighes that they gyue bycause if they cast the dice with courage with great sighes they wish their chaunce But comming to the purpose of youre demaunde and answering to youre request I saye that if to all the demaundes of youre letter I shall not aunswer with grace and good eloquence impute the fault to my disgrace and also vnapte disposition And the cause of my disgrace endureth not to be written with inke in paper But it suffiseth a man to be at Court where be few things to be commended but many to the contrary Sir you write vnto me to aduertise you of my opiniō of the bailiwick of Orihnela which the Quéene hathe giuen you and the garde of the frontires of Caspe whither the Moores of Pampe do passe and they of Affrica do enter To this I aunswere that you haue to make small accounte that the Quéene hath giuen you the charge of Iustice if god deny you his grace bycause preheminent offices by vertues be conserued but heroicall vertues amongs offices do runne in perill In him that administreth Iustice it is necessary he haue good Iudgement to giue sentence temperance in his speche patience to suffer good counsell to discerne good disposition to Iustice and fortitude to execute If in the budget of your household stuffe you finde your selfe furnished with all these kind of goods you may safely be Iudge of Orihnela and also gouernour of Valentia And if your abilitie stretch not so farre it should be more sounde counsell for you to kepe your house than to bring your honour in question and disputation Also you wright vnto me to aduertise you what was contained in the countesse of Concentainas letter which the quéene shewed me That which passed in this case is that the Earle of Concentaina being dead my Lady the Countesse presently did wright vnto the vassalles of the Earldōr a certaine letter of the sorrow and griefe of hir husbands death and in the ende and conclusion of the letter they placed according to the manner of such Ladies and widowes which is to witte the sorowfull and most vnfortunat countesse and added ther vnto in the place of the firme therof two great blottes The letter being receyued and redde by hir vassals in their counsell before all men they aduised to aunswere my Lady the Countesse and also to giue hir to vnderstande of the sorowe they conceiued of the death of the Earle hir husband and their Lorde And it séemed good vnto them that since she hadde changed the stile of hir firme that also they were bounde too alter the stile of their letter In which the superscription therof saide thus Vnto our sorrowfull Ladye and moste vnfortunate countesse of Concentayna withinin the vpper face of the letter where they place the woordes of curtesy and congratulation was after this manner Righte magnificente and most sorowfull Lady at the end where was sayd by the ordinance of the coūsell iustice gouernours were made thrée dasshes much blotted in such wise that according to the tenor of hir writing she answered My Lady the Countesse receyued no small offence thereof and yet with good grace she sayd vnto me that she wished the error had passed by one mans faulte and not as it was by all their consents Also you write vnto me to aduertise you how it standeth with Mosen Burela since the time he receyued that so great distresse in Xatina Sir vnto this I answer that vnto me he giueth great sorow to beholde him and no lesse compassion to heare him bycause I sée hym wander laden with thoughts and no lesse forsaken of friends Beléeue me sir and be out of doubt that he falleth not in all this world that falleth not out of his princes fauour bycause the fashion or stile of Court is that the priuate and in fauoure knoweth not himselfe with the fall and out of fauoure no mā will grow aquainted The houses and Courts of Princes be very fortunate vnto some no lesse perillous vnto others bycause there either they preuayle and growe very greate or else vtterly lose themselues All Courtiers séeme to me to resemble the Bée or else the Spider wherin there be some persons in Court so fortunate that all thinges whereon they lay hands turneth to golde and others so vnlucky that all which they pretend cōuerts to smoke As concerning our Mosen Burela I can say vnto you that he is thoroughly smoked as touching his honor and no lesse stumbled and falne in respect of his goodes bycause he hath lost the office that he held and the credite wherwith he was sustayned Sir also you wrighte to me to aduertise you of the state of the Sonnes of Vasko Bello your friend and my neighbour to this I answer that their parents hauing past their liues in the trade of merchants they haue conuerted themselues to the state of Gentlemen and to the end you vnderstād me better I say they be not of the Gentlemen of auncient right but suche as haue obtayned by prise and purchase bycause their goodes being consumed I holde their gentry fully finished In the state that men do get theyr liuing in the same they ought to conserue themselues for otherwise
subtill in witte of valiant hart and fortunate in exployt of war as he manifested most puisantly by obtayning more honour than any other in the Campe whereby he grew in dayly reputation amongst his owne companions and more fearefull than the Wolfe is to the Shéepe to the hearts of his enemies which hanging the times of these warres caused the Emperour Heraclius to fauoure him aboue all others The warres ended and licence giuen for all the straungers to departe he sent the Saracyns away discontented and not wel payed which moued them and their generall Mahomet to rayse mutine and coniuration in suche wyse that they assayled Palestina whyche before they had subdued and inuaded the countreys of Aegypt Damas the two Syrias Pentapolis and Antioch without resistaunce of any person Here also you must vnderstande that Mahomet was by his father a Gentile and by his mother a Iewe whyche is the cause why he was fostred in Iudea He held one Sergius which was infected with the heresies of Arius and Nestor a very ambitious man for his especiall friende By whome Mahomet vnderstanding well what honour and reuerence the Saracyns yeelded vnto him and accompting him selfe their head and chiefe determined to become their King lawegiuer to the end as King to be reputed and for lawmaker to be worshipped And as thys moÌ„ster Mahomet had a GeÌ„tile to his father a Iew to his mother and a Christian Heretique to his chiefe friend and instructer so each of them vsed their seueral lawes out of whiche thrée he determined to elect one to satisfye or more properly speaking to delude all nations Thus this miscreant nothing regarding the soules health nor due reformation of the common state but thristing after the renoune of a Prince during life and the fame of their lawgiuer after death instituted and published a sect or rather a rabble of abhominable preceptes and detestable counsells thereby to chaunge the vertuous and therewith to delight the vicious and wicked In the yeare 630. Heraclitus inferred and began his warres against the Persians and in the yeare 632. the warres ended In that yeare 632. Mahomet by conquest subdued the greatest part of Asia and in the yeare 636. he gaue his lawes to the Saracyns his countrymen the which he first brought into Arabia Petrosa not by preaching in worde but murdering with sword The gouernment of the East thus resting it chaunced in the yeare 642. that an infinite number of barbarous people passing by the stréetes of the mountaynes Caucasus to inuade that part of Asia Minor that bordereeh on Asia Maior whose comming brought good successe to the Nations adioyning These people by discent were of thrée mighty rude countries that is of the Scithians now called Persia of the PanoniaÌ„s now named Hungaria and of the Escaines nowe called Denmarcia whiche barbarians departed foorth of their natiue soyle as it is iudged constrayned with penurie and want of victualls as also with the Ciuill warres which they had amongst themselues For being without a gouernour they liued by robbing and pilling one from another euermore driuing the weakest to the worst Whereat Mahomet astonied at this their arriuall and séeing the Scithes and Paenonians dayly more and more to endamage Asia and to become so stout as to furnish themselues with places of defence he determined with a mighty power of Saracyns to encounter them This thing dismayed the Barbarians and caused them to assemble togither where they chose one Trangolipique for their general a man in warres much fortunate and in peace most vicious Now the warres of the Scithians and Saracyns grew so hote so long and so cruell that in thrée yeares and a halfe was soughten sixe mightie and bluddy battells wherein Fortune declared hir mutabilitie for to the Saracyns she was vnfriendly and to the Scithians nothing fauorable sometimes gyuing victory to the one side one day and tryumph to the other side on the next day Which the Scithians well noting and perceyuing that their number was muche decreased by meanes of those warres and also the Saracyns beholding the presente spoyle of their countrâ—… â–ª they agréed amongst themselues vppon Articles ensuing to continue friends for euer that is that the Scithes shoulde receyue the lawe of Mahomet and that the Saracyns should giue them that countrey to inhabite Whyche accordingly tooke effect and was concluded in the yeare 647. that the Saracyns and Turks became friends and confederates and from that time forwarde did wholly submit themselues to the obedience of Mahomet taking him for king and vowing fidelitie to his lawes Strabo Plynie Pomponius Mela and Gelaton whiche haue described all countries in the worlde make little accompte of Turkie before suche time as the Scythes beganne to inhabite the same who in the end became so strong and the Great Turk and Turquy so famous as at this day it is reputed one of the most renowmed Empyres in the world How the loue of Mahomet entred Africa VNderstand you that in the yeare 698. a puissant Pirat named Abeuchapeta passed from Asia into Africa leading with him 70. Galleys and 100. other vessels furnished for his exployte with which he pilled pirased such as he met withall by Seas and did also many times much hurt on the firme land This Abeuchapeta was a man valiant hardie and rich and a Saracyne obseruing the law of Mahomet of whome the Arabian Historiographers reporte that he neuer sacked anye Towne that would submit theÌ„selues to him nor raunsomed to libertie any persone that he had taken prisoner This companion for so hencefoorth will I terme him vnderstanding that in the Realme of the Moores otherwise called the countrie of Mauritania and now called the kingdome of Marrucos were extreme cruell and ciuill warres he determined to hasten thither with his fléete and to establish himselfe Lorde of all who passing the straites Giberaltare and being arriued vpon firme lande immediately practised to acquaint himselfe with one of the chéefe bands of the Moores by which policie in short time he obtayned afterward to be chéefe of the Realme and compelled them secretly to accept and obserue the Mahometicall lawes and religion by killing some and banishing others Whereby it came to passe that such as this coÌ„panion brought thither with him and the subdued inhabitantes of Marrucos were the first in Africa that togythers imbraced the lawes of Mahomet who as before time were alwayes called Moores do still at this presente and euer after continue the name of Moores or Morisques so that the inhabitants of Thunies whych be those of Tunis and the Numidians whiche are the people of Fesse and the Maurentines which are the people of Marrucos be al generally tearmed by the name of Moores though the countries do much differ in scituatioÌ„ This then is the resolution of your letter and the aunswere to youre demaunde that the name Saracyns was first found in Arabia where Mahomet was borne the name Turkes inuented in Asia where Mahomet remayned and
murdred and buried vpon whose Tomb was placed this Epitaph with his armes whiche englished importeth as followeth Here lyeth the valiant Athaolphus with sixe of his children issued of Gothick bloud this was the first that aduentured to enter Spayne with an Army slayne with his owne men and buried with great teares in the great Citie of Barcelone Sée here the exposition of your Epitaph and the cause of the fame It resteth now to reueale the occasion of the destruction of Spayne and how the Christians lost the same to the Paynims concerning which you muste vnderstande that in the tyme of the raigne of king Roderic whiche was of the line of the Gothes there was in Spayne a Prince called Iulian Earle of Cepta and Lord of Consuegra whiche had a daughter of excellent beautie and incomparable wisedome named Caba Thys Damesell beyng sent to the Courte to attende vppon the Quéene to serue hir according to the manner of the Countrey was cause of the destruction of Spaine For the king being surprised with hir loue when shée woulde not agrée to accomplishe his inordinate desires determined by force if not by loue to inioy hir béeyng thus drowned in extreme passions hée defloured hir within his royall Palace The which when Count Iulian vnderstoode hée was hyghly offended therewith and féeling himselfe muche iniured thereby determined reuenge vpon the kings owne person to the ende he myght make a perpetuall remembrance of the wrong done by the Prince to him and his defloured daughter This Counte Iulian kepte secretely in his stomacke the mortall hatred hée bare vnto King Roderic and when hée sawe conuenient tyme hée made semblance to passe into Africa with an armie whiche the King had committed vnto him where with to repulse the Moores whiche then inuaded the borders of Spaine And hauing conferred of his determinations with Muzza Liuetenaunt generall of that Prouince to the greate Miramamolyn Vlit hée secretely practyzed with him in this sorte that if hée woulde yéelde him sufficient supplye of souldiers hée woulde put all Spaine vnder his obedience The whiche when Muzza vnderstoode hée gaue intelligence thereof to King Miramamolyn who did not onely in curteous wise accepte the offer of the Count but also sent him a sufficient army to bring his deuysed practize to effect The countrie béeyng néere the straites of Giberaltare was well furnished with men of great courage He then folowing fortune béeyng stirred forwarde by his wife and the iniury whiche he had receyued reiecting all loue of his cuntry renouncing obedience to his Prince Sodenly as hée had imbarked his army of Moores in foure ships and strongly fortified himselfe he reuealed to his friends and kinred the iniury which the king had done him by deflouring his daughter and requested their friendly succour in his enterprise so waighty Wherevnto they assenting sent him aide both of men monie Sée here the exposition of your Epitaph and the cause of the fame It resteth now to reueale the occasion of the destruction of Spaine and how the Christians lost the same to the Paynims concerning which you muste vnderstande that in the tyme of the raigne of king Roderic which was of the line of the Gothes there was in Spaine a Prince called Iulian Earle of Cepta and Lorde of Consuegra whiche had a daughter of excellent beautie and incomparable in wisedome named Caba This damsell beyng sent to the Courte to attende vppon the Quéene to serue hir according to the manner of the cuntrie was cause of the destruction of Spaine For the King being surprised with louing hir when shée woulde not agrée to accomplishe his inordinate desires determined by force if not by loue to inioy hir so as béeyng thus drowned in extreme passions hée defloured hir within his royall Palace The whiche when Counte Iulian vnderstoode he was highly offended therewith and féeling himselfe muche iniured thereby determined reuenge vpon the kings owne person to the end he might make a perpetuall remembrance of the wrong done by the Prince to him and his defloured daughter This Counte Iulian kepte secretely in his stomacke the mortall hatred hée bare vnto king Roderic and when hée sawe conuenient tyme hée made semblance to passe into Africa with an armie which the king had committed vnto him where with to repulse the Moores which then inuaded the borders of Spaine And hauing conferred of that which he woulde do with Muzza Auuenokair Liuetenaunt generall of that prouince to the greate Miramamolyn Vlit hée secretely practyzed with him in this sorte that is if hée woulde yéelde him sufficient supply of souldiers hee woulde put all Spaine vnder his obedience The whiche when Muzza vnderstoode hee gaue intelligence thereof to King Miramamolyn who did not onely in curteous wise accepte the offer of the Counte but also sent him a sufficient army to bryng his deuised practize to effect The Ilandes of this country beyng néere the straites of Giberaltare were wel furnished with meÌ„ of great courage He theÌ„ folowing fortune being stirred forwarde by his wife and the iniury which he had receyued reiecting all loue to his cuntry renouncing obedience to his Prince Sodenly as he had imbarked his army of Moores in foure shippes strongly fortified himselfe he reuealed to his friends and kinred the iniurie which the king had done him by deflouring his daughter and requested their friendly succour in his enterprise so waightie Whervnto they assenting sent him aide both of men and monie so as he tooke all the coastes of Spaine and much of the cuntry for the Moores whiche was the firste entrie of the Moores into Spaine and was in the yeare of grace 712. When the miserable king Roderic had vnderstaÌ„ding hereof that if with speede he ordered not his affaires he shoulde be in daunger to loose his realme and state with all the hasâ—â— possible he assembled an armie to encounter the Moores and made a nephew of his Captaine generall But the Moores giuing them the ouerthrow mangled him his men in péeces About which time another armie of Moores which the fornamed Muzza had placed in garison in places before subdued entred and tooke another countrye or prouince Whiche King Roderic vnderstanding and perceyuing the Moores daylye to aduaunce their force committing to fire and swoorde all the countrie that they subdued he gathered togither another army in whiche himselfe in person togither with all the Nobilitie of Spaine woulde go to searche out the Moores which then remayned at Seres and did so in déede where hée made greate slaughter both of the straunge Moores of his owne Christians But in fine the Christian army was vtterly destroyed the king loste in suche wise that afterwards he could neuer be founde quicke or deade From this tyme Spaine fell into the subiection of the Moores This battell was ended on a sunday the fourth of September in the yeare of our Sauiour 714. so as the Moores beeyng then victors might
custome to burie no dead man without burying a liue man with the same and if by chance ther were not that willingly would be buried with the dead for money a slaue was bought with violence to be buried with the same The Bractians whiche were a people very barbarous with smoke did cure the bodies of the dead as we now vse to smoke oure Bacon after at times in stead of Martelmas béefe by péecemeale to boyle the same in the pot The Thibirins did by industrie breede certayne most cruell Dogges the whiche at the last gasp of the dead were cast vnto the Dogs to be eaten torne to péeces in suche manner that the bowels of the Dogs was the place where the Thibirins did burie their dead And for that it shall not séeme that we speake of fauoure or at large your honor hath to read S. Ierome against Iouinian the Poliantea in the title of sepulture where you shal find al that I haue said and also much more which we haue omitted here to be written Of the sepulture of Belus of Minus of Semiramis of Promotheus of Ogiges and of the other kings of Aegipt Diodorus Siculus resiteth so many and so fabulous things the whych I thinke better to omitte than to wright to auoid his dishonor and mine owne trauell The Cithes did burie their dead in the fields incoffined with a certayn wood of Cithia incorruptible The Hebrues did burie their dead in their inheritances or vineyards vppon the same they erected a faire couer curiously wrought of stone of great choyce Commonly in olde time they did burie within their houses or in the mids of their possessions and so at this presēt appeareth in Italy that wheresoeuer ye shall find any Tombe of earth stone it signifieth that there hath bene erected some honorable sepulture Foure Sepultures haue bin in Rome most rich and stately that is to vnderstand of the great Augustus whiche at this presente is called the néedle of Adrian whiche now is the Castell Saint Angell of the good Marcus Aurelius whiche is erected in the fielde of Mars and of the valiant Seuerus which was placed in the Vatican Many Princes both Gréekes Latins Romayns Persiās Medes Argiues Hebrues and Germaines did make build many very stately temples but we reade of none that commaunded or gaue order for themselues to be buried therein but in the fieldes and their Temples they did dedicate vnto their Gods. More than thrée hūdreth yeares after the foundation of the Christiā fayth none at any time were buried within the Church whereof it procéedeth that it is not found in any of the ancient Legends of the martirs but that such a martyr was buried in Cimiterie of Pretexato either of Calisto or els in the house or inheritance of some faithfull Christian Long time after the great Constantine this custome was brought into the catholike Church to be buried in the same it is to be thought that it rather procéeded of the deuotion of the faithfull than for any interest to the Cleargy Also your honor sayth in your letter that you hold me for a man both carefull and curious for whiche cause you suppose for that I haue passed diuers times with Caesar into Italy and haue many ways traueled through Spayne I shuld haue collected and recouered some Epitaphs of Sepultures worthy to be séene and notable to be red I cannot denie but that after the manner of a Drunkarde that venteth for the best wine so doth mine eyes stare and wander to find out some old Sepulture that may contayne some thing to reade or sentēce or Epitaph worthy the writing and as I haue trauelled many diuers lands prouinces I haue sene many very anciēt sepultures in which I haue found some writings graue some sharpe others deuout some malitious some gracious some foolish in suche wise that some are to be noted some to be skoft and others to be laughed at If I had thought that any would haue bene so curious as to haue craued or demaunded them as I haue bin carefull and curious to search and find them I would haue held them in more estimatiō and also haue commended them to more safe kéeping for of them I haue lent giuen lost and some haue bin stolen and othersome I haue reserued But the case shall be thus I will send vnto your Lordship all manner of Epitaphs whiche is to vnderstand suche as bée graue malicious foolish and some that be gratious for that in the good your honor hath to note in the other wherat to laugh In an Hospitall of the incurable that is in Naples Caesar vppon a certayne festiuall day did heare seruice where I saw in the great Chappell a Tombe of a yong gentleman whereon his old mother had placed this lamentable Epitaph Quae mibi debebas supremae munera vitae Infelix soluo nunc tibinate prior Fortuna inconstans lex varabilis aeui Debueras cineri iam superesse meo In the same kingdome and Citie of Naples vppon another festiuall day Caesar wēt vnto a stately Monasterie of Nunnes of S. Clare wher I found a Tombe of a certaine gentlewomā betrothed which hapned to die the same wéeke she shuld haue bin married vpon whome hir parents bestowed this lamentable Epitaph Nate beu miserum misero mibi nata parenti Vnicus vt fieres vnica nata dolor Nam tibi dum virum taedas thalamumque parabam Funera inferias anxius ecce paro In the Citie of Capua I found a Sepulture very old and in a manner defaced in which these letters were ingrauen although very short yet comprehending much Fui non sum Estis non eritis In the Citie of Gaieta one of the strongest vpon the Sea coast in all Italy being there with Caesar I met with a Sepulture not of the oldest vpon which were written these words Siluius Paladius Vt moriens viueret Vixit vt moriturus In Rome walking the stations of Saint Paule passing at greate leasure beholding the Churche I encountred with an old Sepulchre vppon the ground on the stone whereof these words were ingrauen Hospes quid sim vides Quid fuerim nosti Futurus ipse quid sis cogitae In the Monasterie of Minerua in Rome whiche be of the order of Preachers I sawe in a certaine Tombe written these words O mors O mors O mors Aerumnarum portus Et meta salutis Caesar being in the warres of Africa the Viceroy of Cicilia died which was called the Earle of Monteleon Lord of Calabria And for that by iustice he did cutte the throte of the Earle of Camarato and with him many others the Cicilians did deadly hate him for the same The cause was thus being buried in Saint Frauncis of Mezina by night they added this title vpon his Sepulchre as I was aduertised by the warden of the house Qui propter nos homines Et propter nostram
what is he that dareth to saye that there is any thing which he cānot do or performeth that which is not reasonable Then presently lette vs examine the life of the good Iesus Christ and we will sée if we can finde wherin he hath bin extreme or wherein he hath vsed excesse since wée all confesse that his life hath not bin but as a clocke to gouerne vs and as a butte whereat to shoote Neyther are we able to saye that he committed any excesse in eating or drinking for presently after he was baptized hée wēt to fast in the desert fortie dayes fortie nights on a tāke And lesse did Iesus Christ vse excesse in his apparrell since it is not found written that he had more than two coates and yet went bare foote Not in sléeping eyther in recreating that hée vsed excesse since that many times he passed the night without rest slepe or lodging and tyred with trauell was driuen to repose vpon the welles side of Samaria Not in woordes eyther in his Sermons since his enimies did saye that neuer any man spake so little so well and with suche modestie Not in the lawe which he hath giuen vs eyther in the preceptes which he hath ordeyned for he hath not commaunded in his Gospell any thing whiche is prophane and in recompence he hath promised the obseruers therof life euerlasting Neyther hath hée vsed excesse in hourding of treasures or other comfortes of mans lyfe for that hée lyued Apostolike and all those of his colledge whiche partly lyued of Almes and did eate eares of corne in the fieldes for necessitie And to say the troth and to speake clerely of this matter the excesse and the greate extremitie whiche the blissed Iesus committed was not as it is sayd in drinking eating sleping or in any other thing but only in loue for all his other works and actions were finished except the loue which he did beare that was infinite and had no ende And therfore if any would ballaunce the griefes sorrowes afflictions and teares of Iesus Christ with the loue that he did beare vs without comparison hée shall finde his loue farre to excéede and surmount his tormentes for that vpon the trée of the Crosse his passion had an ende but his loue and affection did neuer ceasse And certaynly Iesus Christ in all things vsed greate moderation excepte in his loue whiche he did beare vnto the vniuersall worlde béeyng so excessiue that it excéeded the humanitie approching very néere vnto the diuinitie And therfore if he had not bene God and man as he was it had bene impossible to haue loued with so great affection and to haue bestowed so greate and maruelous things for that whiche he loued Moste certaynly Iesus vsed excesse and greate extremitie to suffer so many thornes to pearce his sacred heade so many other passions and tormentes to afflict his moste diuine bodye whiche passions and tormentes did farre excede the afflictions which the Martyrs indured Therfore we say that greate was the excesse and extreme was the loue that Iesus Christ did beare vs which he did manifest in the workes of a most true and perfect louer Moyses and Helie did not common with Iesus Christ of gouernement of the family neither of their synagoge but of the ignominious staunderous death which Iesus Christ should endure at Ierusalem and how he should die for all men and that he shoulde be tormented with excéeding afflictions whiche hée should indure with an heart accompanied with extreme loue Si diligitis me mandata mea seruate which is to say My deare disciples it is not sufficient to say that you loue me if otherwise you be negligent to obserue my commaundements for that you see I am not satisfied to loue you well in woordes but that I shew and performe the same in dedes Yf we would profoundly regard these wordes of Iesus Christ we shoulde finde the loue of God not onely to consist in affection but in effect I would say that good workes be more exorable vnto God than holy desires For him that is féeble and sicke it suffiseth that he loue but he that is hole and sounde ought to loue and woorke for Iesus Christ our God doeth accept the wante of power but is displeased with want of will. Diligite inimicos vestros benefacite ijs qui oderunt vos As if he should say Loue your enimies and do good vnto them that persecute you Iesus Christ gyuing to vnderstād that loue ought to be put in effect Likewise the scripture sayth Ignis in altari meo semper ardebit sacerdos nutriet illum mittens ligna VVithin the Temple that is dedicate sayeth the Lorde and vpon the Aultar which is consecrate vnto me I will that it be alway furnished with fire one of the Priestes hauing charge with wood to maintaine the same that it go not out In such wise that God is not satisfied that for his own tyme there shoulde be fire of loue but also therewithall hée commaundeth that it be entertayned with the woodde of good workes For as fire goeth out if it be not maintayned with wood so likewise loue groweth cold which is not mixed with good workes and as the fire without wood turneth to ashes so doth loue without workes take an ende and finishe The Philosopher will say that habitus is ingendred of actus and the Diuine will say that the good loue is conserued by the meane of the good worke Speaking of the extreme loue that God did beare vs Ieremie sayeth In charitate perpetua dilexi te which is I loue not as others neither is my loue like the loue of others for I loue mine with charitie and do intreate them with pitie The loue of man is such that if they determine to loue any thing it is moste likely they loue the same for the perfection therof As if he shoulde loue an Orient stone it is for the propertie or beautie thereof if he loue meate it is for the tast If he loue golde it is for that it is precious If he loue Musicke it is for that it gladdeth him If he loue his wife it is for hir bountie or beautie In such wise that man aduaunceth not to loue any thing in which he hath not some opinion that it shall like or please him But far otherwise is the loue whiche God beareth vs For we knowe not in ourselues any cause why God should be in loue with vs which is most euident for that our eies delight to behold nothing but vaine things our eares to heare lyes flatteries our hands ready to rapine our harts bent vpon couetise In suche wise that in our wretched and miserable person God findeth not any occasion why he should loue vs but many wherefore to hate vs Notwithstanding the blessed Iesus determined to remedie the sinnes that hée sawe in vs and the ingratitude that he founde in vs it pleased him to succour
so great merit for their worthy vertues Wherevnto Lucius coulde say no other thing but kissing the right hande of Scipio besought the immortall Gods to remunerate the great goodnesse and passing courtesie he had vsed vnto him confessing his great want of abilitie for the recompence of so great a bountie And after returning vnto the parents of the sayd Damsell rendering their daughter without any raunsome They most instantly besought him that it might please him to accept the gold whiche they had brought for hir raunsome in token and as a pledge of their amitie and dutifull affection Scipio being pressed of them did accept the same and placing it at his feete in the presence of them all called Lucius and sayd behold Lucius I giue thée this gold which thy father and mother in law haue presented me as a gift vnto the marriage of thy wife besides that which before was appoynted thée Take and refuse it not for my sake and as a token for remembrance of sound friendship in time to come Then Lucius and his father and mother in lawe receiuing the Damsell and the golde did take their leaue of Scipio and retired into their countrie publishing in all places wher they past most greatest praise of Scipio and the Romaine people Very shortly after Lucius came to séeke Scipio with fourtéene hundreth horse to attend and assist the Romaynes After which time Scipio departed from Carthage to Tarzacone to giue order for the warres in effect to chace and expulse the Carthaginians out of Spayne My Lorde beholde here my opinion as touching youre demaund and if your honor or the gouernor be not of the same opinion which is that if Marhaball were not the first Carthaginian that entred Spayne and that the great Scipio the African did not take sack and subuert new Carthage I will say no more but that if Titus Liuius were aliue he would giue you suche a cōbat with the Camp of his Decades that he would throughly giue you to vnderstand of your wrong information Of newes there is no other but that his Maiestie is in health and twice a wéeke goeth to the assembly The Emperesse also is in health and this hote weather féedeth very little Thys other night from Ciuile they broughte a paquet of letters vnto his maiestie wherein he was aduertised of ten shippes from Peru to be arriued in the hauen of Ciuill with twenty Millions of gold whereof there were eight for his maiestie and twelue for other particular persons Diego of Acunia the bearer hereof shall farther make report of all that passeth here at court No more but God haue you in his kéeping and giue me grace to serue him From Toledo the 22. of Iuly 1537. A disputatiō and discourse holdē against the Iewes of Rome wherin is declared notable authorities of the sacred Scripture ALiama Horranda which is to say honorable troupe of Inis I remayne with the long disputation past so wéery and my head so distempred with your cries that if it were not for the seruice of my Lorde Iesus Christe and for the zeale of youre soules the profession of a deuine as also for the honor of my law which I confesse soundly beleeue you shoulde be assured that I would neither dispute with you any more or enter at any time into your Sinagogue for that as touching your cōuersion ye are too too much obstinate and in the maner of disputation extremely opiniatiue Neyther vnto you eyther yet vnto me doth it apertayne that the difficulties or opinions which eyther of vs defendeth shuld be verefied with offensiue armes much lesse with iniurious words assuring that at the Scholes where I haue studied and of the masters of whome I haue learned he was not esteemed wise that cried strongly but could performe and speake very well And since we debate not vppon any matter of your goodes much lesse is my comming for the same or any suche purpose but only for the verifying of the sacred Scripture I pray you for the loue of God interrupt not my reasons but heare me with patience vntill I haue finished my tale for al you of this Sinagogue hold for custome that if any word be spokē againste your tast or liking forthwith ye begin to garboile cry brable Therefore heare me and I will heare you speake or else I will speake giue eare vnto me or else I wil hearken vnto you suffer me and I shall endure and suffer you since we talke confer and dispute of matters so high and deuine it is good reason that such difficulties and so great mysteries should be disputed after the manner of wise men and not crying as fooles considering that the wisedome of the wise is knowen by his talke and his prudence in the modestie which he vseth in his speech I haue sayd all this for that in the disputation which wee haue had betwixt vs eight days past ye did not only impugne and speake against both the authorities which I alleadged of the holy Prophet Esay and of King Dauid but also ioyning your fistes to my eyes ye charged me with the lie iniuriously and threatning If ye shuld say that I am a great sinner a dasterd dull and simple I confesse the same But to saye that is false whiche I alledged or erroneous whiche I defended I vtterly appeale and denie for my good Lord Iesus Christ of his mercy either coulde or woulde fayle me therin But comming to the purpose me thinketh to commit no iniurie to bring foorth and alleage the passages of the holy Bible and therewithall of the holy Prophet Dauid and a king amongst you best beloued and of Esay the Prophet of you most esteemed The whiche haue sayde and prophecied of the ignorance which ye should haue from the which I beséech God to drawe you and with his grace to enspire you for certaynely I haue compassion to consider youre greate infamie hauing in times past aboue all nations receyued most fauour of God. Scrutati sunt iniquitates defecerunt scrutantes scrutinio The royal Prophet Dauid sayd speaking of the doctors of your lawe as if he would say the ministers of the lawe be set to interprete and declare the sacred scripture from the which they haue not drawen but falshood and malice But now honorable Inis I pray you to say of whome doth your Prophete here speake And tell me what they be that dare falsifye the sacred scripture to the ende we may vnderstand to shun them or else as Heretiques to burne them For as the diuine Plato sayde he ought to be accused of high treason that falsely doth interprete the law If ye will saye that the Gentiles Scrutati sunt iniquitates which is to say That they haue euill interpretated the law I answere that you speake vniustly and raise a false testimonie against them for the princes of the heathen haue more gloried and giuen themselues vnto the warres than to the
to be drowned the finall end of youre Realme of Iudea and of the Crowne of Israell What shall we say of your most auncient Temple so magnificent in buildings and so holy in the action of sacrifice surely ye haue no other thing but the lies For ye well know that forty yeares and no more After ye crucifyed the Lorde Iesus Christe the Emperours Titus and Vaspasian the father and sonne did sack destroy and burne the same Of the Monarchy of your kingdome muche lesse haue you not of any thing than the lies for that from the time the great Pompâ—y passed into Asia and subdued Palestine he neuer after committed fayth to any Iewe I say to giue him any speciall charge of gouernmeÌ„t in the Citie or defence of any fortresse but perpetually did shew your selues subiect to the Romaynes not as Vassals but rather as slaues If we should speake of your auncient language of the old carrecters of your wrightings we should likewise finde that you haue not any thing left but lies and for proofe thereof first I pray you tell me whiche is he amongst you that knoweth the language of your ancesters either can reade or else vnderstand any of the auncient Hebruish bookes But nowe to bring you to the knowledge thereof I shall deduce notwithstanding it doth not like you directly and successiuely the beginning of your Hebrewish tong and how by little and little it was lost agayne Wherein you haue to vnderstand that the Patriarke Noe with his children and Nephewes escaping the Floud went and did settle in the countrey of Caldea the situation whereof is vnder the fourth Climate the RegioÌ„ after the Floud first inhabited and populat from whence be issued the Aegiptians Sarmits Greekes Latines and all other Nations In the same Region I meane beyond the riuer Euphrates and neare vnto Mesopotamie the Patriark Abraham was borne and nourished the whiche being called of God came to dwell in the countrie of Canaan afterwardes named Siria the lesse the countrey where the good old Abraham and his generation did most inhabit In those days in that countrey of Canaan they had in vse to speake another language named Sirien very differeÌ„t from the Calde tong But as Abraham and hys posteritie dwelling in that countrey many yeares these two languages by processe of time grewe to be corrupted Abraham hys family and successors being not able to learne the Sirien spéeche neyther the Siriens the Calde tong of these two languages there remayned in vse one which was named the Hebrew Also you haue to vnderstand that this name Hebrew is as much to say as a man that is a straunger or come from beyond the Riuer and for that Abraham was come from the other side of the Riuer Euphrates he was generally called Hebrew in such wise that of this name Hebrew by the which Abraham was called the spéeche tong and language was also named Hebraique and not Caldean notwithstanding that hée was of Caldea Many Doctors Gréekes and Latins haue sayde that the Hebrew tong doth come from Heber the sonne of Sale and that it was the language which was in vse and spoken before the generall Floud notwithstanding Rabialhazer Mosanahadach Aphesrura Zimibi and Sadoc your most anciente and famous Hebrew doctors do sweare and affirme that the first spéeche and language in this world was lost in the construction or to say better the confusion of the towre of Babylon without perfection remayning in any one word of their language And then since the language of Noe was lost the Caldean conuerted into the Sirien and the Sirien into the Hebrew it came to passe that Iacob with his twelue sonnes went to dwel in Egipt where they did soiorne so long Captiues that very neare they forgate the Hebrue tong neyther aptly coulde learne the Egiptian language remayning in their spéech and pronounciation corrupted And as after the destruction of the second Temple as also the totall and finall losse and destruction of the holy lande That your brethren were dispersed throughout the worlde for the most part Captiues and that in you ther remayned nothing but the lies of Iacob the things desolate of Israell God did permitte that they shoulde ioyntly take ende both the forme of your life and the manner of your spéech Behold here honorable Iewes sufficiently proued by your owne doctors that of your countrey language renowne glory and the whole state of your Sinagoge ye haue nothing left but the lies as the Prophet sayth and the dregs and grounds of the tubbe In suche manner that ye haue neither Lawe to obserue King to obey Scepter to estéeme priesthood to aduaunce youre honor Temple to pray in Citie to inhabit neyther language to speake And for that the scope and proofe of your obstination and oure healthe and saluation doth lye and consist in the veritie of the Scripture whiche we haue receyued and the falshoode and corruption of theÌ„ which you confesse it shall be expedient to recite how where and when youre Scriptures were corrupted and lost euen as I haue produced and broughte foorth the losse of your language Ye haue therefore to vnderstande that the fyue bookes of the lawe the which your greate Duke Moyses did write after he came foorth of the Land of Egypt and before he entred the lande of promisse and those whiche were written by the Prophet Samuell and Esdras were all written in the Hebrew tong without any addition of the Egiptian language for youre Moyses being inspired by God in all the things hée did take in hand did wright these bookes in the most auncient Hebrew tong which is to vnderstande in the very same that Abraham did speake at his comming out of Calde God giuing you thereby to vnderstand that you should haue folowed your father Abraham not onely in the forme of your life but also in your spéech During the time that Moyses Aaron Iosue Ezechiell Caleph Gedeon and all the fourtéene Dukes did gouerne your Aliama vntill the decease of the excellent King Dauid the lawe of Moyses was alway well vnderstood and indifferently wel obserued But after the decease of these good personages and the kingdome and gouernment being come into the handes of the successors of Dauid the Sinagoge was neuer more well gouerned neyther the Scriptures well vnderstoode I woulde saye not well vnderstoode generally of the twelue Tribes There were notwithstanding alwayes some particular persones of the house of Israell the whiche were agreable and also acceptable vnto God and to the common wealth very profitable That your law was not from thencefoorth wel vnderstood is most euident for it was prohibited and defended in your Aliama that neyther the visions of Ezechiell the sixt Chapter of Esay the booke of the Canticles of Salomon the booke of Iob neyther the lamentations of Ieremy should be read or commented by any person whiche was done not bycause the bookes
were not holy and approued but rather bycause ye could not vnderstand them Muche lesse may you denie me that your Rabby Salmon Rabby Salomon Rabby Fatuell Rabby Aldugac and Rabby Baruch do not saye and affirme by their writings that after your second deliuerance from the Captiuitie of Babylon ye neuer more vnderstoode to performe the Ceremonies of your temple speake the Hebrew tong either vnderstande the holy Scripture much lesse to sing the Canticles of Dauid And no lesse may you denie that of all sorts of your Iewish people in the dayes of the great Priest Mathathias did repaire vnto the Court of king Antiochus to sell the Realme and to learne his law and that which is more vile ye consented that all the bookes of Moyses shoulde publikely be burnt and likewise permitted scholes in the Citie of Ierusalem to reade the lawes of the Gentiles placing also an Idol in the holy temple vnto whome was offered incense and other odours as if it had bin the true God the which most certaynly I woulde not haue spoken if I had not found it written in the booke of Machabees And then our Lorde God seing the wine of the lawe in a manner consumed and that there remayned nothing but lies and dregs and the time approching that the Gentiles shoulde be called and conuerted and that in them the Church shoulde begin he did permit and ordayne that all the holy scriptures should be translated into the gréeke tong foreséeing that the Hebrew tong should be lost And how so famous a translation and interpretation came as touching their law hauing also in the same charge to iudge all differences betwixt the people They had likewise the charge to commaunde and to make ordinances as touching the gouernement of the Common wealth euen to the assignement direction what euery one should haue in his house These were the mē hat did ordeyne and commande that before the Hebrewes should sute at table they shoulde wash their handes the transgression of whiche Ceremonie the Iewes did accuse the Apostles but as well defended by Iesus Christ For surely if these auncientes had not dealte farther than with the gouernement of their common wealth and iudging their causes it had bene notwithstanding a thing tolerable But by their authoritie they thrust in themselues to glose the Bible and garboyle the scripture Wherof the principal that therto did first giue attēpt was Rabby Salmon Rabby Enoch Limuda Rabby Adam Rabby Elechana and Rabby Ioiade whose gloses ye haue as much praysed and estéemed as if God him selfe had ordeyned and Moyses written them Whereof hath risen many errors in your Aliames and many wrong and most vntruthes in the Scriptures which you haue Neither are ye able to denie vnto mée that by the meane of your false interpretations and the erroneous vnderstandings that your predicessors haue committed and done vppon the Bible there hath not risen in your Synagoge those thrée cursed sectes of the Assees Saduces and Pharises the which heretiques caused in your common wealth great scandalles and in your lawe greate doubtes And to the ende you shall vnderstand that I know all your secrets It is not vnknowne vnto you that .40 yeares before the incarnation of Iesus Christ there was in Babylon a Iewe named Ionathan Abemiziell so muche estéemed amongst you and his doctrine so muche reuerenced that your auctors haue sayde that in him was renewed the fayth of Abraham the pacience of Iob the zeale of Helie and the spirite of Esay This Rabby Abemiziell was the firste that translated the Bible out of the Hebrew into the Caldian tongue with suche diligence and fidelitie that hée was thought to bée inspired of the holy Ghost in the doing thereof This good Iewe Abemiziel is the same the which whereas the Psalmist sayeth Dixit Dominus Domino meo he sayde Dixit Dominus verbo meo And in that Psalme whiche sayeth Ego mortifico hée sayde Ego mortificor And where it is sayde Percutiam ego sanabo he sayde Percutiar ego sanabo And where it is sayde Aduersus Dominum aduersus Christū eius he sayde Aduersus Dominum aduersus Messiam eius And where Salomon sayeth Viam viri in adolescentia he sayd Viam viri in adolescentula In suche manner that in his woordes he séemed rather to prophesie than to translate The translation of this Iewe Abemiziel is the same which at this present we call the Caldian translation and the which is moste in vse in the Orientall Churches likewise is vsed of the Armenians the Caldees the Aegiptians and of many Greekes But the doctors of your law perceyuing that many Iewes did conuert Christians and that also conformable vnto his translation they gathered that Christe was the true Messias The whiche when they perceyued they did assemble in the Citie of Babylon in the fourthe yeare of the reygne of the Emperour Traian wherein it was ordeyned and commaundement giuen vnder great penalties that any of that translation should neuer more be vsed but in all places whersoeuer it should be founde without remission to be burned The translation of Abemiziel béeyng condemned by the cōmon consent of the Iewes it came to passe in the sixt yeare of the sayde Emperor Traian a certayne greate and famous heathen Priest borne in the Isle of Pont named Aquile did conuert himselfe to the lawe of Moyses the which conuersion hée did not performe of conscience to saue his soule but to obtaine in mariage an excellent fayre Iewishe woman with whome he was farre inflamed And for that this Aquile was a man very skilfull in the Gréeke and Hebrewe tongues hée founde no better opportunitie more aptly to shewe his spirite than to take in hande the translation of all the holy Scripture out of Hebrewe into Gréeke This same was the first translation that was performed after the incarnation of Iesus Christe in the yeare .104 after his natiuitie The whiche translation among you Iewes was in small estimation bycause it was doone by suche a one as in tymes paste had bene a Heathen or Gentile and of the Christians much lesse estéemed for that it was brought to passe by him that was conuerted a Iewe. Fiftie twoo yeares after the death of the sayde Aquile it is to bée vnderstoode in the eyght yeare of the euyll Emperour Commodus There was another Gréeke translation performed by a Iewe named Theodosius the whiche after became a Christian which remooued and made perfect all the errors of Aquile Thirtie seuen yeares after the death of Theodosius which is to vnderstande in the nynth yeare of the Empire of Seuerus there was another translation performed out of the Hebrewe into Gréeke by a man learned and vertuous named Simachus the whiche was approued well allowed and reseued throughout all the Easte notwithstanding that not long after it was reproued and reiected In those tymes there raygned in the greatest partes
Gospell of Iesus Christ And also most faythfully am fully persuaded that whē Christ in his humanitie did take beginning your ceremoniall law did then take ending And from the present houre that the Lord Iesus Christ sayd vpō the crosse Consummatū est he gaue vs to vnderstande that then was finished the holocaustes sacrifices oblations figures ceremonies and also your royall scepter had then taken ende and pontificall dignitie declined and in short time after vtterly consumed and in the same momēt our church began to spring your synagoge to be buried There is now more than .1500 yeres past that ye haue had neither King to obey sacrifising priest to command temple to pray in sacrifice to offer prophets in whome to giue credite either as muche as a citie wherein to be succoured or repaire vnto in suche wise that to all men it is manifestly seene that your sorowfull synagoge is dead and ended without all hope for euermore to ryse agayne Iesus Christ sayde that your kingdome should be remoued and taken away that your temple should be subuerted and ouerthrowen that ye shold be dispersed throughout the world the Ierusalem should be destroyed that your law should be lost In like maner Iesus Christ sayd that ye should dye obstinate in your sinnes and so cōtinue wandering as vacabunds vntill the ende of the world Notwithstanding that ye remained in bondage seruitude slauery in those two greate captiuities of Aegipt Babylon yet there remained with you some rēnāt of priesthood of prophet of king or of law But after the cōming of Iesus Christ all was lost al was finished al was vanished away nothing remaining vnto you but the name of Iewes the liberty of slaues There is not any nation in this worlde be it neuer so barbarous that hath not some place to retire vnto or some captaine to defend them the Garaments of Asia the Messagetes bordering vppon the Indians and the Negros of Aethiope bearing witnesse except you most miserable Iewes the which in all places and countries be fugitiues and captiues Certaynely moste obstinate and stiffe necked people I do not maruell that I haue so little profited and done so little good amongst you in these fyue monethes in arguing preaching and disputing in so muche that Iesus Christ with his excellent doctrine and maruelous miracles could do no more in .30 yeares hauing no grace to accept the same in better part than to crucifie him for his greate bountie Then sithens the principall cause of your losse doth consist in that yée beléeue not the newe Testament neyther vnderstand the olde which is most true For if soundly and intierly ye had vnderstanding of the sacred scripture with your owne handes ye would set fire vnto the synagogue And for that you haue all in generall and euery one in particular desired mée to say and gyue you to vnderstande what or howe the Christians do conceyue and what our doctors and learned men do teache as touching the right hyghe mysterie of the Trinitie I pray you also honorable Rabbies to be intentiue to that which I shall propose and to haue regard to that which I shal determine for that the mysteries of the Trinitie be of suche depth and profunditie that they ought to be beléeued with the vnderstanding although reason may not shewe and comprehend them Forasmuch as all you Rabbies Iewes whiche be present do well vnderstand the Latine and the Spanishe tongue and I vnderstand your Hebrew the Italian tongs I will endeuoire and vndertake to declare the best that I can this mysterie of the Trinitie partly in Latine and partly in Hebrew partly in Spanishe for the matter is so high that one language is not sufficient to declare the same scilicet singularitatis incommutabilitatis et dignitatis By this I vnderstande that for one personne to bee a Diuine personne it is requisite that he shoulde haue thrée thinges whiche is to vnderstande that it haue in it some singularitie whiche is not founde in any other Incommutabilite whiche vnto it and to no other is communicated And some dignitie which in it and not in any other is to bée founde The personne of Iesus Christ our God by all these reasons here aboue sayde is a person Diuine notwithstanding it bee cladde with humayne fleshe As touching the fyrst which is to haue some priuiledge of singularitie that hath beene founde in the Soule of Iesus Christe the which onely by spetiall grace from the howre it was create it was vnited with the Diuine worde The seconde priuiledge of Iucommutabilite was founde in the Sacred bodye of Iesus Christe the whiche in the Wombe of his gloryous mother lykewise was by the holye Ghoste fourmed Et a verbo Assumptum The thyrde priuiledge whiche is of dignitye is lykewyse founde in the Soule and bodye of Iesus Christe remayning in his humayne nature and not but one person the whiche was and is Diuine You haue farther to vnderstande honourable Rabbis That there are twoo termes the diffinicion of which is verye necessarie to bee knowne vnto them That seeke to vnderstande any thing in the holye Scripture whiche is to saye Actes essentialles and actes personalies The example thereof is written in the fyrste Chapter of Genesis Jn principio Creauit deus Celum et terram c. In this place here this name Deus Accipitur essentialiter Et non personaliter quia creare est actus essentiales et non personalis et conuenit e rinitati in quantum deus Also it is writtē Dominus dixit ad me filius meus es tu in which place this name dominus Accipitur personaliter et nō essentialiter qui de patris persona precise intelligitur et in diuini generare est actus personalis et non essentialis et est notio ipssius patris Likewise ye haue to vnderstande that as in Iesus Christ is one person diuine there is in the same diuine nature humaine nature mistical nature Prima est eterna Secunda est a verbo assumpta Tertia est in Adam corrupta qui licet nō sunt altera spetie ab humanitate Christi tamen est altera secundū conditionē nature sauciate In the scriptures Iesus Christ is introduced sometimes speaking according to diuine eternal nature as when it is sayd Dominus dixit ad me filius meus est tu Sometimes speaking in the humaine nature As when he sayth In capite libri scriptū est deme et illum non est exaltatū cor meū c. And sometimes is brought in speaking according to the nature mistical corrupted So as Longe A salute meaver ba delictorum meorum et illud Delicta labiorum meorum non sunt a te abscondita The which he sayd as of the paine not touching the faulte for as much as the body mistical dyd perpetrate his true verie body dyd paye and suffer Our amitie is so lytle That our
the rest The conditions of a good king Princes ought so to recreate themselues that thereof ryse none offence Princes ought to limite their recreations In the auncient times yron was vsed in coyne It is to be noted that all lawes are reduced from three lawes Seuen maner of auncient lawes Lawes onely for Romane Senators The lawes for warre they vsed in Rome The first that made lawes for warres The procurer of the people was most priuiledged in Rome We receiue liberalitie from the Prince when he commaundeth to serue Note the great vertues of the Philosopher Licurgus Of him that brought vp one dog fat in idlenesse and in the house the other in the field To be good it doth much profite to be well brought vp A notable proclamation daily made A right worthy search Bathes and oyntmēts forbidden The authoritie of old men The disobedient sonne both chastised and disinherited A friend by fraternitie New inuentiō and the inuentors banished An honour vsed to the dead that valiantly died in the warres Gentlemen may commen but not cōtend For what causes a Gentleman may be inflamed with choler Helia is nowe Ierusalē and Byzantio is Constantinople Numantia was named of Numa Pompilius The Numantins in the warres did rather die than flee Rome was enuious of the fortune of Numantia Nine Consulles were slaine at the siege of Numantia The good Captaine ought rather loose his life than make an infamous truce In the warres vice doth more hurt thā the enimies The Numātines did eate the fleshe of the Romains To fight with a desparate man is no small perill The noble minded had rather die free than lyue a slaue The Numantines did kill their wiues and children No Numantine taken prisoner The continuance of the prosperitie of Numantia In the warres it importeth dot to write with an euill pen. More is spent to maynteyne opinion than to defende reason No excuse may excuse the losse of a battayle A iust warre is loste by an vniust captaine An euill lyfe doth come to make repayment in one day The more noble victorie is that which is obtayned by counsel thā by the sword Iron was made to eare fields and not to kill men We ought rather to make tryall by perswasion than by sworde The bloudie Captain doth finishe his days with an euill ende Iulius Cesar pardoned more enimies than he kilde It is more loued that is obteyned by request than by the sworde In tyme of warre it besemeth not a knighte to write from his house Note the right conditions of a right gētleman Is a gentleman a fault is tolerable if it be not vile The good knight hath in possessiō more armour than bookes Iudas Machabeus had rather lose his his lyfe than his fame To cōmaund many wil cost muche Note the wordes of a valiant captain To demaunde how many not where the enimies be is a signe of fear Words wordthy to be engraued on his tombe Of more value is the noble mynded expert captain than a greate armie Who was the valiāt Viriato captain of Spayne Viriato was inuincible in the warres Fewe vices are sufficiente to darken many victories Note what is due betwixte friendes Ingratitude seldom or neuer pardoned The grace that is giuen in preaching is seldome giuen in writing The hearte is more moued hearing the word of God than by reading The old lawe gaue punishment to the euill but no glorie to the good Vntill Christ none proclaymed rest For what cause Christe saide my yoke is sweete and my burden is light The propertie of a faithfull louer Perfect loue endureth all trauell Christ did not commaund vs to doe that whiche he did not first experimēt himself The worlde doth more chastise than pardon but in the house of God more pardoned than chastised In all the lawes of the world vices be permitted Christes lawes excepted The Lawe of christ is sharp vnto the wicked but easie and light to the vertuouse Daughters are to be married before they grow old The Ipineās did write the date of their letters with the superscriptiō With what paper they were wont to write Note the inck of old time Famouse eloquence of the Auctor in a base matter Notable exāples of cōtinēcie in Princes Catiline a tyrant of Rome It ought not to be written that cannot be written The inuētion of the A.B.C. The rentes of great Lords ought to be agreeable to their titles Gamsters at dice play them selues to nothing Postes in old time made great speede Euill newes neuer cōmeth to late The auctor reporteth of his linage of Gueuara To descend of a noble bloud prouoketh to be vertuous The auncient and noble Linages in Rome were much esteemed In Rome they bare no office that descended of traitours The properties of a man born of a good linage A note of the Giants of the old time The differēce betwixt the great and litle men Of a little Frier of the Abbay of Guysando Little thinges giue more offence than profite A sise is obserued in nothing but in sermōs More grauitie is required in writing thā in talking Note the breuitie of ancient writing Twoo Romane Captaines would two manner of warres The warres against Numantia was vmust The nature of warres that is to be holden iust Warres betwixt christiās dependeth of the secretes God. Eight condicions meete to be performed by a captaine generall of the warres The good knight ought to imitate his good predecessors He is not to be intituled a knight that is rich but vertuous In the talke of warres not that I haue heard but that I haue scene is most commendable for a gentleman The armes of a knight are giuen him to fight and not to behold Age and abilitie be mothers of good counsell The generous and noble mind dothe more feare to flie than to abide In soden perils it needeth not to vse lōg and delayed counsels A fort ought to be the sepulchre of the defendant If many be married they are not fewe that be repentant No married man may liue without trauell That man is miserable that is maried vnto a foolish woman Worship is not blemished by answering of a letter A Prince did write vnto a bitmaker A noble Romane did write vnto a plough man. No man is so euill in whom there is not somwhat to be praysed Negligence presumptiō be two things that loseth friends Euill nurture is hurtfull in all estates Where is money there is dispatch God doth many times bring things to passe rather by the weake thā by the strong Amongst .xij. sonnes the yongest was most excellent To lacke friends is perillous And some friends be tedious We ought rather to bewaile the life of the wicked than the death of the iust A man is to be knowne but not to be vnderstood The battell of Rauenna for euermore shall be renoumed Lesse in the warres than many other thing we haue to beleue fortune With great eloquence the aucthor declareth the nature of
fortune The words of a very friend without dissimulation Men do order warres but God onely giueth victorie To one person and one matter fortune very seldome sheweth fidelitie What he ought to do that hathe continued long in the warres There is no greater trauel than to be ignorant of quietnesse Men oughte to trauell vntill they haue wherwith to defende necessitie He is in some hatred with fortune that is not suffred to repose in his owne house It is more to know how to enioy a victory than to ouercome a battell Our greatest trauels be of our owne seeking Both wisedome and eloqueÌ„ce in writing of a letter bee discouered In the courte men doe not but vndoe In the courte ther are thinges to be wondered as also to be shunned Newes of those dayes from Italy In Italy they win not so muche money as they learne vice Eight conditions of the courte and all verie perillous In the courte more despited than dispatched Death giueth feare but not amendment The ploughman reuewing the straightnes of his forough giueth note to the wise to examin their writings A letter ought to be pleasant to reade discret to be noted God dothe more for vs in giuiÌ„g vs grace than to take away temptations God doth know what he giueth vs but we know not what to craue To haue the occasion of sinne taken awaye is no small benefite of God. To be without temptatioÌ„ is no good signe The deuil procureth great welfare vnto his dearlings Notable examples against such as do persecute Very great bee the priuileges of the vertuous He incurreth great perils that coÌ„tendeth with the vertuous The certaine before the doubtfull is to be preferted A Kintall is a hundreth waight It is better to be than to seeme to bee vertuouse The conditioÌ„s of a friends letter A text of scripture expounded Vertue the vertues by exercise be conserued God hath more regarde vnto vs than we our selues Not the suffring but the pacieÌ„ce wherwith we suffer God regardeth The teÌ„ptation of the Deuill is limited It is lesse trauel to serue God than the world Good company is more pleasant then great fare The old Romanes were superstitious Places where the good wine of Spaine doth grow Terrible notes for the rich nigard The deed do here leaue their moneye and carie awaye theyr sinnes Horrible to liue poorely to die in great wealth Strange customes in a coÌ„mon welth are perillous Notable coÌ„dicioÌ„s of a good President The wordes of the eloqueÌ„t containe great efficacie A straunge example of an Orator A text of the Psalmist expounded It is lesse euill to enuie vs thaÌ„ to pitie vs The causes of hatred of Iulius Cesar and Pompeius Enuie bendeth his artillerie against prosperitie Behold the fraternitie of enuie Courtiers loose time Iniuries don by the almightie are to bee dissembled The trefull of al men and at all times abhorred In him that gouerneth ire is perilious A notable example to reâ—traine ire An example of the heathen to be noted and learned For the doubt of vice libertie refused Libertie craueth wisdome Twelue coÌ„dicioÌ„s of Rome variyng from Christes law A condicion at be in braced A rewarde after death A darke Epitaph expounded He is depriued of libertie that discouereth a secret It staineth a Gentleman to tell a lye Fiue Knightes throwne downe Sometimes some things vnfortunat To profite by sicknes declareth great wisedome Priuileges profites obtained by sicknes Anger 's and excesse be no small enemies to health To manifest the secrets of Princes is perillous An olde Epitaph Who dyd write the historie of the Sibils The historie of the man and the Lion. Great liberalitie vsed in feastes Did acquaintance renued betwene a maÌ„ and a Lyon. The Emperour Titus talketh with a slaue A slaue and also noble was Andronicus Auarice is cause of great infamie Foure sextertios amounte to .iiij. d. Where noblenesse dwelleth no treason haunteth An extreme distresse A passing toye Beastes doe feele benefits The Lyon feedeth his Chirurgian Absence extremely lamented The slaue craueth mercie The people of Rome make humble supplication for the slaue Note the authors of the historie Of what things they murmur in the Court. Who be great murmurers The order of the noble or gentlemans house The sinne of Ingratitude before God is detestable Zorzales blackbirds He is not to be holden for noble that hath much but that geueth much The poore do reuenge with teares To forget an iniurie proceedeth of singular wisedome Things that many desire but few obtain Conditions of a good iustice The conditions of Iudges vsed to be choseÌ„ in Rome The office of Iustice is to be giuen for merit and not for affection Euill iudges do execute the purse and not the person Iudges ought to dispatche with speed and answere with pacience Humanitie to all men of the mighty is to be vsed Of all men to be noted The womans armour is hir tongue True gentilitie pitieth the distressed Brothers children A speciall aduenture The pretence of priuate profite is voyde of all good counsell A notable measure A quent of Meruedis whiche be .6 a penie amouÌ„t 2500. Ducates The harte of man is moste excelleÌ„t in his kynde CommeÌ„dable qualities A notable secret in the yere climatik A perillous time for old men Notable conditions of a noble man. A lesson for Lords The expositioÌ„ of the text To be ashamed of sinne is hope of ameÌ„dment No greter sinner than he that presumeth to be good Oracles of old time Antigonus to be noted Gods grace doth only saue vs. A benefit due to suche as serue princes Badges of Christ Withoute grace a soule is lyke a body without life To drinke of the one or of the other great choyce is to be vsed Rules for old men Conuersation for old men The exercise of good old men The notes of good old men Necessary prouision for olde men A diet for old men Temperance in old men prouoketh sleepe and auoydeth belke A conclusion with rules conuenient for old men A most certaine remedie for loue A sodaine and strange spectacle Note the eloquence of the Author The perfect condition of a friende Buried being alyue A good praise to a Gentleman The wyse man weepeth not but for the losse of a frend The honest care not to liue long but well Who is worthie of prayse The friende vnto the freÌ„d neither hideth secret nor denieth money Not in your labour but in patience Not the paine but the cause maketh the martir A poudred crane sent froÌ„ Asia to Rome Plato offended with Dionisius for eating twice on the day Seuen nations inhabited Spaine The importunat and the foole are brothers children A notable example of a pitifull Prince An answer of Cato to Ascanius The good Iudge wresteth his condition agreeable to good lawes An example for men to be intreated of other men A sugred speach A commendable eloquence Notes of Iulius Cesar of Alexander the great The order of the knights of the