them that is Freeholders and such as hold by Knight Service So in the great Court of all the Kingdome none were antiently personally called to give Judgement and advâ—se therein but such as were near to the King and bound and obliged to him by a greater Bond and Tye of Faith and Homage that is to say his immediate vassals Barones nempe cujuscunque generis qui de ipsi tenuere in Capite ut videndum est in breve de summonitione wherein they are summoned in fide homagio quibus tenentur in the Faith and Homage by which they held partim in charta libertatum Regis Johannis and Barons of any kind whatsoever which held of him in Capite as may appear by the Writs of Summons to Parliament the Charter of King John Hence the Barons of England are in our laws said to be Nati Consiliarij born Counsellors of State and Baro signifying Capitalem Vassallum majorem qui tenetur Principi Homagij vinculo seu potius Baronagij hoc est de agendo vel essendo Baronem suum quod hominem seu clientem praestantiorem significat A Baron who is a chief or Capital Vassal is bound to his Prince by the Bond of Homage or rather Baronage which is to be his Baron or man or more considerable Clyent and makes a threefold dvision of Barons who by Bracton are called Potentes sub Rege great or mighty men under the King Barones hoc est robur belli and Barons which is as much to say as the strength of War into feudal or by prescription 1. Qui a priscis feodalibus Baronibus oriundi suam prescriptione tuentur dignitatem which being discended from Antient feudal Barons do continue their dignity by prescription 2. Rescriptitios qui brevi Regio evocantur ad Parliamentum which are called to Parliament by the Kings Writs 3. Diplomaticos which are by Letters Patents and Creation and that Barones isti Feodales nomen dignitatem suam ratione fundi obtinuerunt those Feudal Barons doe hold their dignity by reason of their Lands and Tenures and that Episcopi suas sortiuntur Baronias sola fundorum investitura Bishops are Barons only by investiture of their Baronies Lands and Temporalties And the most excellently Learned Mr. Selden who was well known to be no stranger to the old and most choice Records and Antiquities of the Kingdome doth not doubt but that the Bishops and Abbots did sit in Parliament and were summoned thither only as Barons by their Tenures per Baroniam and in his Epistle to Mr. Augustine Vincent concerning his Corrections of Yorkes Catalogue of Nobility doth most learnedly prove it by many Instances besides that in â—he Case of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury in 11 H. 2. and the claime made and allowed in Parliament in 11 R. 2. by all the Bishop Abbots and Priors of the Province of Canterbury which used to sit in Parliament that de Jure et consuetuâ—ine Regni Angliae all Bishops Abbots Priors and other Prelates whatsoever per Baroniam Domini Regis tenentes holding of the King by Barony were Peers of the Parliament which agreeth with the opinion of Stamford that the Bâ—shops ne ont lieu en Parlement eins in respâ—ct de lour possessions annexes a lour dignities have no plaâ—e in Parliament but in respect of their Possessions annexed to their Dignities and that Mr. Camden saith that divers Abbots and other spiritual men formerly summonned by writ to Parliament were afterwards omitted because they held not by Barony and that it was mentioned and allowed to be good Law in a Parliament of King E. 3. que toutes les religieuses que teignent per Barony soient tenus de vener au Parlement that all the religious which hold by Barony are to be summoned to Parliament And as to the temporal Barons doth besides what he alleageth of the Thanes or Barons of England in the Saxon times that they held by personal service of the King and that their honorary possessions were called Taine-Lands and in the Norman times after denoted by Baronies and the eminent and noted Case of the Earls of Arundel claiming and allowed to be Earls of Arundel by reason of their holding or Tenure of Arundel Castle and Sir John Talbots being Lord Lisle ratione Dominij et Manerij de Kingston Lisle doth by 22 E. 3 fo 18.48 E. 3. fo 30. other good Authorityes conclude that the Tenure of a Barony is the main principal Cause of the Dignity that 130 temporal Barons by Tenure were called by several writs to assist the King cum equis Armis with horse and Armes and the spiritual being about 50 were called ad habendum servicium suum and that the greatest number of Barons during all that time were by Tenure that the most part of the Barons by Tenure and Writ untill the middle of the Raign of King R. 2. and those that were called by Writ were such as had Baronyes in Possession that the honorary possessions of Earls were called Honors and reckoned as part of their Earldoms which were holden in Capite the chief Castle or seat of the Earls or Barons were called Caput Comitatus seu Baroniae the head or chief of the Earldom or Barony and that in this sence Comitatus integer is used for a whole Earldom in the grand Charter and Bracton and Servicium quarte partis Comitatus for the fourth part of an Earldom that Hugh de Vere Earl of Oxford Magnavile Earl of Essex and divers other antient Earles were Cingulo Comitatus Gladio Comitatus cincti girt with the Girdle or sword of their Earldoms which he conceiveth to be an Investiture All which may by the Records of this Kingdom be plentyfully illustrated by very many instances and by the Rolls of the Constables and Marshals of England in which upon the March of the Army of King E. 1. towards Scotland in the 28 year of that King Humfridus de Bohun Comes Hereford Essex Constabularius Angliae recognovit per os Nichoâ—ai de Segrave Baneretti sui locum suum tenentis se acquietari per servitium suum per Corpus suum in Exercitu presenti Scotiae pro Constabularia in Comitatu Hereford Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex Constable of England declared by Sir Nicholas Segrave his Baneret and Lieutenant that he was to be acquitted for the Constabulary in the County of Hereford where it seems some Manors or Lands in that County were annexed to the said Office or held by grand Serjeanty by the Service of himself in the Army for Scotland I tem idem Comes recognovit per eundem Nicholaum Servitium trium feodorum Militum faciendum in dicto Exercitu pro Comitatu Essex per Dominos Iohannem de Ferrariis Henricum de Bohun et Gilbeâ—tum de Lindsey milites Also the said Earl acknowledgeth by the said Sir Segraveâ—â—e â—â—e Service of
Debts or charge of Children connot rationally conclude or argue the Fines to be excessive no more than a common weight or burden which may easily be born or carried by any man in health doth make it to be of a greater weight or burden because another man by reason of sicknesse or other disabilities is not able to bear or stand under it or that a reasonable or small rent which Tenants are to pay to their Landlords is therefore too much or unreasonable because a poor or decayed Tenant cannot so well bear or pay it as he was wont or as one that is thriving or before hand might doe That all Leases of above One hundred years were made to draw Wardships contrary to Law when as such or the like Collusions were by the Statute of Marlebridge prohibited and the Parliament was mis-informed for long Leases under 500. years were not made by that Court lyable to Wardships and that undue proceedings were used in the finding of Offices to make Jurors find for the King which was but to adjorne or bind them over to the Bar of the Court of Wards in case that there was any doubt of the Law or Evidence Or when the Lords and Commons in Parliament the second day of June 1642. by the nineteen Propositions which were as they alleaged for the establishment of the Kings honour and safety and the wâ—lfare and â—ecurity of his Subjects and Dominions and being granted would be a necessary and effectual means to remove those jealousies and differences which have unhappily fallen betwixt him and his people and procure both his Majesty and them a constant course of honour peace and happiness Did propose petition and advise that the Lord high Constable of England Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England Lord Treasurer Lord privy Seal Earl Marshal Lord Admiral Warden of the Cinque Ports cheif Governour of Ireland Chancellor of the Exchequer Master of the Wards Secretaries of State two cheif Justices and cheif Baron may alwayes which shewed they had no desire for the present or the future to take away the Tenures in Capite and by Knight service be chosen by approbation of both Houses of Parliament Did not conceive them to be any Disease or Gangreen in the Body Politique at the making of the 2 d. Declaration of the Lords Commons in Parliament dated the 12 th of January 1642. Concerning the Commission of Array occasioned by a book then lately published Entituled his Majesties answer to the Declaration of both Houses of Parliament concerning the said Commission of Array Printed and Published by the care of Mr. Samuel Brown then and now a Member of the House of Commons wherein many Arguments being used and if they had been grievances would not have become the Parliament to have urged or pressed them as an argument against the Kings having power to raise men by his Commissions of Array and were then so little denyed to be for the necessary defence of the King and his Subjects as they were rather taken by that Parliament to be as the hands and Arms of the bodie politique worthy a continuance perpetuity and very well deserving the good opinion which the Parliament then had of them in the expressions following We deny that there is an impossibility of defence without such power viz. the Commissions of Array And affirm that the Kingdom may be defended in time of danger without issuing such Commissions or executing such power For we say that the Law hath provided several ways for provision of Arms and for defence of the Kingdom in time of danger without such Commissions 1. All the Tenures that are of his Majestie by Barony Grand Seâ—jeanty Knight service in Capite Knight service and other like Tenures were all originally instituted for the defence of the Kingdom in time of War and danger as appears by the Statute of 7 E. 1. of Mortmain which saith servitia quae ex hujus modi feodis dâ—bentur ad defensionem Regni ab initio provisa fuerunt vide Chart. H. 1. irrotulat in libro Rubro Scac. Coke Instit. 75. Bracton 36.37 Britton 162.35 H. 6.41 Coke 8.105 Coke 6. â— Instit. 1 part 103. These Tenures in the Conquerours time were many and since they are much increased and these are all bound to find men and arms according to their Tenures for the defence of the Kingdom 2. As those Tenures are for the defence of the Kingdom so the Law hath given to his Majestie diverse Priviledges and Prerogatives for the same end and purpose that with the profits of them he should defend himself and his people in times of danger of which his Majestie is and always hath been in actual possession since his accesse to the Crown For the defence of the Kingdom his Majestie haâ—h the profits oâ— Wardships Lâ—veries Primer seisins Marriages Reliefs Fines for Alienation Customs Mines Wrecks Treasure trove Escheats Forfeitures and diverse others the like casual profits That by these he may be enabled to defend the Kingdom and that he enjoying them his Subjects might enjoy their Estates under his Protection free from Taxes and Impositions for defence Therefore it is declared 14 E. 3. chap. 1. That all the profits arising of an aid then granted to the King by his people And of Wards Marriages Customes Escheats and other profits riseing of the Realm of England should â—e spent upon the safeguard of the Realm of England on the Wars in Scotland France and Gascoigne and no places elsewhere during the Wars And the Lords and Commons in Rich. 2 time knowing the Law to â—e so did as appears â—y the Parliament â—olls 6 Rich. â— m. 42 passe a â—etition that the King would live oâ— his own Revenues and that the Wards Marriages Reliefs Forâ—â—itures and other profits of the Crown might be kept to be spent in the Wars for the defence of the Kingdom 3. If the said Tenures and casual profits rising by his Prerogative will not serve for defence but more help is necessary by the fundamental Lawes and Constitutions of this Kingdom his Majestie is intrusted with a power to summon Parliaments as often as he pleases for defence of himself and his people when his ordinary Revenues will not serve the turn And there is no other legal way when the others are not sufficient but this and this last hath been ever found by experience the most sure and successefull way for supply in time of imminent danger for defence of the Kingdom and to this the Kings of this Realm have in times of danger frequently had recourse A main end why Parliaments are called is for defence of the Kingdom and that other Supplies thâ—n thâ—se before mentioned cannot be made without a Parliament Nor was there any publique or general damage so much as supposed to be in them the first of February 1642. when in the propositions sent by those Lords Commons which remain'd in Parliament
have taken it for an addition of Honour and not any lessening to be knighted And had no cause at all to dislike such military Tenures which were not called vassalage as Common People may now mistake the word but from vassus or Cliens qui pro beneficio accepto fidem suam autori benificii obligat or from Gesell a German word which signifieth Socius or Commilito a fellow Souldier the name and profession reason and cause of it being so honourable and worthy Or to deem them to be burthens which were at the first intended and taken to be as gifts and favours which none of the sons of men who are Masters of any sense or reason do use to find fault with but may well allow them to be very far distant from Slavery when as Servitude is properly quum quod acquiritur servo acquiritur Domino when that which is gained or acquired by the servant is justly and properly the Lords and a freeman is contra-distinguished by quod acquirit sibi acquirit in that which he gaineth is his own or hath a property in it and that among the Southern Nations a more gentle and merciful bondage being paternd by that of Abraham and his successors the Patriarchs and allowed by the rules and government of God dura erat servitus Dominorum imperia gravia service or the condition of Servants was hard and the severity of Masters great who had potestatem vitae necis power of life and death over their Servants who having nothing which they could call their own but their misery were put to maintain their Masters out of their labours and enduring vilissima et miserrima ministeria all manner of Slaveries ab omni Militia arcebantur were not suffered to know or have the use of Arms apud Boreales tamen gentes justior suit semper servitus et clementior but amongst the Northern Nations there was a more just and gentle usage of their Servants for that they did devide their Lands Conquests amongst their Souldiers and Servants pactionibus interpositis inter Dominum et servientem de mutua Tutela upon certain agreements betwixt them for mutual defence Which made our English as well as other Nations abundantly contented with it as may appear by the acquiescence of them and the Normans under the Norman and next succeeding Kings and of Edward the Confessors Laws and other English customes retaining them the reckoning of it amongst their liberties fighting for them and adventuring their lives and all that they had at the making of Magna Charta and in the Barons wars wherein those great spirits as Mr. Robert Hill saith so impatient of tyranny did never so much as call in question that great and antient prerogative of their Kings or except against Tenures escuage releifs and other moderate and due incidents thereof The care taken in the Parliament of 52 H. 3. to prevent the deceiving of the Lords of their wardships by fraudulent conveyances or Leases of 18 E. 10. in the making of the statute of Quia emptores terrarum that the Feoffees or Purchasers of Lands holden of mesne Lords should hold by such services and Customes as rhe Feoffor did hold the Registring and Survey of Knights Fees by H. 2. H. 3. E. 1. E. 3. and H. 6. Escuage Aydes and Assessements in Parliament and the Marshals Rolls in time of War and necessity The esteem antiently held of the benefits and liberties accrewed by them insomuch as many have by leave of their Lords changed their Socage Tenures into Knights service and thought themselves enfranchised thereby The value put upon them by the Commons of England in the Parliament of 6. H. 4. when they petitioned the King in that Parliament that all Feoffements of Lands and Tenements holden by Knight service and done by Collusion expressed in the Statute of Marlbridge might upon proof thereof be utterly void The opinion of Chief Justice Fortescue in the raign of H. 6. in his Book de laudibus legum Angliae commending them as most necessary as well for the Common-wealth as for those and their Heirs who held their Land by such Tenures The retaining of it by the Germans who did as most of the Northern Nations saith Bodin libertatem spirare only busie themselves to gain and keep their liberty and from the time of their greatest freedom to rhis present and now also could never tell how to find any fault with them Their Princes Electors of the Empire and the Emperial Cities or Hanse townes who take thrmselves to be as free as their name of freedom or liberty doth import not at this day disdaining or repining at them the Switzers in their greatest thoughts of freedom taking their holding of the Empire in Capite to be no abatement of it The use of them by the antient Earles and Governours of Holland Zealand and West-freezland who having been very successful in their Wars without the use of Tenures in Capite or knights service but finding that ipsa virtus amara alioqui per se atque aspera praemiis excitanda videretur simul uti fisco ac Reipublicae consulerâ—tur saith Neostadius that the hardship of vertue needed to be sweetened with some rewards that the old custom of the Longobards in creating and reserving Tenures in Capite and by knights service would be not only a saving of Charges to their Treasury but a good and benefit to their Provinces or Common-wealth did create and erect such or the like Tenures And to this day by the Scotish Nation in a time and at the instant of their late obtaining if they could be thankful for them of all manner of liberties and freedom do sufficiently evince them to be as far from Slavery as they are always necessary Wherein if the primitive purpose and institution of Tenures in capite knight service and Socage be rightly considered every man may without any violence or Argument used to his reason or Judgment if self-conceitedness and obstinacy doe not choke or disturb his Intâ—lâ—â—ctuals Easily conclude whether if it were now 〈…〉 Choice he would not rather take Land by a Service or Condition only to go to warr with the King or his mesne Lord when Wars shall happen which in a Common course of accidents may happen but once or not at all in his life time then not tarry with him above forty days or less according to his proportion of Fee or Land holden to have escuage of his own Tenants if they shall refuse to go also in person with him and to have his heir if he chanced to die which in times of less Luxury happened not so often but once perhaps in three or four descents to be left in his minority to be better educated than he could have been in his life time married without disparagement and himself as well as his own Childrens estates protected Or accept of a Mannor freely granted him
Lands as much sometimes as amounted to a third part of a Shire or County were in the Nobilities or great mens possessions some of whom held of the King a 100 or more Mannors and had as many Knights Fees holden of them besides some Castles Forrests Parks and Chases or that the two Escheators which were many times all that were in England the one on this side the other beyond Trent did not nor could not so carefully look to the death of the Kings Tenants which the Statute of 14 E. 3. ca. 8. complaineth of or that the smaller sort of Lands in Capite or mean mens estates were not so much looked after And yet the old Records of the Kingdome do speak a great deal of care and looking after every part of the Kings Revenew the not mentioning in deeds or conveyances of whom or how the Land was holden the more frequent use of Feoffements with Livery seisin in former times which being not Inrolled hindred or obstructed the vigilance of the Escheators and Feodaries their sleepinesse in permitting where any one Mannor or parcel was holden in Capite many other Mannors or Lands of the same Tenure to be found in the same Inquisition by an Ignoramus of the Tenure services the craft industry of many if not most men to evade and elude as much as they can the Law or any Acts of Parliament though when they are sometimes catched they dearly pay for it Or by some other cause or reason not yet appearing many of the said Knights Fees are lost and never to be discovered the Offices post mortem now extant in the Tower of London being in the last year of the reign of King H. 3. in the beginning of whose reign they first began to be regularly found and recorded but 187. in an 35. E. 1 153. in an 20 E. 2 52. of the succeeding Kings untill the end of E. 4. when such Tenures were most valued and respected are in every year but few in number sometimes less than 200 and many times not above 300 in the most plentiful years of those times And of the Knights Fees Lands holden in Capite and by Knight service which are now to be discovered in the greatest diligence of Escheators their better looking unto them in this last Century of years where there hath been an Escheator for the most part in every County to look to the Tenures and Wardships there will not upon exact search thereof appear to be in an 21 Jac. Regis any more than 71.22 Jac. 73 in 2 Car. Regis primi 112 in 3 Car. Regis primi 85. Custodies wardships granted under the great Seal of England which in Wardships of any Bulk or concernment doe most commonly pass that way leaving those of ordinary and lesser value to passe only under the Seal of the Court of Wards and Liveryes in an 10 Car. primi not above 450 offices post mortem some of which did only entitle the King to a Livery are to be found filed returned in an 11 Car. Regis not above 580 which may give us some estimate of the small number which now remains of that huge number which former ages writers talked of that after that rate if there be 10000 Knights Fees holden in Capite there is scarce a twentieth part falls one year with another to make any profit or advantage to the King by Wardships Marriage Reliefs primer seisin c. Nor are there unless by some unluckiness or accidents commonly above one in every three or four discents in a Family holding in Capite which do die and leave their Heirs in minority then also it is either more of less chargeable to the Family as the Males shall be nearer unto or more remote from their full age of 21 or the Females to their age of 16 some of the supposed Inconveniences being prevented by an earlier marriage of the Inheritrixes or the Kings giving the honour of Knighthood to some of the Males in their minoritie which dispenseth with the value of their marriages And yet those Tenures Wardships and incidents thereunto though so antient legal and innocent in their use and institution were not without the watchful eye and â—are of Parliaments to prevent or pluck up any Grievances which like weeds in the best of Gardens or per accidens might annoy or blemish those fair flowers of the Crown Imperial as that of 9 H. 3 that the Tenant by Knight Service being at his full age when his Ancestor dyeth shall have his inheritance by the old relief according to the old custom of the Fees the Statute of Merton in anno 9 H. 3 ca 2. and 3 E. 1 ca 2â— the Kings Tenant being at full age shall pay according to the old custom that is to say five pounds for a Knights Fee or lesse according to proportion ca 4 and 5. The Keeper of the Lands of the Heir within age shall not take of the Lands of the Heir but reasonable issues customs and services without distruction and wast of his men and goods shall keep up the Houses Parks Warrens Ponds Mills and other things pertaining to the Lands with the issues of the Lands and deliver the Lands to the Heir when he comeâ—h of full age stored with Plowes and all other things at least as he recieved them ca 7. A Widdow shall have her Marriage inheritance and tarry in the chief house of her Husband forty days after her Husbands death with reasonable Estovers within which time her Dower shall be assigned if it were not assigned before The Wards shall not be married to Villains or other as Burgesses where they be disparaged or within the age of fourteen years or such age as they cannot consent to mariage and if they do and their Friends complain thereof the Lord shall loose the Wardship and all the profits that thereof shall be taken and they shall be converted to the use of the Heirs being within age after the disposition and provision of their Friends for the shame done unto them a Writ of Mortd'auncester shall be allowed to the Heir with dammages against the Lord that keepeth his Lands after he is of full age Heirs within age shall not loose their Inheritance by the neglect or wilfulnesse of their Guardians 52 H. 3. cap 7 and 16. The Lord shall not after the age of fourteen years keep a Female unmarried more than two years after and if he do not by that time marry her she shall have an Action to recover her Inheritance without giving any thing for her Wardship or Inheritance 3 E. 1 ca. 22. A Writ of Novel disseisin shall be awarded against any Escheator that by colour of his Office shall disseise any of his freehold with double dammages and to be grievously amerced Westmr. 1.3 E. 1 cap. 24 In aid to make the Son of the Lord a Knight or to marry the Daughter there shall be taken but twenty
part of the well being of the Nation not at once but at several times in several ages and several Generations support and uphold them by after Laws constitutions as That no Freeman should from thence give nor sell any more of his lands but so that of the residue of the lands the Lord of the fee may have the services due unto him which belongeth to the Fee Lands aliened in mortmaine shall accrew to the Lord of the Fee 9 H. 3. ca. 32. 36. the Ward shall pay to the Lord of the Fee the value of his marriage if he will not marry at the request of his Lord for the marriage of him that is within age say the Statute the makers thereof of meer right pertaineth to the Lord of the Fee 20. H. 3 cap. 7. The Lord shall not pay a Fine for distraining his Tenant for Services and â—ustomes 52. H. 3 cap. 3. A fraudulent conveyance to defeat the Lord of his ward shall be void cap. 6. The King shall have primer seisin neither the heir nor any other shall intrude into their Inheritance before he hath received it out of the Kings hands as the same Inheritance was wont to be taken out of his hands and his Ancestors in times past if the lands be accustomed to be in the Kings hands by Knight service or Serjeanty or right of Patronage 52. H. 3. cap. 16. If an heir marry within age without the consent of his Guardian before he be past the age of fourteen years it shall be done according as is contained in the statute of Merton and of them that marry after that age without the consent of their Guardian the Guardian shall have the double value of their marriage such as have withdrawn their marriage shall pay the full value to the Guardian for the trespass and nevertheless the King shall have like amends And if the wards of malice or by evil council will not be married by their chief Lords where they shall not be disparaged then the Lords may hold their lands and Inheritance until they have accomplished the age of an heir male that is to wit of twenty one years and further until they have taken the value of the marriage 3 E. 1.22 A Tenaent shall have a writ of mesne to acquit him of his services and if the mesne come not he shall loose the service of his Tenant 13 E. 1.9 Priority of Feoffment shall make a title for wardship cap. 16. the chief Lord shall have a Cessavit against the Tenant if he cease for two years to do his service writs of Ravishment degard allowed to the Lord and the Party offending though he restore the ward unmarried or pay for the marriage shall nevertheless be punished by two years Imprisonment 13 E. 1.35 The Feoffee shall hold his lands of the chief Lord and not of the Feoffor 18 E. 1. Quia emptores terrarum A saving to the King of the antient aydes due and accustomed 25. E. 1.6 The King shall have the wardship of his Tenant which holdeth in chief the marriage of the heir primer seisin assignement of dower to the widdow marriage of the women Tenants deviding their lands in Coparcinery holden of him and they which hold of him in Serjeanty shall pay a Fine at the Alienation 17. E. 2. A Free-man shall doe his homage to his Lord 17. E. 2. Knights Fees shall not pass in the Kings grants without special words 17 E. 2.16 he shall be answered the mesne rates of Lands coming to him by his Tenants death 28. E. 3.4 where sundry of the Kings Tenants holding of him immediately as of his Dutchy of Lancaster did by sundry Recoveries Fines and Feoffments in use defeat the King of Wardships of Body and Lands It was Enacted that the King and his Heirs shall have the Wardship and Custody of the Body and Lands of cestui que use and if they be of full age shall have relief notwithstanding any such conveyance and an exact provision made for Writs to be granted upon the imbesiling of any such Heir Rot. Parl. 22 E. 4. N. 16. 17. The Lord of Cestui que use no will being declared c. shall have a Writ of Right of Ward for the Body and Land and the Heir of Cestuique use being of full Age at the Death of his Auncestor shall pay a relief 4 H. 7.17 Avâ—wry may be made by the Lord upon the land holden of him without naming his Tenant 21 H. 8.19 And no grievance was thought be in them at the time of the making of the Act of Parliament of 27 H. 8 2. when as it was expresly provided by that Act that Tenures in Capite should be reserved to the King of all mannors lands and hereditaments belonging to Monasteries religious houses which had lands Tenements and hereditaments not exceeding the clear yearly value of two hundred pounds which he should afterwards grant for an estate of Inheritance nor did the Parliament in the 31 year of the raign of that King retract that good opinion which was formerly had of them when enacting that the King and his heirs and Successors should be put in actual possession of all mannors lands and hereditaments of any yearly value whatsoever belonging to Monasteries they saved to the King his heirs and Successors all rents services and other duties as if that act had never been made Nor in the Act of Parliament of 32 H. 8. cap. 46. For erection of the Court of wards and Liveries wherin it is acknowledged that Tenures in Capite and wardships with their incidents did of right belong to the King in the right of the Imperial Crown of this Realm In the Act of Parliament of 32. H. 8. And an explanation thereof in 34 and 35 H. 8.5 giving power to those that held lands in Capite and by Knights service to devise two parts thereof reserving to the King wardship primer seisin and Fines for alienation of the third part and Fines for alienations of the Freehold or Inheritance of the two parts The Crown being secured of the Tenure of the two parts by the statute of Quia emptores terrarum Nor at the making of the statutes of 35 H. 8.14 37 H. 8.2 Whereby the King might reserve Tenures in Socage or Capite at his will and pleasure upon grants of lands not exceeding the value of forty shillings per annum belonging to religious houses And that the Kings former right shall be saved notwithstanding any Traverse a remedy for the rents of the mesne Lords where the King hath the wardships 2 and 3 E. 6. cap. 8 And those that held by such Tenures besides the care of so many Acts of Parliament were not unhappy also in that provision of the Common Law where it was an Article or inquiry in the Eyre if any Lord novas levavit consuetudines had charged his Tenant with any new Customes if any Escheators or Subescheators had made any
themselves for their Allegiance to their King following of the Scripture their Consciences and the known Laws of the Land were notwithstanding their many Petitions and Importunities several years whilst their estates were Sequestred and taken from them kept in a starving Condition before they could be heard to litle purpose where Sons and too well descended to be so unworthy were invited to accuse their Loyal Aged Parents whom the Jewes would have rent their Clothes to have seen encouraged and made to be sharers in the spoyl of their Father Not like the Committee or Court improperly called at Salters-Hall for relief of Creditors against their imprisoned Debtors where some of those Judges and Committees if not wronged by printed Complaints were in good hopes to have made some preparations to sell the Debtors Lands to their Friends or Kindred at good Penniworths Nor like the Committee for Plundring rather than Plundred Ministers who to take away all the Benefices of England and Wales from the Tribe of Levi and confer them upon the Tribe of Issachar and their Factious and Mechanique guifted Brethren and keep out the Orthodox and learned Clergy could make their costly orders for the trial of them that were more Learned then themselves concerning the Grace of God and their utterance for Preaching of the Gospel with private and deceitful marks and litle close couched or interposed Letters hid or put under or over some other Letters whereby to intimate to their Subcommittees in the Countries that howsoever the men were without exception and found to be so upon Certificates and Examination they were to be delayed and sent from Post to Pillar and tired boâ—h in their Bodies and Purses and be sure never to be instituted and inducted But was a Court compos'd of grave learned knowing and worthy Masters of the Wards such as William Marquesse of Winchester William Lord Burghley and his Son the Earl of Salisbury and many other who made not the Court or any of the businesse thereof to Lacquy after their own Interest Had for Attorney Generalls of that Court who sate as men of Law and Judges therein and assistants to the Masters of the Wards Richard Onslow Esq afterwards Speaker of the House of Commons Sr. Nicholas Bacon Knight afterwards a most learned Lord keeper of the great Seal of England and a great Councellor of Estate to Queen Elizabeth Sr. Henry Hobart afterwards Lord cheif Justice of the Court of Common-pleas Sr. James Ley Knight and Baronet afterwards Lord cheif Justice of the Court of Kings Bench after that Earl of Marleborough and Lord Treasurer of England Sr. Henry Calthrop Knight Sr. Rowland Wandesford Knight and Sr. Orlando Bridgeman Kt. now Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common pleas all very eminently learned Lawyers and of great estates honour honesty and worth in their several generations who upon any difficult or weighty matter of Law to be discussed in that Court did usually intreat the presence and had the assistance of the Lord cheif Justices Lord cheif Baron or of any of the other learned Judges of the Land whom they should please to invite unto them where a variety of learning grave deliberations a great care of Justice and right reason most lively and clearly represented have left to posterity as guides and directions for after ages those conclusions and resolutions of cases of great learning and weight in that Court reported by the Lord Dier Cook and other learned Sages of the Law Nor were the Masters of the Wards Attorneys Auditors or Escheators loosely tied by Oaths as some of the Committee Jurisdictions were when they did swear only in general faithfully according to their best skill and knowledge to discharge the trust committed to them and would not for favour or affection reward or gift or hopes of reward or gift break the same Or as little restraining them from Acts of Oppression or Injustice as the Oath of the Controlers for the sale of the Kings and Queens lands ordered by that which called it self a Parliament 17. July 1649. The Oath of the Commissioners for managing the estates of Delinquents Sequestrations at Haberdashers-Hall Ordered by no better an Authority the 15 of April 1650. or that which by that which would be called an Act of Parliament of the 10 of December 1650. for establishing an high Court of Justice within the Counties of Norfforlk Suffolk Cambridge and Huntington for the Tryal of Delinquents was only ordered was to be taken by those that were to be the Judges that they should well and truly according to the best of their skill and knowledge execute the several powers given unto them Which bound them not from doing wrong to those whom they made to bear the burdens of all the cruelties which they could possibly lay upon them But were compassed and hedged in by Oaths as warily restraining as they were legal for the Master of the Wards was by Act of Parliament enjoyned to swear to minister Justice to Rich ond Poor to the best of his cunning and power to take no gift or reward in any Case depending before him and to deliver with speed such as shall have to do before him The Attorney was sworn truely to counsel the King and the Master of the Court and with all speed and diligence to endeavour the hearing and determination indifferently of such matters and causes as shall depend before the Master of the Wards and shall not take any gift or reward in any matter or cause depending in the same Court The Auditors sworn to make a true allowance in their Offices to every person which shall be accomptant before them and not to take or recieve of Poor or Rich any gift or reward in any matter or cause depending or to be discussed in the Court but such as shall be ordinarily appertaining to their Offices and the Escheators to treat all the people in their â—ayliwicks truely and righteously to do right to every man aswell to poor as to rich do no wrong to any man neither for promise love nor hate nor no mans right disturb do nothing whereby right may be disturbed letted or delayed and shall take their Enquests in open places and not privy And might better content the people Then when in former ages the Wardships and their disposing were left to the care and order of the Chancellour as to Thomas Bâ—cket in H. 2. time or to Hubert de Burgh Chief-Justice and Earl of Kent in the Reign of H. 3. sometimes to the Treasurers or Chamberlains most comonly let to farm by Escheators sometimes by under-Sherifs or when the next Wardships or Escheats that should happen were before hand assigned towards the payment of some of the Kings Debts as to William de Valence Earl of Pembroke in the Reign of E. 1. or that the Wardships and Escheats which should happen in 6 or 7. Counties were before hand granted to some particular man And can
to the King at Oxford to be treated upon by the Earl of Northumberland William Pierrepont Esq Sr. Wil. Armin Bulstrode Whitlock Esq their Commissioners There was nothing desired or proposed for the taking away of the Court of Wards or changing of Tenures but did conclude that if that which then was desired of the King should be granted the Royalty greatnes of his Throne would be supported by the loyal and bountyfull affections of his people their Liberties and Priviledges maintained by his Majesties protection and Justice They were no part of the Bills or Acts of Parliament sent to the King at Oxford in order to a peace in July 1648. No part of the Demands or Bills or Acts of Parliament proposed by the Parliament in the Treaty at Vxbridge betwixt them and the King 23 Novemb. 1644. And there was so litle of grievance or inconvenience or none at all to be found in Tenures in Capite and by Knight service by reason of any accidents for naturally or originally there can be none at all proved to be in them As notwithstanding the Vote of the House of Commons in Parliament made the 20 th day of September 1645. Which being less then an Embrio and no more then an opinion of the Major part of that House a recens assensio velleity desire or intention only which our Laws take no notice of was left to an after more mature deliberation when an Act of Parliament should be brought in upon it have gone through all its necessary requisites formalities and debates the Parliament it self were so litle resolved or beleiving any Grievance to be in them as the Lords and Commons by their Ordinance of the first day of November 1645. did ordain that the Master and Councel of that Court should proceed in all things belonging to the Jurisdiction of that Court according to Law And the House of Commons shortly after viz. the fourth day of November 1645. being informed that by reason of a Vote passed in that House the 20 th day of September 1645. that the Court of Wards should be taken away diverse Wardships Liveries Primer seisins and Mesne rates which theretofore fell and happened were not compounded for as they ought to be It was declared that all of them which have happened or shall fall or happen before the Court of Wards shall be put down by the Parliament shall be answered to the Common-wealth and the Master and Councel of that Court were required to proceed accordingly so as it extended not to any whose Auncestors being Officers or Souldiers have been slain or died in the service of the Parliament But the 24 th of February 1645. upon occasion of a debate concerning the Wardship of the Son of Sir Christopher Wray who dyed as they said in the service of the Parliament an Ordinance was brought in and made by the Lords and Commons for the taking away of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service which saith one of their allowed Mercuries was first given to the Crown for defence of the Kingdom but the Parliament would take care for other supplies But that Ordinance notwithstanding was so little liked of as that without the giving satisfaction which they promised to the Nobility Gentry and Mesne Lords for the losse of their Tenures by Knight service and satisfaction to the most part of the Officers of the Court of Wards it was no more or not much thought of but lay from that time in a slumber untill the first of August 1647. when the mighty Mechanicques of the Army driven on by their ignorant and seditious Agitators who were but the Engines of Cromwell's lurking and horrid designs had by their Remonstrances like Wolves cloathed in Sheep-skins bleated and seemed to thirst only after godly and purified Reformations and Hewson the Cobler and Pride the Drâ—yman and others of the Colledge of their nâ—w â—apientia busying themselves in State as well as Parliament affairs and thombing the Scriptures and the English Translations of Livy and Plutarch at the wrong end thought every one of themselves to be no less than a Solon and Lycurgus admired Agrarian Laws and other old exploded grievances dreamed they were excellent Politiques and not knowing our good old Laws but suspecting them as well they might to be averse and no well-wishers to their ungodly and worse than Machiavillian devices did all they could to destroy them root and branch and at the same time when in their New-England Phrase they held forth a more than ordinary Care of the Kings Honour and Dignity and the freedom rights and interests of the seduced people proposed or commanded rather that the Ordinance for taking away the Court of Wards and Liveryes be confirmed by Act of Parliament provided his Majesties Revenues be not damnified therein nor those that held Offices in the same left without Reparation some other way Which howsoever it were to the remaining and small part of that Parliament who durst not say it but found themselves under a force which against many of their willâ— had undertaken to be their Guard and safekeeping a motive or spur enough to make them put that Vote and ordinance against the Court of Wards and Liveries inâ—o an Act as they would call it of Parliament after 10000 l. given paid to the Master of the Court of Wards for the loss of his place 5000 l. to Sr. Roland Wandesford Atturney General of that Court 6000 l. to Sr. Benjamin Rudiard Surveyer General 3500 l. to Charles Fleetwood late Governour of the destroying Committee of Safety for his supposed loss by the Receiver Generals place of that Court which he pretended he ought to enjoy by a Sequestration from Sr. Will. Fleetwood his Brother who was then attending his Master the King at Oxford and to Mr. Bacon 3000 l. for a pretended loss of his Office for the making and ingrossing of Licences or pardons for alienation all of them but Sir Roland Wandesford being Members of Parliament it did without any mention made or remedy provided for those only supposed Evils in Tenures in Capite and Chivalry in the Billsor intended Acts of Parliament which were sent to the King the 3 of March 1647. when he was at Holmby under a restraint fall asleep for many years after and left all other to expect their satisfaction upon the Parliaments promises and further proceedings And there was so little cause for putting that Sentence in execution against them in the judgment opinion of some of the most knowing sort of the Arraigners of antiquity and the actions of their more understanding fore-fathers as Mr. Nathaniel Bacon in his Historical discourses of the uniformity of the Government of England under the Britain Saxon Danish Norman and other Kings of this Isle until the reign of King E. 3. published in Anno 1647. and in his 2 part from King E. 2. until the end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth printed in Anno 1651. in a
design to make all or most of the Actions of those our Kings and Princes and the Nobility and Clergy in their several reigns for at all of them like one of the Ephori sitting in Censure rather than Judgement upon the Spartan Kings and Government and the Acts of Parliament made in the several Reigns of those Kings he aimed and flung his Fancies clad in a sober Stile and Gravity rather than any Truth or Reason by pretending that they were made and contrived only under their influence to be arbitrary and oppressive to the freeborn people of this Nation for which he got several Preferments under Oliver the Protector of our burdens miseries Though if the Records and Journals of our Parliaments may be credited as certainly they ought to be before him most if not all of our Acts of Parliament were granted and assented unto by our Kings upon the Petitions of the Commons representing the people in Parliament as â—alsoms and great Remedies and redresses of all that they could complain of deliverances from the oppressions frauds and deceipts of one another and prevention of evils which might happen to them and their posterities wherein our Kings have almost in every Parliament given away many diminished very much of their own just legal Rights and prerogatives by granting and confirming their Liberties and Estates with such an infranchisement and freedom as no Nation or people under Heaven now enjoyes And when as heretofore in former Parliaments they gave to their Kings Princes many times too unwillingly any aydes or Subsidies were sure besides the blessings which accrewed to them by many good Laws and wholesome Acts of Parliament to gain a great deal more by their Acts of grace and general pardons only then the aids and Subsidies did amount unto Unlesse it were in the Reign of King H. 8. when the Abby Lands were granted unto him in the raign of King E 6. when the Chanterie remaining peices of those religious Lands were given to him wherein only the Founders and the religious to whom they properly belonged were the only loosers and yet by reason of King H. 8. his Endowments and erection of the Bishoppricks of Oxford Peterborough Chester Gloucester and Bristol the Colledge of Christ-Church in Oxford and the Deanary of Westminster Deanries and Prebends of Canterbury Winchester Worcester Chester Peterburgh Oxford Ely Gloucester Bristol Carlile Durham Rochester and Norwich and his large gifts and grants to divers of the Nobility who had formerly been the Founders or great Benefactors to many of the Abbyes and Prioryes and also to other of his people and the grants of E. 6. Queen Eliz. and King James considered very little of those Lands and Revenues doe at this time continue in the Crown And our many Acts of Parliament against Mortmaines without the Kings Licence Provisions by the Pope or any appeales to be made to him under the most severe penalties of Premunire the Act of Parliament taking away the Popes Supremacy the fineing and putting the Clergy of the Provinces of Canterbury and York under Premunires by King H. 8. An Oath of Renunciation of all fealty and appeales to the Pope an Engagement to observe all Lawes made against his Power the losse of 72 Mannors or Lordships out of the Revenues of the Arch-bishopprick of York and of sundry great Mannors and Possessions taken from the Sees of Canterbury Ely and London The demolishing and dissolution of Religious Houses 3845. Parochial Churches being more than a third part of all the Churches in England impropriated and gotten into the hands of the Laity many of the Vicarages confined to the small and pittiful maintenance of some 20 l. per Annum others 10 and some but 6 l. per An. several Acts of Parliament made in the reigns of several other Kings and Princes clipping the Clergies Power in making Leases or chargeing their Benefices with Cure restraining their taking of Farms forbidding Pluralityes intermedling as Commissioners in Lay or Temporal Affairs or to make Constitutions in their Synods or Convocations without the Kings Assent may declare how little power for some hundreds of years past the Clergy of England have before or since the Reformation either encroached upon or been able to get or keep Finds not in his mistaken Censures and Distortions of most of the Acts of our Kings and Parliaments to make way in the deluded peoples minds for the erecting of Olivers Protean and Tyranical Government Any fault with the erection of the Court of Wards and Liveries nor with Tenures or Wardships but justifying them sayes that the relief paid by the Tenant upon the death of his Ancestor was in memorial of the first Lords favour in giving him the Land and was first setled in the Saxons times that the Law of Wardship may seem more antiently seated in this Kingdom than the Normans times that Wardship was a fruit of the Service of the Tenant and for the defence of the Kingdom Which that Parliament or the following Conventions or Assemblies made no hast to overturn or take away until Oliver Cromwel that Hyaena or Wolf of the Evening having filled the Kingdom with Garrisons several Regiments of Horse and Foot amounting to 30000. men which were to be constantly maintained at the peoples charge to keep them quiet in their slavery had upon the humble petition and advice of that which he called his Parliament acknowledging with all thankfulness the wonderful mercies of God in delivering them from that Tyranny and Bondage both in their Spiritual and Civil Governments which the late King and his party which in a Fog or Mist of sin and delusion they were pleased most injuriously to averre and charge upon them designed by a bloody War to bring them under when as then they were under none and all but the gainers by the spoyles of those Wars have since had more Burdens Grievances and Taxes entailed upon them then ever was in any Nation in Christendome allowed him in a constant Revenue for support of the Government and the safety and defence of the Nations of England Scotland and Ireland a yearly Revenue of thirteen hundred thousand pounds whereof ten hundred thousand pounds for the Navy and Army which far exceeded thaâ— which accrewed to the Crown or Kings of England by Wardships Tenures and Ship-mony which were but casual and upon necessity and but at some times or seldome and alwayes less by more than eight parts in ten of those justly to be complained of awful and yearly Asessements Procured the Assembly or Parliament so called in Anno 1657. to awake that sleeping Ordinance and dresse it into an Act as he called it of Parliament wherein It was without any Cause or Grievance expresâ— or satisfaction given or promised to those that remained the loosers by it enacted that the Court of Wards and Liveries and all Wardships Primer seisins and Oustre le maines and all other charges incident and arising for
example of Magistracy put any grievance upon the people when as in the re-building of Ierusalem and to repell the Enemies and hinderers thereof there being as much necessity to defend a City or Commonwealth after it is built or established as it can be in the building framing or repairing of it he ordered the one half of the servants to work and the other to hold the Spears the shields Bows and Habergeons and every one of the builders had his Sword girded by his side and the Nobles were appointed when the Trumpeter should sound that stood by Nehemiah because they were separated one from another to resort thither unto him upon occasion of â—ight or danger and did after their work finished cause the Rulers of the people to dwell at Jerusalem and out of the rest of the people by lot to bring one of every Tribe to inhabit and dwell in there such as were valiant or mighty men of valour and had for overseers the principal and most eminent men and Zabdiel the Son of one of the mighty men David did not turn aside from God nor bind heavy burdens upon the people because he had mighty men about him and that Joshebbassebet the Tachmonite sate like a Constable or Marshal of England chief amongst the Captains nor did Solomon bruise the broken Reeds because he had many Princes and great Officers under him as Benajah the Son of Jehoiada who served his Father David and was Captain over his Guard was over the Host Azariah the Son of Nathan over the Officers like as in England a Lord great Chamberlain or Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold Zabud the Son of Nathan Principal Officer and Aâ—ishar as a Treasurer or Comptrouler over the Houshold none of which could take it for any injury to enjoy those great Offices and places during the Kings pleasure but would have esteemed it to have been a greater favour if they had a grant for life and most of all and not to be complained of to have it to them and to their Heirs or after Generations for that all good things and blessings by a natural propension and custom amongst the Sons of men are very desireable to be continued and transmitted to posterity and the sacred Volumes have told us that it is a reward of wisdom and vertue to stand before Princes Nor was it any dishonour to the men of Judah and people of Israel that the Queen of Sheba wondring even to astonishment at the Attendance of Solomons Servants and Ministers and his Cup bearers or Butlers as the Margin reads it pronounced them happy that stood continually before him Or to the Subjects of Ahasuerus who reigned from India to Ethiopia over an hundred and seventeen Provinces that besides his seven Chamberlains or Officers of honour he had the seven Princes of Persia and Media which saw the Kings face and sate the first in the Kingdom Nor any to our heretofore happy Nation enjoying in a long Series and tract of time an envied peace and plenty under famous and glorious Kings and Princes that they did give Places Castles Mannors and Lands of great yearly values to certain great and well-deserving men and their Heirs to serve in great Imployments Solemnities and Managements of State-affairs to the honour of their Soveraigns and the good safety of the People in the Offices of great Chamberlain high Steward Constable or Marshal of England chief Butler of England and the like For when the guift of the Land it self was a great kindness it must needs be a greater to have an honourable Office Imployment annexed to it that an act of bounty done by a Prince in giving the Land should oblige the claim or receiving a far greater in the executing of that Office or Attendance which belonged to it And could have nothing of affinity to a burden when as besides the original guift of the Lands which were very considerable and to be valued many of those personal services by grand Serjeanty were not unprofitable or without the addition or accession of other Bounties and Priviledges as the guift to the Lord great Chamberlain of forty yards of Crimson Velvet for his Robes upon the Coronation day the Bed and furniture that the King lay in the night before the silver Bason and Ewer when he washed his hands with the Towels and Linnens c. The Earl Marshal to have the granting of the Marshals and Ushers in the Courts of Exchecquer and Common Pleas with many other guifts and Priviledges and Dymock who holds some of his Lands by the service of being the Kings Champion and to come upon the Coronation day into Westminster-Hall on Horse-back compleatly armed and defie or bid battel to any that shall deny him to be rightful King of England is to have the Kings best Horse and were not in the least any charge to the people or laid upon them as Cromwel did the stipends of his mock Lords or Officers of his imaginary Magnificence to be paid out of the publick Purse or Taxes as were the self created Lords of his Counsel who had 1000 l. per an for advising him how to fool the people build up himself by the wickedness of some and ruines of all the rest or as the Lord so called Pickering or Chamberlain of his Houshold and the quondam would be Lord Philip Jones who was called the Comptrouler of his Household had to buy them white staves to cause the people to make way and gape upon them No Prejudice to the Common-wealth that the Beauchamps Earls of Warwick did hold Land by right of inheritance to be Panterer at the Kings Coronation and to bear the 3 Sword before him the Duke of Lancaster before that Dutchy came again into the possession of the Kings of England to bear before him the sword called Curtana or the Earls of Derby as Kings of the Isle of Man to bear before the King at his Coronation the Sword called Lancaster which Henry the 4 th did wear when he returned from exile into England or for the Earl of Arundel to be chief Butler of England the day of the Coronation No disfranchisement to the City of London that some Citizens of London chosen forth by the City served in the Hall at the Kings Coronation assistants to the Lord chief Butler whilst the King sits at Dinner the day of his Coronation and when he enters into his Chamber after Dinner and calls for Wine the Lord Mayor of London is to bring him a Cup of Gold with Wine and have the Cup afterwards given to him together with the Cup that containes water to allay the Wine and that after the King hath drunck the said Lord Mayor and the Aldermen of London are to have their Table to Dine at on the left hand of the King in the Hall Or to the Barons of the Cinque Ports who claim are allowed to bear at the Kings Coronation a Canopy â—f cloth
the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury by agreement and composition made betwixt the said Earl and Boniface Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in the raign of King H. 3. by the service of four Knights Fees and to be high Stewards and high Butlers to the Arch-Bishops of that See at their Consecration taking for their service in the Stewardship seven competent Robes of Scarlet thirty gallons of Wine thirty pound of Wax for his light livery of Hay and Oates for eighty Horse for two nights the Dishes and Salt which should stand before the Arch-Bishop in that Feast and at their departure the dyet of three dayes at the cost of the Arch-Bishop at four of his then next Mannors wheresover they would So that the said Earls repaired thither but with fifty Horse and taking also for the Office of Butlership other seven like Robes twenty gallons of Wine fifty pound of Wax like livery for sixty Horses for two nights the Cup wherewith the Arch-Bishop should be served all the empty Hogsheads of Drink and for six Tun of Wine so many as should be drunk under the Bar all which services were accordingly performed by Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford at the Inâ—hronization of Robert Winchelsey Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and by the same Earl to Arch-Bishop Reignolds by Hugh Audley afterwards Earl of Gloucester to John Stratford Arch-Bishop of Canterbury by the Earl of Stafford to whom the Lordship of Tunbridge at length came to Simon Sudbury Arch-Bishop of that See and by Edward Duke of Buckingham to William Warham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and executed the Stewardship in his own person and the Butlership by his Deputy Sr. Thomas Burgher Knight No disparagement to the Knightly family of the Mordants in the County of Essex that they hold the Mannor of Winslowes in Hempsteed in the said County of the Earls of Oxford by the service of a Knights Fee and to be his Champion and to come to the Castle of Hedingbam the day of the Earls mariage riding in compleat harness to Defie or bid Battel to any that should deny him to be Earl of Oxford and to see what order was kept in the Hall there which Robert Mordant Esq performed in his own person the 14 th day of December in the 14 th year of the raign of Queen Eliz. being the day of Edward Earl of Oxford's marriage though it was not there solemnized Or to Sr. Giles Allington the Auncestor of the now Lord Allington to hold his Mannors called Carbonnels and Lymberies in Horsed in the County of Cambridge by the service of a Knights Fee and a half and to attend upon the Earl the day of his marriage and to hold his stirrop when he goeth to horseback which service he performed in person at White-Hall the 14 th day of December in the 14 th year of the raign of Queen Eliz. being the marriage day of the said Edward Earl of Oxford in the presence of the Earls of Bedford Huntington and Leicester the Lord William Howard Lord Chamberlain of the Queens houshold and the Lord Burleigh c. Those Dreams or Fancies of Grievances by Tenures in Capite and Knight Service were never presented in those thousands of Court Leets or Law daies which twice in every year now for almost 600 years since the Conquest and very long before made it a great part of their businesse to enquire upon oath of Grievances Extortions and Oppressions Nor in those yearly grand enquests to the like purpose which have been twice in every year for many hundreds of years past by the oath of the most sufficient Knights Gentlemen and Free-holders of the County of Middlesex It neither was nor is nor can by any reasonable intendment be taken to be a grieveance to do or perform that which by the Laws of God Nature and Nations the Laws reasonable Customs and the fundamental Laws of England hath so often and through all times and ages and the memory of man and Records which are monumenta veritatis vetustatis ever been allowed repeated and confirmed in Parliament without the least of any contradiction or repeal and is but upon necessity and occasion to defend the King themselves their Country Friends and Neighbours and to do that which every Gentleman and such as are e meliori Luto of the more refined Clay and better born bred than the vulgus or common sort of people would be willing to do as that learned French Lawyer Bâ—issonius well observeth Qu' en la necessite de guerre toutes lâ—s gentilz hommes sont tenus de prendre les Aâ—mes pâ—ur la necessite du Roy That in necessity of War every Gentleman is bound to take Arms and go to the Wars for the defence of the King which by our Laws of England is so to be encouraged as it is Treason to kill any man that goeth to aid the King in his Wars and is no more than what the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy doth bind every Englishman unto though they should tarry in the Camp more than forty days or not have Escuage or any allowance of their charges from their own Tenants and is but that duty which Deborah and Baruch believed that every Subject was bound to perform when they cursed Meroz not as some of our Pulpit Incendiaries did when they traiterously inverted the Text to encourage the people to fight against their King in that they came not forth to battel to help the Lord against the mighty and the loyal Uriah would not forget when the King himself could not perswade him to go into his own House to eat and to drink and lye with his Wife when the Ark and Judah and Israel abide in Tents and his Lord Joab and the Servants of his Lord were incamped in the open field and which the good old Barzillai in the rebellion of Absolom against his King and Father David thought was incumbent upon him when he could not bring his loyal mind to think it to be enough to provide the King of sustenance while he lay at Mahanami unlesse when he himself was fourscore years old and could not taste what he eat or drank he also should come down from Rogelim and go as he did with his Son Chimham over Jordan with the King to conduct him and would not accept of the Kings offer or reward to live with him at Jerusalem which those that hold in England their Lands and goodly Revenues by those beneficial Tenures in Capite of a free guift and in perpetuity may be said to do and have more also then was offered Barzillai for the remainder of an old and worn-out life but sayes why should the King recompence it with such a reward And is but the performance of the original contracts made betwixt the kind Donors and the thankful Tenants and the observing of faith and promises which is the ingens vinculum and next unto the Divine Providence the grand support of the world
any Court or Rule of Justice is a reasonable Fine commonly adjudged or estimated at two years value and either certain or uncertain are to be paid at the death or alienation of every Tenant which doe as in Socage happen more often and constantly than that of Escuage and Knight Service and have many Payments Forfeitures Restraints and Dependencyes attending that kind of Estate and Inheritance as in some places the Heir to forfeit his Land if after three Solemn Proclamations in three several Courts he comes not in payes his Fine and prayes to be admitted or shall without any reasonable cause of absence wilfully refuse to appear after summons at his Lords Court Baron or to be sworn of the homage or denie himself to be a Coppy-holder payeth not his Fine when it is assessed or sues a Replevin against his Lord distraining for Rent-service payes not his Rent or permits or commits voluntary wast by plucking down an antient built house and building up a new in the place or cutting Timber without licence may be fined or amerced if he speak unreverently of his Lord or behave himself contemptuously towards him is at his Death to pay his best beast or if he hath none the best peice of his housholdstuffe for a herriot and in some places for it varies according to several customes is to give the Lord a certain sum of mony every month during Wars to bear his charges cannot be sworn of the Homage or bring a plaint in the nature of an Assize untill he be admitted Tenant to his Land the Wife shall not have her Bench or Life in her Husbands Copyhold Estate if she marry without Licence of the Lord and in some places if she will redeem it must come riding into the Court upon a â—lack Ram or as in the manner of South Peveâ—ton in Somersetshire being an anâ—ient Dâ—mesne where a Widdow convicted of Fornication shall as an Escheat to the Lord of the Mannor forfeit all her Lands and Goods and the Tenant is by a peculiar custom in some places before he can inforce his Lord to admit any one to his Coppyhold to make a prosfâ—r thereof to the next of the blood or to his Neighbours ab orientesole inhabiting Eastward of him who giving as much as another is to have it and many more inconveniencies and unpleasing customes not here remembred which they who in the Raign of H. 3. and E. 1. Or when Bracton and Fleta wrote were but Tenants at the will of the Lord and by an accustomed and continued charity fixed and setled upon them and their Heirs are now become to be the owners of a profitable and well to be liked inheritance secundum consuetudinem manerij according to the custome of the Mannor could never by any manner of Reason or Justice require a better usage oâ— find the way to complain of untill our late horrid and irrational Confusions when Injustice accused Iustice Oppression complained of Rightâ— and the wickedest oâ— Gains was called the refined Godlinesse and when they got so much incouragement as in the height of a grand and superlative ingratitude to cry aloud and clamour against their Lords who were nothing else but their good and great Benefactors and would make as many as they could beleive that their Coppyhold Estates which were great Acts of Charity in the time of the Saxons were now nothing lesse than Norman Slaveries Are better also than Estates for lives or years which are not unless in case of a seldome happening minority which is otherwise recompenced so happy in their conditions as Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service but are more clogged and incumbred with Covenants or operation of Law then Knight Service as the Tenant to be punished with treble dammage and a forfeiture of Locum vastatum the place wasted for wast committed or permitted to be done in but cutting down an Apple tree in an Orchard or a few Willows or other Trees that grow about the House or plowing up land that was not arrable cannot Assigne his Term or make a Lease of part of it or cut down Timber of Wood without leave of his Lord is stinted to his fewel or firewood and to have so many Loads only to burn is not to carry any dung of the ground is to forfeit his Lease if he pay not his Rent if demanded at the time appointed and many times strict Nomine Penaes for every day after in which it shall be unpaid must carry so many loads of Wood or Coal every year for his Land-lord pay quarters of Wheat Rent Capons a Boar or Brawn a Mutton or fat Calf and the like renewing thereby again the old kind of Socage by their own Covenants or for their own conveniency agreeing to find so many men furnished with Pikes or Musquets in the service of their Land-lords in the time of Wars which was not long agoe done in Ireland by some Tenants of the late Lord Conway which is no lesse then a Military Tenure Wardships and Marriage only expected And whether for lives or years doe live under as many other harsh and uncomfortable Covenants and Conditions as the warinesse distrust or griping of their Land-lords will put or enforce upon them which he that hath not the property of the Land which he renteth and knows it to be none of his own is to endure the more patiently because if he will not take it or hold it so another will be glad to do it and that Covenants and Obligations which were at first but voluntatis at the Tenants will and pleasure before they were entered into do afterwards as the Civil Law saith become to be necessitatis and cannot be avoyded So as Tenures in Capite and Knight service being more beneficial and most commonly less troublesome and incumbred than either Socage or Copyhold Tenures or Estates for lives or years which are more than two parts of three of the Lands of the Kingdom and are yet well enough endured purchased and daily sought for and when all is said that can be truly and rationally alleadged for any good that is in them that in Capite and by Knight service being the most noble and best of Tenures will weigh heavier in the ballance of any reasonable impartial or knowing mans understanding it cannot be imagined from which of the many points of the compasse or Card of the vulgar and unruly apprehensions the Wind or Heriâ—an of the complaints can come which are made against them unless any should be so bruitish as to think the payments of Rent to their Land-Lords or the performing of their oaths when they make Fealty or their Covenants Promises or Contracts are a grievance And therefore until upon any account of truth or reason a just and more than ordinary care of the King shall be reckoned to be a Curse Favour a Fault Protection a Persecution Benefits shall be taken for Burdens Blessings for Bondage performance of promises a Sin and compelling of them an
prove to be of evil consequence if any of our new Socage men should like the Snakes thinking themselves the younger by casting off their Skins fancy in their old or the next factious humour they shall meet with that they are only to pay their rent and doe the services belonging to their Lands but are not bound to pay that principal part of their natural as well as sworn Allegiance to take Armes to defend the King and the Kingdome more especially when they shall hold their Lands in libero et communi Socagio et pro omnibus servitiis per fidelitatem tantum in free and common Socage by fealty for all services which may be more than a litle prejudicial to the Kingdome and the salus populi safety of the people so much fought for as was pretended to exchange the men of Armes and such as are fit for war as the Tenures in Capite doe truly and not feignedly import for those that shall claim exemption from wars and are by all nations understood to be the unfittest for it when those that by Tenure of their Lands and by reason of their Homage and Fealty were alwayes ready and bound to doe it and those that by a fealty not actually or but seldome taken will suppose themselves not to be bound at all unto it but being most disloyal will as some thousands of Phanatiques have lately done imagine themselves to be most faithful and where the Knight Service men were to forfeit their Lands so holden if they did not doe their service within two years or pay Escuage assessed by Parliament if they went not when they were summoned or sent another in their stead the new or old Socage men shall be under no manner of penalty of forfeiture at all Which may seem to be the cause that England and all other Civilized and well constituted Nations Kingdoms did put that value upon Homage of which there is some likeness of Fealty also in that of the Princes mighty men of Israel and all the Sons likewise of King David submitting themselvs at his command unto Solomon giving the hand under Solomon as the margent renders like that Oath of Abrahams Steward as they understood it to be of the Essence of Soveraignty the great Assistant and preserver of it and the Bond of Obedience fixed and radicated in the interest of mens Estates kept in and guarded by their fear of loosing them And made our Kings so highly prize the Homages of their Subjects and conceive them to be the Liaisons or fastenings that kept their Crowns fast upon their heads as King H. 2. when he had unadvisedly made his Son Henry King in his life time caused the English Nobility to do Homage unto him and R. 1. returning out of Captivity had found that his Brother Iohn had almost stollen into his Throne caused himself to be Crowned the second time and took the Homages of his Nobility and our Kings have been heretofore so careful as alwayes at their Coronation to take the Homages of their Nobility and after a vacancy of a Bishoprick not to restore the Temporalties until the succeeding Bishop shall have done his Homage And appears to be no lesse valued by Foreign Princes when as Phillip King of France would and did to his cost refuse to receive the Homage of our King E. 3. by proxie but compelled him to do it in his own person for the Dutchy of Aquitain and an Arch-Duke of Austria was constrained in person to do his Homage to the King of France between the hands of his Chancellor for Flan-Flanders and the now Emperor of Germany hath lately and most industriously travailed through many of his Dominions and Kingdoms to receive the personal Homages of the Princes and Nobility thereof and not omitted to go to Gratz and Carinthia to have it as formally as really done unto him And was such a Jewel in their Crowns as they could sometimes to pacifie the greatest of their troubles by the Seditions and Rebellions of their Subjects find no greater or fitter a pawn or security to assure the performance of their promises and agreements than an absolving their Subjects from their Homage and Obedience which were as Synonimes or of one and the same signification in case of Breach of promises as our King Henry the 3 d. did in his necessities to Richard Marshal Earl of Pembroke that he should be freed from his Homage Si rex pactum suum violaret if the King should break his agreement and as the Antient Earls of Brabant are said to have done in their Reversals or Grants to their Subjects if they should infringe their Liberties or Privileges Which the seditious party that deposed King Richard the 2 d. knew so well to be a grand Obligation or Tye which Kings had upon their Subjects as they put themselves to the trouble of inventing a new trick of Treason solemnly in the name of the three Estates of the Kingdom viz. Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons to renounce their Homages Fealties and Allegiance and all Bonds Charges and Services belonging thereunto which would have been to as little purpose as it was contradictory to all the Rules of Right Reason and Justice if they had not forced the distressed imprisoned King by a publick instrument upon Oath to absolve all his Subjects a Juramento fidelitatis homagiis omnique vinculo ligeanciae from their Oaths of Fealty and Homage and all Bonds of Allegiances and to swear and promise never to revoke it and is so precious inestimable of so high a nature so useful and of so great a value as nothing but the Kingdom it self can be equivalent unto it And our Nobility did so esteem of the Homage and Service of their Tenants and build as is were their Grandeur and Power upon it as they did antiently grant one to another Homagium Servicium of such and such Tenants Maud the Empresse gave to Earl Alberick de vere servicium decem militum the Service of ten Knights An Earl of Leicester gave to Bygod Earl of Norfolk ten Knights Fees which after the manner of those times may with reason enough be conceived to be only the Homage and Service of so many for the purchase of the Office of Lord high Steward of England and John Earl of Oxford in the Reign of H. 7. did at his Castle of Hedingham in Essex actually receive the Homages of many worthy Knights and Gentlemen that held of him May very much prejudice in their Dignities and Honors as well as Estates the antient Earls and Barons of this Kingâ—om by taking away Tenures in capite changeing them and Knight service Tenures into Socage when as the Earls of Arundel do hold the Castle and Rape of Arundel which is the Honor and Earldom it self by the Service of 84. Knights Fees the Earldom of Oxford is holden by the Service of 30 Knights Fees and that by a modus
tenendi Parliamentum so beleived to be true that King John caused it when he sent our English Laws into Ireland to be exemplified and sent thither under the Great Seal of England it is said that every Earldom consisteth of 21 Knights Fees and every Barony of 13 Knights Fees and a third part of a Knights Fee and were of such a value and esteem as they were wont heretofore to bring Actions and Assizes for them and their Homage and Services And so litle lesse in France as the wealth of that great and populous Kingdom is not as may be rationally supposed enough to purchase of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom the transmutation of their Fiefs nobles into the Roturier or Feifs ignobles nor are the Princes or Nobility of Germany likely to be perswaded out of their antient Rights and Tenures into that of the Boors or common sort of People The Nobility and Gentry of England when their Military Tenures and Dependencies shall be taken from them will not upon necessities of War and Danger according to the Tenures of their Lands their Homages and Oaths of Allegiance and their natural and legal Allegiance be able to succour or heâ—p their Prince and Father of their Country their Defender and Common Parent as they have heretofore done when as they stoutly and valiantly helped to guard their Standard and Lions but for want of those which held Lands of them and the Tenures by Knight service will be forced to abide with Gilead beyond Jordan and not be able to imitate their noble Ancestors nor each or any of them bring to his Service three Bannerets sixty one Knights and one hundred fifty four Archers on Horseback as Thomas de Bello campo Earl of Warwick did to E. 3. in anno 21. of his Raign at the Seige of Caleis or as the Earl of Kildare did to King E. 3. in the 25 th year of his Raign when he besieged Calice when he brought one Banneret six Knights thirty Esquires nineteen Hoblers twenty four Archers on Horseback and thirty two Archers on foot It will take away the subjection of the Bishop of the Isle of Man who holdeth of the Earl of Derby as King of the Isle of Man and not of the King of England and therefore cometh not to Parliament Take away from the King Nobility and Gentry who have Lands holden by Knight service all Escheats of such as die without Heirs or forfeit or be convicted of Felony and the Kings Annum diem vastum year day and wast where the Lands are holden of Mesne Lords the Escheats of those that held of Kings imediately being so considerable as the Castle of Barnard in Cumberland and the Counties of Northumberland and Huntington which the Kings of Scotland sometimes held of England came again to the Crown by them and the power which King Edward 1. had to make Baliol King of Scots and to determine the competition for that Kingdom was by reason it was held of him the Earldoms of Flanders and Artois were seised by Francis the 1. as forfeited being Fiefs of the Crown of France Flanders and many other Provinces forced to submit themselves upon some controversies to the Umpirage of France of whom they held Enervate at least if not spoil our original first Magna Charta which was grante by H. 3. tenendum de se heredibus suis and all our Liberties and the many after confirmations of that Magna Charta will be to seek for a support if it shall be turned into Socage the Libâ—rties also of the City of London all other antient Cities and Boroughs and such as antiently and before 9 H. 3. did use to send Burgesses unto Parliament Alter if not destroy the Charter of K. R. 1. granted to the City of London for their Hustings Court to be free of Toll Lastage through all England and all Sea-Ports with many other Priviledges which were granted to be held of the King and his Heirs and the same with many other immunities granted confirmed by King John with a Tenure reserved to him and his Heirs for where no Tenure is reserved nor expressed though it should be said absque aliquo inde reddendo it shall be intended for the King and the Law will create a new Tenure by Knight service in Capite A Socage Tenure for Cities and Boroughs which have no Ploughs or intermedle not with Husbandry will be improper when as there is not any fictio juris or supposition â—in Law which doth not sequi rationem so follow reason or allude unto it as to preserve the reason or cause which it either doth or would signify but doth not suppose things improper or which are either Heterogeneous or quite contrary Put into fresh disputes the question of precedency betwixt Spain England which being much insisted upon by the Spaniard at the treaty of peace betwixt the two Kingdoms in anno 42. of Q. Eliz. at Calice occasioned by the contests of the Embassadour of Spain and Sir Henry Nevil Embassadour for England it was argued or adjudged that England besides the arguments urged on its behalf viz. Antiquity of Christian Religion more authority Ecclesiastical more absolute authority Political eminency of royal dignity and Nobility of blood ought to have precedency in regard that it was Superiour to the Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland and the Isle of Man which held of iâ— that Spain had no Kingdom held in Fee of it but was it self Feudatory to France and inthral'd by oath of Subjection to Charles the fifth King of France in anno 1369. holds a great part of the Netherlands of France Arragon both the Indies Sicily Granado and Navarre Sardinia Corsica and the Canary Islands of the Pope Portugal payeth an annual Tribute to him and Naples yearly presents him with a white Spanish Genner and a certain Tribute Lessen and take away the honour of the King in having the principality of Wales Kingdom of Ireland Isle of Man Isles of Wight Gernesey and Jersey holding of England as their Superiour in Capite Enervate or ruine the Counties Palatine of Chester Lancaster Durham and Isle of Ely if the Tenures should be Levelled into Socage Very much damnifie all the Nobility and Gentry of England who hold as they have antiently divers Mannors and Lands or Offices by grand Serjeanty as for the Earls of Chester which belongeth to the Princes of Wales and the eldest Son of the King to carry before the King at his Coronation the Sword called Curtana to be Earl Marshal of England and to lead the Kings Host to be Lord great Chamberlain of England which is claimed by the Earl of Oxford to carry the Sword called Lancaster before the King at his Coronation due to the Earl of Derby as Kings of the Isle of Man to be grand Faulconner or Master of the Hawks claimed by the Earl of Carnarvon and the Kings Champion at his Coronation claimed
and be admitted Turn the Tenures in Capite which are only so called from the duty of Homage and the acknowledgement of Soveraignity and Headship in the King into a Tenure in Socage which is so far from acknowledgeing the King to be chief or to ingage as the other doth their Lands to do him service as it is but a Tenure as it were a latere is no more then what one Neighbour may acknowledge to hold or doe to another for his Rent or money be a Lease for a Life or one or more years or as Tenant at will and levels and makes rather an equality then any respect of persons which if ever or at all reasonable or fit to be done is in a democratical or popular way of Government but will be unexampled and is not at all to be in Monarchy may make many of the people which are not yet recovered out of a gainful Lunacy to beleive they were in the right when they supposed themselves to be the Soveraigns Ireland which in the subverting Olivers time was to have their Swords by the like Tenure turned into Plow-shares though their warres and taxes were never intended to leave them was to pay but 12000 l. per annum to turn their better Tenures Conditions into worse will if they be not come again to their wits expect the like prejudicial bergain Bring many inconveniences and mischiefs to the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland if their Tenures in Capite and Knight service and those which are holden of them as Mesn Lords shall as ours be taken away with their services and dependencies Licences of Alienation benefits of Investitures infeodations and the like it being amongst others as a reason given for Wardships in that Kingdom in the Laws of Scotland in the reign of their Malcombe the 2. which was before the Conquerours entring into England Ne non suppeterent Regiae Majestatis facultates to the end that the King should have where-withall to defend the Kingdom And a letting loose of a fierce and unruly people who are best of all kept in awe order by a natural long well enough liked subjection to their Mesne Lords and Superiours into a liberty which cannot be done without a disjointing and over-turning all the Estates of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom and may like our late English Levellers either endeavour to do it or bring themselves and the whole Nation to ruine by a renversing of the fundamental Laws and that antient order and constitution of that Kingdom wherein the estates and livelyhood of all the Nobility and Gentry and better part of the people are hugely concerned And besides a great damage to the King in his Revenues and profits arising out of such Tenures if not recompenced by some annual payment Will howsoever take away that antient Homage and acknowledgement of Superiority which from that Kingdom to this of England cannot be denyed to be due and to have been actually and antiently done and presidented and not in one but several ages fidem obsequium ut vassallos Angliae Regibus superioribus dominis jurejurando promisisse to have done their Homage and Fealty as vassals to our English Kings and bound themselves by oath thereunto as namely to Alfred Edgar Athelstane William the Conqueror William Rufus Maud the Empresse Henry the second and Edward the first the later of whom with all the Baronage of England in a Letter to the Pope did upon the search of many Evidences and Records stoutly assert it Will be no small damage and disturbance to the Kings other Regalities and Prerogatives and in the Tenures of the Cinque Ports who are to provide fifty ships for the guarding of the Seas and the Town of Maldon in Essex one the Town of Lewis in Sussex as the Book of Doomsday informeth where King Edward the Confessor had 127 Burgesses in dominio eorum consuetudo erat si Rex ad Mare custodiendum sine se suos mittere voluisset de omnibus hominibus cujuscunque terrae fuissent colligebant 20 sâ—lidos hos habebant qui in manibus arma custodieâ—ant had 127 Burgesses in his demeâ—ne of the King and when he sent any of his men to guard the Seas they were to gather 20 s. a man which was to be given to those that manned the Ships in Colchester where the custom then was that upon any expedition of the Kings by Sea or Land every house was to pay six pence ad victum soldariorum Regis towards the quarter or livelyhood of the Kings Souldiers and likewise prejudice him in his grand and Petit Serjeanties and many thousand other reservations of honour and profit by and upon Tenures in Capite and Knight service which revived and called out of their Cells wherein those that are to do and pay them are content they should sleep and take their rest for ever would go near to make and maintain an Army with men and Provisions The King when the Tenures in Capite shall be taken away shall never be able to errect his Standard and to call thereunto all that hold Lands Fees Annuities and Offices of him to come to his assistance according to the duty of their Tenures and the Acts of Parliament of 11 H. 7. chap. 18. And 19. H. 7. chap. 1. of forfeiting the Lands and Offices holden of him under the penalties which was the only means which the late King his Father had to protect as much as he could himself and his Subjects or to manifest the justice of his Cause in that War which was forced upon him and was very useful and necessary heretofore for the defence of the Kings of England and their People and proved to be no otherwise in the Bellum Standardi so called in the reign of King Stephen where some of the Barons of England and some of the English Gentry gathered themselves to the Royal Standard and repelled and beat the King of Scotland and in several Kings reigns afterwards repulsed the Scotch and Welch Hostilities and Invasions and at Floddon Field in King H. 8 ths time when the Duke of Norfolk and his Son the Earl of Surrey and diverse of the Nobility and Gentry which accompanied them vanquished and slew the King of Scots The benefit whereof the Commons of England had so often experimented as in diverse Parliaments they Petitioned the King and Lords to cause the Lord Marchers and other great men to repair into their Counties and defend the borders and was so necessary in France to assemble together the Bans and Arrierebans which were but as our Tenants in Capite as it helped King Charles the 7 th of France to recover that Kingdom again out of the hands and possession of our two Henries the 5. and 6. Kings of England And if any Rebellion or Conspiracy shall hereafter happen When Cum saepe coorta Seditio saevitque animis ignobile vulgus Fury and Rage of
three Knights Fees to be performed in the said Army for the Earldom of Essex which shews also that then those Antient Earldoms of England were no other then by Tenure and Feudal by John de Ferrers Henry de Bohun and Gilbert de Lindsey Knights And in the same Constables Roll and at the same time Walter de Langton Bishop of Câ—ventry and Liâ—chfield recognovit et offert Servitium duorum Feudorum militum pro Baronia sua faciendum per dominos Robertum Peverel et Robertum de Watervile milites acknowledged and offered the service of two Knights Fees to be performed for his Baronie by Sir Robert Peverel and Sir Robert Watervile Knights Mr. Selden is aâ—so of opinion that to hold of the King in Capite to have Possessions as a Barony to be a Baron and sit with the rest of the Barons in Parliament are according to the Laws of those Times Synonimies And upon this and no other ground or foundation is built that as noble and illustrious as it is antient Pairage of the 12 pairs of France all of whom even the Earldom of Flanders now in the hands of the King of Spain do hold in Capite or Soveraignty of the French King and that great and eminent Electoral Colledge in Germany and the mighty Princes thereof are no other than Tenants in Capite and holding their vast Terrytories of the Empire by grand Serjeanry and have feuda antiqua concessa acquisita generi familiae connexam habentes Principatibus et Territoriis suis dignitatem Electoralem and have an antient Fee or Territory granted and acquired to their Issue and Family and a dignity Electoral annexed to their Principalityes and Territoryes And it cannot with any reason or Authority be said or beleived that the late Charles King of Sweden could by the Treaty or Pacification at Munster have been made a Prince of the Empire or have had place or voice in their Diets if he had not had the Bishopprick of Breme and other Lands and Provinces as Fiefs of the Empire in his Possession to have made him a member thereof and that the Prince Elector Palatine who by reason of that Territory justly claimeth the Vicariat of the Empire had never been made the eighth Elector if he had not had part of the Palatinate which he now enjoys For certainly if the care and wisdom of our Progenitors or Ancestors could not think it fitting to compose that high Court of Judicature of Strangers or grant them an Inheritance in it which had no Lands or Possessions to make them a concernment and to be more careful of the good of the Kingdom as Oliver or Dick of the Addresses would have done their Mungrel Scotch that had no Lands at all in England but a stock of Knavery but would rather bring in such as had the best Estates and holden by the most noble and serviceable Tenures in order to the defence of their King and Country and were the most honourable wise and understanding then such as had been Servants or of a low extraction race of mankind by their folly and whimsies had not long agoe tossed and tumbled about poor England like a Foot-Ball which may call to our remembrance that opinion or a lage of the Antients that Jupiter subdâ—xit servis dimidium mentis that God would not allow â—ervants or men litle better or rudely and ignorantly educated any more then to be half witted some of our late Levellers at the same time making a difference betwixt the antient great Estates of the Peers and Barons of England and that lesser which they now enjoy to be an objection against the House of Peers in Parliament for that now as they mistakenly surmised they could not as formerly be a banck or ballance betwixt the King and the people And howsoever that the temporal Barons as well those which were since the middle of the reign oâ— R. 2. created by Patent to be unum Baronum Angliae as in Sir John Beauchamps Patent to be Baron of Holt or as many later to have loâ—um voâ—em et sedem in Parliamento to have voice and place in the Parliament as those that hold per Baroniam and that those that hold per Baroniam and were Barons by Tenure do not come to Parliament but when they are summoned by the Kings Writ as the Bishops also do not and as in the Earl of Bristols Case was adjudged in the late Kings time are to have their Writs of Summons ex debito justitiae as of right due unto them yet a first second or third Summons which is only and properly to give notice when and where the Parliament beginneth cannot as Mr. William Prynne hath learnedly proved any way make or intitle any man which shall be so summoned to be a Peer or Baron that is not a Baron by prescription or was not created nor doth that Clause in the Patents of Creation doe or operate any more then that such new created Barons who are also Tenants in Capite and as all the other Barons doe ought to do their Homage shall be one of the Barons in Parliament have voyce and place there deny that they that sit there by Tenure and per Baroniam doe not sit there and enjoy their Honors and Dignities as Tenants in Capite and per Baroniam or that those that come in by patent amongst them doe enjoy their places as incorporated and admitted amongst them and not as Tenants in Capite and being added to them do help to continue the Society or Court though they be not of one and the same Original or Constitution as Prebâ—nd added â—o a Cathedral Church may make them to be of the old Constitution but takes it not away and as the grant of King H. 8. to the Abbot of Tavestock quod sit unus de Spiritualibus et Religiosis dominis Parliamenti could not have altered his former and better condition if he had held any Lands per Baroniam And though the Creations by Patents may well enough sustain the priviledges of those that sit and were introduced by it yet the greater number or as many of the Earls and Barons as hold per Baroniam such as the Earls of Arundel and Oxford Lords Berkley Mowbray Abergaveny Fitz walter Audley De la ware and that great number which were before R. 2. and were not created by letters Patents and had not the Clause of locum vocem et sedem in Parliamento will lose their Peerage and right of sitting in Parliament if the other doe not when as their Patents giving them sedem vocem et locum in Parliamento doe but entitle them to be of that House whereof the other Earls and Barons were and to be but as the former Barons were which hold per Baroniam and in Capite As if a Lord of a Mannor could create a man to be one of his Coppy-holders he should be no otherwise then as a
Coppy-holder of that Mannor and those Patent Lords doe by their Patents hold their Honor and Dignities in Capite though it be not expressed in their Paâ—ents and should pay as great a Releif as the other Earls and Barons doe by Tenure for no man can sit there but as a Tenant in Capite and acknowledging his Soveraign unless a Coordination should be supposed and that dangerous Doctrine again incouraged nor can these by Creation sit if the House should be dissolved by the change of the others Tenures for that they were but Adjuncts and Associates of them Which was so well understood by Sir Edw. Coke to be a shaking if not an over-turning of the foundation of that high and most honourable Court or Judicatorie as in the Parliament of the 18 â—h year of King James in the proposition which was then on foot to change the Tenures in Capite and by Knight service into free and common Socage he and some of the old Parliament men advised a Proviso to be inserted in that intended Act of Parliament that the Bishops notwithstanding that their Baronies should be holden in Socage should continue Lords of Parliament and in our late times in that great inundation of mistaken Liberty when the outrage of the vulgar and common people greedily pursued the dictates of their ignorance and fancie and that after the House of Lords had been shut up and voted to be uselesse and dangerous the persons of the Barons of England which the Law and the reasonable and antient as well as modern Customes of England did never allow to be arrested were arrested and haled to Prison In the seeking a remedy wherof some of the Baronage pleading their Priviledge it was in Easter Term 1650. in the Kings or upper Bench in the argument of the Countess of Rivers Case argued and urged that all Tenures as well as the House of Lords were taken away so that the Court holding that the Priviledge was not allowable for that she never had reference to the Parliament or to do any publique service the Cause was adjourned Wherefore seeing that the custom of a Court is the Law of a Court and the interrupton of a Custom Prescription or Franchise very dangerous and Cessante causa tollitur effectus the cause or foundation taken away the effect or building faileth that a Lord of a Mannor is not able to create a Mannor or make a Lease-holder or Tenant of one Mannor to enjoy the same priviledges which he did formerly be incorporate a Tenant in another Mannor a House with a Common Appendent or which was before belonging unto it once pulled down though built up again looseth its Common and Prescription or if a Coppy-hold estate come to the Lord by Forfeiture Escheat or otherwise if he make a Lease or otherwise it is no more grantable by Copy of Court Roll or make a Feoffment upon condition and after enter for the Condition broken it shall not be regranted by Copy And if a man hath libertyes by Prescription take letters Patents of them the matter of the Record drowns or takes away the prescription as was held in 33 H. 8. tit precription Br. 102. c. Or if as in the Acts of Parliament for the dissolution of the Monasteries the King shall be before the Tenures be ordained to be in free and common Soccage made or derived to be in the actual Seâ—sin and Possession of all the Lands There will be cause and reason enough to make a stand or a pause and inquire further into it For if the subversion of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service will not totally or at once ruine and dissolve the House of Peers in Parliament or put upon it a new constitution it will not be good certainly to leave that House and most high and Honourable Court and all its just Rights and Privileges which hath already so much suffered by the Assaults and Batteries of Faction and vulgar Frenzies to an after question of moote point whether or no it be not dissolved or put upon a new Foundation And must needs be very dangerous when as one of the three Estates under the King which is Supream and not Coordinate viz. the Bishops and Lords Spiritual being lopt off the second which is the Lords Temporal shall be but either suspected or doubted to have a being and the third which is the House of Commons shall upâ—â— the next advantage or distemper of that paâ—â—y which lately gained so much by â— supposing it to be the Soveraign bâ—â—ancied â—o be above both it and the King who as the head is above them both and too much gratifie that late illegal and unwaâ—rentable opinion and practice of the Soveraignty of the House of Commons in Parliament or that they alone are the Parliament of England Destroy the hopes and rights of the Bishops being the third Estate in Parliament of ever being restored or admitted again into it from which after a force and a protestaâ—ion solemnly made against it twelve of them imprisoned for making of it they were by an Act of Parliament in an 17. Car. Regis primi prohibiting them as well as all other Clergy men to intermeddle in any temporal affairs or proceedings excluded the House had all their Estates afterwards by an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons without being cited or heard and without the Kings consent and after his going from the Parliament and in the midst of a War and Hostilities betwixt them confiscated and taken from them by the taking away of Tenures per Baroniam being the only cause and reason of their sitting there and constituting them a third Estate will now after his Majesties happy restoration when the waves and rage of the people are so calmed and ceased as the Halcyon is preparing to build her nest be more then ever made to be altogether impossible Hinder and restrain our Princes from recovery of Foreign Rights a necessary inlarging their Dominions making an offensive War or pursuing a flying or like to be recruited Enemy which in keeping a Kingdom in peace and plenty or maintaining the Commerce thereof will be according to the rules of policy and good Government as necessary as that of Davids revenging upon the Ammonites the affronts done to his Embassadors the Wars of our Edward the third or H. 5. in France of the great Gustavus King of Sweden in Germany or the now King of Denmarks and Marquesse of Brandenburghes Wars upon Charles late King of Sweden And when any of those occasions or necessities shall offer themselves or inforce a forinsecum serviciuâ— or service in foreign wars shall have none but Auxiliaries Hirelings to go along with them when as several Acts of Parliament do prohibit the enforcing Hoblers which were a kind of light horsemen Archers Trained Bands and common Souldiers to go out of their Countries unlesse it be in cases of necessity which the common people know not