Sunday before the Earles deaâh ensuing the Friday after and when she wâs dead hâr body was swolne unto a monstrous bignesse and deformity whereof the good Earle hearing the day following lamented the case greatly and said in the presence of his Servants Ah poore Alice the cup was not prepared for thee albeit it were thy hard destiny to taste thereof Yong Honnies also whose father is Master of the châldren of her Mâjesties chappell being at that time Page to the said Earle and accustomed to take the taste of his drinke though since entertâined also among other by my Lord of Leicester for better covering of matter by his taste that he then tooke of the compound cup though in very small-quantity as you know the fashion is yet was he like to have lost his life but escaped in the end being yong with the losse onely of his haire which the Earle perceiving and taking compassion of the youth called for a cup of drinke a little before his death and drunke to Honnies saying I drinke to thee my Robin and be not afraid for thiâ is a better cup of drinke then that whereof thou tookest the taste when we were both poysoned and whereby thou hast lost thy haire and I must lose my life This hath yong Honnies reported openly in divers places and before divers Gentlemen of worship siâhence his coming into England and the foresaid Lea Iâishman at his passage this way towards France after he had been present at the forenamed Mistris Draykâts death with some other of the Eaâles servants have and doe most constantly report the same where they may do it without the terrour of my Lord of Leicesters revenge Whârefore in this matter there is no doubt at all though most extreame vile and intollerable indignity that such a man should be so openly murdered without punishment What Noble-man within the Realme may be safe if this be suffered or what worthy personage will adventure his life in her Majesties service if this shall be his reward But Sir I pray you pardon me for I am somewhat perhaps too vehement in the case of this my Patron and noble Peere of our Realme And therefore I beseech you to goe forward in your talke whereas you left I was recounting unto you others said the Gentleman made away by my Lord of Leicâster with like art and the next in order I think was Sir Nicelas Throgmarton who was a man whom my Lord of Leicester used a great while as all the World knoweth to overthwart and crosse the doings of my Lord Treasurer then Sir William Cicill a man specially misliked alwayes of Leicester both in respect of his old Master the Duke of Somerset as also for that his great wisdome zeale and singular fidelity to the Realme was like to hinder much this mans designments wherefore understanding after a certaine time that these two Knights were secretly made friends and that Sir Nicholas was lâke to detect his doings as he imagined which might turne to some prejudice of his purposes having conceived also a sâcret grudge and griefe against him for that he had written to her Majesty at his being Embassadour in France that he heard reported at Duke Memorances table that the Queene of England had a meaning to marry her Horsâkeeper he invited the said Sir Nicholas to a supper at his house in London and at supper time departed to the Court being called for as he said upon the sudden by her Mâjesty and so perforce would needs have Sir Nicholas to sit and occupie his Lordships place and therein to be served as he was and soone after by a surfeit there taken he died of a strange and incurable vomit But tâe day before his death he declared to a deare friend of his all the circumstance and cause of his disease which he affirmed plainly to be of poison given him in a Salet at supper inveying most earnestly against the Earles cruâlty and bloody disposition affirming him to be the wickedest most perilous and peâfidious man under heaven But what availed this when he had now received the bait This then is to shew the mans good fortune in seeing them dead whom for causes he would not have to live And for his art of poisoning it is such now and teaâheth so far as he holdeth all his foes in England and elsewhere as also a good many of his friends in fear therof and if it were knowne how many he hâth dispatched or assaulted that way it would be marvailous to the posterity The late Eale of Sussex wanted not a scruple for many yeers before his death of some dram received that made him incurable And unto that noble Gentleman Monsieur Simiers it was discovered by great providence of God that his life was to be attempted by that art and that not taking place as it did not through his owne good circumspection it was concluded that the same should be assâulted by violence whereof I shall have occasion to say more hereafter It haâh beene told me also by some of the servaâts of the late Lady Lenox who was also of the blood Royall by Scotland as all men know and consequently lâttle liked by Leicester that a little before her death or siâknesse my Lord tooke the paines to come and visit her with extraordinary kindnesse at her house at Hackney bestowing long discourses with her in private but as soone as he was departed the good Lady fell into such a flâx as by no meanes could be slayed so long as she had life in her body whereupon both she her selfe and all such as were neere about her saw her disease and ending day were fully of opinion that my Lord had procured her dispatch at his being there Whereof let the women that served hâr be examined as also Fowler that then had the chiefe doings in her affâiâes and since hath beene entertained by my Lord of Leicester Maâet also a stranger borne tbat then was about her a sober and zealous man in religion and otherwise well qualified can say somewhat in this point as I thinke if he were demanded So that this art and exercise of poisoning is much more perfect with my Lord then praying and he seemeth to take more pleasure therein Now for the second point which I named touching marriages and contracts with Women you must not marvaile though his Lordship be somewhat divers variable and inconstant with himselfe for that according to his profit or pleasure and as his lust and liking shall vary wherein by the judgement of all men he surpasseth not onely Sardânapaâus and Nero âut even Heliogâbatus himselfe so his Lordshâp also changeth Wâves and Minions by killing the one denying the other using the third for a time and he fawning upon the fourth And for this câuse he hath his tearmes and pretences I warrant you of Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Protracts and Retracts as for example after he had killed
whiles themselves in the meane space went about under hand to establish their owne ambushment Well quoth the Lawyer for the pretence of my Lord of Huntington to the Crowne I will not stand with you for thât it is a matter sufficâently known and seen throughout the Realme As also that my Lord of Leycesteâ is at this day a principall favourer and patron of that cause albeit some yeers past he were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same But yet I have heard some friânds of his in reasoning of these matters deây stoutly a point or two which you have touched here and doe seeme to beleeve the same And that is first that howsoever my Lord of Leicester do meane to helpe his friend when time shall serve yet pretendeth he nothing to the Crowne himselfe The second is that whatsoever may be meant for the title or compassing the Crowne after her Mâjesties death yet nothing is intended during her raigne And of both these points thây alledge reasons As for the first that my Lord of Leycester is very well knowne to have no title to the Crowne himselfe either by discent in blood alliance or otherwâyes For the second that his Lord. hath no cause to be a Mâlecontent in the present government nor hâpe for more preferment if my Lord of Huntington were King to morrow next then he receiveth now at her Majâsties hands having all the Realme as hath bin shewed at his owne disposition For the first quoth âe Gentleman whether he meane the Crowne for himsâlfâ or for his friend it importeth not much seeing both wayes iâ is âvident that he meaneâh to hâve all at his owne disposition And albeit now for the avoyding of envy he give it out as a crafty Fox that he meaneth not but to run wiâh other men and to hunt wâth Huntington and oâhââ hounds in the sâme chase yet is it not unlike but that he will plây the Beare when he coâeth to divâding of the pray and will snatch the best pârt to himselfe Yea and these sâlf same peâsons of his traine anââaction whom you call his friend though in publâque to excuse his doings and to cover the wholâ plot they will and must deny the matters to be so meant yet otherwise they both thinke hope and know the contrary and will not stick in secret to speâk it and among thâmselves it is their talke of consolation The words of his speciall Councellour the Lord North are known which he uttered to his trusty Pooly upon the receit of a letter from Court of her Majesties displeasure towards him for his being a witnesse at Leycesters second marriage with Dâme Lettice although I know he was not ignorant of the first at Wanstead of which displeasure this Lord making fâr lesse accompt then in reason he should of the just offence of his soveraigne said that for his owne part he was resolved to sinke or swimme with my Lord of Leycester who said he if once the Cards may come to shaffling I wâll use but his very own words I make no doubt but he alone shall beare away the Bucklers The words also of Sir Thomas Layton to Sir Henry Nevile walking upon the Taâresse at Windsor are known who told him after long discourse of their happy conceived Kingdome that hee doubted not but to see him one day hold the same office in Windsor of my Lord of Leycester which âow my Lord did hold of the Queene Meaning thereby the goodly office of Constableship wiâh all Royâlties and honours belonging to the same which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth onâly as Deputy to the Earle Which was plainely to signifie that he doubted not but to see my Lord of Leycester one day King or els his other hope could never possibly taââ effect or come to passe To the same point âended the words of Mistressâ Anne West Daâe Lettice sister unto the Lady Anne Askew in the great Chamber upon a day when her brothâr Robert Kâowles had danced disgratiously and scornfully before the Queen in pâesence of the French Which thing for that her Majesty tooke to proceed of wisâin him âs for dislâke of the strangers in presence and for the quarrell of his sister Essex it pleased her Majesty to check him for the same with additioâ of a reproachfull word or two full well deserved as though done for despite of the forced abseâce from that place of honour of the good old Gentlewoman I mitigate the worâs his sister Which words the other young twig receiving in deepe dudgen brake forth in great choler to her forenamed companion and said Thât she nothing doubted but that one day shee should see her sister upon whom the Queene railed now so much for so it pleased her to tearme her Majesties sharpe speech to sit in her place and throne being much worthier of the same for her qualities and rare vertues then was the other Which undutâfull speech albeit it were over-heard and condemned of divers that sate about them yet none durst ever report the same to her Majesty as I hâve heard sundry Courtiers affirme in respect of the revenge which the reporters should abide at my Lord of Leycesters hands whensoever the mâtâer should come to light And this is now concerning the opinion and secret speeches of my Lords owne friends who cannot but utter their conceit and judgement in time and place convenient whatsoever they are wâlled to give out publikely to the contrary for deceiving of such as will beleeve faire painted words against evident and manifest demonstration of reason I say reason for that if none of these signes and tokens were none of these preparations nor any of these speeches and detections by his friends that know his heart yet in force of plain reason I could alleadge unto you three arguments onely which to any man of intelligence wâuld easily perswade and give satisfactâon that my Lord of Leycester meaneth best and first for himsâlfe in this suât Whiâh three arguments for that you seeme to be attent I will not stick to run over in all brevity And the first is the very nature and quality of ambition it self which is such as you know that it never stayeth but passeth from degree to degree and the more it obtaineth the more it covereth and the more esteemeth it selfe both worthy and able to obtaine And in our matter that now we handle even as in wooing he âhât suâth to a Lady for another and obtaineth her good will entereth easily into conceit of his owne woâthinesse thereby and so commonly into hope of speedinâ himselfe while he speaketh for his friend so much more in Kingdomes he that sâeth himself of power to put the Crowne of another mans head will qâckly step to the next degree which is to set it of his owne seeâng that alwayâs the charity of such good men is wont to be so orderly as according to âhe precepâ it bâginneth
mens humours oft I fed Whilst hope this while a good opinion bred To learned Schollers I was something franck Not for the love that I to leaâning bore But either to get praise or pick a thanke Of such as could the Musâs aide implore To consecrate my name for evermore For he is blest that so befriended dyes Whose praise the Musâs will immortalize You that desire to have your fame survive When you within your graves intomb'd shall lye Cherish those sacred Sisters while you live For they be daughters of Dame memory Of âhe thundâing Monarch of the sky They have the gift to register with pen Th' eternall fame or infamy of men The Students of the Vniversity Oxford whereof I was the Chancellor That Nurse of science and Philosophy Knowing the greatnesse of my wit and power Did honour me as the faire springing flower That in the Princesse favour highly grew Whom she with showârs oâ gold did of bâdew At my command both Dee and Allen tended By Magick Art my pleasure to fulfill These to my service their best studies bended And why they durst not disobey my will Yea whatsoever was of secret skill In Oxford or in Cambridge to be sold I bought for love for feare or else for gold Doubtlesse the most renown'd Philosophers As Plato and Pithagoras have sought To learne the Hierogliphick Characters And secrets which by Magick skill are wrought Such as th' Egyptians sewes and Chaldees taught Th'art's not ill if men doe not abuse it No fault so bad but some men will excuse it Lopus and Iulio were my chiefe Physitians Men that were cunning in the Art to kill Good Schollers but of passing ill conditions Such as could ridde mens lives yet no blood spill Yea and with such dexterity and skill Could give a dram of poyson that could slay At end of the yeare the moneth the weeke or day I never did these wicked men imploy To wrong my Prince or my true loving friend But false deceitfull wretches to destroy And bring them to an vnexpected end Let them looke to it that did most offend Whose names are Registred in Pluto's scroules For I will never answer for their soules Knights and Esquires the best in every shire Did waite on me in England up and downe And some among them did my Livery weare My smiles did seeme to promise them renowne But dismall haps insu'd when I did frowne As when the starre Arcturus doth appeare Of raging Tempests Sea-men stand in feare As for the Souldiers and the men of warre At home in service some I did retaine Others I sent abroad not very farre At my commandment to returne againe These I with cost did secretly maintaine That if ought chanced otherwise then well I might haue sent my foes to heauen or hell Likewise I brought the Lawyers in some awe The worthy students of the Innes of court That then applied them to the common Law Did yeeld to me in matters of import Although sometimes I did the Lawe extoât And whether right or wrong my cause once heard To plead against me made great Lords afeard So the Lord Barkley lost good lands by me Whereof perchance at fiâst he did not dreame Might many times doth overcome the right It is in vaine to strive against the streame When he that is chiefe subiect in the Realme Vpon his Princes favour rests him bold He cannot or he will not be controld Thus by the Queene my puissance was upheld And for my foes I euer was too strong The grace I had from her all feare expeld I might wrong others but not suffer wâong So many men did unto me belong Which on my favour chiefely did depend And for my sake both goods and land would spend The best esteemed Nobles of the land On whose support the publique state relied Were linckt with me in friendships faithfull band Or else in kindred nerely were allied Their perfect loues and constant hearts I tried The inferior sort at our devotion stood Ready to execute what we thought good The Earle of Warwicke my owne loving brother My sisters Husband th' Earle of Huntington The bounteouâ Earle of Bedford was another Of my best friends belov'd of every one Sir Henry Sidneys power in Wales well knowne And there the Earle of Pembroke chiefe of all Of kinâe my ââiend what ever thence might fall In Barwicâ my wives Vncle had chiefe power The Lord of Hunsdon my assured fâiend In Ireland the Lord Grey was Governour Gernsey and Iersey likewise did depend Vpon such men as did my will attend Hopton my man Lieutenant of the Tower Was prompt to doe me service at an houre Sir Edward Horsey in the Isle of Wight And noble Sir George Câây next bore sway Men of great courage and no little might To take my part in any doubtfull fray In London the Recorder Fleetwood lay That often us'd good words that might incense The Citizens to stand in my defence The Premises did likewise take my part As I in private quarrels oft have tryde So that I had the very head and heart The Court and City leaning on my side With flattery some others with gifts I plyd And some with threats stern looks angry words I wonne to my defence with Clubs and Swords Thus I by wisedome and fine poilicie Maintain'd the reputation of my life Drawing to me the flowre of Chivalrie To succour me at need in civill strife Men that lov'd change in every place were rife And all the realme was with my power possest Think what this might have wrought but judge the best Like Claudius Marcellus drawne through Rome In his faire chariot which with Trophees deckt Crowned with Garlands by the Senates doome Whom they five times their Consul did elect That from their foes he might their lives protect When he wiâh conquest did his Country greet Loaden with spoyles lay prostrate at his feet So did I ride in tryumph through chiefe townes As if I had beene Vice-roy of this Land My face well grac'd with smiles my purse with crowneâ Holding the reynes of honour in my hand I managed the state I did command My lookes with humble majesty repleat Made some men wish me a Kings royall seat Thus waxt I popular to purchase fame To me the common peoples knees did bow I could my humour still so fitly frame To entertaine all men to outward shew With inward love for few my heart did know And that I might not seeme puft up with pride Bare-headed oft through Cities I did ride While some cry'd out God save you gracious Lord Lord how they did my fame hyperbolize My words and gestures did so well accord As with their hearts I seem'd to simpathize I charm'd their eares and did inchant their eyes Thus I was reckoned their chiefe Potentate No poller but a piller of the stâte Then I was call'd the life and th' heart o'th'Court And some I wot wisht I had beene the head I had so great a trayne
or so I leave it to bâ tried hereafter between my yong Lord of âenbighe and Master Philip Sidney whom the same most concerneth for that it is likâ to deprive him of a goodly inheritance if it take place as some will say that in no reason it can not only in râspect of the precedent adultery and murder betweene the parties but also for that my Lord was contracted at least to another Lady before that yet lâveth whereof Master Edwââd Diaâ and Mâster Edmond Tiney both Courtâers can be witnesses and consumated the same contract by generation of children But thâs as I said must be left to be tried hereafter by them who shâll have most interest in the case Onely for the present I must advertise you that you may not take hold so exactly of all my L. doings in wâmens affaires neither touching their marriages neither yet thâir hâsbands For first his Lordship hath a speciall fortuâe that when he dâsireth any womans favour then whât person so evâr standeth in his way hath the luâk to dye quickly for the finishing of his desire As for âxample when his Lordship was in full hope to marry hâr Majâsty and his owne wife stood in his light as he supposed he did but send her aside to the house of his servant Forster of Cumner by Oxford where shortly after she had the chance to fall fâom a paire of stâires and so to breake her neck but yet wiâhout hurting of her hood that stood upon her head But Sir Riâhard Varney who by commandement remaâned with her that day alone with one man onâly and hâd sent away perforâe all her Sârvants from hâr to a Market two miles of hâ I sây wiâh his man can tâll how she died whiâh man being taken afterward for a fellony in the marâhes of Wales and offering to publish the manner of the said murder was made away privily in the prâson and Sâr Richarâ himsâlf dying abâut the same time in London cried pitioâsly ând bâaâphemed God and said to a Gentleman of worship of mine acquâintance not long before his death that all the divels in hell did teare him in pieces The wife also of Balâ Buttleâ kinsman to my Lord gâve out the whole fact a littâe bâfoâe her death Bât to return unto my purpose this was my Lords good fortun to have his wife dye at that time when it was like to turne most to his profit Long after this he fâll in love with the Lady Sheffiâld whom I signified bâfore and then also had he the same fortune to have her husband dye quickly with an extreame rheume in his head as it was given out but as others sây of an artificiall caâârre that stopped his breath The like good chance had he in the death of my Lord of Essex as I have said before and that ât a time most fortunate for hiâ purpose for when he was coming home from Ireland with intent to revenge himselfe upon my Lord of Leycester for begetting his wife with âhilde in his absânce the childe was a dauâhter and brought up by the Lady Shandoies W. Knooles his wifâ my Lord of Ley hearing therof wantâd not a friend or two to accompâny the Dâputy as among other a couple of the Earles owne servants Crompton if I misse not his name yeoman of his bottles and Llâiâhis âhis Secretary entertained afterwârd by my Lord of Leiâester and so he dyed in the way of an extreame flux caused by an Italian Rââipe as all his friends are well assured the mâker wheââof was a Chyâurgeon as is belâeved that thân was newly come to my Lord from Italy a cunning man and sâre in operation with whom if the gâod Lady had beene sooner acquainted and âsed his helpe shâ should not have needed to sitten so pensive at home and fearefull of her husbands former returne out of the same Countrây but might have spared the yong childe in her bâlly which she was enforced to make away cruelly and unnaturally for clearing the house against the good mans arrivall Neithâr must you mârvaile though all these died dâvers manners of outward diseases for this is the excellenây of the Iââlian art for which this Chyruâgian and Doctor Iulio wâre entertained so carefully who can makâ a mân dye in what manâer oâ shâw of siâknessâ you wâll by wâose instructâons âo doubt but hâs Lorâship is now cunning espâcially âdding also to âhese âhe counsell of his Doctor Bayây a man also noâ a little studied as he seemeth in his art for I heard him once my selfe in publique Act in Oxford and thât in presence of my Lord of Leicâster if I be not deceived maintain that poyson might so be tempâred and given as iâ should not appeâre presently and yet should kill thâ pârty afâerward at what time should be appointed Which aâgument belike pleased well his Loâdship and thââefore was chosen to be discussed in his audience if I be not deceived of hâs being that dây present So though one dye of a flux and aâoâher of a catarrâ yât âhis impârâeth ââttle to thâ matter but shewâth rathâr the great cunning and skill of the Arâificâr So Cardinall Chatilian aâ I hâve saiâ before having accused my Lârd of Leicester to thâ Qâeens Majesty and after thât pâssiâg from Lonâon towards France about the marriage died by the way at Canterbury of a burning fever and so proved Doctor Bayâieâ asserâion ârue that poyson may be given to kill at a day At this the Lawyer cast up his eyes to heaven and I stood somewhat musing and thinking of that which had beene spoken of the Earle of Essex whose case indeed moved me more then all the rest for that he was â very noble Gentleman a great advancer of true Religion a Pâtron to many Preachers anâ Students and towards me and some of my friends in pârâicular he had bâene in some things very benâficiall and therefore I said that it grieved me extreamly to heare or thinke of so unworthy a death contrived by such meanes to so worthy a Peere And so much the more for that it was my chance to come to the understanding of divers particulars concerning that thing both from one Lea an Irish-man Robin âonnies and others that were present at Pentereis the Merchants house in Dublin upon the Key where the murder was committed The matter was wrought especially by Crompton yeoman of the bottels by the procurement of Lloyd as you haue noted before and there was poysoned at the same time and with the same cup aâ given of curtesie by the Earle one Mistresse Alâs Draykot a goodly Gentlewoman whom the Earle affectioned much who departing thence towards her owne house which was 18. miles off the foresaid Lea accompanying her and waiting upon her she began to fall sick very grievously upon the way and continued with increase of paineâ and excessive torments by vomiting untill she died which was the
afraid to meet them in the field as a Knight should have done His treacheries towards the noble late Earl of Sussex in their many breaches is notorious âo all England As also the bloody practises against divers others But as among many none were more odious and misliked of all men then those against Monsieur Simiers a stranger and Embassadour whom first he practised to have poisoned as hath bin touched before and when that device tooke not place then he appointed that Robin Tider his man as after upon his Ale-bench he confessed should have slaine him at the Blackfriars at Greenwich as he went forâh at the garden gate but missing also that purpose for that he found the Gentleman better provided and guarded then he expected he dealt with certaine Flushiâers and other Pirates to sinke him at Sea with the English Gentlemen his favourers that accompanied him at his returne into France And though they missed of this practice also as not daring to set upon him for feare of some of her Majesties ships who to breake off this designment attended by speciall commandement to waft him over in safety yet the foresaid English Gentlemen were holden foure houres in chace at their coming backe as Master Rawley well knoweth being then present and two of the chasers namâd Clark and Harris confessed afterward the whole designment The Earl of Ormond in likewise hath often declared and will avouch it to my Lord of Leicesters face whensoever he shall be called to the same that at such time as this man had a quarell with him and thereby was likely to be enforced to the field which he trembled to thinke of he first sought by all meanes to get him made away by secret murder offering five hundred pounds for the doing thereof And secondly when that device tooke no place he appointed with him the field but secretly suborning his servant William Killigre to lye in the way where Ormond should passe and so to massacre him with a caliver before he came to the place appointed Which murder though it tooke no effect for that the matter was taken up before the day of meeting yet was Killigre placed afterward in her Majesties privy Chamber by Leicester for shewing his ready minde to doe for his Master so faithfull a service So faithfull a service quoth I truly in my opinion it was but an unfit preferment for so facinorous a fact And as I would be loth thaâ many of his Italians or other of that art should come nigh about her Majesties kitchen so much lesse would I that many such his bloody Champions should be placed by him in her Highnesse chamber Albeit for this Gentleman in particular it may be that with change of his place in service he hath changed also his minde and affection and received better instruction in the feare of the Lord. But yet in general I must needs say that it cannot be but prejudiciall and exceeding dangerous unto our noble Prince and Realme that any one man whatsoever especially such a one as the world taketh this man to be should grow to so absolute authority and commandry in the Court as to place about the Princes person the head the heart the life of the land whatsoever people liketh him best and that now upon their deserts towards the Prince but towards himselfe whose fidelity being more obliged to their advancer then to their soveraigne doe serve for watchmen about the same for the profit of him by whose appointment they were placed Who by their meanes casting indeed but nets and chaines and invisible bands about that person whom most of all he pretendeth to serve he shutteth up his Prince in a prison most sure though sweet and senselesse Neither is this art of aspiring new or strange unto any man that is experienced in affairâs of former time for that it hath been from the beginning of all government a troden path of all aspirers In the stories both sacred and prophane foraine and domesticall of all Nations Kingdomes Countries and States you shall read that such as ment to mount above others and to governe all at their owne discretion did lay this for the first ground and principle of their purpose to possesse themselves of all such as were in place about the principall even as he who intending to hold a great City at his owne disposition dareth not mak open war against the same getteth secretly into his hands or at his devotion al the Towns Villages Castles Fortresses bulwarks Rampires Waters Wayes Ports and Passages about the same and so without drawing any sword against the said City he bringeth the same into bondage to abide his will and pleasure This did all these in the Roman Empire who rose from subjects to be great Princes and to put downe Emperours This did all those in France and other Kingdomes who at sundry times have tyrannized their Princes And in our owne Countrey the examples are manifest of Vortiger Harold Henry of Lancaster Richard of Warwicke Richard of Glocester Iohn of Northumberland and divers others who by this meane specially have pulled downe their lawfull Soveraignes And to speake onely a word or two of the last for that he was this mans Father doth not all England know that he first overthrew the good Duke of Somerset by drawing to his devotion the very servants and friends of the said Dâke And afteâward did not he possesse himselfe of the Kings owne person and brought him to the end which is knowne and before that to the most shamefull disheriting of his owne royall Sisters and all this by possessing first the principall men that were in authority about him Wherefore sir if my Lord of Leicester have the same plot in his head as most men thinke and that he meaneth one day to give the same push at the Crowne by the House of Huntington against all the race and line of King Henry the seventh in generall which his Father gave before him by pretence of the House of Suffolke against the Children of King Henry the eight in particular he wanteth not reason to follow the same meanes and platform of planting speciall persons for his purpose about the Prince for surely his fathers plot lacked no witty device or preparation but onely that God overthrew it at the instant as happely he may doe this mans also notwithstanding any diligence that humane wisedome can use to the contrary To this said the Gentleman that my Lord of Leycester hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diadem by the title of Huntington is not a thing obscure in it selfe and it shall bee more plainly proved hereafter But now will I shew unto you for your instruction how well this man hath followed his fathers platforme or rather passed the same in possessing himselâe of all her Majesties servants friends and forces to serve his turne at that time for execution and in the meane space for
Court seeing that hee hath so many wayes and meanes to encrease enrich and encourage the same and so strong abilities to tread dowâe his enemies The common speech of many wanteth not reason I perceive which calleth him the heart and life of the Court. They which cal him the heaât said the Gentleman upon a little occasion more would call him also the head and then I marvell what should bee left for her Majesty when they take from her both life heart and headship in her own Realme But the truth is that he hath the Court at this day in almost the same case as his father had it in King Edwards dâyâs by the same device the Lord forbid that ever it come fully to the same state for then we know what ensued to the principall and if you will hâve an evident demonstration of this mans power and favâur in that place call you but to minde the times when her Majesty upon most just and urgent occâsions did withdraw but a little her wonted favour and countenance towârds him did not all the Court as it were mutiny presently did not every man hang the lippe except a few who afterward paid sweetly for their mirth were there not every day new devices sought out that some should be on their knees to her Majesty some should weepe and put finger in their eyes other should find our certaine covert manner of threatning other reasons and perswasions of love other of profit other of honour other of nââessity and all to get him recalled back to favour againe And had her Mâjesty any rest permitted unto her untill she had yeelded and granted to the same Consider then I pray you that if at that time in his disgrace he had his faction so fast assured to himself what hath he now in his prosperity after so many yeares of fortification wherin by all reason he hath not been negligent seeing that in policy the first point of good fortification is to make that fort impregnable which once hath been in danger to be lost Wherof you have an example in Riâharâ Duke of York in the time of K. Henry the sixt who being once in the Kings hands by his own submission and dismissed againe when for his desârts he should have suffered provided after the King should never be able to over-reach hâm the second time or havâ him in his power to do him hurt but mâde himselfe strong enough to pull downe the other wiâh extirpation of his family And this of the Court houshold and Chamber of her Majesty But now if we shall passe from Couât to Councell we shall find him no lesse fortified but rather more for albeit the providence of God hath bin such that in this most honourable assemblie there hath not wanted some two or three of the wisest gravâst and most experienced in our state that have seen and marked this mans perillous proceedings from the beginning wherof notwithstanding two are now deceased and their placeâ supplied to Leyceâters good liking yet alas the wisdom of these worthy men hath discovered alwayes more then their authorities were able to redresse the others great power and violence considered and for the residue of that bench and table though I doubt not but there be divers who do in heart detest his doingâ as there were also no doubt among the Councellours of King Edward who misliketh this mans fathers attempts though not so hardy as to contrary the same yet for most part of the Councell present they are known to be so affected in particular the one for that he is to him a Brother the other a Father the other a Kinsman the other an allie the other a fast obliged friend the other a fellow or follower in faction as none will stand in the breach against him none dare resist or encounter his designemeât but every man yeelding rather to the force of his flow permitteth him to pierce and passe at his pleasure in whatsoever his will is once setled to obtaine And hereof were I not staied for respect of some whom I may not name I could alledge strang examples not so much in affaires belonging to subjects and to privat men as were the cause of Snowden forrest Denbigh of Kilâingworth of his faire Pâstures fouly procured by Southam of the Archbâsh of Canterbury of the L. Baâkley of Sir Iohn Throgmarton of M. Robânson and the like wherin those of the Councell that disliked his doings least dâred to oppose themselves to the same but also in things that appertaine directly to the Crown and dignity to the State and Common-weal and to the safety and continuance therof It is not secure for any one Councellor or other of authority to take notice of my Lords errours or misdeeds but with extreame perill of their owne ruine As for example in the beginning of the rebellion in Ireland when my Lord of Leycester was in some disgrace and consequently as hee imâgined but in fraile state at home he thought it not unexpedient for his better assurance to hold some intelligence also that way for all events and so he did whereof there was so good evidence and testimony found upon one of the first of accompt that was there slaine as honourable personages of their knowledge have assured me as would have beene sufficient to touch the life of any subject in the land or in any state Christian but onely my Lord of Leycester who is a subject without subjâction For what thinke you durst any man take notice hereof or avouch that he had seen thus much durst he that tooke it in Ireland deliver the same where especially hee should have done or they who received it in England for it came to great hands use it to the benefit of their Princesse and Countrey No surely for if it had beene but onely suspected that they had seene such a thing it would have beene as dangerous unto them as it was to Action to have seene Diana and her maidens naked whose case is so common now in England as nothing more and so doe the examples of divers well declare whose unfortunate knowledge of too many secrers brought them quickly to unfortunate ends For we heare of one Salvatour a stranger long used in great mysteries of base affaires and dishonest actions who afterward upon what demerit I know not sustained a hard fortune for being late with my Lord in his study well neare untill midnight if I be righâly informed went home to his chamber and the next morning was found slaine in his bed Wee heare also of one Doughây hanged in haste by Captaine Drake upon the Sea and that by order as is thought before his departure out of England for that he was over privy to the secrets of this good Earle There was also this last Summer past one Gates hanged at Tiborne umong others for robbing of Carriers which Gates had beene lately Clârke of my Lords
owne passion and leese his commodity As for that which is alleadged before for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders that his present state is so prosperous as hee cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head whose eye and heart is alwayes upon that which he hopeth for and enjoyeth not and not upon that which already hee possesseth be it never so good Especially in matters of honour and authority it is an infallible rule that one degree desired and not obtained afflicteth more then five degrees already possessed can give consolation the story of Duke Hamân confirmeth this evidently who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus after he had reckoned up all his pompe riches glory and felicity to his friends yet hee said that all this was nothing unto him untill he could obtaine the revenge which hee desired upon Maâdâchaeus his enemy and hereby it commeth ordinarily to passe that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Male-contents that most doe endanger their Prince and Countrey When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke against King Richard the second their lawfull Soveraigne it was not for lack of preferment for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King and possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland Worâester and Stafford together besides many other offices and dignities of honour In like sort when the two Neviles tooke upon them to joyne with Richard of Yorke to put downe their most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt and after again in the other side to put downe King Edward the fourth it was not upon want of advancement they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick and Lords of many notable places besides But it was upon a vaine imagination of future fortune whereby such men are commonly led and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdome for themselves as this man hath to prick him forward If you say that these men hated their Soveraigne and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction the same I may answer of my Lord living though of all men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude that where it oweth most and disdaineth to be bound there upon every little discontentment it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shewed evidently in the time of his little disgrace wherein hee noâ onely did diminish vilipend and debase among his friends the inestimable benefits hee hath received from her Majestie but also used to exprobrate his owne good services and merits and to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and recompence of the same which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion and assault of her Majesties Royall person and dignity upon so small a cause given did well shew what minde inwardly he beareth to his Soveraigne and what her Majesty may expect if by offending him shee should once fall within the compasse of his furious pawes seeing such a smoke of disdainâ could not proceed but from a fierie fornace of hatred within And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider what a little check or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart may worke in a proud and disdainfull stomâcke The remembrance of his marriagâ missâd that hee so much pretended and desired with her Majestie doth sticke deeply in his breâst and stirreth him daily to revenge As also doth the disdaine of certaine checks and disgraces received aâ sometimes especially that of his last marriage which irketh him so much the more by how much greater feare and danger it brought him into at that time and did put his Widow in such open phrensie as shee raged many moneths after against her Majestie and is not cold yet but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy for that injury and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis to stirre him forward when occasion shall serve And what effect such female suggestions may worke when they finde an humour proud and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duchesse of Somerset who inforced her Husband to cut off the head of his onely deare Brother to his owne evident destruction for her contentation Wherefore to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason saying there is so much discovered in the case as there is so great desire of raigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and hability of successe if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitours seeing the plots be so well laid the preparation so forward the favourers so furnished the time so propitious and so many other causes conviting together seeing that by differing all may be hazarded and by hastening little can be indangered the state and condition of things well weyed finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to exâcution so potent and diligent as women malice and ambition are wont to bee it is more then probable that they will not leese their present commodity especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow I meane the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards dayes that herein there was some errour committed at that time which overthrew the whole and that was the deferring of some things untill after the Kings death which should have beene put in execution before For if in the time of their plotting when as yet their designements were not published to the world they had under the countenance of the King as well they might have done gotten into their hands the two Sisters and dispatched some other few affaires before they had caused the young Prince to die no dobut but in mans reason the whole designement had taken place and consequently it is to be presupposed that these men being no fooles in their owne affaires will take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather will make all sure by striking while the iron is hot as our proverbe warneth them It cannot bee denied in reason quoth the Lawyer but that they have many helpes of doing what they list now under the present a favour countenance and authority of her Majesty which they should not have after her Highnesse decease when each man shall remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor and therefore I for my part would rather counsell them to make much of her Majesties life for after that they little know what may ensue or befall their designements They will make the most thereof quoth the Gentleman for their owne advantage but after that what is like to follow the examples
the House of Yorke before the union of the two great Houses raiseth up againe the old contention betweene the Families of Yoâke and Lancaster wherein so much English bloud was spilt in times past and much more like to bee powred out now if the same contention should bee set on foot againe Seeing that to the controversie of Titles would bee added also the controversie of Religion which of all other differences is most dangerous Sir quoth the Gentleman now you touch a matter of consequence indeed and such as the very naming thereof maketh my heart to shake and tremble I remember well what Philip Cominus setteth downe in his History of our Countries calamity by that contention of those two Houses distinguished by the Red Rose and the White but yet both in their Armes might justly have borne the colour of Red with a fierie sword in a black field to signifie the abundance of bloud and mortality which ensued in our Countrey by that most wofull and cruell contention I will not stand here to set downe the particulars observed gathered by the foresaid author though a stranger which for the most part he saw himselfe while hee lived about the Duke of Burgundy and King Lewes of France of that time namely the pittifull description of divers right Noble men of our Realme who besides all other miseries were driven to begge openly in forraine Countries and the like Mine owne observation in reading over our Country affaires is sufficient to make me abhorre the memory of that time and to dread all occasion that may âead us to the like in time to come seeing that in my judgement neither the Civill warres of Marius and Silla or of Pompey and Caesar among the Romanes nor yet the Guelphians and Gibilines among the Italians did ever worke so much woe as this did to our poore Countrey Wherein by reason of the contention of Yorke and Lancaster were foughten sixteene or seventeen pitched fields in lesse then an hundred yeares That is from the eleventh or twelfth yeare of King Richard the second his raigne when this controversie first began to bud up unto the thirteenth yeare of K. Henry the seventh At what time by cutting off the chiefe titler of Huntingtons house to wit yong Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick Son and Heire to George Duke of Clarence the contention most happily was quenched and ended wherein so many fields as I have said were foughten between Brethren and Inhabitants of our owne Nation And therein and otherwise onely about the same quarrel were slaââ murdered and made away about nine or ten Kings and Kings Sonnes besides above forty Earles Marquesses and Dukes of name but many more Lords Knights and great Gentlemen and Captaines and of the Common people without number and by particular conjecture very neare two hundred thousand For that in one Battell fought by King Edward the fourth there are recorded to be slaine on both parts five and thirty thousand seven hundred and eleven persons besides others wounded and taken prisoners to be put to death afterward at the pleasure of the Conquerour at divers Battels after ten thousand slaine at a Battell And in those of Barnet and Tukesbury fought both in one yeare This suffered our afflicted Country in those dayes by this unfortunate and deadly contention which could never be ended but by the happy conjunction of those two Houses tâgether in Henry the seventh neither yet so as appeareth by Chronicle untill as I have said the state had cut off the issue male oâ the Duke of Clarence who was cause of divers perilâ to King Henry the sevenâh though he were in prison By whose Sister the faction of Huntinâton at thiâ day doth seeke to raise up the same contention againe with farre greater danger both to the Reaâmâ and to her Majesty that now raigneth then ever before And for the Realme it is evident by that it givetâ roome to strangers Competitours of the House oâ Lancaster better able to maintaine their owne titlâ by sword then ever was any of that linage before tâem And for her Majesties perill present it is nothing hard to conjecturâ seeing the same title in thâ fore-said Earle of Warwick was so dangerous anâ troublesome to her Grandfather by whom she holdeth as hee was faine twiââ to take armâs in defence of his right against the said title which was in those dayes preferred and advanced by the friendâ of Clarence before that of Henry as also this of Huntington is at this day by his faction before that of her Majesty though never so unjustly Touching Huntingtons title before her Majesty quoth the Lawyer I will say nothing because in reason I see not by what pretence in the World he may thrust himselfe so farre forth seeing her Majesty is descendâd not onely of the House of Lancaste but also before him most apparentây from the House of Yorke it selfe as from the eldest Daughter of Kâng Edwârd the fourth being the eldest Brother of that House Whereas Huntington claimeth onely by the Daughter of George Duke of Clarence the younger Broâher Marry yet I must confesse that if the Earle of Warwicks title were better then that of King Henry the seventh which is most false though many attempted to defend the same by sword then hath Huntângton some wrong at this day by her Majesty Albeit in very truth the atâaints of so many of his Ancestours by whom he claâmâth would answer him also sufficiently in that behalfe if his title were otherwise allowable But I know besides this they have another fetch of King Richard the third whereby he would needs prove hâs elder Brother King Edwaâd to bee a Bastard and consequently his whole line aswell male as female to be void Which devise though it be ridiculous and was at that time when it was first invented yet as Richard found at that time a Doctor Shaw that shamed not to publish and defend the same at Pauls Crosse in a Sermon and John of Northumberland my Lord of Lâyceââers Father found out divers Preachers in his time to set up the title of Suffolke to debase the right of K. Henries daughter both in London Cambridge Oxford and other places most apparently against all Law and reason so I doubt not but these men would finde out also both Shawes Sands and others to set out the title of Clareâce before the whole interest of King Henry the seventh and his posterity if occasion served Which is a point of importance to bee considered by her Majesty albeit for my part I meane not not now to stand thereupon but onely upon that other of the House of Lancaster as I have said For as that most honourable lawfull and happy conjunction of the two adversary Houses in King Henry the seventh and his Wife made an end of the shedding of English bloud within it selfe and brought us that most
house of Suffolk bâfore them both A notable change quoâh the Gântleman that a title so much exalted of late by the Father above all order right ranke and degree should now be so âuch debased by the Son as thouâh it were not worthy to hold any degree but rather to be troden under-foot for plain bastardy And you see by thâs how true it is which I told you before that the race of Dudlies are most cunning merchants to make their gaine of all thângs men and times And as we have seene now two testâments alleaged the one of the Kings father and the other of the kings sonne and both of them in prejudice of the testators true successors so many good subjects begân greatly to fear that we may chance to see sâortly a third Testâment of her Mâjesty for the tituling of Huntington and exurpation of King Henries blood thât before her Majesty can think of sicknessâ wherein I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet But now sir to the foresaid Will and Testament of King Henry I have often heard in truth that the thing was counterfeit or at the least not able to be proved aâd that it was discovered rejected and defaced in Queen Maries time but I would gladly understand what you Lawyers esteeme or judge thereof Touching this matter quoth the Lawyer it cannot be denied but that in the 28. and 36 years of King Henries reign upon coâsideration of some doubt aâd irâesolution which the King himselfe had shewed to have about the order of succâssion in his owne children as also for taking away all occasions of controversies in those of the next blood the whole Parliament gave authority unto the said King to debate and determine âhose matters himselfe together with his learned councell who best knew the lawes of the Realme and titles that any man might hâve thereby and that whatsoever succâssion his Majesty should declare as most right and lawfull under his letters patents sealed or by his last Will and Tâstâment rightfully made and signed with his owne hand that the sâme should bee received for good and lawfull Upon pretence whereof soon after King Henries death there was shewed a Will with the kings stamp at the same and the names of divers witnesses wherein as hath beene said the succession of the Crowne after the kingâ owne children is assigned to the heyres of Frances and Elenore Neeces to the king by his younger Sister Which assignation of the Crown being as it were a meer gift in prejudice of the elder sisters right as also of the right of Frances and Elenor themselves who were omitted in the same assignation and their heires intituled onely was esteâmed to be against all reason law and nature and consequently not thought to proceed from so wise and sage a Prince as K. Henrie was knowne to be but rather either the whole forged or at least wise that clause inserted by other and the Kings stamp set unto it after his death or when his Majesty lay now past understanding And hereof there wanteth not divers most evident reasons and proofes For first it is not probâble nor credible that King Henrie would ever go about against law and reason to disinherit the line of his eldest sister without any profit or interest to himselfe and thereby give most evident occasion of Civill war and discord within the Realm seeing that in such a case of manifest and apparent wrong in so great a mâtter the authoritie of Paâlament taketh little effect against the true and lawfull inheritâr as well appeared in the former times and contentions of Henrie the sixth Edward the fourth and Richard the third in whose reignes the divers and contrarie Parliaments made and holden âgainst the neât inheritor held no longer with any man then untill the other was able to make his owne partie good So likewise in the case of King Edward the third his succession to Fâance in the right of his mother though he were excludâd by the generall assembly and consent of their Parliaments yet he esteemed not his right extinguished thereby as neither did other Kings of our Countrie that ensued after him And for our present case if nothing else should have restrained King Henrie from such open injustice towards his eldest sister yet this cogitation at least would have stayed him that by giving example of supplanting his elder sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence of Parliament some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence as we see that Duke Dudley did soone after by a forged testament of King Edward the sixt So ready Schollars there are to be found which easily will learne such lessons of iniquity Secondly there be too many incongruities and indignities in the said pretended Will to proceed from such a Prince and learned councell as King Henries was For first what can be more ridiculous than to give the Crowne to the heires of Francis and Elenor and not to any of themselves or what had they offended that their heires should enjoy the Crowne in their right and not they themselves What if King Henries Children should have dyed whiles Lady Francis had been yet alive who should have possessed the Kingdome before her seeing her Line was next and yet by this testament shee could not pretend her selfe to obtaine it But rather having marryed Adrian Stokes her horse-keeper she must have suffered her sonne by him if she had any to enjoy the Crown and so Adâian of a Serving man and Master of Horses should have become the great Master and Protector of England Of like absurditie is that other clause also wherein the King bindeth his owne daughters to marry by consent and direction of his counsell or otherwise to leese the benefit of their succession yet bindeth not hiâ Neices daughters to wit the daughters of Francis Elenor if they had any to any such condition Thirdly there may bee divers causes and arguments alledged in law why this pretended will is not authenticall if otherwise it were certaine that King Henrie had meant it first for that it is not agreeable to the mind and meaning of the Parliament which intended onely to give authoritie for declaration and explication of the true title and not for donation or intricating of the same to the ruine of the Reâlme Secondly for that there is no lawfull and authenticall Copie extant thereof but onely a bare inrolement in the Chancerie which is not sufficient in so weighty an affaire no witnesse of the privie Councell or of Nobilitâe to the same which had been convenient in so great a case for the best of the witnesses therein named is Sir Iohn Gates whose miserable death is well knowne no publike Notary no probation of the will before any Bishop or any lawfull Court for that puâpose no examination of the witnessâs or other thing orderly done for lawfull authorizing of
thought so quoth the Duke and not without great cause for as the white Paulfrey when he standeth in the stable and is well provendred is proud and fierce and ready to leape on every other horses back still neying and prauncing and troubling all that stand about him but when he is once out of his hot stable and deprived a little of his case and fat feeding every boy may ride and master him at his pleasure so is it quoth he with my Lord of Arundell Whereat many marvelled that were present to heare so insolent speech passe from a man of judgement against a Peere of the Realme cast into calamity But you would more have marvelled quoth the Gentleman if you had seene that which I did afterward which was the most base and abject behaviour of the same Duke to the same Earle of Arundel at Cambridge and upon the way towards London when this Earle was sent to apprehend and bring him up as prisoner If I should tell you how he fell down on his knees how he wept how he besought the said Earle to be a good Lord unto him whom a little before he had so much contemned and reproached you would have said that himselfe might as well be compared to this his white Paulfrey as the other Albeit in this I will excuse neither of them both neither almost any of these great men who are so proud and insolent in their prosperous fortune as they are easily led to contemne any man albeit themselves bee most contemptible of all others whensoever their fortune beginneth to change and so will my L. of Leicester be also no doubt at that day though now in his wealth he triumph over all and careth not whom or how many he offend and injure Sir therein I beleeve you quoth I for wee have had sufficient tryall already of my Lords fortitude in adversity His base and abject behaviour in his last disgrace about his marriage well declared what hee would doe in a matter of more importance His fawning and flattering of them whom he hated most his servile speeches his feigned and dissembled teares are all very well knowne Then Sir Christopher Hatton must needs be enforced to receive at his hands the hânourable and great office of Chamberlainship of Chester for that he would by any meanes reâgne the same unto him whether he would or no and made him provide not without his charge to receive the same though his Lordship never meant it as after wel appeared For that the present pange being past it liked my Lord to fulfill the Italian Proverbe of such as in dangers make vowes to Saints Scampato il pericolo gabbato il santo the danger escaped the Saint is deceived Then and in that necessity no men of the Realm were so much honoured commended served by him as the noble Chamberlaine deceased and the good Lord Treasurer yet living to whom at a certaine time he wrote a letter in all fraud and base dissimulation and caused the same to be delivered with great cunning in the sight of her Majesty and yet so as to shew a purpose that it should not be seen to the end her Highnesse might rather take occasion to call for the same and read it as she did For Mistris Francis Hâward to whom the stratagem was committed playing her part dexterously offered to deliver the same to the Lord Treasurer neare the doâre of the withdrawing Chamber he then comming from her Majesty And to draw the eye and attention of her Highnesse the more unto iâ shee let fall the paper before it touched the treasurers hand and by that occasion brought her Majesty to call for the same Which after she had read and considered the stile together with the metall and constitution of him that wrote it and to whom it was lent her Highnesse could not but breake forth in laughter with detestation of such absurd and abject dissimulation sayâng unto my Lord Treasurer there presânt my Lord believe him not for if he had you in like case he would play the Beare with you though at this present hee fawne upon you never so fast But now Sir I pray you goe forward in your speech of Scotland for there I remember you left off when by occasion we fell into these digressions Well then quoth the Gentleman to returâe againe to Scotland as you move from whence wee have digressed most certaine and evident it is to all the world that all the broyles troubles and dangers procured to the Prince in that countrey as also the vexations of them who any way are thought to favour that title in our owne Realme doe proceed from the drift and complot of these conspirators Which besides the great dangers mentionâd before both domesticall and forraine temporall and of religion must needs inferre great jeopardy also to her Maiesties person and present reign that now governeth through the hope and heat of the aspirârs ambition inflamed and increased so much the more by the nearenesse of their desired prey For as souldiers entred into the hope of a rich and well furnished Citie are more fierce and furious when they have gotten and beaten downe the Bullwaâks round about and as the greedy Burglârer that hath pierced and broken downe man waâls to come to a treasure is lesse patient of stay stop and delay when he commeth in sight of âhat which he desireth or perceiveth only some partition of wane skot or the like betwixt his fingers and the cofers or monie bags so theâe men whân they shall see the succession of Scotland extinguished together with all friends and favourârs thereof which now are to her Majesty as Bullwarks and wals and great obstacles to the aspirors and when they shall see onely her Maiâsties life and person to stand betwixt them and their fierie desires for they make little account of all other Competitors by King Hânries line no doubt but it will bee to them a great prick and spurre to dispatch Her Majestie also the nature of both Earles being well considered whereof the one killed his own wife as hath been shewed before onely upon a little vaine hope of marriage with a Queene and the other being so farre blinded and borne away with the same furious fume most impotent itching humor of ambition as his owne mother when she was alive seemed greatly to feare his fingers if once the matter should come so neare as her life had onely stood in his way For which cause the good old Countesse was wont to pray God as I have heard divers say that she might dye before her Majesty which happily was granted unto her to the enâ that by standing in her sonnes way who she saw to her grief furiously bent to weare a Crown there might not some dangerous extremiây grow to her by that nearenesse And if his owne mother feared this mischance whât may her Majesty doubt
at his his companions hanâs when she onâly shall be the obstacle of all their unbridled and impatient deâres Cleare it is quoth the Lawyer that the nearenesse of aspirors to the ââowne endangereth greatly the present possessors as you have well proved by reason and I could shew by divers examples if it were need For when Henrie Bullingbrooke Duke of Lancaster saw not onely Richard the second to be without issue but also Roger Mortimer Earle of March that should have succeded in the Crowne to bee slaine in Ireland though before as is thought he meant not to usurpe yet seeing the possibility and neare cut that he had was inuited therewith to lay hands of his Soveraignes blond and dignity as he did The like is thought of Richard Duke of Glocester that he nâver meant the murther of his nephewes untill he saw their father dead and themselves in his owne hands his brother also Duke of Clarence dispatched and his onely sonne and heire âarle of Warwick within his owne power Wherefore seeing that it hath not pleased Almighty God for causes to himselfe best known to leave unto this noble Realm any issue by her most excellent Maiestie it hath been a poynt of great wisedome in mine opinion and of great safety to her Highnes person state dignity to preserve hitherto the line of the next Inheritors by the house of Scotland I meane both the mother and the sonne whose deaths hath been so diligently sought by the other Competitors and had beene long ere this atchieved if her Majesties owne wisedome and royall clemency as is thought had not placed speciall eye upon the conservation thereof from time to time Which Princely providence so long as it shalâ endure must needs be a great safety and fortresâ to her Majesty not onely against the claimes aides or annoyance of forraine Princes whâ wil not be so forward to advance strange titles while so manifest heires remain at home nor yeâ so willing in respect of policy to âelpe thaâ line to possession of the whole Island but also against practices of domesticall aspirers as yoâ have shewed in whose affairs no doubt but these two branches of Scâtland are great bâocks as also speciall bulwarks to her Majesties life and person seeing as you say these copartners make so little account of the other of that line who should ensue by order of succession Marry yet of the two I thinke the youth of Scotland be of much more importance for their purpose to bee made away both for that hee may have issue and is like in time to be of more ability for defence of his owne inheritance as also for that he being once dispatched his mother should soone ensue by one slight or other which they would devise unwitting to her Majesty albeit I must needes confesse that her Highnesse hath used most singular prudence for prevention thereof in placing her restraint with so noble strong and worthy a Peere of our Realme as the Earle of Shrewsburie is whose fidelity and constancy being nothing plyable to the others faction giveth them little contentation And for that cause the world seeth how many sundry and divers devices they have used and do use dayly to slander and disgrace him and thereby to pull from him his charge committed To this the Gentleman answered nothing at all but stood stâll musing with himselfe as though hee had conceived some deep matter in his head â and after a little pause he began to say as followeth I cannot truly but much marvaile when I do compare some things of this time and government with the doings of formâr Princes Progenitors to her Majesty Namely of Henrie the 7. and Henrie the 8. who had so vigilant an eye to the laterall line of King Edward the 4. by his brother of Clarence as they thought it necessary not only to prevent all evident dangers that might ensue that way but even the possibilities of all perill as may well appear by the execution of Ed. Earl of Warwick before named Son and heire to the said Duke of Clarence and of Maâgaâet his sister Countesse of Salisbury with the Lord Henry Montague her sonne by whose Dauâhter the Earle of Huntington now claimeth All which were executed for avoyding of inconveniencies and that at such times when no imminent danger could be much doubted by that Line especially by the latter And yet now when one of the same house and Line of more ability and ambition than ever any of his Ancestors were maketh open title and claime to the Crowne with plots packs and preparations to most manifest usurpation against all order all law and all rightful succession and against a special statute provided in that behalfe yet is he permitted boâne out favoured and friended therein and no man so hardy as in defeâcââf her Majestie and the Realme to contrââle hiâ for the same It may be that her Majestie is brought into the same oâinion of my Lord of Huntingtons fidelity as Iulius Caesar was of Marcus Brutus his dearest obliged friend of whose ambitious practises and aspiring when Caesar was advertised by his carefull friends he anâwered that hee well knew Brutus to be ambitious but I am sure quoth he that my Brutuâ will never attempt any thing for the Empire while Caesar liveth ând after my death let him shift for the same among others aâ he can But what ensued Surely I am loath to tell the event for ominations sake but yet all the world knoweth that ere many moneths passed this most noble and âlement Emperour was pittifully murthered ây the same Brutus and his partners in the publique Senate when least of all he expected such treason So dangerous a thing it is to be secure in a matter of so great sequell or to trust them with a mans life who may pretend preferment or interest by his death Wherefore would God her Majestie in this case might be induced to have such due care and regard of her own estate and royall person as the weighty moment of the matter requireth which containeth the blisse and calamity of so noble and worthy a kingdome as this I know right well that most excellent natures are alwayes furthest off from diffidence in such people as proves love and are most bounden by dutie and so it is evident in her Maiestie But yet surely this confidence so commendable in other men is scarce allowable oftentimes in the person of a Prince for that it goeth accompanyed with so great perill as is inevitable to him that will not suspect principally when dangers are foretold or presaged as commonly by Gods appoyntment they are fâr the speciall hand he holdeth over Princes affaires or when there is probable conjecture or just surmise of the same We know that the forenamed Emperor Caesar had not onely the warning given him of the inclination and intent of Brutus to usurpation but even the very day when
and banishment Caligula the scourge of fâmous Rome Wishâ all the Romanes had onely one head That when he list to give their fatall doome He might with one great blow strâke all them dead So should he never need thâir hâte to dread Even sâch a mischiefe I wâsht to my foes That many men might pârish with fâw blowes But unto those that doe your favour seeke And by your helpe hope their low states to raise You must be courâeous bountifull and meeke Caesar by clemency won greatest praise And was esteem'd the mirrour of hâs dâyes For it belongs to men of great estate To spare the poore and rich mens mindes abate It 's ill to be a rub upon that ground Whereas the Prince the alley meanes to sweep Their owne conceits they fondly doe confound That into high attempts doe boldly creep And with their shallow pares âoe wade to deep To hinder what their Soveraigne doth intend Or to controule what they cannot âmend Calisthenes much torment did sustaine Because great Alexanders pride he checkt Grave Seneca choosing his death wâs slâine By Nero's doome whosâ faults he did correct Use not too shârpe rebukeâ but have respect Unto the persons when great men doe evill The vengeance leave to God or to the devill Be not too haughty pride ârocureth hate And meane mens hate may turne to your disgrace Nor too familiar be in high estate For that will breed contempt among the base Observe a meane whiâh winneth man much grace Speake well to all trust none use well your foes For this may purchase love where hatred growes And if that you doe feâre your friând should chance To mount too highly in the Princes grace Hiâ praise to heaven then stick not to advance Say that the charge he beareth is too base And that his worth deserves farre better place So may you by this praise rid him away And so supply his place another day Sây he will prove a terror in the field This private life doth much obscure his fame More fit to beare great Ajax sevenfold shield Then like Sardanapalus court a dame He idlely lives at home it is a shâme His very presence may his foes appall Let him be sent Lieutenant Generall Now if he chance to perish in some fight Iâ was not your worke but the chance of warres Or thus you may excuse your selves by fleight Bââming âhe influence of the angry starres Thââ thus by death his future fortune barres Aââ sighing we are sory you may say That this brave man would cast himselfe away But if in feats of armes he have no skill If he be learned wise and eloquent By praising him thus may you have your will Procure him in ambassage to be sent Far off lest he returne incontinent As to the mighty Châm or Prestor Iohn And triumph in his roome when he is gone Let no man think I exerciâ'd the ghost Of this great Peere that sleepeth in the dust Or conjur'd up his spirit to this coâst To presse him with despaire or praise unjust I am not partiall but gâve him his due And to his soule I wish eternall health Ne doe I think all written tales are true That are inserted in his Commonwealth What others wrote before I do survive But am not like to those incenst with hate And as I plainly write so doe I strive To write the truth not wronging his estate Of whom it may be said and censur'd well He both in vice and vertue did excell Iamque opus exegi Deus dedit his quoque finem FINIS Scholar The occâsiân oâ hâs ãâã and âeâtâng The persons and place of this conference A temperate Paâist The booke of Iustâce Lawâer Gentleman The Papists practices against the state Lawyer Two sorts of dealing against the sâate Directly Indirectly The state of all Subiects is a state of different religion The second kind of treason The application of the former example Gentleman Two degrees of treason Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer France Flanders Portugal The old hatred of East Grecians towards the West Latins Scholar Not all Papists propeâly traytors Lawyer The Priests and Seminaries that were executed Gentleman The considerations Misery moveth mercy A good wâsh Lawyer The nature and practice of the Guânâans Gentleman The Târant of Englâsh staâe Three ãâ¦ã in Eâgâand ãâã The âule of âeâceâteâ Gentlâman Lawyââ ãâã Lord Nââths pâââcy Gentleman A strange speculation Sâhâlâr The Queens Maiesties most excellent good nature Gentleman Fears that subiect have of my Lord of Leicester Sir Francis Walâingham Deepe disâimulâtion ãâ¦ã Edmund Dudley Robert Dudley Lawyer Gentleman The Law against talking Actâons of Leicester whereof he would have no speecâ Shâlaâ ãâ¦ã upon ãâã marriage To Sir Thomas Layton L. Treasurer L. Chambeâlaine M. Controler Sir Thomas Hibbot Gentleman Leicesters Father a traiterous Papist The honour and comâodities by the marriage with France Ethelbert King of Kent converted An. Dom. 603 Lawyer Tolleration in Religion with union in defence of our Country Gentleman Dâvers marriages of her Madeseaâed Leicesters devices to drive away all Sutors from her Maiesty Leicester convinced himselfe of impudency Lawyer The basenesse of Leâcesters ancestors Anno 1. R. Mary Gentleman Doctor Dale Doctor Iulio The Archbishops oâerâhâow for not allowing two wives to Leicester his Physician The Lady Sheffield now Embassadresse in France The death of Leicesters fiâst Lady and wife Sir Richard Varney Bald Baâtler The suspitious death of the Lord Sheffield The poisoning of the Earle of Essex The shâfâing of a châlde in dame Lettice belly The diverâ operation of Roylor Doctor Bayly the yonger Death of Cardinall Chatilian Schâlâr Lea. Honnieâ Mistris Draykot poisoned with the Earl of Essâx The Earle of Essex speech to his Page Robin Honnieâ Genâleman Death of Sir Nicholas Throgmarton Sir William Cicill now Lord Treasurer The poisoning of Sir Nicholas in a salet The Lord Chamberlin Monsieur Simiers The poisoning of thâ Lady Lenox Leicesters most variable dealing with women in contractâ and marriages Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Retract Protract Leicesters two testaments Scholar Varius Heliogabalus and his most infamous death An Epitaph A pittifull permission The exâerpation of the Tarquinions Anno Dom. 959. Gentleman The intollerable lâcenciousnes of Leicesters carnality Mony well spent Anne Vauisour The punishments of God upon Leicester to do him good * The children of adulterers shall be consumed and the seed of a wicked bed shall be rooted out saith God Sap. 3. Leicesters oyntment Leicesters bottle Scholar A pretty device An act of atheism Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer Gentleman The first reason why Leicester slew his wife by violence rather then by poyson The second reason Doctor Bayly the elder A practice for poisoning the Lady Dudley Doct. Babington A third reason The intended murder of Monsieur Simiers by sundry meanes The intended murder of the Earle of Ormond William Killegre Scholar Preoccupation of her Maiesties person An ordinary way of aspiring by preoccupation of the Princes person A comparison The
way of aspiring in Duke Dudley Gentleman Leycesters power in the privy Chamber Leycester married at Waenstead when her Maiesty was at M. Stoners Houf Doctor Culpeper Physition Minister No sute can passe but by Leycester Read Polidore in the 7. yeare of King Richard 1. and you shall find this proceeding of certaine about that K. to be put as a great cause of his overthrow No preferments but by Leycester to Leycestâians Leycesters anger and insolency Leycesters peremptory dealing Breaking of order in her Maiesties houshold Leycesters violatâng of all order in the Country abroad Lawyer A Leycestrian Commonwealth Gentleman Leycester called the heart and life of the Couât A demonstration of Leycesteâs tyranny in the Court. Leycester provideth never to come in the Qâeânes danger againe Anno Regni 3â Leyâesters puissance in the privy Councell L Keeper L. Chamberlain Matters wherin the Councell are inforced to wink at Leycester Leycesters intelligence with the rebellion in Ireland Acteons case now come in England Salvatour slaine in his bed Doughty hanged by Drake The story of Gates hanged at Tiborne Scholar This relation of Gates may serve hereafter for an addition in the second ediââon of this booke Gentleman The deck reserved for Leycester Leycesters puissanâ violence with the Prince her sâlfe The Earle of Sussex his speech of the Earle of Leycester The Lord Burghley Leycesterâ power in the countrey abroad Yorke Earle of Huntington Barwick The Lord Hunâden Wales Sir Henây Sidney The Earle of Pembrooke The West Earle of Bedford The Lord Grey â Her Maiesty âs he saith for striking of Master Fortesene calling him lame wretch that grieved him so for that he was hurt in her service at Lieth as he said he would live to be revenged * In Scotland or elswhere against the next inheritors or presenâ possessor Sir Iohn Parott Sir Edward Horsey Sir George Carew Sir Amias Paulet Sir Thomas Layton Her Maiesties stable her armour munition and artillery The Tower London Sir Rowland Heyward c. Mad Fleetwood Gentleman Scholar My Lord of Huntingtons preparation at Ashby Killingworth Castle Ralph Lane The offer and acceptation of Killingworth Castle Lawyer The prerogative of my Lord of Leycester Leycester the Star directory to Lâwyers in their claents affaires Leycesters furniture in money The saying of a Knight of the Shire touching Leycesters mony Gentleman The infinit waies of gaining that Leycester hath Sures Lands Licences Falling out with her Maiesty Offices Clergy Beneficeâ Vniveâsity Oppressions Rapines Princes favour Presents Lawyeâ Leycesters home gaine by heâ Maâesties faâour A pretty story Leycesters forraine gaine by her Maiesties favour Leycesters bribe for betraying of Callis Gentleman Leycesters father sold Bulloâgne Earles of Arundel and South-hampton pât out of the Councell by D. Dudley Lawyer Leycesters gaine by falling out with her Maiesty Gentleman Leycesters fraudulent chaâge of lands wiâh her Maiesty whereby he hath notably endammaged the Crowne Leycesters licenses Sâlkes and Velvetâ The Tyrannicall licence of alienation Gentleman Edmund Dudley Edmund Dudleis booke written in the Tower Gentleman The supplanting of the race of Henry the 7. The inserting of Huntington Edmund Dâdleies brood more cunning then himselfe Northumberland and Leycester with their Prince will not be roled Lawyer Gentlâman Leycester Master of Art and a cunning Logitioner Scholar Leycesters abusing and spoiling of Oxford The Lord Treasârer Caâbridge The disorders of Oxford by the wickednesse of their Chancellor Leases Leycesters instrumenâs * At Diââies house in Warwick shiâe dame Lettice ãâã and some othââ such pieces of pleasure Lawyeâ The perill of standing with Leycester in any thing * Poore men resisting Warwicks inclosure at North hall weâe hanged for hâ pleasure by Leycesters auâhority Gentleâân Great Tyranny Lawyer The Lordship of Denbigh and âeicesters oppression used therein The Manor of Killingworth and Leycesters oppression there The cause of Snowden forest most pitifull An old tyrannicall Commission A rediculouâ demonstration of excessive avaries A singular oppression Leycester extreamly hated in Wales Gentleman The end of tyrants Nero Vitellius A most terrible revenge taken upon a tyrant Leycesters oppression of particular men Master Robinson Master Harcourt M. Richrâd Lee. Ludowick Grâvel George Witney âord Barkley Archbâshop of Caâterbury Sir Iohn Throgmatton Lane Gifford Sir Drew Drewry The presentstate of my Lord of Leycester Leicesters wealth Leycest strength Leycest cunning Leycesters disposition Lawyer Causes of iust feare for her Maiesty A point of necessary policy for a Prince Scholar A philosophicall argument to prove Leycesters intent of soveraignty The preparationâ of Leycestâr declare his intended end How the Duke of Northumberland dissembled his end Gentleman The boldnesse of the titlers of Clarence Lawyer Gentleman The abuse of âhe Statute for silence in the true succession Lawyer Two excuses alleadged by Leycesters friends Gentlemen Whether Leycester meane the Crown siâceâely for Huntângton or for himselfe The words of thâ Lord North to Master Pooly Pooly told this to Sir Robert Iermine The words of Sir Thomas Layton brother in law to my Lord. The words of Mistris Anne West sister unto this holy Countesse Three arguments of Leycesters meaning for himselfe before Huntington The first arguâent the Nature of ambâtion The second argument Leycesters particular disposition Leycesters disposition to tamper for a Kingdome I meane the noble old Earle of Pembrooke The undutifull devise of Naturall issue in the Statutâ of succession The marriage of Arbella The third argument The nature of the cause it selfe The nâture of old reconciled enmity The reason of Machavell The meaning of the Duke of Northumberland with Suffolke South-house Lawyer The meaning of the D. of Northumberland towards the D. of Suffolke Scholar Gentleman The practise of King Richard for dispatching hâs Wife A new Triumvirââââtween ââtween Leycester Talbot and âhâ Coântesse of Shrâveâbury Lawyer Huntington Gentleman The sleights of Leycester for bringing all to himselfe Scambling between Leâcester Huntington at the upshot Richard of Glocester Aât 1. Edw. 5. 2. That the conspiratorâ meane in her Majesties dayes âoure considerations A thing worthy to be noted in ambitious men Hâstor 5. The Peâcies The two Neviles Leycesteâs hatred to her Majesty The evill nature of ingratitude Lâycesters speeches of her Majesty in the time of his disgrace The causes of hatred in Leycester towards her Majesty The force of female suggestions An evident conclusion that the execution is meant in time of her Majesty An errour of the Father now to bee corrected by the Sonne Lawyer Gentleman Her Majestâes life and death to serve the conspiratours turne A Proclamation with halters Lawyer Papisticall blessing The statute of concealing the heire apparant Richard going towards Hierusalem began the custome by Parliament as Polidore noteth Anno 10. of Richard the second to declare the next heire The danger of our Countrey by concealing the next heire Great inconveniences Sir Christopher Hattons Oration Intollerable Treasons The miseries to follow upon her Majesties death The danger to her
Majesty bââhis statute Gentleman The hastning of the Conspiratours Schollar The Watch-word or the Conspiratours Lawyer Schollar Are you âatled A great mistery Lawyer Assemblies at Communions Strangers within the Land The perill of our Countrey if Huntingtons claime take place Gentleman The Red Rose âhe White The misery of England by the contention betweene Yorke and Lanâaster Guelphians and Gibilâneâ Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick The Battell by Taâââster on Pâlme Sunday An. 1460. The danger of Huntingtons claime to the Reâlme and to her Majesty Lawyer How Huntington maketh hiâ titâe before hâr Majesty * The most of Huâtingtons Ancestââs by whoâ hee makeâh âiâle aâtainâed of Treason The fâmous device âf king Richard the third ââlowed by Huâtington Anno 1. Mariae A point to be noâed by her Majesty The joyning of both houses The Line of Portugâll The old estimation of the House of Lancaster Henry Earle of Richmond The Line of Portugall Scholar The sword of greaâ fârce âo juâtifie the title of a kingdome Great dangers The beginning of the controveâsie betwixt York and Lancaster Edmond Crook-back beginner of the House of Lancaster Blanch. Iohn of Gaunt How the Kingdome was first brought to the House of Lancaster The issue of Iohn of Gaunt The pedegree of king Henry the seventh The two Daughters married to Portugall and Castile Forraine titles The issue of king Edwarâ thâ 3. Two Edmonds the two beginnerâ of the two Houses of Lancasteâ and Yorke The claime and title of Yorke The issue of king Edâard the fourth The Duke of Clarence attainted by Parliament Huntingtonâ title by the Duke of Clarence King Richard the third The happy conjunction of the two Houses The issue of King Henry the seventh The Line and Title of Scotland by Margaret eldest Daughter to King Henryâhe âhe 7. Arbââââ The Line and Title of Suffolke by Mary second daughter to King âenry the 7. The issue of Francis eldest Daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke The issue of Francis eldest daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk The issue of Elenor second daughter to Charles Brandon Scholar Huntington bebehind many other titles Gentleman The policy of the conspiratours for the deceiving of her Maiesty Scholar Leycesters variability Gentleman Barres pretended against the claâm of Scotland and Suffolke Against the Queen of Scotland and her sonne Against Arbella Against Darby Against the children of Hartford Scholar Leycesters dealing with the house of Suffolk Gentleman Bastardy Forraine biâth Lawyeâ Bastardie laâââl stops The impediments against Scotland three in number A protestation Touching the first impediment of foâraine birth An Alien may purchase The true Maxima against Alienâ The statute of King Edward whence the Maxima is gathered Reasons why the Scottish title is not letted by the Maxima against Aliens The first reason The rule of thirds Tenant by courtesie Division among daughters Executorâ The 2 reason The Crowne no such inherâtance as is meant in the statute The Crowne a corporation The â reason The Kings issue excepted by name Liberorum F. de verb. sign The fourth reason The Kings meaning The matches of England with foraigners The fift reason Examples of forainers admited Flores hist. Anno 1066. Pol. lib. 15. Flor. hist. 1208. K. Iohn a tyrant The 6. reason The iudgement and sentence of K. Henry the seventh The 7. reason The Queene of Scots and her son no Aliens The second impediment against the Q of Scots her son which is K. Henry the â his testament Forain birth no impediment in the âudgement of K. Henry the â The succession of Scotland next by the iudgement of the competitors Gentleman Lawyer The Duke of Northumberlandâ drift Gentleman The mutable dealing of the house of Dudley Lawyer The authority and occasion of King Henries testament The Kingâ Testament forged The first reason Injustice and improprobabilitâ The example of France The second reason Incongruities and indignities Adrian Stokes The third reason The presupposed Will is not authenticall The disproving of the Wil by witnesses The Loâd Paget Sir Edw. Montague William Claâke A meeting together about this matter of the Nobility Mâ Lord of Lâââest againe plâyââ double The old Earle of Penbrooks admonition to the Earl his son yet living The thiâd impediment of religion Princes of Germany Qu. Mary Queen Elizabeth * The Dudleis Monsieur King of Navarre Prince of Condy. My Lord of Huntingtons reâigion The title of those that ensue the Queene of Scots Schollar The yong King of Scotland Gentl. The device to set out her Majesty with the young King of Scotland The intolerable prâceedings of cârtâiââinistârs in Sâotlând aâainst tâeir âiâg â subornation of his enemies in Englaââ Schollar Sir Patriâk Adâm on Archbish. of St. Andrewes Gentl. Treasons plotted against the King of Scots Leycesters cunning device for overthrowing the D. of Norf. The impudency of Iudas Tâe speeches of Leycester âo the Duke of Norf. Leycest cousenâge of tâe Queene The Duke of Norf. flying into Norfolke Machivilian slights Leycesters devices for the overthrow of Sir Christopher Hatton Leycesters devices against the Earle of Shrewsbury Leycesteâs contâmpt of the ancient Nobility of England Lawyer New men most contemptuous D. Dudlies jest at the Earle of Arundell Gentl. The oft abiect behaâiour of Duke Dudley in adverse fortunes Schollar Leycesters base behaviour in adversitie Leycâsteâs deceiving of Sir Chrâstopher Hatton A pretie shift of my Lord of Leycester Her Maiesties speech of Leycestâr to the Tâeâsuâeâ Gentl. The danger of her Majesty by oppression of the favourers of the Scottish title A Similie true Earle of Leycester Earle of Huntington The old Countesse of Huntingtons speech of hâr sonne Lawyer Neaâenesse in competitors doth incite thâm to adventure Henr. Bullingbâook after King H. the 4 Richard Duke of Gloucester after King Richard the third The great wiâedome of her Majesty in conserving the next heires of Scotland The K. of Scotlands dâstruction of more importance to the conspirators then his mothers The Earle of Salisbury disâracâd by the competitors Gentl. Tâe vigilant eye that her Maiesties ãâã hâd to the âolatârall liâe Persons executed of the hâuse of ClaâeÌce The example of Iulius Caesaâs destruction Too much confidence verie perillous in a Prince The example of Alexander the gâeat bow hee was foretold his danger Schollar Lâte executions Gentl. Fraud to be feared in pursuing one part or faction only The comparison of Wolves and Rebels Richard Duke of Yorke D. Dudly A good rule of policy The speech of a certain Lady of the Court. More moderation wished in matters of faction The speech of a Courtier The perill of divisions factions in a Commonwealth The dangerous sequel of dissention in our Realme Gentl. Examples of tolleration in matters of religion Germany The breach reunion again in France Flanders Moderation impugned by the conspira Cicero Cateline The Conspirators opportunitie Leycester to be called to account The death K Philip of Macedonie and cause there of Pausââias Kings of England oveâtârâwn by too much favouring of some particular men K. Edw. 2 K Râch 2. K. Henr. 6. Pol. lib. 23 hist. Angl. Lawyer The punishment of William Duke of Suffolk The punishment of Edmond Dudley Gentl. The causes why Princes are chosen and do receive obedience Leycesters Thefts Leycesters murthers A heap of Leycesters enormities that would be ready at the day of his triall Schollar Her Maiesties tender heart towards the âealme Gentl. Lâycestârs dâsire that men should thnike âer Maiesty to stand in fâare of him Cicero in Officio A rule of Machivell observed by the Dudlies Leycester strong onely by her Maiesties favour An offer made for taking and tying the Beare Leicester what hee receiveth from his ancestors The comparison of Leycester with his father The weaknesse ãâã Leycesââr if âer Majâsty turne but her counteââce from him Lawyer The end and departure from the Gallerie The wicked mans pomp His joy His pride His fall His children His old age His bread His restitution His punishment His wickednesse His griefe His affliction His damnation His posterity
subtile fiâe and sox I âe the âever he was â like wâll the good motion propounded by the foresaid Gentlemaâ to his frâend at the same time and doe assure my self âât would be most pleasant to the Realme ând profitâble to her Majâsty to wit that this mans actions might be called publiquâly to triall and liberty given to good subjects to say what they knâw against the same as it was permitted in the fiâst yeer of Kinâ Henry the eight agâinst his Grandfather and in the first of Queen Mary against his Father and then I would not doubt but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to lose their heads for treason this man would not be found unworthy to make the third in kindred whose treacheries doe farre sââpasse them both After thâ Gentleman hâd saâd this âhe Lawyâr stood still somewhat smiling to himsâlfe looking round about him as though he had bin hâlfe afraid and then sâid My masters doe you read over or study the Statutes that come forth have you not heard of the proviâo madâ in the last Parliament for punishment of those who speake so broad of such mân as my Lârd of Leicâstâr is Yes said the Gentleman I hâve heârd how that my Lord of Leicâster was very carefull and dilâgent at thât time to have suâh a Law to passe against talkârs hoping bâlikâ that his L. undeâ tâat generall restrâiât mighââye the more quiââly in harbor from thâ tempest of menâ toâââs which âaââed busily at that time of diâârs hâs Lorâshâpâ actions and asianâ whiâh perhaps himsâlf would have wished to pâssâ wiâh âore sâcresie As of his discontântment and pââpârâtion to rebâllion upon Monsâeurs fiâst coâiâg inâo the Land of his disgrâce and chââkâ râcââveâ iâ Câuââ of thâ ãâã dââth of the nobâe Pââle of Essâx of thâs mâns hâstly ãâ¦ã widow whoâ he seât up ând downe thâ Coântâây âom hââse tââouse by privâew ãâ¦ã to avâid the sight knowledge of thâ Qâeeâes Mâjesty Aâd albeât he hâd notâon by usâd her at hiâ good king bâfâre for saâisfyiââ of hâs owne last but âlso mârried and remarried her for contentation of her friends yet denied he the sâme by solemne oath to her Majesty and received the holy Communion thereupon so good a conscience he hath and conseqâentlâ threatned most shârp revenge towards all subjects which should dâre to speake thereof and so for the conââaling both of this and other his doings which he desired not to have publâkâ no maâvaâle though his Lorâshâp were so diligent a proâuâer of that law fâr silence Indeed said I it is very probable that his Lordshâp wâs in great distresse about that time when Monsiâuâs matteâs were in hând and that he did many things and purposed more whâreof he desired lâssâ spâech âmong the people âspecially afterwards whân hâs said desigâements tooke nât place I was my sâlfe that yâer not fâr from Warwiâk when he câme thither from the Court a full Mââe content and when it was thâught most certainly throughoât the Realm that he would hâve takân armes sooâ after if the marriage of her Majesty wiâh Monsâeuâ hâd gone fârward The thiâg in Cambridge anâ in all the Couâtâey âs I roâe was in âvâry maâs ãâã and it was a wonder to see not oâely âhe counâenâncâs but alsâ the bâhâviour and to ãâã the bold spââches of all such as were of his fâction My Lârd himselfe had given oât a little before at ãâã worâh that thâ matteâ woulâ cosâ maây brâkân hââds before ãâ¦ã next and my Lord of Waâwiâk hâd sâid opânly at his table in Greânwiâh Sir ãâ¦ã bâing by if I be not decâived thââ ãâ¦ã not âo âe suffârâd I meane the marrââgâ whiâh woâdâ of his oââe câming abroad ãâ¦ã by his own Lady then also preâeât ãâ¦ã common compânioâ ãâ¦ã Lordships part against the Queenes Mâjesty Such running there was such seâding and posting about the Realme such amplification of the poweâs and forces of Casimâre and other Princes ready as was affirmed to present themselves unto his aid for dâfence of the Realme and Râligion against strangers for that was holden to be his cause such numbring of parties and complices within the Realme whereof himsâlfe shewed the Catalogue to some of his friânâs for their comfort such debasing of them thât fâvoureâ the marriâge especially two or three Counâellâurs by name who were said to be the câuse of all and for that were appointed out to be shaâply punâshed to the âerrour âf all others such letters were written and intercâpâed of purpose impârting great powers to be ready and so mâny other things done and designed tending all to mânifest and open warre as I began hartâly âo be afrâid and wished my selfe baâke at Cambridge againâ hoping that bâing therâây Scholârs gâwne should excuse âe from necâssiây of âighting or if not I wâs resolved by my Lords good leâve to follow Aâistotle who prefâârâth âlway the Lyon beâore the Beare assuring my selfe withall thât hiâ Lordship should hâve no bâtter succâsse in this if it came to âriâll then his Faâher hâd in as bad a cause and so much the more for that I wâs privie to the mindes of some of his friends who mânt to hâve deceived him âf âhe matteâ hâd broken out And amongst othâr there was a certaân Vice-prâsident in the Wââld who being left in theâr come and absence of another to pâocure friânds said in a place secreâly not fâr from Ludlâw that if the mattâr came to blâwes he would follow his Mistresse and leave his Mastâr in the briars Marry sir qd the Geâtlâman and I trow many more would have followed that example For albeit I know âhat the Pâpâsts were most named and misdâubâed of his part in that cause for their open indiâation towards Mânsieur consequently for greater discredit of the thing it selfe iâ was given out every where by this Champâon of religion that her Majesties cause was the Papists cause even as his Father hâd done in the like enterprise before him though all upon dissimulation as appeared at his death where he professed himself an earnest Papist yet was there no man so simple in âhe Râalm which descried not this vizârd at the fiâst neither yet any good subject as I suppose who sâeing her Mâjâsty on the one part would not have taken against the other part what so ever he had beene And much more the thâng it selfe in controversie I meane the marriage of her royall Mâjesty with the brother and heire apparant of France being taken and judged by the best wisâst and faithfâllest Protâstants of the Realme to be âoth honourable convenâent profitable and needfull Whereby onely as by a most soveraigne and present remedy all our maladies both abroad and at home had at once been cured all foâraign enemies and domestical conspirators all differences all dangers all feares had ceased together France had bâene ours most assured Spaiâe
would not a little have trembled Scotland hâd bâen quiet our compâtâtors in England would have quâkâd and for the Pope he might have put up his pipes Oâr âiffârences in religion at home hâd been âither lâssâ âr no gâeater thân now thây are for that Moâsieur beâng but a moderate Pâpist and notâing vâhement in hâs opâniâns was content with veây reasonable conditioâs for hâmsâlfe and hâs strângers onâly in use of thâir conscience not unlikely truly but that in time he might by Gods grace and by the great wisdome and vertue of her Mâjesty have been brought also to embrace the Gospell as King Ethelbârt an heathen was by noble Qâeen Bertha his wife the first Christian of our English Princes Unto all which fel city if the Lord in mercy should have added also some issue of their royall bodies as was not impossible when fiâst this noble match was movâd we then doubtlâssâ had been the most forâunate people under heaven and might hâve beân perhaps the meane to hâve restored thâ Gospell thâoughout all Europe besides as our Brethren of France well coâsidered and hoped Of all whâch singular benefits boâh present and to come boâh in Re and Spâ his tyrant for his own private lucre fâaring lâst heâeây his ambition might be râstrained and his treacheây râveâled hâth bereaved the Realme and done what in him lyeth besides to alienate for âver and make our mortall enemy this great Prince whâ souâht the love of hâr Mâjâsty with so muâh hânour confidâncâ as never Prince the like putting twâcâ his ownâ pârson in jâopardy of the sââ and to the pârill of his maââââons envioâs heâe in England for her Mâjâsties sake When yâu spâak âf ãâ¦ã Lawyâr I cannot but ââeaâly bâ ãâ¦ã thâse considârations wâll ãâ¦ã âlso fâr some oâhâr espâcially ãâ¦ã you will thiâke me ãâ¦ã for thât I spââke it oââly in ãâ¦ã and good of my Countrey aâd thât is ãâã Mââsiâurs ãâã wâth our noble Princâssâ âââides thâ hope of issâe whâch was the principâll thâre wânted not also probabâlity that sâme ãâã or lââtle tâlâration in religion between you and us might have been procured in this state as we see that in some other Countries is admitted to their great good Which thing no doubt would have cut off quite all dangers and dealings from forraine Princes would hâve stopped mane devises and plots within the Realme wheras now by this breach with France we stand alone as me seemeth without any great uniâion or friendship abroad and our differences at home grow more vehement and sharp then evâr before Upon which two heads as also upon infinit other causes purposâs ârâfâs and pretences there doe ensue daily more deepe dangerous and desperate practises evâry man using either the commodâty or necessity of the time and state for his owne purpose âspecially now when all men presume that her Mâjâsty by the continuall thwaâtinâs which have beân âsed against all her marriage is not like to leave unto the Realme that precious jewell so much and long desired of all Englâsh hâarts I meane the Royâll heires of hâr âwne body Thwartiâgs call you the defeating of all her Mâjâstiâs ââst honourâble offâr of marriage said the othââ truly in my opinion you should have used anâther word to âxpâessâ the nature of so wâcked a fact wherây âlone if there were no other this uâfortunate man hath dââe more hurt to thiâ Câmmon weâlth âhân if hâ hâd murdered mâny thoâsaâds oâ her sâbjects âr bâtrâyd whole aââieâ to the profâssâd ãâ¦ã remember well my sâlfe foure ãâ¦ã pââpose undââmined by his meânes the fiâst wâth the Swethân King the sâcond with ãâ¦ã of Austrââ tâe third wâth ãâ¦ã France that now reignâth and the fourth wââh thâ in other and hâire of the said Kingââmâ For ãâ¦ã maây other secret motions maâe by great Potentates to her Majesty for the same purpose but these foure are openly known and therefore I name them Which foure are as well knowne to have been âll disturbed by this Daweâ as they were earnestly pursued by the other And for the first thâee Suters he drove them away by protesting and sweâring that himsâlfe wâs contracted unto her Majesty wherof hâr highnesse was sufficiently advertised by Cardinâll Châtâlian in the first treâty for France and the Cardinall soone after puâished as is thought by this man with pâyâon But yet this speech he gâve out then every where among his friends both strangers and others âhat he forsooth was assuâed to her Majesty and consequently thât all othâr Princes must give over their suits for him Whereunto notwithstanding when the Swâden would hardly give care this man conferred wiâh his Privado to make a most unseemly and âisloâal proof therof for the otheâs satisfaction whiâh thing I am enforced by duty to passe over with silence for honour to the parties who are touched therein as also I am to concealâ his said filâhy Pâivado âhough worthy otherwise for his dishonesty to be displâyed to the world but my Lord himsâlfe I am sure doth well remember bâth the man and the matter And albeit there was no wise man at thât time who knowing ây Lord suspected not the fâlsâhood and hâs arrogant âffirmation touching âhis contract with her Mâjesty yât some both abâoad and at home might doubt thereof perhaps but now of late by hâs knowne mârriage with his Minion Dâme Lâttice of Essex he hath declâred manifestây his owne most impudent and disloyall dealing with his soveraigne in this report For that report quoth the Lawyer I know that it was common and maintained by many for divers yeeres yet did the wiser sort make no account thereof seeing it came onely from himsâlf and in his own bâhâlfe Neither was it credible that her Majesty who refused so noble Knights and Princes as Europe hâth not the like would make choice of so meane a peere as Robin Dudley is noble onely in two descentâ and both of thâm stained with the block from which also himselfe was pardoned but the other day being codemned therunto by law for his deserts as appeareth yât in publiâk records And for thâ widow of Essâx I marvaile sir quâth he how you call her his wife sâeing the Canon-law standeth yet in force touching matters of marriage wâthin the Realme Oh said the Gentlâman laughing you meane for that he procured the poisoning of her husband in his journây from Ireland You must think that Dâctor Dale will dispence in that mattâr as he did at his Lordships appointment wâth his Italâan physiâian Doctor Iulio to have two wives at once at the leâstwise the matter was permitted and born out by them both publiquely as all the world knoweth and that against no lâsse persons then the Archbishop of Canterbury himsâlfe whose overthrew wâs principally wrought by thâs tyrant for contraâying his will in so beastly a demand But for this controversie whether the marriâge be good
Physitians reported to an Earle of this Land that his Lordship had a bottle for his bed-head of ten pounds the Pint to the same effect But my Masters whether are we fallen unadvisedly I am ashamed to have made mention of so base filthinesse Not without good cause quoth I but that we are here alone and no man heareth us Wherefore I pray you let us returne whereas we left and when you named my Lord of Leicesters Daughter borne of the Lady Shâffield in Dudley Castle there came into my head a prety story concerning that affaire which now I will recount though somewhat out of order thereby to draw you from the further stirring of this unsavory puddle and foule dunghill whereunto we are slâpped by following my Lord somewhat too far in his paths and actions Wherefore to tell you the tale as it fell out I grâw acquainted three months past with a certain Minister that now is dead and was the same man that was used in Dudley Castle for complement of some sacred ceremonies at the birth of my Lord of Leicesters daughter in that place and the matter was so ordained by the wily wit of him that had sowed the seed that for the better covering of the harvest and secret delivery of the Lady Sheffield the good wife of the Castle also whereby Leicesters appointed gossips might without other suspition have accesse to the place should faine her selfe to be with childe and after long and sore travell God wot to be delivered of a cushion as she was indeed and a little after a faire coffin was buried with a bundell of clouts in shew of a childe and the Minister caused to use all accustomed prayers and ceremonies for the solemne interring thereof for which thing afterward before his death he had great griefe and remorse of conscience with no small detestation of the most irreligious device of my Lord of Leicester in such a case Here the Lawyer began to laugh a pace both at the device and at the Minister and said now truly if my Lords contracts hold no better but hath so many infirmities with subtilties and by-places besides I would be loth that he were married to my daughter as mean as she is But yet quoth the Gentleman I had rather of the two be his wife for the time then his guest especially if the Italian Chyrurgian or Physitian be at hand True it is said the Lawyer for he doth noâ poison his wives whereof I somewhat mervaile especially his first wife I muse why he chose rather to make her away by open violence then by some Italian confortive Hereof said the Gentleman may be diverâ reasons alleaged First that he was not at thât time so skilfull in those Italian wares nor had about him so fit Physitians and Chyrurgions for the purpose nor yet in truth doe I thinke that his minde was so setled then in mischiefe as it hath beene sithence For you know that men are not desperate the first day but doe enter into wickednesse by degrees and with some doubt or staggering of conscience at the beginning And so he at that time might be desirous to have his wife made away for that she letted him in his designements but yet not so stony-hârted as to appoint out the particular manner of her death but rather to leave that to the discretion of the murderer Secondly it is not also unlike that he prescribed unto Sir Richard Varney at his going thither that he should first attempt to kill her by poyson and if that tooke not place then by any other way to dispatch her howsoever This I prove by the report of old Doctor Bayly who then lived in Oxford another manner of man then he who now liveth about my Lord of the same name and was Professour of the Physicke Lecture in the same University This learned grave man reported for most certaine that there was a practice in Cumner among the conspiratours to have poysoned the pooâe Lady a little before she was killed which was attempted in this oder They seeing the good Lady sad and heavy as one that wel knew by her other handling that her death was not far off began to perswde her that her disease was abundance of melancholly and other humors and therefore would needs counsaile her to take some potion which she absolutely refusing to do as suspecting still the worst they sent one day unwares to her for Doctor Bayly and desired him to perswade her to take some little potion at his hands and they would send to fetch the same at Oxford upon his prescription meaning to have added also somewhat of their owne for her comfort as the Doctor upon just causes suspected seeing their great importunity and âhe small need which the good Lady had of Physick and therefore he flatly denied their request misdoubting as he after reported lest if they had poisoned her under the name of his Potion he might after have beene hanged for a colour of their sinne Marry the said Doctor remained wâll assured that this way tâking no place she should not long escape violence as after ensued And âhe thing was so beaten into the heads of the principall men of the University of Oxford by these and other meanes as for that she was found murdered as all men said by the Crowners inquest and for that she being hastily and obscurely buried at Cumner which was condemned above as not advisedly done my good Lord to make plain to the world the great loue he bare to her in her life and what a griefe the losse of so vertuous a Lady was to his tender heart would needs have her taken up againe and reburied in the University Church at Oxford with great pomp and solemnity that Doctor Babington my Lords Chaplain making the publike funerall Sermon at her second buriall tript once or twice in his speech by recommending to their memories that vertuous Lady so pitifully murdered instead of so pitifully slaine A third cause of this manner of the Ladies death may be the disposition of my Lords nature which is bold and violent where it feareth no resistance as all cowardly natures are by kinde and where any difficulty or danger appeareth there more ready to attempt all by art subtilty treason and treachery And so for that he doubâed no great resistance in the poore Lady to withstand the hands of them which should offer to break her neck he durst the bolder attempt the same openly But in the men whom he poisoned for that they were such valiant Knights the most part of them as he durst as soon have eaten his scabard as draw his sword in publike against them he was inforced as all wretched irefull and dastardly creaâures are to supplant them by fraud and by other mens hands As also at other times he hath sought to doe unto divers other noble and valiant personages when he was
preparation First in the privy Chamber next unto her Majesties person the most part are his own creatures as he calleth them that is such as acknowledge their being in that place from him and the rest he so over-ruleth either by flattery or feare as none may dare but to serve his turne As his reign is so absolute in this place as also in all other parts of the Court as nothing can passe but by his admission nothing can be said done or signified whereof hee is not particularly advertised no bill no supplication no complaint no sute no speech can pâsse from any man to the Princess except it be from one of the Councell but by his good liking or if there doe he being admonished thereof as presently he shall the party delinquent is sure after to abide the smart thereof Whereby he holdeth as it were a locke upon the eares of his Prince and the tongues of all her Majestâes servants so surely chained to his girdle as no man dareth to speak any one thing that may offend him though it be never so true or behovefull for her Majesty to know As well appeared in the late marriage with Dame Essex which albeit it was celebrated twise first at Killingworth and secondly at Waenstead in the presence of the Earle of Warwick Lord Noâth Sir Francis Knooles and others and this exactly known to the whole Court with the very day the place the witnesses and the Minister that married them together yet no man durst open his mouth to make her Majesty privy therunto untill Monsieur Simiers disclosed the same and therby incurred his high displeasure nor yet in many dayes after for feare of Lycester Which is a subjection most dishonorable and dangerous to any Prince living to stand at the devotion of his subject what to heare or not to heare of things that passe within his own Realme And herof it followeth that no sute can prevaile in Court be it never so meane except he first be made acquainted there with and receive not only the thankes but also be admitted unto a great part of the gaine and commodity therof Which as it is a great injury to the suter so is it a far more greater to the bounty honour and security of the Prince by whose liberality this man feedeth only and fortifieth himselfe depriving his soveraigne of all grace thanks and good will for the same For which cause also he giveth out ordinarily to every suter that her Majesty is nigh and persimoniouâ of her selfe and very difficile to grant any sute were it not only upon his incessant solicitation Whereby he filleth his own purse the more and emptieth the hearts of such as receive benefit from due thankes to their Princes for the sute obtained Hereof also ensueth that no man may be preferred in Court be he otherwise never so well a deserving servant to her Majesty except he be one of Leycesters faction or followers none can be advanced except he be liked and preferred by him none receive grace except he stand in his good favour no one may live in counâenance or quiet of life excepâ he take it use it acknowledge it from him so as all the favours graces dignities riches and rewards which her Mâjesty bestoweth or the Realme can yeeld must servâ to purchase this man private friends and favourers onely to advance his party and to fortifie his faction Which faction if by these meanes it be great so as indeed it is you may not marvile seeing the riches and wealth of so worthy a Common weale doe serve him but for a price to buy the same Which thing himselfe well knowing frameth his spirit of proceeding accordingly And first upon confidence thereof is become so insolent and impotent of his Ire that no man may beare the same how justly or injâstly soever it bee conceived for albeit he begin to hâte a man upon bare surmises onely as commonly it falleth out ambition being alwayâs the mother of suspition yet he presecuteth the same with such implacable cruelty as there is no long abiding for the party in âhât place As miâht bee shewed by the examples of many whom hee hath chased from the Court upon his only displeasure without other cause being known to be otherwise zealous Protestant As Sir Ierome Bâwes Mr. Geoâge Scot and others that we could name To âhâs insolency is also joyned as by nature it followeth mâst absolute and peremptory deâling in all things whereof it pleaseth him to dispose without respect either of reason order due right subordination custome conveniency or the like whereof notwithstanding Princes themselves are wont to have regard in disposition of their matters as for example among the servants of the Queenes Mâjestiâs houshold it is an ancient and most commendable order and custome that when a place of higher roome falleth voyd he that by succession is next and hath made proof of his worthinesse in an inferiour place should rise and possesse the same except it be for some extraordinary cause to the end that no man unexperienced or untâyed should be placed in the higher roomes the first day to the prejudice of others and disservice of the Prince Which most reasonable custome this man contemning and breaking at his pleasure thrusteth into higher roomes any person whatsoever so he like his inclination or feele his reward albeit he neither be fit for the purpose nor have beene so much as Clarke in any inâââiour office before The like hee useth out of thâ Court in all other places where matters should passe by order election or degree as in the Vniversities in electioâ of Schâlars and Heads of houses in Ecclesiasticall persons for dignities in Church in Officers Magistrates Stewârds of lands Sheriffes and knights of Shires in Burgesses of the Parliament in Commissiâners Judges Justices of the peace whereof many in every shire must weare his livery and all other the like where this mans will must stand for reason and his letters for absolute lawes neither is there any man magistrate or communer in the Realme who dareth not sooner deny their petition of her Majesties letters upon just causes for that her highnesse is content after to be satisfied with reason then to resist the commandement of this mans letters who will admit no excuse or satisfaction but onely the execution of his said commandement be it right or wrong To this answered the Lawyer Now verily sir you paint unto me a strange patterne of a perfect Potentate in the Court belike that stranger who calleth our State in his printed booke Leycestren sem Rempublicam a Leycestrian Commonwealth or the Commonwealth of my Lord of Leycester knoweth much of these matters But to hold siâ still within the Court I assure you that by considerations which you have laid downe I doe begin now to perceive that his party must needs be very great and strong within the said
kitching and had layd out much money of his owne as he said for my Lords provision being also otherwise in so great favour and grace with my Lord as no man living was thought to bee more privy of his secrets then this man whereupon also it is to be thought that hee presumed the rather to commit this robbery for to such things doth my Lords good favour most extend and being apprehended and in danger for the same he made his recourse to his Honour for protection as the fashion is and that hee might hee borne out as divers of lesse merit had beene by his Lordship in more haynous causes before him The good Earle answered his servant and deare Privado courteously and assured him for his life howsoever for outer shew and complement the forme of Law might passe against him But Gates seeing himselfe condemned and nothing now betweene his head and the halter but the word of the Magistrate which might come in an instant when it would bee too late to send to his Lord remembring also the small assurance of his said Lords word by his former dealings towards other men whereof this man was too much privy he thought good to sollicite his case also by some other of his friends though not so puissant as his Lord and Mâster who dealing indeed both diligently and effectually in his affaire found the matter more difficult a great deale then either he or they had imagined for that my Lord of Leycester was not onely not his favourer but a great hastener of his death under hand and that with such care diligence vehemency and irresistable meanes having the Law also on his side that there was no hope at all of escaping which thing when Gates heard of he easily beleeved for the experience he had of his masters good nature and said that he alwayes mistrusted the same considering how much his Lordship was in debt to him and hee made privy to his Lordships foule secrets which secrets hee would there presently have uttered in the face of all the world but that he feared torments or speedy death with some extraordinary cruelty if hee should so have done and therefore hee disclosed the same onely to a Gentleman of worship whom hee trusted specially whose name I may not utter for some causes but it beginneth with H. and I am in hope ere it be long by meanes of a friend of mine to have a fight of that discourse and report of Gates which hitherto I have not seene nor ever spake I with the Gentleman that keepeth it though I be well assured that the whole matter passed in substance as I have here recounted it Whereunto I answered that in good faith it were pitty that this relation should be lost for that it is very like that many rare things bee declared therein seeing it is done by a man so privie to âhe affaires themselves wherein also hee had beene used an instrument I will have it quoth the Gentleman or else my friends shall faile me howbeit nor so soone as I would for that he is in the West Countrey that should procure it for me and will not returne for certaine months but after I shall see him againe I will not leave him untill he procure it for me as hee hath promised well quoth I but what is become of that evidence found in Ireland under my Lords hand which no man dare pursue avouch or behold Truly said the Gentleman I am informed that it lyeth safely reserved in good custody to be brought forth and avouched whensoever it shall please God so to dispose of her Majesties heart as to lend an indifferent eare as well to his accusers as to himselfe in judgement Neither must you thinke that this is strange nor that the things are few which are in such sort reserved in decke for the time to come even among great personages and of high calling for seeing the present state of his power to bee such and the tempest of his tyranny to be so strong and boysterous as no man may stand in the rage thereof without perill for that even from her Majesty her selfe in the lenity of her Princely nature hee extorteth what hee designeth either by fraud flattery false information request pretence or violent importunity to the over-bearing of all whom hee meaneth to oppresse No marvaile then though many even of the best and faithfullest Subjects of the Land doe yeeld to the present time and doe keepe silence in some matters that otherwise they would take it for dutie to utter And in this kind it is not long sithence a worshipfull and wise friend of mine told mee a testimony in secret from âhe mouth of as noble and grave a Councellour as England hath enjoyed these many hundred yeares I meane the late Lord Chamberlaine with whom my said friend being alone at his house in London not twenty dayes before his death coâfârred somewhat familiarly about these and like matters as with a true father of his Countrey and Common-wealth and after many complaints in the behalf of divers who had opened their griefs unto Councellours and saw that no notice would be taken thereof the said Nobleman turning himselfe somewhat about from the water for hee sate neare his pond side where hâe beheld the taking of a Pike or Carpe said to my friend It is no marvell sir for who dareth intermeddle himselfe in my Lords affaires I will tell you quoth he in confidence betweene you and me âhere is aâ wise a man and as grave and as faithfull a Councellour as England breedeth meaning thereby the Lord Treasurer who hath as much of hâs keeping of Leycesters owne hand-writing as is sufficient to hang him if eithâr he durst present ââe same to her Majesty or her Majesty doe juââice when it should be presented But indeed quoth he the time permitteth neither of them both and therefore it is in vaine for any man to struggle with him These were that Noblemans words whereby you may consider whether my Lord of Lâycester be strong this day in Councell or no and whether his fortification be sufficient in that place But now if out of the Councell we will turne but our eye in the Countrey abroad we shall finde as good fortification also there as we have perused already in Court and Councell and shall well perceive that this mans plot is no fond or indiscreet plot but excellent well grounded and such as in all proportions hath his due correspondence Consider then the chiefe and principall parts of this land for martiall affaires for use and commodity of armour for strength for opportunity for liberty of the people as dwelling farthest off from the presence and aspect of their Prince such parts I say as are fittest for sudden enterprises without danger of interception as are the North the West the Countries of Wales the Islands round about the land and sundry other places within the same are
they not all at this day at his disposition are they not all by his procurement in the onely hands of his friends and allyes or of such as by other matches have the same complot and purpose with him In Yorke is president the man that of all other is fittest for that place that is his nearest in affinity his dearest in friendship the head of his faction and open competitor of the Scepter In Barwicke is a Captaine his wives uncle most assured to himselfe and Huntington as one who at convenient time may as much advance their designements as any one man in England In Wales the chiefe authority from the Prince is in his owne brother iâ law but among the people of naturall affection is in the Earle of Pembrooke who both by marriage of his sisters daughter is made his ally and by dependance is knowne to be wholly at his disposition The West part of England is under Bedford a man wholly devoted to his and the Puritans faction In Ireland was governour of late the principal instrument appointed for their purposes both in respect of his heat and affection toward their designements as also of some secret discontentment which he hath towards her Majesty and the state present for certaine harâ speeches and ingrate recompences as he pretendeth but indeed for that he is knowne to bee of nature fyrie and impatient of stay from seeing that Commonwealth on foot which the next competitours for their gaine have painted out to him and such others more pleasant then the Terrestriall Paradise it selfe This then is the Hector this is the Ajax appointed for the enterprise when the time shall come This must be forsooth another Râcâard of Warwicke to gaine the Crowne for Henry the ninth of the House of Yorke as the other Richard did put downe Henry the sixt of the House of Lancaster and placed Edward the fourth from whom Huntington deriveth his title therefore this man is necessarily to be entertained from time to time as we see now he is in some charge and martiall action to the end his experience power and credit may grow the more and he be able at the time to have souldiers at his commandment And for the former charge which held of late in Ireland as this man had not beene called away but for execution of some other secret purpose for advancement of their designements so bee well assured that for the time to come it is to bee furnished againe with a sure and fast friend to Lâycester and to that faction In the I le of Wight I grant that Leycester hath lost a great friend and a trusty servant ây the death of Captaine Hârsây but yeâ the matter is supplied by the succession of another no lesse assured unto him then the former or rather more through the band of affinity by his wife The two Ilands of Gersey and Gernsey are in the possession of two friends and most obliged dependents The one by reason he is exceedingly addicted to the Puritan proceedings the other as now being joyned unto him by the marriage of mistris Bâsse his wives sister both daughters to Sir Francis or at least to my Lady Knooles and so become a rivall companion and brother who was before though trusty yet but his servant And these are the chiefe Keyes Fortresses and Bulwarkes within without and about the Realm which my Lord of Leycester possessing as hee doth hee may be assured of the body within where notwithstanding as hath beene shewed he wanteth no due preparation for strength having at his disposition besides all aydes and other helpes specified before her Majesties horse and stables by interest of his owne office her Armour Artillery and Munition by the office of his brother the Earle of Warwicke The Tower of London and treasure therein by the dependence of Sir Owin Hopton his sworne servant as ready to rescue and furnish him with the whole if occasion served as one of his predecessours was to receive his Father in King Edwards dayâs for the like effect against her Majesty and her Sister And in the City of London it selfe what this man at a pinch could doe by the helpe of some of the principall men and chiefe Leaders and as it were Commanders of âhe Commons there and by the bestirring of Fleeâwood his madde Recorder and other such his instruments as also in all other Townes Ports and Cities of importance by such of his owne setting up as hee hath placed there to serve his designements and Justices of peace with other that in most Shires doe weare his livery and are at his appointment the simplest man within the Realme doth consider Whereunto if you ãâã now his owne forces and furniture which hee hâth in Killingworth Castle and oâheâ places as also the forces of Huntington in particular wâth their friends followers allies and compartenârs you shall finde that they are not behiâde in their preparations For my Lord of Huntingâons forwardnesse in the cause said I there is no man I thinke which maketh doubt mârây for âis private forces albeit they may be very gooâ for any thiâg I âoe know to the contrary especially at his house within five and twenty miles of Killingworth where one told mee somâ yeares past thaâ he had furniture ready for five thousand men yât do â not think but they are farââââfâriour to my Lord of Leycester who is tâken to have excâssive store and that in divers placâs And as for thâ Castle last mentioned by you there are men of good intelligence and of no small judgement who âeport that in the same he hath to furnish ten thousand good souldiers of all things necâssaây both for horse and man besides all other muâition armour and artillery whereof great store was brought thither under pretence of triumph wâen her Mâjesty was there and never as yet carried backe againe and besides the great abundânce of ready coyne there as is said sufficient for any gâeat exploit to bee done within the Realme And I know thât the estimation of this place was such among divers many yeares agoe as when at a time her Mâjesty lây dangerously sick and like to dye at Hampton Court a certaine Gentleman of the Court came unto my Lord of Huntington and told him that for so much as he tooke his Lord to be next in succession after her Mâjesty hee would offer him a meane of great helpe for compassing of his purpose after the decease of her Majeâây which was the possession of Killingworth Castle for at that time these two Earles were not yet very friends nor confederate together and that being had he shewed to the Earle the great furniture and wealth which theâeby he should possesse for pursuit of his purpose The propâsiâion was well liked and the matter esteemed of great importance and consequently received wiâh many thankes But yet afterward her Majesty by
the good provâdence of God recovering againe letâed the execution of the bargain and my Lord of Huntington having occasion to joyne amity with Leyâester had more respect to his owne commodity then to his friends security as commonly in such persons and cases it falleth out and so discovered the whole device unto him who forgat not after from time to time to plague the deviser by secret means untill he had brought him to that poore estaâe as all the world seeth though many men be âot acquainted with the true cause of this his disgrace and bad fortune To this answered the Lawyer Iâ good faith Gentlemen you open great mysteries unto me which either I knew not or considered not so particularly before and no marvell for that my profession and exercise of Law restraineth me from much company keeping and when I happen to be among some that could tell mee much herein I dare not either aske or heare if any of himselfe beginne to talke lest afterward âhe speech comming to light I be fâtched over the coales as the proverb is for the same under pretence of another thing But you who are not suspected for religion have muââ greatâr priviledge in such matters both to âeare and speake agâine which men of mine estate dare not doeâ Onely this I knew before that throuâhout all England my Lord of Leycester is taken for Dominus fac totum whose excellency above othâââ iâ infinâte whose authority is abâoluâe whose coÌâândment is dreadfull whose dislâke is dângâroââ and whose fâvour is omnipotent And for his will though it be seldome Law yet alwayeâ is his power above lawââ anâ thârefore wâe Lawyers in all cases brought unto us have as greât râgârd to his inclination as Astronomers have to thâ Plânet dominant or as Seamen have to the North Pole For as thây âhat faile doe direct âheir course according to thâ situation and dirâction of that starrâ whiâh guideth them at âhe Pole and as Astronomers who make Prognostications doe foretell things to come according to the aspect of the Planet dominant or bearing rule for âhe time so we doe guide our Clients baâke anâ do prognosticate what is like to ensue of his cause by the aspâct and inclination of my Lord of Lâycester And for that reason as soone as âver wee heare a case proposed oâr custome is to ask what part my Lord of Lâyââster is lâke to favour in âhe matter for in all mâttârs lâghtly of aây ââportance he hath a parâ or what may be gathered of his inâlinatiââ therein and accordâng to that we give a guess more or lesse what end will ensue But this ây Masters is from the purpose and thârefore returning to youâ former speech agaââe I do say that albâ6it I was not privy before to the particulâr pâovâsions of my Lord and hiâ frâends in such and such places yet seeing him acâompted Lord Generall over all the whole Realme and to have at his commandement all these severall commodities and forces pertainiâg to her Majesty which you have mentioned before and so many more as be in the Realme and not mentioned by yâu for in fine he hath al I could not but account him as hee is a potent Prince of our State for all furniture needfull to defence or offence or rather the onely Monarch of our Nobility whâ hâth sufficient nâedfull to plunge his Pâince if he should bee discontented especially for his abundance of money which by the wise is tearmed the Sinewes of Martiall actions wherein by all mens judgements hee is better furnâshed at this day then ever any subject of our land either haâh beene heretofore or lightly may be hereafter both for bankes wiâhout the Realme and stuffed coffers within Insomuch that being my selfe in the last Parliament when the matter was moved for the grant of a Subsidie after that one for her Majesty had given veây good reâsons why her Highnesse was in want of money and consequently needed the assistance of her faithfull subjects therein another that sate next me of good account said in mine eare secretly these reasons I doe well allow and am contented to give my part in money but yet for hâr Majesties need I could make answer as one answered once the Emperour Tiberius in the like case and cause Abundè ei pecuniam fore si à liberto suo in soâietatem recipiâtur that her Majesty should have Money enough if one of her servants would vouchsafe to make her Highnesse partaker with him meaning thereby my Lord of Leycester whose treasure must needs in one respect be greater then that of her Majesty for that he layâth up whaâsoever he getteth and his expences he casteth upon the purse of his Princesse For that said the Gentleman whether he doe or no it importeth little to the matter seeing both that which hee spendeth and that he hordeth is truly and propârly his Princes Treasure and seeing hee hath so many and dâvers wâyes of gaining what should he mâke accouââ of his own private expences if hee lay âut onâ for a thousand what can that make him âhâ poorer hee that hath so goodly land possâssiââs Seigniories and rich âffiâes of his owne as he is knowne to have hee that hath so speciall fâvour and authority wiâh the Prince as he can obtaine whatsoeveâ he listââh to demand hââhât âath his part and pârtion iâ all sures besides that ãâã grace or els for the most pârt are endeâ by Lâw he thât may âhop and change what lanâs hee listeth with hâr Mâjâsty ãâã them of al their woods and other câmmoâities and rack them afterward to the uttermost penny and then returne the sâme so tenter-stretched and bare shorne into hâr Majesties hands againe by fresh âxchange rent for rent for other lands never ãâã sâd before hee that possesâeth so many gainfull Lâcences to himselfe alone of Wine Oylâs Curranâs âloath Velvets with his new office for Licence of alienation most pernicious unto the Commonwealâh as hee useâh the same with many other the like which were suffiâient to enrich whole Toânes Coâporations Countries and Commonwealths he that hath the art to make gaiââull to himselfe every offence displeasure and fâlling ouâ of her Majesty with him and every angry countânance cast upon him he that hath his share in all offices of great profit and holdeth an absâlute Monopâly of the same he that dispâsââh at hâs will the Ecclesiâsticâll liviâgs of the Realme maketh Bishops nâne but suâh as will doe reason or of his Chaplains whom he listeth and retaineth to himselfe so much of the living as liketh him best hee that sweepeth away the glebe from so many Benefices throughout the Land and compoundeth with the person for the râst He that so scoureth the University and Collâdââs where he is Câancellouâ and selleth both Heaâships and Scholârs places and all oâhâr offices roomes and dignities thaâ by art or violânce may
yâeld money he thaâ makâth title to what land or other thing he please and driveth the parties to compound for thâ same same he that âakeâh in whole Forests Commons Woods and Pastures to himsâlfe compelling the Tenants to make him pay new rent and what he cesseth he that vexeth and oppââsseth whomsoever hee lâst taketh fâom any whât hee lâât and maketh his owne claime suiâ and end as he list he thât selleth his favour with the Prince both abroad in forraine countries and at home and setteâth the price thereof what himselfe will demand he that hath and doth all this and besides this hath infinite presents daily brought unto him of great vâlue both in Jewels Plâte aâl kinde of Furniture and reâdy Come this man I sây may easily beare his owâe expences and yet lay up sâfficiently also to weary hââ Prince when need shall require You hâve said much sir qâoth âhâ Lawyer and such matter as toucheth nearly bâth her Majesty and the Commonwealth and yet in my conscience if I were to plead at âhe barre for my Lord I could not tell which of all these members to deny But for that which you mention in the last part of hâs gaining by her Mâjesties favour both at home and abâoad Touching his home-gaine it is evident seeing all that he hath is gotten onely by the opinion of her Majesties favour towards him and many men doe repaire unto him with fat presents rather for that âhey suppose he may by his favour do them hurt if he feele not their reward then for that they hope he will labour any thing in their affaires You remember I doubt not the story of him that offered his Prince a great yearly rent to have but this favour onely that hee might come every day in open audience and say in his eare God save your Majesty assuring himselfe that by the opinion of confidence and secret favour which hereby the people would conceive to be in the Prince towards him he should easily get up his rent againe double told Wherefore my Lord of Leycester receiving daily from her Majesty greater tokens of grace and favour then this and himselfe being no evill Merchant to make his owne bargaine for the best of his commodities cannot but gaine exceedingly at home by his favour And for his lucre abroad upon the same cause I leave to other men to conceive what it may bâ sithence the beginning of her Majesties reigne the times whereof and condition of all Christendome hath beene suâh as all the Princes and Potentaâes round about us have beene constrained at one time or other to sue to hâr Highnesse for aid grace or favour in all which sutes men use not to forget as you know the parties most able by their câedât to further or let the same In particular onely this I can say that I have heard of sundry Frenchmen that at such time as the treaty wâs betweene France and England for the re-delivery of Callis unto us againe in the first yeare of her Majesties reigne that now is when the Frenchmen were in great distresse and misâry and King Phiâip refused absolutely to make peace with them except Callis were restored to England whither for that purpose he had now delivered the French hostages the Frenchmen doe report I say that my Lord of Leycester stood them in gâeât stead at âhat necessity for his reward which you may well imagine was not small for a thing of such importance and became a suiter that peace might be conâluded with the release of Callis to the Frenchâ which was one of the most impiâus facts to say the truth that ever could be devised against his Common-wealth A small mâtter in him said the Gentleman for in this he did no more but as Christ said of the Jâwes âhat they filled up the measure of their Faâhers sinnes And so if you reade the story of Kiâg Edwards time you shall finde it most evident that this mans fâther before him sold Bulloâgâe âo the French by like treachery For it wâs dâlivered up upon compositâon wâthout necessiây or reason thâ five and twentieâh of April in âhe fourth year of King Edward the sixt when he I meaââ Duke Dudley had now put in the Tower the Lord Protector and thrust out of the Couâcell whom he listed as namâly thâ Earlâs of Aâundel and Southâmpton and so invaded the whole government himseâfe to sell spoile or dispose at his pleasure Wherefore this is but naturall to my Lord of Leycester by discent to make merchândise of the Sâaâe for his Grandfather Edmund also was such a kinde of Copesman An evill race of Merchants for the Common-wealth quoth the Lâwyer but yât Sir I pray you said he expound unto me somewhât more at large the nature of these licences which you named as also the changing of lands with her Mâjesty if you can set it downe any plainer for they seeme to be things of excâssive gaine especially his way of gaining by offending her Majesty or by her Highnesse offââce towards him for it seemeth to be a device above all skill or reasoâ Not so quoth the Gentleman for yoâ know that every falling out must have an attonement agâine whereof hee being suâe by the many ând puissant meanes of his frâends in Court as I have shewed before who shall not gâive her Majesty rest untill it be done then for this aââonement and in perfâct reconciliation on hâr Mâjâsties part she must gâant my Lord some suââ or other which he will have alwayeâ ready pâovided for that purpose and this sute shall hee well âble to reward his friends that laboured for his âecoâcilement and leave also a good remainder for himselfe And this is now so ordinary a practice with him as all thâ Realâe obsârvâth the same and disdaineth that her Majesty should bee so unworthily abâsed For if her Hâghnesse fall not out with him as often as he desireâh to gaine this way then he picketh some quarrell or other to shew himselfe discontented with her so that one way or other this gainfull reconciliation must be made and that often for his commodâty The like art he exerciseth in inviting her Majesty to his banquets and to his hoâses where if shee come she must grant him in sutes tenne times so muâh as the charges of all amount unto so that Robiâ playeth the Broker in all hiâ affâires and maketh the uttermost pânny of her Mâjesty every way Now for his change of lands I thinke I have beene reasonable plaine before yet for your fuller satisfaction you shall understand his further dealing therein to be in this sort Besides the good lands and of ancient possession to the Crowne procured at her Majesties hand and used as bâfore was declared hee useth the same tricke for his worst lands that he possesseth any way whether âhey come to him by extort meanes and plaiâe oppression or
through maintenance and broken titles or by consenage of simple Gentlemen to make him their heire or by what hârd title or unhonest meanes so ever for hee practizeth store of such and thinketh little of the reckoning after he had tried them likewâse to the uttermost touch and letten them out to such as shall gaine but little ây the bargaine then goeth he and changeth the same with her Mâjesty for the best lands he can pick out of the Crowne to the end that hereby he may both eâforce her Mâjesty to the defence of his bâd titles and himselfe fill his coffârs with the fines and uttârmost commodity of both the lands His licences do stand thus first he got licence for certaine great numbers of cloaths to be transported out of this land which might have beene an undoing to the Marchant âubject if they had not redeemed the same with great summes of mony so that it redounded to great daâmage of all occupied about that kind of commodity After that he had the grant for carrying over of barrell staves and of some other such like wares Then procured hee a Monopolie for bringiâg in of sweet wines oyles curranâs and the like the gaine wherof is inestimable He hâd also the forfeit of all wine that was to be drawn above the old ordinary price with licence to give authority to sell above that price wherin Câptaine Horsey was his instrument by which meanes it is incredible what treasure and yearely rent was gathered of the Vintners throughout thâ land To this adde now his licence of silkes and velvets which only were enough to enrich the Mâjor and Aldermen of London if they were all decââed as often I have heard divers Marchants affirme And his licence of alienation of lands which as in part I have opened before serveth hâm not onely to excessive gaine but also for an extreame scourge wherewith to plague whâm he pleaseth in the Râealm For seeing that wâthout this licencâ no mân can bây sell passe or alienate aây land thât any âaiâs may bâ drawnâ to that tenure as holden in âhiefe of the Prince as commonly now most lanâ mây he calleth into quâstion whatsoever likâth him best be it never so cleare and under this colour not only enricheth himselfe without all mââsure buâ râvengeth himselfe also wherâ he wâll without all order Here thâ Lâwyer stood still a pâetty while biting his lip aââe werââstonâshed and thân saiâ Veâily I have not heâââ so maây and so appârant things or so odious of any mân thât âver lived in our Common wealth And I marvaâle much of my Lord of Leycester âhat hââ Grandââthers fortune doth not move him much who lost his head in the beginning of Kâng Henryâhe âhe eighâs dayes for much lesse and fâwer offences iâ the same kind committed in the time of Kââg Henry the seventh for he was thought to be the inventour of these pooliâgs and molestations wherewith the people were burthened in the latter days of âhe said King And yet had he great pretence of reason to alledged for himselfe in that these exactions were made to the Kings use and not to his albeit no doubt but his own gaine was also there Mâster Stow writeth in his Cronicle that in the time of hâs imprisonment in the Tower he wrot a notâble book intituled The tree of Common wealth which book the said Stow saith that hee hath delivered to my Lord of Leycester many years agone And if the said book be so notable as Master Stow affirmeth I marvile that his Lord in so many yeares doth not publish the samâ for the glory of his ancestors It may be said the Gentleman that the secrets there in contained be such as it seemeth good to my Lord to use them onely himselfe and to gather the fruit of the tree into his owne house alone For if the tree of the Common-wealth in Edmund Dudlis book be the Prince and his race and the fruits to be gathered from that tree bee riches honours dignities and preferments then no doubt but as the writer Edmund was cunning therein so have his two followers Iohn and Robert well studied and practized the same or rather have exceeded and farre pâssed the authour himselfe The one of them gathering so eagerly and with such vehemency as he was like to have broken down the maine boughâs for greedinesse the other yet plucking and heaping so fast to himsâlfe and his friends as it is and may be most jusâly doubted that when they have cropped all they can from the tree left them by their father Edmund I meane the race of King Henry the seventh then will they pluck up the Stemme it self by the rootes as unprofitable and pitch in his pâace another Truâke that is the line of Huntington that may bâgin to feed a new with fresh fruits againe and so for a time content their appetites untill of gatherers they may become trees which is their finall purpose to feed themselves at their own discretion And howsoever this be it cannot be denied but that Edm. Dudlis brood have learned by this book and by other meanes to be more cânning gatherers then ever their first progenitor was that made the book First for thât he made profession to gather to his Prince though wickedly and these men make demonstration that they have gathered for themselves and that with much more iniquity Secondly for that Eâmund Dudley though hee got himselfe neare about the tree yet was he content to stand on the ground and to servâ himselfe from the tree as commodity was offered but his children not eâteeming that âafe gâthâring will needs mount aloft upon the tree to pull croppe and riflâ at their pleasure And as in the second poiât the Sonne Iohn Dudley was more subtâle then Edmund the Father so in a third point the Nephey Robert Dudley is more crafty then âhey both For that hee seeing the evill successe of those two that went before him hee hath provided together so much in convenient time and to make himselfe therewith so fat and strong wherein thâ oâher two failed as he will never be in danger more to be callâd to any accompt for the same In good faith Sir quoth the Lawyer I thanke you heartily for this pleasâât discourse upoâ Edmund Dudleis tree of Common-wealth And by your opinion my Lord of Leycester is the most learned of all his kindred and a very cunning Logitioâer indeed tâat can draw for himselfe so commoâiouâ conclusion out of the perillous premâssâs of his progenitors No marvail quoth the Gentleman for that his L. is Master of Art in Oxford and Chancelour besides of the same Vniversity where he hâth store as you knâw of many fine wits and good Logitioners at his commandement and whâre he learneth not only the rules and art of cunning gathering but for the very practize as I hâve touched before seeing there
is no one Colledge or other thing of commodiây wâthin that place where hence hâ hath âo pââled whatsoever was possibly to be gâthered eââher by art or violânce Touâhing Oxford saiâ I for that I am an Uâiversâty man my selfe and have both experience of Câmbridgâ ând good acquaintance with divers students of ââe other university I can tell you enoâgh buâ ãâã fine all tendeth to âhis conclusion thât bâ hââ Chancellorship is cancelled almost all hâpe of good in thââ Universiây and by his pââtâctâon it is vâry likâ soone to come to dâstrâctâoâ And suââly if there were no oâher thiâg to declarâ the odâes and diffârânce betwixt him and our Chââceâlâur âhom he cannot beare for ââat evâây way hâ sâeth âim to pâsse him in âll honour anâ vertue it were sufficient to behold the prâsent state of the two Universities whâreof thây are heads and governours For our own I will not sây much lest I might peâhaps seeme partiâll but let thâ thing speak for it selfe Consider the fruit of the Garden and therby you may judge of thâ Gârdiners diligence Looke upon the Bishopricks Pastoâships and Pulpits of England and see whence principally they have recâived their furniture for advancement of the Gospell And oâ the contrary side looke upon the Semânaries of Papistry aâ Rome and Rhems upon the Colledges of Jesuists and other companies of Papists beyond the seas and see where-hence thây are eâpecially fraught The Priests and Jesuists here executed within the land and other that remaine either in prâson or abroad in corners are they not all in a manner of that Universiây I speak not to the disgrace of any good that remaine there or that have issued out thânce into the Lords Vineyârd but for the most part there of âhiââur time have they not either gone beyond âhe seas or left their places for discontentment in Religion or else become Servingâen or followed the bare name of Law or Physick without greatly profiting therein or furâhering âhe service of Gods Church or their Commonwealth And wherehence I pray you ensueth all this but by reason that the chiefe Governour thereof is an Atheist himselfe and useth the place onely for gaine and spoile for herehence ât commeâh that all good order and discipline is dissolved in that place the fervour of study extinguished the publique Lectures abandoned I meane of the more part the Tavernes and Ordinary tables frequented the apparell of Students growne monstruous and the statutes and good ordinance both of the University and of every Colledge and Hall in private brâken and infriâged ât my Lords good pleasâre without respect eâthâr of oath custome or reason to the contrary The heads and Officers are put in and out at his onely discretion and the Scholars places either told or dâspâsed by his letters or by these of his servants and followers nothing can be had thâre now without present monây it is as common buying and selling of places in that University as of horses in Smithfield whereby the good and vertuous are kept out and companions thrust in fit to serve his Lord afterward in all affaires that shall occurre And as for leases of Farmes Woods Pastures Personages Benefices or the like which belong any way to any part of the University to let or bestow these his Lord and his Servants have so fleeced shorne and scraped already that there remaineth little to feed upon hereafter albeit hee want not still his ãâã and intelligences in the place to advertâse him from time to âiâe when aây new little morsell is offâred Anâ the principall instruments which for this purpose hâ hath hâd there before âhis hâvâ been two Physitians Bayây and Culpiper both knâwne Papists a little while agoe but now jâst of Gâlens religion and so much the fitter for my Lords humour for his Lordship doth alwaies covet to be furnished with certaine chosen men about ãâã for âivers affairs as thâse two Galenâsts in the Universiây Deâ and Aââen two Aâheists for figuring and conjuring Iuâio the Italian and Lopaâ the Jew for poâsoning and for the art of destroying children in womens bellies Verneis for muâdering Digbies for Bauds and the like in occupations which his Lordship exerciseth Wherefore to returne to the speech where we began most âleare it is that my Lord of Lâycesteâ hath meanes to gâine and gâther also by the University as wâl aâ by the country abroad Wherin as I am told he beareth hâmselfe so absolute a Lord as if he were their King and not their Chancâllour Nay far more then if he wâre the generall and pârticular founder of all the Colledges and othâr houses of the University no man daring to contrary oâ interrupt the leasâ word or signification of his will but with hâs extreame danger which iâ a proceeding more fit for Phalâris the tyrant or some Governour in Târâary then for a Chancellour of a learned Universiây To this answâred the Lawyer for my Lords wrath towards such as will noâ stand to his judgment and opinion I can mâ selfe be a sufficient witnesse who having had oftân occasion to deale for composition of mâtters betwixt his Lordship and others hâve seene by experience that alwayes they have sped beââ wâo stood least in contenâion with him whatsoever their cause were For as a great and violent river the more it is stopped or contraried âhe more it riseth and swelleth bigge and in the end dejâcteth with more force the âhing thât made râsistance so his Lârdship being the great and mighây Potentate oâ this Realme and accustomed now to have his will in all things cannot beare to bee crossâd or resisted by any man though it were in his owne necessaây defence Hereof I havâ seene exâmples in the causes of Snowden forest in Wales of Denbighe of Killingworth of Drayton ând others where the paââies that had ânterest or thought themselves wronged had beene happy if they âad yeelded at the fiâst to hâs Lordships plâasure wiâhout further question for âhen had they escaped much trouble chârges displeasure and vexation when by âesistance they incurred to their great ruine and losse of life to some and in the end were faine to submit themselves unâo his will wiâh far worse conditions then in the beginning were offered unto them which thing waâ pittifull indeed to bâhold but yet sââh is my Lordâ disposition A noble disposition quoth the Gentleman thât I must give hâm my âoat if hee demând the âame and that quickly âlso for feare lest iâ I stagger or mâke doubt therâof hee coâpell me to yeeld both coat and doublet in penance of my stay I have read of some such Tyrants abroad in the world marry their end was alwayes according to their life as it is very like that it will be also in this man for that there is smal hope of his amendment and God passeth not over commonly such matters unpunished in this life as
well as in the life to come But I pray you siâ sââing mention is now made of the former oppâessiâns so much talked of throughout the realm thaâ you will take the pains to explain the substânce therof unâo me for albeit in generall every mân doâh know âhe same and in heart doe detest the tyranny thâreof yet we abroad in the Countrey doe doâ understand it so well and distinctly as you âhat be Lawyers who have seene and understood âhe whole processe of the same The case of Kâllingworth and Dânbigh said the Lawyer are much alike in matter and manner of proceeding though different in time place and importance Fâr that the Lordshâp in Dânbigh in Northwâles being given unto him by her Majesty a great while agoe at the beginning of his rising which is a Lârdship of singular great importance in that Countrây having as I have heard well neere 200. worshipfull Gântlemen freeholders to thâ same the tenants of the place considering the prâsenâ state of things ând having learned the hungry disposition of theâr new Lord made a common purse of a thâusand pouâds to present him withall at his fiâst entranâe whâch though he received as he râfuseth nothâng yet accounted he the sum of small effect for satisfâction of his appetiâe and therâfore applied hâmselfe not onely to mâke the utâermost that he could by Leases and such like wayes of commoditie but also he wâuld needs enforce the Fâeeholâers to raise thâir old rent of the Loâdship from two hundreth and fifây pounds a yeere or thereabouts at which rate he had receivâd the same in gifâ from her Mâjesty ânto eâght or nine hundreâh pounds by the yeere For that he had found out forsooth an old record as he said whereby he could prove that in ancient time long past that Lordship had yeelded so much old rent and therâfore he would now enforce the present tenants to makâ up so muâh againe upon their lands whâch they thought was against all reason for them to doe but my Lord perforce would have iâ so and in the end compelled them to yeeld to his will to the impoverishing of all the whole Countrey about The like proceeding he used with the tenants about Kâllingworth where he received the said Lordshâp and Castle from the Prince in gift of twenty foure pounds yeerely rent or thereabout hath made it now better then five hundreth by yeere by an old record also found by great fortune in the hole of a wall as is given out for he haâh singular good luck alwayes in finding out records for his purpose by vertue whereof he hath taken from the tenants round about their Lands Woods Pastures and Commons to make himselfe Paâkes Chaces and other commodities therwith to the subversion of many a good family which was maintained âhere before this devourer set foot in that Countrey But the matter of Snowden Forest doth passe all the rest both for cunning and cruelty the tragedy whereof was this he had learned by hâs intelligencers abroad whereof he had great store in every part of the Realme âhat there was a goodly ancient Forest in Norâh wales which hath almost infinite borderers about the same for it lyeth in the middest of the Countrey beginning at the hils of Snowden whereof it hath his name in Carnarvanshire and reaâheth every way towards divers other shires When my Lord heard of thâs he entered presently into the conceit of a singular great prây going to her Majesty signified that her highnesse was often times abused by the incroaching of such as dwelt upon her Forests which was neâessary to be restrained and therefore beseeched her Mâjesty to bestow upon him âhe âncrochments only which he should be able to finde out upon the Forest of Snowden which was granted And thereupon he chose out Commissioners fit for the pârpose and sent them into Wales with the like Commission as a certaine Emperour was wont to give his Majestrates when they departed from him to governe as Suetonius writeth Scitis quid velim quibus opus habeo You know what I would have and whât I have need of Which recommendation these Commissioners taking to hearâ omitted no diligence in execution of the same and so going into Wales by such meanes as they used of setting one man to accuse another brought quickly all the Countrey round about in three or foure shires within the compasse of Forest ground and so entred upon the same for my Lord of Leicâsters Whereupon when the people were amâzed and expected what order my Lord himselfe would take therein his Lord was so far off from refusing any part of that which hiâ Commissioners had presented and offered him as he would yet furâher stretch the Forest bâyond the Sea into the Isle of Anglesey and make that also within his compasse and bounder Which when the Commonâlty saw and that they profited nothing by their complaâning and cryâng out of this tyranny they appointed to send some certaine number of themselves to London to mâke supplication to the Prince and so they did choosing out for that purpose a dozen Gântlemen and many more of the Commons of the Countrey of Llin to deale for the whole Who comâng to London and exhibiting a most humble suppliâation to her Mâjesty for redresse of their oppression received an answer by the procurement of my Lord of Leycester that they should have justice if the commonalty would returne home to their houses and the Gentlemen remaine there to solicite the cause Which as soone as they had yeelded unto the Gentlemen were all taken and cast into prison and there kept for a great space and afterward were sent downe to Ludlow as the place most eminent of all these Countries there to weare papers of perjury and receive other punishments of infamy for their complaining which punishments notwithstanding afterward upon great suit of the parties and their friends were turned into great fines of money which they were constrained to pay and yet besides to agree also with my Lord of Leycester for their owne lands acknowledging the same to be his and so to buy it of him againe Wherby not onely these private Gentlemen but all the whole Countrey thereabout was and is in a manner utterly undone And the participation of this injury reacheth so far and wide and is so generall in these parts as you shall scarce finde a man that cometh from that coast who feeleth noâ the smart thereof being either impoverished beggered or ruinated thereby Whereby I assure you that the hatred of all thââ Countrey is so universall and vehement against my Lord as I think never thing created by God was so odious to that Nation as the very name oâ my Lord of Leicâster is Which his Lordship wel knowing I doubt not but that he will take heeâ how he go thither to dwell or send thither his posterity For his posterity quoth the Gentleman I suppose he
with it selfâ first Adde to this that ambition is jealous suspitious and fearfull of it selfe especially when it is jâyned with a conscience loden wâth the guilt of many crimes whereof he would be loth to be called to account or be subject to any man that might by auâhority take review of his life actions when it should please him In which kinde seeing my Lord of Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare as before hath beene shewed by his wicked dealings it is not like that ever hee will put himselfe to another mans courtesie for passing his audict in particular reckonings which he can no way answer or satisfie but rather will stand upon the grosse Sum and generall Quietus est by making himselfe chiefe Auditour and Master of all accompts for his owne part in this life howsoever he do in the next whereof such humours have little regard And this is for the nature of ambition in it selfe The second argument may bee taken from my Lords particular disposition which is such as may give much light also to the matter in question being a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdome as it hath beene tampering about the same from the first day that hee came in favour First by seeking openly to marry with the Queenes Majestie her selfe and so to draw the Crowne upon his owne head and to his posterity Secondly when that attempt tooke not place then hee gave it out as hath beene shewed before how that he was privily contracted to her Majesty wherein as I told you his dealing before for satisfaction of a stranger so let him with shame and dishonour remember now also the spectacle hee secretly made for the perswading of a subject and Counsellour of great honour in the same cause to the end that if her Highnesse should by any way have miscarried then he might have entituled any one of his owne brood whereof he hath store in many places as is knowne to the lawfull succession of the Crowne under colour of that privy and secret marriage pretending the same to bee by her Majestie wherein hee will want no witnesses to depose what hee will Thirdly when he saw also that this devise was subject to danger for âhat his privy contract might be denied more easily then he able justly to prove the same after her Majesties decease he had a new fetch to strengâhen the matter and that was to cause these words of Naturall issue to be put into the Statute of succession for the Crowne against all order and custome of our Realme and against the knowne common stile of Law accustomed to bee used in Statutes of such matter whereby hee might be able after the death of her Majesty to make ligitimate to the Crowne any one bastard of his owne by any of so many hacknies as he keepeth affirming it to bee the Naturall issue of her Majesty by himselfe For no other reason can bee imagined why the ancient usuall words of Lawfull issue should so cunningly bee changed into Naturall issue thereby not onely to indanger our whole Realme with new quarrels of succession but also to touch as farre as in him lyeth the Royall honour of his Soveraigne who hath beene to him but too bountifull a Princesse Fourthly when after a time these fetches and devices began to be discovered he changed straight his course and turned to the Papists and Scottish faction pretending the marriage of the Queene in prison But yet after this againe finding therein not such successe as contented him throughly and having in the meane space a new occasion offered of baite he betooke himselfe fiftly to the party of Huntington having therein no doubt as good meaning to himselfe as his Father had by joyning with Suffolke Marry yet of late he hath cast anew about once againe âor himselfe in secret by treating the marriage of young Arbella with his Son intitled the Lord Denbigh So that by this we see the disposition of this man bent wholly to a scepter And albeit in right title and discent of bloud as you say hee can justly claime neither Kingdome nor Cottage considering either the basenesse or disloyalty of his Ancestours if in respect of his present state and power and of his naturall pride ambition and crafty conveyance received from his Father hee hath learned how to put himselfe first in possession of chiefe rule under other pretences and after to devise upon the title at his leasure But now to come to the third argument I say more and above all this that the nature and state of the matter it selfe permitteth not that my Lord of Leycester should meane sincerely the Crowne for Huntington especially seeing there hath passed betweene them so many yeares of dislike and enmity which albeit for the time and present commodity bee covered and pressed downe yet by reason and experience we know that afterward when they shall deale together againe in matters of importance and when jealousie shall bee joyned to other circumstances of their actions it is impossible that the former mislike should not breake out in farre higher degree then ever before As wee saw in the examples of the reconciliation made betwixt this mans Father and Edward Duke of Somerset bearing rule under King Edward the sixt and betweene Richard of Yârke and Edmund Duke of Somerset bearing rule in the time of King Hânry the sixt Both which Dukes of Somerset after reconciliation with theiâ old crafty and ambitious enemies were broâght by the same to their destruction soone after Whereof I doubt not but my Lord of Leycester will take good heed in joyning by reconciliation with Huntington after so long a breach and will not be so improvident as to make him his soveraigne who now is but his dependent He remembreth too well the successe of the Lord Stanley who helped King Henry the seaventh to the Crowne of the Duke of Buckingham who did the same for Richard the third of the Earle of Warwicke who set up King Edward the fourth and of the three Percies who advanced to the Scepter King Henry the fourth All which Noblemen upon occasions that after fell out were rewarded with death by the selfe same Princes whom they had preferred And that not without reason as Seignior Machavell my Lords Counsellour affirmeth For that such Princes afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction to such friends for so great a benefit received And consequently least upon discontentment they may chance to doe as much for others against them as they have done for them against others the surest way is to recompence them with such a reward as they shall never after be able to complaine of Wherefore I can never thinke that my Lord of Leycester will put himselfe in danger of the like successe at Huntingtons hands but rather will follow the plot of his owne Father with the Duke of Suffolke whom no doubt but hee meant
onely to use for a pretext and helpe whereby to place himselfe in supreame dignity and afterward whatsoever had befallen of the state the others head could never have come to other end then it enjoyed For if Queene Mary had not cut it off King John of Northumberland would have done the same in time and so all men doe well know that weâe privy to any of his cunning dealings And what Huntingtons secret opinion of Leycester is notwithstanding this outward shew of dependance it was my chance to learne from the mouth of a speciall man of that hasty King who was his Ledger or Agent in London and at a time falling in talke of his Masters title declared that he had heard him divers times in secret complaine to his Lady Leycesters sister as greatly fearing that in the end he would offer him wrong and pretend some title for himselfe Well quoth the Lawyer it sâemeth by this last point that these two Lords are cunning practitioners in the art of dissimulation but for the former whereof you speake in truth I have heard men of good discourse affirme that the Duke of Northumberland had strange devises in his head for deceiving of Suffolke who was nothing so fine as himselfe and for bringing the Crowne to his owne Family And among other devises it is thought that hee had most certaine intention to marry the Lady Mary himselfe after once hee had brought her into his owne hands and to have bestowed her Majestie that now is upon some one of his children if it should have beene thought best to give her life and so consequently to have shaken off Suffolke and his pedegree with condigne punishment for his bold behaviour in that behalfe Verily quoth I this had beene an excellent Stratageme if it had taken place But I pray you Sir how could himselfe have taken the Lady Mary to wife seeing hee was at that time married to another O quoth the Gentleman you question like a Schollar As though my Lord of Leycester had not a wife alive when hee first began to pretend marriage to the Queenes Majesty Do not you remember the story of King Richard the third who at such time as he thought best for the establishing of his title to marry his owne Neece that afterward was married to King Henry the seventh how he caused secretly to be given abroad that his owne wife was dead whom all the World knew to bee then alive and in good health but yet soone afterward she was seene dead indeed These great peâsonages in matters oâ such weight as is a Kingdome have privilâdges to dispose of Womens bodies marriages lives and deaths as shall be thought for the time most convenient And what doe you thinke I pray you of this new Tâiumvirat so lately concluded about Arbellâ for so I must call the same though one of the three persons bee no Vir but Virago I meane of the maâriage betweene young Denbigh and the little Daughter of Lenox wheâeby the Father-in-law the Grand-mother and the Uncle of the new designed Queene have conceived to themselves a singular triumphant raigne But what doe you think may ensue hereof is there nothing of the old plot of Duke John of Northumberland in this Marry Sir quoth the Lawyer if this be so I dare assure you there is sequell enough pretended hereby And first no doubt but there goeth a deep drift by the wife and sonne against old Abraham the Husband and Father with the well-lined large pouch And secondly a farre deeper by trusty Robert against his best Mistresse but deepest of all by the whole Crew against the designements of the hasty Earle who thirsteth a Kingdome with great intemperance and seemeth if there were plaine dealing to hope by these good people to quench shortly his drought But either part in truth seeketh to deceive other and therefore it is hard to say where the game in fine will rest Well howsoever that be quoth the Gentleman I am of opinion that my Lord of Leycester will use both this practise and many more for bringing the Scepter finally to his owne head and that he will not onely imploy Huntington to defeate Scotland and Arbella to defeate Huntington but also would use the marriage of the Queene imprisoned to defeat them both if she were in his hand and any one of all three to dispossesse her Majesty that now is as also the authority of all foure to bring it to himselfe with many other fetches flings and friscoes besides which simple men as yet doe not conceive And howsoever these two conjoyned Earles doe seeme for the time to draw together and to play booty yet am I of opinion that the one will beguile the other at the upshot And Hastings for ought I see when hee commeth to the scambling is like to have no better luck by the Beare then his Ancestour had once by the Boare Who using his helpe first in murdering the Sonne and Heire of King Henry the sixt and after in destroying the faithfull Friends and Kinsmen of King Edward the fift for his easier way to usurpation made an end of him also in the Tower at the the very same day and houre that the other were by his counsell destroyed in Pontfret Castle So that where the Goale and price of the game is a Kingdome there is neither faith neither good fellowship nor faire play among the Gamesters And this shall be enough for the first point viz. what good my Lord of Leycester meaneth to himselfe in respect of Huntington Touching the second whether the attempt be purposed in her Majesties dayes or no the matter is much lesse doubtfull to him that knoweth or can imagine what a torment the delay of a Kingdome is to such a one as suffereth hunger thereof and feareth that every houre may breed some alteration to the prejudice of his conceived hope Wee see oftentimes that the childe is impatient in this matter to expect the naturall end of his parents life Whom notwithstanding by nature he is enforced to love and who also by nature is like long to leave this World before him and after whose decease hee is assured to obtaine his desire but most certaine of dangerous event if he attempt to get it while yet his parent liveth Which foure considerations are no doubt of great force to containe a child in duty and bridle his desire albeit sometimes not sufficient to withstand the greedy appetite of raigning But what shall wee thinke where none of these foure considerations do restraine where the present Possessor is no parent where she is like by nature to out-live the expector whose death must needs bring infinite difficulties to the enterprise and in whose life-time the matter is most easie to be atchieved under colour and authority of the present Possessor shall we thinke that in such a case the ambitious man will over-rule his
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersât by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâe Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâr Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâhn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfââld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phââip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ Marcâ and after that Anneâhe âhe Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâet Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâây the first Duke of Yorkâ which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâuse of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâe made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâo two Brothers the first was called George Duke of âlarence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamânt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ of âalisâury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed ân King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosââorth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady âlizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
King James being dead Margaret was married againe to Archihald Douglas Earle of Anguish by whom shee had a Daughter named Margaret which was married afterward to Mathew Steward Earle of Lenâx whose Sonne Charles Steward was married to Elizabâth Candish Daughter to the present Countesse of Shrewsbury and by her hath left his onely Heire a little Daughter named Arbella of whom you have heard some speech before And this is touching the Line of Scotland descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary was twice married also first to the King of France by whom she had no issue and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had two Daughters that is Francis of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claime and Elenor by whom the issue of the Earle of Darby pretendeth right as shall be declared For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queene of France was married to the Marquesse of Dorset who after Charles Brandons death was made Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wâfe and was beheaded in Queene Maries time for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leycesters Father And she had by this man three Daughters that is Jane that was married to my Lord of Leycesters Brother and proclaimed Queene after King Edwards death for which both shee and her husband were executed Katherine the second Dâughter who had two Sonnes yet living by the Earle of Hartford and Mâry the third Dâugter which left no Children The other Daughter of Chaâlâs Brandon by the Queene of France called Elenor was married to Georgâ Cliffârd Earle of Cumberland who left a Daughter by her named Maâgâreâ married to the Earle of Darby which yet liveth and hath issue And this is the title of the Hâuse of Suffolke descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh married as hath been shewed to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke And by this you may see also how many there be who do thinke their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtonâ if either râght lâw reason or coâsideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or if not yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentatâs abroad are like to joyne and buckle with Huntingâons Line for the preeminence âf once the matter fall againe to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh which God forbid Truly Sir quoth I I well perceive that my Lords turne is not so nigh as I had thought whether he exclude the Line of King Henry or noâ for if he exclude thât then must he enter the Combat with forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster and if he âxclude it not then in all apparance of reason and in Law to as you have said the succession of the two Dâughters of King Henây the seventh whiâh you distânguâsh by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke must needs bee as clearely before him and his Lâne that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother as the Queenes title that new reigneth is before him For thâââoth Scotland Suffolke and her Majesty do hold all by one foundâtion which is the union of both Houses and Titles together in King Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather That is true quoth the Gentleman and evidenâ enough in every mans eye and therefore no doubt but as âhat much is meant âgâinst hâr Majesty if oc4âsion serve âs against thâ rest thât hold by the same âitle Albeit her Mâiesti4s state the Lord be praised be such at thiâ ãâã as it is not safây to pretend so much against hâr as against the rest whatsoever be meant And that in âruth more should be ment agâinst her hâghnes theâ agâinst all âhe rest there is this reaâon for tâat her Majesty by hâr present possession letteth more their desires then all the rest âogether with their future pretences But as I have said it is not safety for them nor yet good pâlâcy to declare openly what they meane aâainst her Majesty It is the best way for the pâesent to âhew downe the rest and to leave her Majesty for the last âlow and upshot to their gâme For which câuse they will âeeme to make great difference at this day betweene her Majesties title and the rest that descend in likewise from King Henrâ the seventh avowing the one and disallowâng the other Albeit my Lord of Leicesters Father preferred that of Suffolke when ãâã was before this of her Mâjâsty and coâpelleâ the whâle Realme to sweare thereunto Such is thâ variable policy of men that serve the time or rather that serve themselves of all times for their purposes I remember quoth I that time of âhe Duke and was present my selfe at some of his Proclamations for that purpose wherein my Lord his Sonne that now liveth âeing then a doer as I can tell he was I marvile how he can deale so contrary now preferring not onely her Majesties title bâfore that of Suffolk whereof I wonder lessâ because it is more gainfull to him but also another much further of Buâ you have signified the cause in that the times are changeâ and other bargaines are in hand of more importance for him Wherefoâe leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth I beseech you Sir for that I know your worship hath beeene much conversant among their frienâs and favourers to tell me what are the barres and lets which they doe alledge why the house of Scoâland and Suffolk descendâd of king Henry the seventh his daughters should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her Majesty who ended the line of the same king by his son for in my sight the matter appeareth vâry plaine They want not pretences of barres and lets against them all quoth the Gentleman which I will lây downe in order as I have heard them alledged First in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know that may pretend right that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first marriage I heare nothing affirmed but against the two persons proceeding thereof I heare them alledge three stops one for that they are strangers born out of the land consâquently incapâble of inheritance within the same another for that by a speciâl testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. severall pârliam thây are excluded 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us therefore to be debarred Against the second marriage of Maâgâret with Aâchibald Douglas whââeof Aâbella is descended they alledge that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage which lived long after and so neither that marriage lawfull nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they have
against all the house and Line of Suffolke for first they say that Charlâs Bâandon Duke of Suffolke had a knowen wife alive wâen he married Mary Queen of France and consequently that neither the Lady Frances nor Elenor borne of that marriage can be lawfully borne And this is all I can heaâe them say against the succession of the Counâesse of Darby descended of Elenor. But against my Lord of Hartfords châldren âhat came from Franâes the eldest daughter I heare them alledge two or three bastardies more besides this of the first marriage For first they affirme that Henry Marquesse Dorset when hee married the Lady Frances had to wife the old Earl of Arundels sister who lived both then and many yeares after and had a provision out of his living to her dying day· wherby that marriage could no way be good Secondly that the lady Katherine daughter to the said Lady Frances by the Marques by whom the Earl of Hartford had his children was lawfully married to the Earle of Pembroke that now liveth and consequently could have no lawfull issue by any other during his life 3ly that the said Katherine waâ never lawfully married to the said Earl Hartford but bare him those children as his Concubine which âs they say is defined and registred in the Archb. of Canterburies court upon due examination taken by order of her Majesty that now reigneth and this is in effect so muâh as I have heard them all aledge about their affars It is much quoth I that you have said if it may be all proved Marry yet by the way I cannot but smile to heare my Lord of Leyâester allow of so many bastardies now upon the issue of Lady Frances whom in time past when Iane her eldest daughter was married to his brother he advanced in legitimation before both the daughters of king Henry the eight But to the purpose I would gladly know what grounds of verity these allegations have and how far in truth they may stoppe from inheritance for in deed I never heard them so distinctly alledged before Whereto answeâed the Gentleman that our friend thâ Lâwyâr could best resoâve that if it pleased hâm to spâake without his fee though in some points alledged every other man quoth he that knoweth the state and common government of England may easily give his judgement also And iâ the case of bastardy if the matter may be proved there is no dâfficulty but that no right to inheritance can justly bee pretended as also perhaps in the case of forraine birth though in this I am not so cunning but yet I see by experience that forrainers borne in other lands can hardly come and claime inheritance in England albeit to the contrary I have heard great and long dispâtes but such as indeed passed ây capacity And if it might please our friend here present to expound the thing unto us more clearly I for my part would gladly bestow the hearing and that with attention To this answered the Lawyer I will glâdly siâ tell you my minde in any thing that it shall please you demand and much more in this matter wherein by occasion of often conference I am somewhat perfect The impedâments which these men alledge against the succession of king Henry the 8. his sisters are of two kinds as you see The one knowne and allowed in our law as you have well said if it may be proved and that is bastardy whereby they seek to disable all the whole Line and race of Suffolke as also Arbella of the second and later house of Scotland Whereof it is to small purpâse to speak any thing here seeing the whole controversie standeth upon a matter of fact onely to be proved or improved by records and witnesses Onely this I will say that some of these bastardies before named are rife in many mens mouthes and avowed by divers that yet live but let other men looke to this who have most interest therein and may be most damnified by them if they fall out true The other impediments which are alledged onely against the Qâeene of Scots and her ãâã are in number three âs you recite them thââ is forraine birth king Henries testament and Religion whereof â am content to say somewhat seeing you desire it albeit there be so much published already in bookes of divers languages beyond the sea as I am informed concerning this matter as more cannot be said But yât so much as I have heard passe among Lawyers my betters in conference of these affaires I will not let to recite unto you with this proviso and protestation alwayes that what I speake I speak by way of recitall of other mens opinions not meaning my selfe to incurre the statute of affirming or avowing any persons title to the crown whatsoever First then touching forraine birth there bee some men in the world that will say that it is a common and generall rule of our law that no stranger at al may inherit any thing by any means within the Land which in truth I take to be spoken without ground in that generall sense For I could never yet come to the sight of any such common or universall rule and I know that divers examples may be alledged in sundry cases to the contrary and by that which is expresly set downe in the seventh ãâã ninth years of king Ed. the 4. and in the âlâventh ând fourteenth of Hen. thâ 4. it appearââh plainây that â stranger mây âurchase lands in England as also ââherit by hâs wife if he marry an inheritrix Wherefore this common rule ãâã to bee restraâneâ from that generality unto proper inheritance only ân which sense I do easily grant that our common Law hath been of ancient and is at this day that no person born out of the âllegâance of the king of England whose father mâthâr were not of the same allegiance at the time of his birth shall be able to have or dâmaâd any heritage within the same allegiance as heire to any person And this rule of our common Lâw is gathered in these sâlf same words of a statute made in the 25. year of king Ed. the third which indeed is the onely place of effect that can be alledged out of our law against the inheritance of strangers in such sense and cases as we âre now to treat of And albeit now the commoâ Law of our Country do runne thus in generall yet will theâ friends of the Scottish claime affirme that hereby that title is nothing let or hindred at all towârds the Crowne and that for divers manifest and weighty reasons whereof the principâll are these which ensue First it is common and a generall rule of our English lawes that no rule Axâome or Mâxima of law be it âever so generall can touch or bind the Crown except expresse mention bee made thereof in the same for that the
the matter But of all other things this is most of importance that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid Will but his stampe was put thereunto by others either after his death or when he was past remembrance as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Maries dayes being of the Privie Councell fiâst of all other discovered the same of his owne accord and upon meere motion of conscience confessing before the whole Councell and afterward also before the whole Parlament how that himselfe was privy thereunto and partly also culpable being drawn therunto by the instigation and forcible authority of others but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device and so of his owne free-will very honourably went and offered the discoverie thereof to the Councell As also did Sir Eâward Montague Lord chiefe Iustice that had been pâivy and present at the said doings and one William Clarke that was the man who put the stampe unto the paper and is ascribed among the otâer pretenâed witnesses confessed the whole premisses to be true and purchased his pardon foâ his offence therein Whereupon Queen Marie and her Councell caused presently the said Inrolement lying in the Chancerie to be cancelled defaced and âbolished And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that now liveth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reigne if I count not amiste by occasion of a cârtaine little booke spread abroad at that time vâry sâcretly for advancing of the house of Suffolke by pretence of this Testament I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolke the Marquâsse of Winchester which then was Treasuâer the old Eaâles of Arundell and Penbrooâe that now are dead with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth as also my Lord of Leycester himsâlfe if I bee not deceived with divert others met together upon this matter and after long conference about the foresaid pretensed will and many proofes and reasons laid downe why it could not be tâue or authenticall the old Earle of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sicknesse unto his last houre and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof at length it was moved that from that place they should goe with the rest of the Nobility and proclâime the Queen of Scotland heâre apparent in Cheap-side Wherein my Lord of Leycester aâ I take it was then as forward as any man else how bee it now for his profit he be turned aside and would turne back again to morrow next for a greater commodity And albeit for some causes to themselves best known they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can beare witnesse that thus much is true and that his father the old Earle at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth ând to charge him to witnesse the same and to defend it also with his sword if need required after his death And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition And this shall suffice for tâe second âmpâdiment imaginâd to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henrie the eighth As for the third impediment of religion it is not generall to all for that only one person if I be not deceived of all the Competitors in K. Henries Line can bee touched âith suspition of different Religion from the present state of England Which person notwithstanding as is well knowne while shee was in goveânment in her owne Realme of Scotland permitted all lâberty of Conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profâssion and opinion without restraint And if she had not yet doe I not see either by prescript of law or practice of these our times that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men and much lesse in the claime of a Kingdome which alwayes in this behalfe as hath been said before is preferred in priviledge This we see by experience in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day as in Germany where among so many Princes and so divided in religion as they be yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right without resistance for his religion The exâmples also of her Majesty that now is and of her sister before is evident who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion and the whole Realme divided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their severall times with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance excepting onely a feâ trâiâors against the fârmer who withstood her right as also in her the right of her Maiestie that is present and that not for Religion as appeâred by their owne confession after but for âmbition and desire of reigne Monsieur the Kings brother and heire of France as all the world knoweth is well acceptâd favoured and admitted for successor of that Crowne by all the Pâotestants at this dây of that Counâry notwithstanding his opinion in religion knowne to be different And I doubt not but thâ King of Navarre or Prince of Condy in the contrary part would thinke themselves greâtly injured by the stâte of ârance which is dâfferent from them in religion at this dây if after the death of thâ Kiâg that now is and his brother without issue if God so dispose they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pretence onely of theiâ Religion My Lord of Huntington himselfe also is he not knowne to bâe of a different religion from thâ present state of Englând and rhât if he weâe King to morrow nâxt he would alter the whoâe government order condiâion and state of râligion now used and established within the Realme But as I said in the beginning if one of a whole family or of divers families be culpable or to be touched herein what have the rest offended thereby will you exclude all for the mislike of one And to descend in order if the first in K. Henries line after her Majesty may be touched in this point yet why should the rest be damnified thereby The K of Scotland her son that next ensueth to speak in equity why should he bee shut out for his religion And are not all the other in like manner Protestants whose discent iâ consequent by nature order and degree For the yong K. of Scotland quoth I the truth is that alwayes for mine own part I have had great hope and expectation of him not onely for the conceipt which commonly men have of such Orient youths borne to kingdomes but especially for that I understood
fate next her Madame your Lâdiship hath said nothing in this behalfe that is not dayly debated amongst us in our common speech in Court as you know Your desire also heâein is a publick desire if it might be brought to pâssâ for there is no man so simple that seeth not how perilous these contentions and divisions among us may bee in the end And I have heard divers Gentlemen that be leaâââd discourse at large upon this argument alleaging old examples of the Athenians Lacedemonians Carthigenians and Romans who received notable dammages and destruction also in the end by their divisions and factions among themselves and spâcially from them of their own Cities and Countries who upon factions lived abroad with Forrainers and thereby were always as fire-brands to carry home the flame of Warre upon their Countrey The like they also shewed by thâ long experience of all the great Cities and States of Italy which by their factions and forucites were in continuall gar-boyle bloud-shed and miserie Whereof our owne countrey hath also tasted her part by the odious contention between the houses of Lancaster and Yorke wherein it is marvailous to consider what trouble a few men oftentimes departing out of the Realme were able to worke by the part of their fâction râmaining at home which commonly encreaseth towaâd them that are absent by the readines of forâain Princes to receive âlwâyes and comfort such as are discontenâââ in another state to the end that by their meanes thây might hold an Ore in their neighbours boat Which Princeâ that aâe nâgh borderers doe alwayes above all other things most covet and dâsire This was that Courtiers speech and reason whereby I perceived that aswell among thâm in Couât as among us in the Râalme and Counâry abroad the present iâ convânience and dangerous sequell of this our home disâention is espyed and consequently most English hearts inclined to wish the râmedy or pâevention thereof by some reasonable modâration or re-union among our selves For that the prosecution of these dâfferânces to extrâaâitie cannot but after many wounds and exulcerations bring matters finally to rage fury and most deadly desperation Whereas on the other side if any sweet qualification or small tolleration among us were admitted there is no doubt but that affaires would passe in our Realme with more quietnesse safety and publike weale of the same then it is like it will doe long and men would easily be brought that have English bowells to joyne in the preservation of their Countrey from ruine bloudshed and forraine oppression which desparation of factions is wont to procure I am of your opinion quoth the Gentleman in that for I have seene the experience thereof and all the world beholdeth the same at this day in all the Countries of Germanie Polonia Boeâland and Hungarie where a little bearing of the one with the other hath wrought them much ease and continued them a peace whereof all Europe besides hath admiration and envie The first 12 years also of her Majesties reign whereof your Lady of the Court discoursed of before can well bee a witnesse of the same wherein the commiseration and lenity that was used towards those of the weaker sort with a certaine sweet diligence for their gaining by good means was the cause of much peace contentation and other benefit to the whole body Wee see in France that by over much pressing of one part onely a fiâe was inkindled not many yeaâes since like to have consumed and destroyed the whole had not a necessâry mollification been thought upon by the wisest of that Kings Councell full contrary to the will and inclination of somâ great personages who meant perhaps to have gained more by the other and since that time we see what peace wealth and re-union hath ensued in that Country that was so broken dissevered and wasted before And all this by yeelding a littâe in that thing which no force can master but exulcerate rather and make worse I meane the conscience and judgement of men in matters of Religion The like also I could name you in Flanders where after all these broyles and miseries of so many yeares warres caused principally by too much streyning in such affaires at the beginning albeit the King bee never so strict-laced in yeelding to publike liberty and free exercise on both parts yet is he descended to this at length and that upon force of reason to abstaine from the pursuit and search of mens consciences not only in the townes which upon composition hee receiveth but also where he hath recovered by force as in Torney and other places where I am informed that no man is searched demanded or molested for his opinion or conscience nor any act of Papistry or contrary religion required at their hands but are permitted to live quietly to God and themselves at home in their owne houses so they performe otherwise their outward obedience and duties to their Prince and Countrey Which only qualification tollerance and moderation in our Realme if I bee not deceived with many more âhat be of my opinion woulâ content all divisâons factions and parties among us for their continuance in peace bee they Papists Puritans Familians or of whatsoever nice difference or section besides and would be sufficient to retaine all parties within a temperate obedience to the Magistrate and government for conservation of their Countrey which were of no small importance to the contentation of her Majesty and the weale publick of the whole kingdome But what should I talke of this thing which is so contrary to the desires and designements of our puissant Conspirators What should Cicero the Senator use perswasions to Captaine Cateline and his crew that quietnesse and order were better than hurliburlies Is it possible that our aspirors will ever permit any such thing cause or matter to be treated in our state as may tend to the stability of her Majesties present government No surely it standeth nothing with their wisedome or policy especially at this instant when they have such opportunity of following their owne actions in Her Majesties name under the vizard and pretext of her defence and safety having sowed in every mans head so many imaginations of the dangers present both abroad and at home from Scotland Flanders Spaine and Ireland so man conspiracies so many intended murthers and others so many contrived or conceived mischiefes as my Lord of Leicester assureth himselfe that the troubled water cannot be cleared againe in short space nor his baits and lines laid therein easily espyed but rather that hereby ere long he will catch the fish he gapeth so greedily after and in the meane time for the pursuit of these crimes and other âhat he dayly will finde out himselfe must remaine perpetuall Dictator But what meaneth this so much inculcating of troubles treasons murthers and invasions I like not surely these ominous speeches And as I am out
affaire is not what were convenient but what is expedient not what ought to bee done in justice but what may bee done in safety You have described my Lord before to be a great man strongly furnished and fortified for a âevents What if it be not secure to bark at the Bear that is so wel britched I speak unto you but that which I heare in Cambrâdge and other places where I have passed where every mans opinion is that her Mâjesty standeth not in free choyse to doe what her selfe best liketh in thât case at this day I know said the Gentleman that Leicesters friends give it out every where that her Maiesty now âs their good Lords prisoner and that shee eithâr will or muââ be directed by him for the time to come except she will do worse Which thing his Lordship is well contented should bee spread abroad and believed for two causes the one to hold the people thereby more in awe of himself than of their âoveraign and secondly to dâaw her Majesty indeed by degrees to fear him For considering with himâelfe what hee hath done and that it is impâssible in truth that ever her Majesty should love him again or trust him aâter so many treacheries as he well knoweth are comâ to her Highnes understanding he thinketh that he hath no way of sure standing but by terror and opinion of his puissânt greatnesse wherby he would hold her Majesty and the Realme in thraldome as his father did in his time before him And then for that he wel remembreth the true saying Malus custoâ diuturnitatis metus he muât provide shortly that those which feare him be not able to hurt him and consequently you know what must follow by the example of K. Edward who feared Duke Dudley extreamly for that he had cut off his two Vncles heads and the Duke took order that he should never live to revenge the same For it is a setled rule of Machiavel which the Dudlies doe observe That wher you have once done a great injury there must you never forgive But I will tell you my friends and I will tell you no uÌâruth for that I know what I speak herein and am privie to the state of my Lord in this behalfe and of mens opinions and affections towards him within the Realme Most certaine it is that hee is strong by the present favour of the Prince as hath bin shewed before in respect wherof he is âdmitted also as chief patron of the Huntington faction though neither loved nor greatly trusted of the same but let her Mâjesty once turn her couâtenance aside from him in good earnest and speak but the word only that iustice shall take place against him ând I will undertake with gaging of both my life and little lands that God hath given me that without ââur or trouble or any danger in the world the Beare shall be taken to her Majesties hand and fast chained to a stake with mouzell cord collar and ring and all other things necessâry so that her Majesty shal baât him at her pleasure without all danger of byting breaking loose or any othâr inconvenience whatsoever For Sirs you must not think that this man holdeth any thing abroad in the Realme but by violence and that onely upon her Majesties favour and countenance towards him He hath not any thing of his owne either from his ancestors or of himselfe to stay upon in mens hearts or conceits he hath not ancient Nobility as other of our realm have wherby mens affections are greatly moved His father John Dudley was the first noble of his line who raised and made himselfe big by supplanting of other and by setting debate among the Nobilitie as also his grandfather Edmond a most wicked Promoter and wretched Petifogger enriched himselfe by other mens ruines both of them condemned Traitors though different in quality the one being a consener and the other a tyrant and both of their vices conjoyned collected and comprised with many more additions in this man or beast rather which is Robert the third of their kin and kind So that from his ancestors this Lord receiveth neither honour nor honesty but onely succession of treason and infamy And yet in himselfe hath he much lesse of good wherewith to procure himselfe love or credit among men than these ancestors of his had hee being a man wholy abandoned of humane vertue and devoted to wickednes which maketh men edible both to God and man In his father no doubt there were to be seen many excellent good parts if they had been joyned with faith honesty moderation and loyalty For all the world know· that he was very wise valiant magnanimous liberall and assured friendly where he once promised of all which vertues my Lord his son hath neither shew nor shadow but onely a certaine false representation of the first being craftie and subtile to deceive and ingenious to wickednesse For as for valour he hath as much as hath a mouse his magnanimity is base sordidity his liberality rapine his friendshâp plaine fraud holding onely for his gaine and no otherwise though it were bound with a thousand oathes of which he maketh as great account as hens doe of cackling but onely for his commodity using them specially and in gryatest number when most he meaneth to deceive Namely if he sweare solemnly by his George or by the eternall God then be sure it is a false lye for these are observations in the Court and sometimes in his owne lodging in like case his manner is to take up and sweare by the Bible whereby a Gentleman of good account and one that seemeth to follow him as many do that like him but a little protested to me of his knowledge that in a very short space hee observed him wittingly and willingly to be forsworn sixteen times This man therefore so contemptible by his ancestors so odible of himselfe so plunged overwhelmed and defamed in all vice so envyed in the Court so detested in the Country and not trusted of his owne and dearest friends nay which I am privie to so misliked and hated of his owne servants about him for his beastly life nigardy and Atheisme being never seene yet to say one private prayer within his chamber in his life as they desire nothing in this world so much as his ruine and that they may be the first to lay hands upon him for revenge This man I say so broken both within without is it possible that her Majesty and her wise Councell should feare I can never believe it or if it be so it is Gods permission without all cause for punishment of our sins for that this man if he once perceive indeed that they feare him will handle them accordingly and play the Beare indeed which inconvenience I hope they will have care to prevent and so I leave it to God and them craving pardon of my Lord of Leicester for my
wit it seemes impossible By drinkes or charmes this worke to passe to bring Know then that Giges were invisible By turning the sigill of his Ring Toward his palme and thereby slew the King Lay with his wife of any man unseene Lastly did raigne by marrying with the queene King Salomon for Magick naturall Was held a cunning man by some Divines He wrote a booke of Science naturall To bind ill Spirits in their darke confines He had great store of wives and Concubines Yet was a Sacred King this I inferre The wisest man that now doth live may erre Also yee say that when I waxed old When age and time mispent had made me dry For ancient held in carnall Lust is cold Natures defect with Art I did supply And that did helpe this imbecility I us'd strong drinks and Oyntments of great price Whose taste or touch might make dead flesh arise To this I answer that those fine extractions Drams and electuaries finely made Serv'd not so much to helpe veneriall actions As for to comfort nature that 's decaid Which being with indifferent judgment weigh'd In noble men may be allowed I trust As tending to their health not to their lust What if I drinke nothing but liquid gold Lactrina christal pearle resolv'd in wine Such as th' Egyptians full cups did hold When Cleopatra with her Lord did dine A trifle care not for the cost was mine What if I gave Hippomenes to drinke To some fair Dames at smal faults you must wink Ye say I was a traytor to the Queene And thât when Monsieur was in greatest grace I being out of favour mov'd with spleene To see a Frenchman frolique in the place Forth toward Barwick then did post apace Minding to raise up a rebellious rout To take my part in what I went about That I was then a traytor I deny But I confesse that I was Monsieurs foe And sought to breake the league of amity Which then betwixt my Prince and him did grow Doubting Religion might be changed so Or that our Lawes and customes were in danger To be corrupt or altered by a stranger Therefore I did a faction strong maintaine Agâinst the Earle of Sussâx a stout Lord On Monsieurs side and then Lord Chamberlain Who sought to make that nuptiall accord Which none may breake witnesse the sacred Wordâ But thus it chânced that he striv'd in vaine To knit that kâot which heaven did not ordaine Thus did ye mis-interpret my conceiâs That for disloyalty my deâds did blame Yet many men have laid their secret baits T' intrap me in such snares to work my shame Whom I in time sufficiently did tame And by my Soveraignes favour bore them downe Proving my selfe true Liegeman to the Crowne Thinke yee I could forget my Soveraigne Lady Thât was to me so gracious and so kinde How many triumphs for her glory made I O I could never blot out of my minde What Characters of grace in her have shin'd But some of you which were by her pâefer'd Have with her bones almoââ her name inter'd When she was gone which of you all did weep What mournfull song did Pâilomela sing Alâs when she in deaths cold bed did sleep Which of you all her dolefull knell did ring How long wâll yee now love your crowned King If you so soon forget your old Queen dead Which foure and fourty yeares hath governed Yee say I sought by murder to aspire And by strong poyson many men to slay Which as ye thought might crosse my high desire And âloud my long expected golden day Perhaps I laid some blocks out of my way Which hindred me from comming to the Bower Whâre Cynthia shin'd like lamps in Pharohs tower Alas I came not of a Tygers kinde My hands with bloud I hated to defile But when by good experience I did finde How some with fained love did me beguile Perchance all pitty then I did exile And as it were against my will was prest To seek their deaths that did my life detest Lo then attend to heare a dolefull tale Of those whose death yâe doe suppose I wrought Yet wish I that the world beleeve not all That hath of me by envious men been wrought But when I for a Kingly fortune sought O pardon me my sâlfe I might forget And cast downe sâme my state aloft to set My first wife fell downe from a paire of staires And brake her neck and so at Comner dy'd Whilst her true servants led with small affaires Unto a Fure at Abingdon did ride This dismall hap did to my wife betide Whether yee call it chance or destiny Too true it is shâ dâd untimely dye O had I now a showrâ of teares to shed Lockt in the empty circles of my âyes All could I shed in mourning for the dead That lost a spouse so young so faire so wise So faire a corps so foule a coarse nâw lies My hope t' have married with a famous Queene Drave pitty back and kept my teares unseene What man so fond that would not lose a Pearle To finde a Diamond leave brasse for gold Or who would not forsake a gallant gitle To win a Qâeen great men in awe to hold âo rule âhe âtate and of none be control'd O but the stâps that lead unto a âhrone Aâe dângerous for men to tread upon Tâe Cardinall Chatillion was my foe Whose death peradventure did compact Because he let Queen Elizâbeth to know My false report given of a former act How I with her had made a precontract And the great Princes hope I bar'd thereby That sâught to marry with her Majesty The Prelate had bin better held his tongue And kist his holy Fathers feet in Rome A Masse the sooner for his soule was sung But he might thanke me had he staid at home Or late or never he to heaven had come Therefore I sent him nimbly from the coasts Perhaps to supper with the Lord of hosts When death by hap my first wives neck had crackt And that my suit unto the Queene âll sped It chaâced that I made a post contract And did in sort the Lâdy Sheffââld wed Of whom I had two goodly children bred For the Lord Sheffeild died as I was sure Of a Catarie which physicke could not cure Some thinke thâ rhume was artificiall Which this good Lord befoââ his end did take Tush what I gave to her was naturâll My plighted troth yet some amends did make Though her at length unkinde I did forsâke She must not blame me for a higher reach Made my sure promise finde a sudden breach The valiant Earle whom absent I did wrong In breaking Hymeneus holy band In Ireland did protract the time too long Whilst some in ângland ingled under hand And at his coming homeward to this land He dyed with poyson as they say infected Not without cause for veâgeance I suspâcted Because this fact notorious scandall bred And âor I did his gallant wife abuse To salve âhis sore
when this brave Lord was dead I for my selfe did this faire Lady chuse And flesh is fraile deare Lady me excuse It was pure love that made me undertake This haplesse recontract with thee to make Now in Joves pallace that good Lord doth sup And drinkâ full bowles of Nector in the skie Hunnies his pâge that tasted of that cup Did onely loose his hâire and did not dye True-noble Earle thy fame to heaven doth flye He doth repent his fault and pârdon crave That marr'd thy bed and too soon made thy grave Thou didst behinde thee leave a matchlesse Sonne A peerelâsse paterne for all princâly peeres Whose spaâks of glory in my time begun Kindled wâth hope flâm'd highly in few yeeres But death him struâk and drown'd this land in teares His Sonne doth live true imâge of him dead To grace this soil whâre showers of tears were shed Thây were to blame that said the Queen should marry With me her Hors keeper for so they call'd me But thou Throgmarton whâch âhis tale didst carry From France to England hast more shârply gall'd me Sith my good Qâeene in office high extold me For I was Mâster of her Highnesse Horse I scorne thy words which did my hate inforce But tell me then how didst thou likâ thy fare When I to supper last did thee invite If I did rid thee of a world of care By giving âhee a Salet gentle Knight With gastly lookes doe not my soule affrâght Lester I was whom England once did dread But now I am like thee Throgmarton dead My Lord of Sussex was too cholerick That call'd me traitor and a traitors sonne But I serv'd him a fine Italian triâk Had not I done so I had bin undone Now marke the end what conquest hath he won A litle scruple that to him I sent Did purge his choler till hâs life was spent He was a gallant Noble man indeed O but his life did still my life decrease Therefore I sent him with convenient speed To rest amongst his ancestors in peace ây rage was pacifi'd at his decease And now I come t' imbrace his love too late Him did I love whom living I did hate I came to visit as I chanc'd to walke My Lady of Lenox whom I found not well I took her by the hand hâd private talke And so departed a short tale to tell When I was gone into a flux she fell That never ceast her company to keep Till it had brought her to a senslesse sleep I dream'd she had not many dayes to live And this my dreame did shortly fall out true So as her Ghostly Father I did give Some comfort to her soule for well I knew That she would shortly bid the world adiew Some say I gave such physick as did spill her But I suppose that mâere conceit did kill her Some will object perhaps I did pretend To meet the Earle of Ormond on a day In single fight our quarrell for to end But did command my servant Killygray To lye in ambush that stout Lord to slay But heaven did not consent to work his spoile That was the glory of the Irish soile Perhâps I doubted that I was too weake And loath I was he should the conquest win If in this cause I did my promise breake I hope men will not count it for a sin Is it not gâod to sleep in a whole skin When Hannibal could not prevaile by blowes He used stratagems to kill his foes If I the death of Monsieur Simiers fought When he from France Ambâssadour was sent I had just cause to seeke it as I thought For towards me he bore no good intent Had he not fled betimes perhaps I ment T' have sent him in embassage for my pleasure To the black king that keeps Avernus treasuâe For when no man about the Court durst speak That I the Lady Lettice married This pratling Frenchman first the ice did breake And to the Quâene the fact discovered Which not without just cause the anger bred Thus th'ape did play his part control'd of none When he espi'd the Beare from home was gone One Salvadore an Italian borne Having once wâtâht with me till mid'st of night Was found slaine in his bed the next day morne Alas poore man I ruâ his wofull plight That did in nothing but in sinne deâight Had he to honest actions bent his wit He might have longer liv'd and scap'd this fit But what reward should such a man expect Whom gold to any lewdnesse could entice Ones turne once serv'd why should we not reject So vilde an instrument of damned vâce What if he were dispâtched in a trice Was it not better this mans blood to spill Then let him live the world with sinne to âil I doubted lest that Dâughty would bewray My counsell and with othârs party tâke Wherefore the sooner him to rid away I sent him forth to sea with Captaine Dââkâ Who knew how t' entertain him for my sake Before he went his lot by me was câst His death was plotted and perform'd in hast He hoped well but I did so dispose That he at Port St. Iulian lost his head Having no time permitted to disclose The inward griefes that in his heart were bred We need not feare the biting of the dead Now let him goe transported to the seas And tell my secrets to th' Antipodes My servant Gates did speed as ill or worse To whom I did my close intents impart And at his need with money stuft his purse And wil'd him still take courage at his heart Yet in the end he felt the deadly smart He was inveigled by some subtle witted To rob so he was taken and committed Of pardon I did put him still in hope When he of felony was guilty found And so condemn'd till his last friend the Pope Did him uphold from falling to the ground What hope of grace where vice did so abound He was beguil'd like birds that use to gape At Zâuxes table for a painted grape Yet I did to the man no injury And gave him time and leasure to repent And well he knew he had deserv'd to dye Therefore all future mischiefe to prevent I let him slip away with my consent For his reprivall lâke a crafty Fox I sent no pardon but an empty Box. Else as unfaithfull Banester betraid The Dâke of Buckinghâm his Master deare When he of Richards tyranny afraid Fled to his servants house for succour there So might my man for gaine or forc'd for feare Have brought my corps with shame unto my grave By too much trusting on a paltry knave Me seems at me great Norfolkes Duke doth frowne Because he thinkes I did his death contrive Perswading some he aimed at the Crowne And that by royall match he meant to strive A kingdome to his Lordship to revive Alas good Dâke he was too meek and milde And I too faithlesse that his trust beguil'd For that I found his humour first was bent To take the