the head and glory thereof And that because the Nations and great ones of the Earth be two main pillars by which Babylon is underpropped for as the Whore doth sit upon the Nations Rev. 17.1.15 so the great men of the Earth bewail her desolation Rev 18.9 10 11 2 13 14 15 16 17 18 19.23 yea and side with her as she engageth against the Saints of the Most High Rev. 19.19 A great Star from Heaven burning as a Lamp shal fall upon the waters and their fountains Rev. 8.10 by which the waters shall be enbitâ—ered as with wormwood v. 11. so that many of them shall die being turned into blood and made bitter kev. 8.11 compared with chap. 17.4 Which waters and sountains thereof be the very destroyers and persecutors of the Saints Rev. 16.6 expounded to be Babylon and such as side with her Rev. 18.24 Behold how the Lord in overthrowing Babylon maketh its King and Lucifer Isa 14.4 compared with v. 12. to fall from his throne and dignity Whose fall seiseth upon the Nations and the great ones of the Earth by which they are enbittered and enraged making die and made to die And that because the ruin of Babylon is attended and accomplished with the fall of the Nations Rev. 16.19 and overthrow of Kings Rev. 19.20 21. the Lord of hosts staining the pride of all glory and bringing into contempt all the honourable of the Earth Isa 23.9 Where upon the heathen shall rage and the people imagine a vain thing the Kings of the Earth shall set themselves and the Rulers take counsel together against the Lord and against his anointed Psa 2.1 2. So that as they shall be enbittered making many die many men dying of the waters because of their bitterness so they themselves shall be destroyed the waters and fountains thereof turning into blood And thus the three main props of Babylon shall be quite overturned viz. the forces of the Nations their heads and the Nations themselves the Lord overturning overturning overturning Babylon that it be no more until he come whose right it is the Lord giving unto his Son the Diadem and the Crown Ezek. 21.26 27. anointing him King on his holy Hill Zion laying the Government on his shoulders in the day of his Personal Appearance And thus there is an overturn for every pillar of Babylon The fourth party plagued is the Sun Rev. 16 8. which in Scripture is taken these several wayes 1 for the physical and visible Sun Gen. 15.12 2 God himself Psa 84.11 3 Christ Cant. 1.6 Mal. 4.2 4 by way of comparison it is taken for the Church Cant. 6.10 5 the chief though transformed light or the Lucifer of an Antichristian and Babylonish state Isa 13.10 compared with chap. 14.12 Jer. 15.9 Ezek. 32.7 Joel 2.10 31. chap. 3.15 Amos 8.9 Mic. 3.6 Matth. 24.29 Mark 13.24 Acts 2.20 Rev. 6.12 6 a main and chief light of the Church of God Isa 30.26 No man in reason will say that in the out-powring of the fourth vial is understood the plaguing of God of Christ which to aver is blasphemy or any such like thing but the darkning the Lucifer of Babylon or the main pretended light of the antichristian state with spiritual darkness So that all the transformed and pretended lights of the Babylonish state shall be in a great part thereof smitten with darknes Rev. 8.12 having their understanding darkened being alienated from the â—e of God through the ignorance that is in them because of the blindness of their heart Ephes 4.18 God sending them strong delusion that they should beleeve a lye 2 Thess 2.11 The fisth party plagued is the Seat of the Beast Rev. 16.10 i. e. his power and authority which shall be smitten with great darkness his kingdom being full thereof Rev. 16.10 compared with chap. 13.2 A smoke rising out of the pit as the smoke of a great furnace by which the Sun and Air are darkened at the sounding of the fifth Angel while-as a star falleth from Heaven on the Earth Rev. 9.1 2. whence Babylon is overthrown by violence and darkness the day of the Lord upon it being a day of wastness and desolation a day of darkness and gloominess a day of clouds and thick darkness Zeph. 1.15 Shall not the day of the Lord be darkness and not light even very dark and no brightness in it Amos 5.20 And thus with a whirlwind of violence and a cloud of darkness the Lord cometh up from the North Ezek. 1.4 to lay Babylon with all her glory in the dust for as by violence the powers of Babylon are overthrown so by darkness they are hardened in heart contemning the truth blaspheming God and not repenting of their deeds Rev. 16.9 10 11. So that the greater violence is executed against them the more obstinate in wickedness they become blaspheming God his People and Interest Rev. 16.21 Pharaoh-like the more plagued the more hardened As appeareth in some measure at this very hour among the enemies of Zion's Interest The more to day the Egyptians are plagued the more blasphemously do they reproach and are hardened in heart The sixth party plagued is the River Euphrates Rev. 16.12 Concerning which there be these things considerable 1 The up-drying of it Which cannot be understood mystically seeing in no place of Scripture the word Euphrates is taken in a mystical sense It is read twenty times only in the Scriptures and no where is it taken mystically but literally as is more then evident to any that shall enquire after it We must needs therefore say that the River Euphrates shall be dried up the Lord with his mighty wind shaking his hand over it smiting it in the seven streams and making men to go over it dry-shod Isa 11.15 2 The end for which it is dried-up Which is to prepare a way for those Kings that come up from the East or the rising of the Sun Rev. 16.12 And thus there shall be an high way for the remnant of his people which shall be left from Assyria like as it was to Israel in the day that he came up from the Land of Egypt Isa 11.16 Whence the Lord setting his hand again the second time to recover the remnant of his people Israel from Assyria and from Egypt Isa 11.11 shall miraculously deliver them as he did while-as he set his hand the first time in bringing them up from Egypt by the conduct of Moses for as at the first time he dried-up the Red-sea before them so at the second time of their recovery he will utterly destroy the tongue of the Egyptian-sea and dry up the River Euphrates before them smiting it in its seven streams that they may go over it dry-shod Now upon what accompt the people of the Jews are called the Kings of the East you may reade for this The Saints Kingdom sect 7. 3 The engagement the people of the Jews come to as they come up from the East Then do the unclean spirits
like Frogs draw forth the Kings of the Earth with their Armies to a day of engagement against the Kings of the East The Paganish Mahumetan and Antichristian spirits Frog-like indeed shall engage all the Heathenish and Mahumetan powers against the four Angels which are bound in the great River Euphrates prepared for a day a month and a year for to slay the third part of men the number of the Army of the Horse-men being two hundred thousand thousand Rev. 9.14 15 16. And thus at this day of engagement Babylon the powers of the Nations with all their Potentates and glory shal be overthrown for in that time when the Lord shall bring again the captivity of Judah and Jerusalem gathering all Nations bringing them into the valley of Jehoshaphat to plead with them there causing his Mighty-Ones the Kings of the East the hundred thousand thousand to come down upon them putting in his sicle the harvest being now ripe Joel 3.1 2 12 13. The Winepresse shall be troden without the City till blood come out even to the Horse-bridles by the space of a thousand and six hundred furlongs Rev. 14.20 Thus Gog and Magog the Beast the false-Prophet the Kings of the Earth and their Armies shall be destroyed in engaging against him who sitteth on the white horse attended with the Armies in Heaven Ezek. 39 8 9. c. Rev. 19.11 12 c. 4 the time of this up-drying and engagement Which is secret and unknown It is a time and season which the Father hath put in his own power Aâ—ts 1.7 'T is not for us to know the time when the Kingdom shall be restored again to Israel It cometh as a thier in the night Rev. 16.15 and therefore both secretly and suddenly Let us therefore watch and keep our garments lest we walk naked and they see our shame The seventh party plagued is the Air Rev. 16.17 Which in Scripture is taken three wayes 1 for one of the four Elements Gen. 1.26 2 as it signifieth that which is done in vain and to no purpose 1 Cor. 9.26 chap. 14.9 3 for the power of Satan Eph. 2.2 whose power is airy indeed because of its subtilty and vanity And thus as the Lord poureth-out the vials of his wrath upon the power of the Beast so doth he likewise upon the power of the Dragon for as in the day of vengeance in the reign of the Ancient of dayes while-as Christ reigneth in power the seat and power of the Beast is overthrown by the up-coming of the Kings of the East so in the time of Christ's Personal presence and reign Satan is chained and bound a thousand years that he may deceive the Nations no more till the thousand years be finished Rev. 20.2 3. And this is while-as a great voice cometh out of Heaven from the Throne saying it is done Rev. 16.17 the Mysterie of God being finished and time being no longer in the dayes of the voice of the seventh Angel Rev. 10.6 7. at whose founding there be great voices in Heaven saying The Kingdoms of this world are become the Kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ and be shall reign for ever and ever Rev. 11.15 In the third and last part of the Chapter of which I shall speak but a little the holy Ghost recapitulateth and summeth-up in few words all that he hath spoken at length in the second part of the Chapter in order to the fall and ruin of Babylon from vers 18. to the close In vers 18. is spoken as to the shaking of Babylon by wars and rumors of wars Nation rising against Nation and Kingdom against Kingdom there being tumults and earth-quakes in divers places In vers 19. is spoken of the dividing of Babylon after its shaking into three parts Of the fall of the Nations and of Babylon's utter overthrow and desolation as it is designed in laying the Nations desolate In vers 20. is foretold the overthrow of the Forces Power and Glory of the Nations in bringing into contempt all the Honourable of the Earth In vers 21. is spoken as to the grievousnes of the plagues by which Babylon shal be shaken divided and overturned the Nations their Forces and their mighty Ones shall be destroyed together with men's blaspheming God his Truth and his People thereupon the more plagued being the more hardened as at this time in some measure doth appear FINIS
THE Survey of Policy OR A FREE VINDICATION OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND AGAINST Salmasius and other Royallists And ye have this day rejected your God and ye have said unto Him Nay but set a King over us 1 Sam. 10.19 I will call unto the Lord and he shall send thunder and rain that ye may perceive and see that your wickedness is great which ye have done in the sight of the Lord in asking you a King 1 Sam. 12.17 And all the People said unto Samuel we have added unto all our sins this evil to ask us a King Ibid. ver 19. But if ye shall still do wickedly ye shall be consumed both ye and your King Ibid. ver 29. The Lord of hosts hath purposed it to stain the pride of all glory and to bring into contempt all the honourable of the earth Isa 23.9 By PETER ENGLISH a friend to Freedom LEITH Printed in the Year 1653. Feb 2d TO THE Very Honourable and truly Godly the LORD-GENERAL CROMWELL Greeting My LORD WHile I was thinking to whom I might dedicat this Book in which is asserted the Authority and Non-usurpation of the Commonwealth of England I judged none more fit then him to whose patronage I might commit it who hath most promoted the Liberty lately obtained under the power and protection of the God of Israel And thus among many I made choice of your Lordship Albeit I look upon Kingly Government as that which is inconsubsistent with just Freedom and Liberty nevertheless under what Power and Authority I am be what it will I am willing to give unto Caesar that which is Caesar's And therefore I will humbly offer my judgment to your Lordship in this case which I hope will be useful to abate the seditiousness of spirit to which many as is at least pretended upon a conscientious accompt are bent It will not be amiss to distinguish between the case of Superiority and Inferiority Now the Word of God will have the inferiour subject to the superiour without any resistance not only for wrath but also for conscience-sake Rom. 12.1 The higher can never be without the lower the one necessarily pre-supposing the other And therefore that which is lower and inferiour ought to be subject to the higher and superiour Hence it is Jesus Christ his Apostles subjected themselves to the greatest of tyrants even to such whose title and right depended meetly from the sword So then put me under the Turk's command I shall not dispute his power Shew me where Christ or any of his Apostles dispute the authority of any power they lived under It is undeniable they spoke and preached against all manner of sin and vice bearing faithful witness against it And thus they witnessed against the sins of Princes aswel as of the People Howsoever there is a great difference between a Magistrate as a Magistrate and as a man As a Magistrate he cannot fail but either in tyranny or in injustice or else in bribery As a man he is subject to personal infirmities as others arâ— I must confess the Gospel witnesseth abundantly against all these failings But as I understand the Gospel doth not allow the inferiour to speak directly and by way of application against the Magistrate as he faileth in his office I do not read where Christ or his Apostles charged any Ruler with tyranny injustice or bribery in the discharge of his trust Sure I am there were many unjust Judge in their time I made that Christ called Herod a Fox and Paul called Nero a Lion But the Law could not conclude from hence that any thing was spoken against them as Magistrates Because as men they were 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 as Foxes and cruel as Lion And thus the Law could make no other but their speaking against personal taults in the Magistrate And I judge it not unlawful upon some serious accompts though not by all persons and at all occasions to speak against the personal sins of the Magistrate in a down-right way as did the Baptist to Herod If this will not satisfie then observe that Christ was not at that time subject to Herod but to Pilate And may not I speak against any tyrannous Magistrate to whose Law Government I am not subjected Yea against the great Turk though I might not being under his Authority Nâ—y but I choose rather to say as the scope of Christ's words insinuate in opposition to the disdainful bragging of the Pharisees that Christ opposeth his divine and kingly power to Herod's tyranny upon which accompt he defieth his despiaht as being impossible for him to act any thing to in s prejudice or alteration of his purpose And as for that of Paul it is not clear what he meaneth by the Lion Only this much he is pleased to be a little free with his dear friend Timothy And truly I may use so much freedom with my dear friend as with mine own heart But what is all this for the subject to call the Magistrate to his face A tyrannous and partial Judge granting he be so Shall I therefore both in private and publick speak what I will making an ordinary trade of it against his unfaithfulness in managing his office Scripture doth not allow me to think any thing against him in my Bed-chamber Eccles â—0 20 Is it fit to say to a King thou are wicked and to Princes ye are ungodly Job 34 18. Surely It is not good to 〈◊〉 Princes for equty Pro. 17.26 We must not revile the Judges nor curse to Ruler of the People Exod. 22.28 Acts 23.5 And we see how that Paul in all his arraignments maketh his constant plea that in his preaching the Gospel he spake nothing whether against the Magistrate or the Law of the Nation whereupon many times he escaped Yea John the Baptist doth not dispute the quarrel of the Romon Souldiers but waving State-matters exhorteth them to their duty as is pertinent to a Gospel-Preacher Notwithstanding I would have it seriously minded that I only speak of the duty of the inferiour toward the superiour so that whatsoever is really and properly inferiour ought without disputing the matter give due obedience to the superiour not resisting the higher power Now say I every individual subject seorsim or any inconsiderable number thereof is inferiour to the Magistrate And therefore ought not to resist his power I admire how any person or persons who are not in a capacity yea not so much as in a probability of withstanding the Mastistrat's power dare adventure to do so unless miraculously and extraordinarily assisted as were the Prophets of old even though not only to them but also revera his power is tyrannous and his commands unjust Will any rational man say I ought to resist an hundred high-way Robbers and not give them that which they seek though unjustly If I did so whatsoever evill befell me in resisting I should be accessory to it my self as none in reason can deny But if it
be asked Whether or not ought the People to resist the Magistrate Say I The lawfulness or unlawfulness of their resisting only dependeth from the nature of the quarrel It is clear to me as is fully evinced in the following Treatise not only the whole Power but also any considerable power of the People may vâ—ry justly resist the Magistrate in maintaining and promoting their own just Liberty and freedom for as the whole Power of the People is superiour so any considerable part thereof is not inferiour to the Magistrate's power And thus my judgment leadeth me no other wales to resist a tyrannous Magistrate but as I am added by Providence to that Body whose Quarrel is not only just but also whose Power is either superiour to the Magistrate's Power or at least so far equal to it as that it is in a capacity of resisting it Now if I either mistake the Quarrel or the considerable capacity of resisting 't is my rashness to engage against the Ruler and just with God to punish my seditiousness though my engaging be upon zealous and conscientious accompts Let a very Pâ—ter be rebuked though in zeal he smile Malchus not being able to maintain his act of Resistance As to example had I a year or two since spoken or acted against the late Parliament me thinks I had not only done unwisely unless as I said before I had been raised up extraordinarily as were the Prophets of old in speaking and acting against the tyranny of the Magistrate but also seditiously But now it is high time for me or any wel-wisher of the People's Liberty to speak and act in our several employments and vocations against the late Power As it is time to sail when tide and wind make and no sooner so it is time to engage and no sooner for Freedom and Liberty when either the People's willingness or a standing Power call for it Then let every man according to his ability whose ambition is to promote just Freedom and Liberty improve his time letting no occasion slip but strike the iron while it is yet hot Sooner it is folly and latter it is but a beating of the air And thus let every cordial wel-wisher of Freedom walk wisely neither going a step before nor a step behind the willingness and power of the People in promoting the foresaid Interest The Quarrel of just Freedom not arightly timed is lost labour and an untimely birth This possibly will be called Policy rather then Piety But it matters not if this Policy be true Divinity as is already shewed to be He is worthy of all commendation who neither resisteth the Ruler's superiority nor thwarteth but promoteth the People's Liberty Thus is he neither rebellious nor malignant but obedient to his superiour during his Command and faithful to the Interest of the People Let me obey the Tyrant so long as he commandeth but side with the People when they oppose him Beside what I have spoken if I may be called to counsel I would willingly offer some of my earnest wishes unto your Lordship O that constrained maintenance for upholding Priests Chaplains and Masters in Universities were at an end Oh that all who are able and willing to preach the Gospel might be encouraged with all due freedom and protection therein upon all occasions and in all convenient places without molestation whether in private or in places of publick meeting All which shall come to passe when that is accomplished which is foretold in Isa 26.12 14 15. As for annual Representatives the levelling of the Law subjecting all to it without exception the disposing so of all Rents Revenues Forfeitures Sequestrations and such like as that competences may be provided out of them for all that want they be things too high for me I only take liberty to speak in order to such things as immediatly relate to the Freedom of Saints and the Fall of Babylon As to Religion's Interest every wel-wisher of Zion may use freedom Howsoever I judge it needless for me to speak any thing of these last particulars seeing as I conceive they are already taken into consideration by all these who mind the true and just Interest of the People Nay but my Lord J cannot forget how that one day after another J hear large discourse of Levelling But though the most part be for it excepting the Rich as it was of old in the dayes of Agis and Gracchus J cannot well learn what is intended thereby Only J do find in it these two things which be either redundant or defective as to the nature of right Levelling First some understand no more but the levelling of the Law Secondly others overturn propriety so much as that they intend no more use of the Creation but here to day and yonder to morrow J shall not dispute this case at present but only adde some few words to what is spoken in this matter As J understand people so much the more cheerfully ought to engage to promote their just Civil Freedom and Liberty how much the more the fall of Babylon and the interest of Zion are concerned therein 'T is a debate to me to engage for the one the other not being linked therewith though self-defence be lawful upon all accompts Howsoever the Quarrel of the Lamb is that which J heed most But if your Lordship and others in power will allow me in this case to remonstrate to the world the practice of the Jewish Athenian Lacedemonian Roman and of other ancient and notable Commonwealths J shall be most willing to do so at command And J shall endeavour to publish nothing but what is according to the Scriptures the practice of the chiefest Commonwealths the judgment yea and practice of the chiefest States-men Philosophers Orators and Historians O! but all of us will be prevented in these things by the sudden approach of the Ancient of dayes who being come will level spirits powers and estates Till then there will be no more but the beginnings of Liberty the earnest of what shall be when the Lord alone shall be exalted staining the pride of all Glory and bringing into contempt all the Honourable of the Earth Yea as I conceive it is impossible a solid and entire Freedom can be established till His approach for then He shal judge among the Nations becoming our Lord our King and Law-giver the Law going out of Zion and the Word of the Lord from Jerusalem I rest satisfied in the expectation thereof not exercising my self in great matters nor in things too high for me When he cometh crooked things shall be made straight and mountains shall be made valleys The Lord will hasten it in his time Lastly J would offer my judgment to your Lordship concerning the Power of the People in choosing Rulers J shall only hint at this in a word To me it is clear that as Nature in the state of fallen-man unlesse all should go to ruin cannot be without Government even though all men
a stranger over thee who is not thy Brother Ibid. 3 He must not tyrannize over the People by Leavying Forces and by strength of hand drawing them into Egyptian slavery He shall not multiply horses to himself nor cause the People to return to Egypt to the end that he should multiply horses forasmuch as the LORD hath said unto you Ye shall henceforth return no more that way Ibid. These words properly and in their emphatick sense can import nothing else but a discharging of the King by Forces and Armies to tyrannize over his People that bringing them into bondage and upon their ruines he may not strengthen himself and multiply his Forces So the King of Egypt did with the People of Israel whileas they were in Egypt under his tyrannous yoke 4 Not a Leacherous King given to women for drawing him on into temptation Neither shall he multiply wives to himself that his heart turn not away Ibid. 5 Nor Covetous given to enrich himself and to build-up his own estate upon the ruins of his People Nether shall he greatly multiply to himself Silver and Gold Ibid. 6 But he must be a King acquiring the Scriptures of GOD meditating on them his whole life-time thereby learning to fear the LORD to observe his Commandments and to practise them that he may be humble and lowly not turning aside either to the right-hand or to the left And it shall be when he sitteth upon the Throne of his Kingdom that he shall write him a Copy of this Law in a Book out of that which is before the Priests the Levits And it shall be with him and he shall reade therein all the dayes of his life that he may learn to fear the LORD his God to keep all the words of this Law and these Statutes to do them That his heart be not lifted up above his Brethren and that he turn not aside from the Commandment to the right-hand or to the left Ibid. Herefrom we draw this Argument The power of him is not Arbitrary and beyond the bounds of Law whose power according to the Law and Word of GOD is Regulated and kept within the bounds of Law But the power of the King according to the Law and Word of God is Regulated and kept within the bounds of Law Ergo the Power of the King is not Arbitrary and beyond the bonnds of Law The Major cannot be denyed unlesse men will be so bold as to deny a Regulating and squaring of their Acts and Institutions according to the Word and Law of God Sure I am none will deny it but such as will contradict Scripture it self and decline it as the rule and pattern of their Actions The Minor is manifest from the Text above Cited Barclay the Royallist distinguisheth between the Office and power of the King and so the man endeavoureth to elude our Argument thus The Office of the King quoth he is set down Deut. 17. and the King's power is spoken of 1 Sam. 8 where saith he an Arbitrary power is conferred upon the King and laid upon his shoulders But this distinction serveth not for his purpose For either the power of the King is according to the Word and Law of God or not If it be then as the Office of the King is regulated in like manner his power also is kept within the compasse of Law For his Office spoken of Deut. 17. admitteth bounds and is kept within marches That which is spoken concerning the King Dent. 17. in terminis doth subject the King to Law and taketh-away Arbitrarines in his Government So then that which is spoken of the King 1 Sam. 8. doth either contradict that which is spoken Deut. 17. or else it giveth him no power and liberty of governing above Law at random If it be not then it is not a Divine but a diabolick power Moreover what the King doth according to his power either he doth it by vertue of his Office or contrary to it If by vertue of his Office Ergo the Kingly power cannot be absolute unlesse his Office be also absolute for so the exercise of his power dependeth from his Office In such a case he can do nothing according to his power but what he hath Authority for from his Office But his Office Deut. 17 is not absolute but Regulated according to Law If contrary to it Ergo it is not the Kings Office to exercise an absolute power and consequently the Kings Authority is not absolute Furthermore either the King as King is absolute or not If he be absolute as King Ergo the Royall Office is absolute For the King is formally King by vertue of his Royall Office If not absolute as King then we gain the point For so it followeth that the Kingly Government in it-self is not absolute and illimited and if the Kingly Government in it-self be not of a vast and absolute extent we Demand in what notion the Authority of the King is Arbitrary and illimited Either ab intrinscco i.e. As it is essentially a Kingly Authority or ab extrinseco i.e. according to some cadent and accident of the Regall Office If the former ergo the Office of the King it-self is absolute which is not onely repugnant to that Deut. 17. but also to that which Barclay confesseth himself If the latter ergo the King as King and according to his Office is not absolute for quod convenit rei accidentaliter ei non convenit formaliter Then we demand if the King as King be not absolute whether or not he be absolute as he is a Judge or as he is a Man If as he is a Judge ergo all Judges no lesse then Kings are of an absolute and Arbitrary power which Royallists themselves do altogether deny yea they make the King essentially different from other Judges under this notion because the Kings power is absolute and their's is not And consequently seing according to the Doctrine of Royallists the King is essentially differenced from other Judges as he is absolute then nolint velint the King as King is absolute Thus the Gentlemen do contradict themselves If as he is a Man ergo all men let-be Kings are of an Arbitrary and boundlesie power but sure I am no Royallist will say so Next to Barclay in-steppeth Salmasius on the floor as one minding to cut the knot if he cannot loose it This Gentleman labourreth though in vain to reconcile that of Deut. 17. with that which is spoken of the King 1 Sam. 8. The Israelites saith he did not seek from God one King onely but a change of the government by Judges and in stead of that they required a Regall Government But quoth he the Prophet to disswade them therefrom propounded to them these incommodities which ensue upon the Kingly government this the Prophet calleth jus Regum which I quoth he call the Arbitrary licence which is granted as a lawfull power to these who govern after a Kingly manner This jus Regum saith
he the Grecians translate it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whereby is understood a just and reasonable way of carry-on matters And the Jews in this place call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Septuagints translate this Hebrew word sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now this pertaineth to the office of some man and albeit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth differ from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet some smal difference being between them the one is taken for the other Defens Reg. cap. 2. Ans This Gentleman is so far from loosing the knot of the difficulty as that he tieth it a great deal faster then it was before And he must give me leave to say that he mistaketh the state of the question in hand The Question is whether or not that which is spoken 1 Sam. 8. is repugnant to that which is spoken concerning the King Deut. 17. This Royallist denyeth the one place to contradict the other and he rendereth no other reason for it but because the Prophet 1 Sam. 8. calleth absolutenesse and Arbitrary licence in the Royall Person jus Regum Now the man espyeth not the lightnesse of his own inference which is this The Prophet 1 Sam. 8. calleth Arbitrary power jus Regum Ergo that which is spoken of the King 1 Sam. 8. is not repugnant to that which is spoken of him Deut. 17. Whereas this man should prove the consequence he doth nothing but playeth upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Well I desire him to learn this much in his probation of the Antecedent he standeth by that which maketh the contradiction between these places the more apparent We have shewed already and he himself doth not deny it That the holy Ghost Deut. 17. subjecteth the King to Law and disclaimeth Arbitrary Power in him And yet this Gentleman will have the holy Ghost to allow and cry-up 1 Sam. 8. absolute power in the King This he not only saith but he also endeavoureth to prove from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is translated and taken by some both in Greek and Latine But I pray you Friend what is this but to prove a contradiction upon your self let it be so that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is so taken as you will have it the contrary whereof we shal demonstrate yet shall you never reconcile these two places together but thereby you enforce the more a contradiction between them and consequently according to your way the consequence is so far from being deducible from the Antecedent that contrariwise it is directly repugnant to it So then my Friend albeit I should grant you all that you would have yet you have this to prove That though the holy Ghost Deut. 17. crieth down Arbitrary Government in the King and 1 Sam. 8. proclaimeth it and alloweth the same in the King yet notwithstanding the holy Ghost doth not contradict Himself and neither of the places is repugnant one to another Prove this Et eris mihi magnus Apollo And whereas you only prove the Antecedent you do nothing but beat the air and proceed ab ignorantia elenchi Secondly It is repugnant to the power which the holy Ghost in Scripture hath conferâ—ed upon inferiour Judges It is clear from the Book of God that the Lord investeth inferiour Judges with power to execute judgment on all without respect of persons and commandeth them to do so And consequently they are invested with power to execute judgment on Kings themselves But if the power of the King were absolute and above Law then that power which the holy Ghost in Scripture conferreth on inferiour Judges is altogether unlawful and in vain Royallists start much at this Argument They talk much against it and I wot not what Because Salmasius speaketh most against it we shall firstly begin with him This man plainly denieth inferiour Judges to have any Authoritative power over Kings But because he is very large upon this matter and for preventing tediousness to the Reader we shall therefore handle the whole substance of that which he replieth and objecteth against this Argument in a following Sub-section SUBSECT 1. Salmasius his Opinion concerning the Power of Inferiour Judges examined and refuted THat we may in a methodick and square way handle his opinion and conveniently meet with these things which he replieth against our second Argument we shall lay down his mind in these Propositions Propos 1. The Jewish Sanhedrin had no power over the Kings of Israel and Judah That he may establish this Proposition he taketh this way to prove it Firstly The people of Israel saith he did seek a King to reign over them after the manner of the Nations But all the Kings of the Nations in these times were absolute and not subject to Law Ergo. The Proposition he proveth from 1. Sam. 8. The Assumption he taketh for granted saying that the Assyrians whose Monarchy was at that time when the Israelites sought a King to reign over them did not restrict their Kings within the bounds of Law Therefore Artabanus Persa much commendeth that Law whereby the Persians enacted that the King should be honoured as the image of GOD. Plut â—n vit Themist And Claudianus saith that they gave alike obedience to cruell and tyrannous Kings Yea Otades calleth Monarchy that to which every thing is lawful unpunishably Herodot lib. 3. Then seing the Persians succeeded to the Medes and the Medes to the Assyrians who reigned at that time when the Israelites did seek a King to reign over them it appeareth that as the Persian Monarchy so likewise the Assyrian and Median Monarchies were of an absolute and arbitrary power And Homer who lived as some imagine about that time when the Israelites sought a King from Samuel to reign over them saith that Kings are from Jupiter and those do reign who get authority from the son of Saturn Whom he also calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 divine Kings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 trained up by Jupiter Therefore Kings in Homer's time were not subject to Law Defens Reg. cap. 2. and 5. Ans Both the Propositions of this Gentlemans Argument seem very strange to us As for the first Proposition we do not deny it for the people of Israel said to Samuel Now make us a King to judge us like all the Nations 1. Sam. 8. But it doth not follow Ergo make us an absolute King as the Nations about us have 1. Because Moses Deut. 17. by the Spirit of prophecie foretelleth their seeking of a King after the manner of the Nations But it is evident that Moses there doth onely prophesie of their seeking a King after the manner of the Nations i.e. that as the Nations about had Kings over them so they might have a King over them in like manner for both Deut. 17. and 1. Sam. 8. the words are general In neither of these it is said Make us an absolute king after the maner of the
though they had power of convocating and dissolving it It is not unknown that their power notwithstanding was a non-absolute and limited power Alex. ab Al. ibid. Pompon Let. de mag Rom. cap. 15. Fenest de mag Rom. cap. 7. So say Festus and Coelidus 2. What honour is given to the King And if Salmasius will consider this aright he will find that there is a vast disproportion between his honour and his power and that there is more given to him in word then in deed The King of Scotland cannot be called by Salmasius or any other an absolute Prince This afterward shall most evidently appear And yet in many Acts of Parliament he is called the Parliament's Sovereign Lord and King and what is enacted in Parliament ordinarily it is expressed under the King's name Salmasius imagineth that this maketh much for his purpose whileas it is said Dominus noster Rex ad petitionem suorum proelatorum comitum baronum congregatorum in Parlamento constituit certos articulos In praf stat voc Art sup chart temp Ed. 1. i.e. Our Lord the King at the desire of his Prelats Earles and Barons assembled in Parliament constituted certain Articles In Parlamento supremi domini Regis illius concilium convenit it a proeceptum est ab ipsomet In stat Escheat fact 29. an Edv. 1. i. e. In the Parliament of our Sovereign Lord the King his Councell conveened and so it was commanded by himself The like we have in the Acts of the Scotish Parliaments Eodcm die Rex per modum statuti ordinavit Jam. 1. Parl. 6. act 83. i.e. The same day the King by way of Statute ordained Rex ex consensu totïus Parlamenti statuit ordinavit act 84. i.e. The King with consent of the whole Parliament did statute and ordain But Parl. 5. act 81. the King withall getteth a very lordly stile Item the said day our sovereigne Lord the King with consent of the whole Parliament ordained The Scotish parliamentary acts are full to this purpose But can any therefore conclude that the King of Scotland is an absolute Prince No verily Kings get such honour and every thing for the most part is enacted and emitted in their name not because they have power and dignity above the Parliament but because they are the highest and chiefest Members of Parliament And let me tell you people are so much deluded with the greatnesse of the King that they cannot give him onely that which is his due but they ascribe that which is due both to him and Parliament to him alone People know better how to idolize Kings then how to honour them Yea people are more ready to obey the King then the Parliament And therefore I think Parliaments that will have Kings for effectuating their purposes do wifely to emit Acts in the King's name and set him a-work to execute them Therefore Salmasius shall not need to boast with this that the King of England is called the Parliament's Sovereigne Lord and the Parliament the Councell of the King The like he will find more then once amongst the Prefaces and Acts of the Scotish Parliaments Yet he or any for him can never prove that the King of Scotland is an absolute King He shall therefore do well left he confound things which should be divided to distinguish carefully between that which the king hath re tenus and what is given to him but nomine tenus And so he will find that though the king of England hath as much nomine tenus as if he were an absolute Prince yet re tenus he is subjected to Law And whereas he alledgeth kings may governe by advice and counsell of Parliament and yet may be absolute and have a negative voice the like say I too But he shall give me leave to say that such have not such a vast power as he talketh-of as afterward is shewed I confesse the examples of Ahasuerus and Cambyses are to the purpose though the man fail a-little concerning the jus of the kings of the Jewes as afterward is shewed Howsoever though I grant this yet shall he never prove that the king of England according to the Law of the kingdom is an absolute Prince and hath a negative voice in Parliament He can never shew me that the king of England had the same power which the king of Persia had Inst After the Conquerour saith Salmasius in Rufus ' Henry 1◠Steven Henry 2. and Richard 1. did remain purum putum Monarchicum the power of even-down and unmixed Monarchy And though faith he in the reigne of King John that power was lessened yet was there nothing derog ated from the King's supremacy and absolutenesse remaining unviolated untill the perjured English rebels at this day have altered and diminished the just greatnesse of the King of England Def. reg cap. 8. Ans I admire that this man knoweth nothing but to rail on them whom he knoweth not Well I cast him over into GOD'S hands and fall to examine what he alledgeth Sure I am not withstanding all his railing it cannot abide the touch-stone It is known to be a manifest lie which he alledgeth concerning the immediat successours of the Conquerour It is reported in even-down terms that these kings of whom Salmasius expresly speaketh esteemed Norman Laws established by the Conquerour too rigorous and unjust And therefore before they got the Crown they promised to the people to abrogate them and in place of them to establish the Laws of the Confessour Yea every-one of them promised more then another and to keep themselves within the bounds of Law to the very heart's desire of the people This was not only promised by themselves but also by others in their name And unlesse they had so promised they could never have gotten the Crown They got it upon the expectation of the accomplishment of their promise as the English Histories do abundantly storie And it cannot be denied but Henry 1. did give the Englishes a free Parliament and made it the government of the kingdom So that he is called the first king in England in whose time the power of Parliament was established And as for John it is very well known that because he did not stand to his oath and promise at his Coronation for establishing the ancient Laws of the kingdom but endeavoured to governe after the manner of the Conquerour in an arbitrary and loose way therefore the people rose-up in arms against him and dethroning him did set-up another in his room And whereas this man saith that the ancient Lawes of the kingdom did not derogate from the supremacy and absolutenesse of the king the contrary of that is already proved It seemeth strange to me that he is not ashamed to affirm that what Laws were established by Edward the Confessour and granted by King John were preserved inviolable to this day derogating nothing from the absolutenesse of John's successours Who knoweth not that the liberties of Magna
your eyes that of all Governments it is the most dangerous And seing the Lord did extreamly decline the setting-up of Kingly Government amongst the Jews how much more to day amoâ—gst us Beside all moral reasons there was a special typical reason for Monarchy amongst the Jews Under the Law not only Christ's Prophetical and Priestly Office Acts 3. Heb. 8.9 10. but also his Kingly-hood behoved to be typified both in substance and circumstance Gen. 49.2 Sam. 7.1 Kin. 8.2 Chr. 6. Psa 2. Luke 1. Acts. 2. Heb. 1. But I hope none under the Gospel can shew me such pressing grounds why Kingly Government to day should be erected None verily Well lâ—t them therefore advert That people under the Gospel have more then reason for them to shake-off and decline Monarchy They have not so much reason for it as the Jews had And yet the Lord much disowned it amongst them and much dis-assented from them in setting it up What I pray you is the language of this but that of all Governments it is most dangerous And that it is so is more then manifest from Samuel's way of charactering it Very reason it self teacheth the point Firstly because the bad consequence of Monarchy is tyranny 1 Sam. 8. I deny not but it may and doth slow also from other Governments yet not ordinarily and properly Properly and ordinarily such have for their bad consequences division and confusion But it must needs be granted that tyranny in it-self is worse then either of these And that both formally and virtually Formally because tyranny as tyranny is positive and even-down oppression But division as division and confusion as confusion cannot be so called Otherwise the division and confusion of integral parts should formally be tyranny and oppression Virtually because tyranny in its proper and rigorous acceptation presupposeth a meer and absolute passivenesse in the parts oppressed and enthralled But the case is far otherwise in respect of division and confusion As they only beget oppression and thraldom per accidens so they presuppose mutual resistance on both sides They do not imply an absolute and simple passivenesse on either of the sides Both parties fall at variance and both stand to their own defence the one against the other And so the one acting against the other neither of them doth simply futher But absolute thraldom is worse then that which is non-absolute For acts of tyranny read Exod. 1. 5. Judg. 1. 9.2 Sam. 21.1 King 13.18.19 c. 2 King 21. Esth 3. Jer. 38. 39. Dan. 2. 3. Mat. 2.14 27. Mark 6. Luke 23. Acts 12. Apochryphal books Tob. 1. Jud. 2. 3.1 Macc. 1.5.6.10 13.2 Maâ—â— 4.6.7 14. To this day there be many notable expressions and narrations which point-out to us that tyranny is of all â—vils the most dangerous and violent Herod lib. 3. Thucyd. lib. 2. Polyb. lib. 2. Tac. in vit Agric. Porn de lib. Get. lib. Antistbenes being asked why he preferred hangmen to tyrants he answered By the hangman the unjust and by the tyrant the just are cut-off Stob. serm 47. It was demanded at Diogenes after what manner the tyrant Dion sius did use his friends he answered He killeth the rich and neglecteth the poor Diog. La. lib. 6. And 〈◊〉 being posed What amongst living creatures was most pernicious he answered A Tyrant Plâ—t We cannot passe-by a most excellent story of the tyrant Diomsius All the Syracusians excepting the old woman Hunera did pray for his death Which being imparted to the tyrant he asked her why she prayed for long life to him She answered When I was young a grievous tyrant reigning over us I prayed that he might be taken away To whom one worse succeeded I prayed for his death also To whom thou Dionysius worse then either of them succeeded And now I pray for the lengthning of thy dayes lost one worse then thy self should come in thy room Brus lib 6. cap. 21. That must be of a strange stamp which can make very Ethnicks to pray against it Mark to pray for the continuing of it to prevent another of its own kind worse then it self Er. Pat. Senensis faith Tyranny devoureth after death lib. 10. cap. 3. All which bear us in hand that of all things tyranny is most dangerous and cruel And it being the ordinary and proper bad consequence of Monarchy who can deny Monarchy to be of a I Governments the most dangerous Secondly Kingly Government as is said already is most authoritative and of more commanding faculty then any other And consequently as a good King by his example may and doth draw the people into obedience and due performance so an evil King may and doth by his example ensâ—are the people So Claudian Regis ad exemplum totus compâ—nitur orbis What doth not the holy Ghost say Riches beget friends Prâ—v 14. and 19. And many do intreat the favour of the Prince Prâ—v 19. and 19. 'T is storied that the Souldiers of Ant. Epimanis a most leacherous King did imitate his prophane and bad example Val. max. lib. 9. cap. 1. Many of the Syracusians did follow the evil example of the tyrant Dionysius Plâ—t Whence is concluded Plerique magis actiones 〈◊〉 quamlibet pravâ—s 〈◊〉 quanâ— infortunia 〈◊〉 cavent Dion lib. 53. If the King be altogether wicked as ordinarily he is More Tyrants then Kings Few of them in any age friends to Christ Most part of them destroyers of the Commonwealth Oh! in how great danger under such doth Religion stand and are the Liberties of the subject exposed to Tell not me of a regulated King 'T is but a playing fast and loose Aristotle Pol. 5. cap. 8 saith The least thing of the Law is not to be changed This he saith because it maketh way for the abrogating of the whole Law He falleth upon that principle Principits objta sero medicina paratur Set-up to day regulated Monarchy and to morrow it shall be absolute If the King once get-in his litle finger he shall soon thrust-in his whole body Small beginnings can produce great effects 'T is good to kill them in the birth Make Caesar perpetuall Dictator Augustus shall become absolute Emperour One degree bringeth on another The least of Kings hath greater favour and power with the people then the greatest of Councels All will be called his The word subdiâ—i is current then But aequales is detestable â—f Alexander's neck be crooked all his Courtiers must hang their heads to that side I know not what the most of people for the Prince's favour be what he will regulated or absolute will not do Tell me if he be not for GOD and the good of the people do not both Religion and the Commonwealth stand in greatest hazard This dolefull experience teacheth in all ages Of our judgment are Jos an t lib. 4. cap. 8. lib. 6. c. 4. Mat. Agr. de insip Reg. Th. Mor. Anonym monit lib. 2. Brent hom 25. iâ—
others do render it 'T is a vain thing in Royallists to imagine Elishah and the Elders with him did not resist the King but his messenger 1. The text maketh clear against this 1s not the found of his masters feet behind him Thus Elishah commandeth the door to be shut upon the messenger because the King was backing him and coming-in immediatly after the cut-throat This intimateth to us the shutting of the door and the out-keeping of the house was mainly against Jehoram himself His immediate approaching upon the back of the messenger is the ground of shutting the door and keeping-out the house They alleadge also this to be an extraordinary act Quasi vero self-defence were not a thing most natural and ordinary Away with this elusion 2. Because what the King's emissary doth in the King's name is done by him as in the King's person and authority And so virtualiter at least it is all one to resist the King's emissary and to resist the King himself Salmasius would loose the knot another way And faith he the impure Puritans can conclude nothing from thus for cutting-off the head of Charles 1. The Prophet did not take it on him to cut-off Jehoram That was done by Jehu whom God extraordinarily stirred-up thereto Def. Reg. cap. 4. Who ever saw such a man as this He only raileth and shifteth the Question The Question between us now is not concerning the off-cutting but the simple act of resisting Kings And though Elishah did not cut-off Jehoram yet he cannot deny but he withstood him and defended himself against his violence This is all for the present we crave Neither can he deny but Elishah gave orders to one of the children of the Prophets to anoint Jehu King Whereupon he went forth and did cut-off Jehoram executing the purpose of God on the house of Ahab From which example is shewed already to be lawful to cut-off delinquent Kings It is the Magistrat's part and not the Prophet's unlesse it be by extraordinary impulsion to cut-off the delinquent And so as from the example of Elishah it is lawful to resist so from the example of Jehu whom Elishah caused to be anointed for cutting-off the house of Ahab it is lawful to cut-off delinquent Kings 4. Libnah made defection from Jehoram and revolted from him 2 Kin. 8.2 Chr. 21. Salmasius studieth to elude this yet he faith nothing against it but what others of his own tribe said before him And faith he Libnah's revolt in respect of God the Judge of all the earth was a just punishment of Jehoram 's sins But in respect of the revolters it is no where justified in all the text Def. Reg. cap. 4. But with his leave the text insinuateth the contrary This you may learn from comparing the revolt of Libnah with the revolt of the Edomites So the Edomites revolted from under the hand of Judah unto this day There is nothing added to that The same time also did Libnah revolt from under his hand This is added as a reason because be had for saken the Lord God of his fathers Thus is abundantly holden-one unto us that Edom and Libnah revolted from Jeboram in a different way No question in respect of God the cause and ground of the revolt of both is one God caused both to revolt to punish the sins and transgressions of Jehoram But in respect of the Revolters there are different causes The Edomites revolted because they disdained to live under the yoke of the King of Judah The text faith they chose a King of their own And from that which is added as a ground of Libnah's revolt it is more then apparent to us it revolted from a principle of Religion And these who comment upon the text say Libnah revolted because Jehoram pressed the people of the Land to Idolatry I suppose upon good reason Libnah's revolt is far more justifiable then the defection of the ten Tribes from Rehoboam The one revolted upon a natural and the other upon a spiritual accompt And yet as is shewed already the ten Tribes revolted allowably 5. Uzziah was withstood by Azariah accompanied with fourscore valiant Priests of the Lord. And in this contrary to the doctrine of Royallists we shall make good these three things 1. That they resisted him violently 2. allowably 3. that they dethroned him The first is evident from the text Firstly because it is said they withstood him They withstood Uzziah the King 2 Chron. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are words of violent resistance signifying to stand against And for this cause the fourscore Priests are called men of valour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sons of strength So the Seventy and Arius Montanus translate them It maketh us imagine they were purposely selected from amongst the rest of the Priests because of their valour and strength to withstand Uzziah in facrificing Secondly because they did thrust Uzziah violently out of the Temple Azariah the chief Priest and all the Priests thrust him out from thence Ibil. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signisieth to thrust out with violence They hurried him out of the Temple as the word importech The second is also manifest because the Lord attended the undertaking of the Priests with miraculous and extraordinary succesfulnesse They no sooner laid hands on the King but beyond all expectation the Lord did put hand in him also He did back them notably They no sooner did resist the King but assoon the Lord from Heaven did strike him with Leprosie And is it imaginable but the Lord one way or other had plagued them also if they had failed in their-duty to the King I can see no reason why he should have spared them in failing in their duty more then he did not spare Uzziah in failing in his duty And which is more the Priests do not groundlesly withstand him They argue from the King's duty and from their duty They tell him in plain terms It did not become the King to sacrisice Num. 18. but the Priests Ex. 30. Upon these grounds they set-to to withstand him and keep him back from burning incense Which insinuat that their act of resisting him was in no part of his duty and that which was proper to his kingly charge but only in maintaining their own liberties and what according to God's Law was due to them Would they say We will withstand thee O King and have reason to do so because as thou dost that which is not incumbent to thee so thou encroachest upon the peculiar liberties of our charge The third is beyond controversie though Royallists start much at it 1. Because he was cut-off from the house of the Lord. This was because of his Leprosy for according to the Law the Leper was cut-off from the Congregation Thus the Priests spare not to execute the Law upon the King though Royallists estecm him to have exemption and immunity therefrom And Uzziah the King was a leper unto the day of his death and dwelt in
vain Thus these of Tit. 3. and 1 Pet. 2. are to be expounded after the same manner Verily if we might not use distinctions here or in respect of what the Apostles speak concerning Kings then were it altogether unlawful for us to pray against Kings because the Apostle commandeth us 1 Tim. 2. to pray for them I wonder if these words can be taken without all limitation and restriction No verily Otherwise it were unlawful for us to pray against Popish Mahumetan and Paganish Kings Such side with the Beast and whom the Lord appointeth to destruction Rev. 12.17.19 20. In many places of Scripture we read of prayers poured-out against such Therfore the Apostle's words deserve a distinction and must be taken in a restricted sense And if 1 Tim. 2. why not also Rom. 13. the Apostle's words deserve a distinction And so it is no otherwise lawful for us to pray for them but as it is lawful to obey them and subject our necks to their yoke There is a time when we are necessarily tied to obey them This is in the time of non-ability to resist And if it be lawful then to obey them it is lawful then to pray for them When the People of God are brought to such a condition that they are not able to resist wicked Kings nor shake-off their yoke there is nothing lest them then but prayers and tears And what is the end of their prayers for them It is most for their own good and advantage That we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty The People of God in the time of weaknesse and want of power can do no more but roll their Kings over upon God and intreat him to do with and in their Kings what they cannot perform But whereas the People of God have power to resist Kings and shake-off their yoke no question as it is lawful to act so likewise to pray against their proceedings And that ever with a reservation of God's secret decree for disposing upon their persons according to his pleasure And whereas he faith Def. Reg. cap. 6. that if the power of the People be the higher power under any kind of Government it followeth there is no distinction and difference of Governments He is not a little mistaken It is great want of Philosophy that maketh him say so The power of the people is the ground-work of the power of all Governments The original and fountain-power is still reserved in the people And so the kinds of Government though they be different formally yet not materially Democracy is dilatated Aristocracy and Aristocracy dilatated Monarchy Aristocracy contracted Democracy and Monarchy contracted Aristocracy Thus the three differ not essentially but accidentally Even as the hand v. g. is one whether folded or unfolded Assert 3. Kingly Government may very lawfully be declined that one better may be set-up in its room This is made good from what is above written SECT V. Whether or not doth the Covenant tie us to preserve Monarchy inviolably IN removing this difficulty there be two things in the Covenant which we must carefully look to 1. Christ's Interest And this is 1.2.4.5.6 Art 2. The Interest of King and Kingdom Art 3. In order to these things we give you these Assertions Assert 1. We are tied by League and Covenant to maintain and espouse Christ's interest absolutely notwithstanding any thing may ensue thereupon We shall not need to stand here It is a matter without all controversie and denied by none who professe Christ This way there must be no rescinding of our Oath though to our own hurt Psa 15. He that swareth to his own hurt and changeth not still espousing Christ's quartel shall abide in the Lord's tabernacle and shall dwell in his holy bill Assert 2. By no Oath or Covenant can we be absolutely tied to espouse the King's interest and preserve Monarchy inviolably There is very good reason for this To stand-by and maintain Kingly power either it is a duty simply necessary or not Simply necessary it cannot be 1. Because any Civil Government in it-self is lawful And consequently as they are in themselves we may lawfully give-up our allegeance to any of them But if Monarchy were simply necessary at no time could we lawfully by Oath bind our selves to maintain any other Government for so we are absolutely and in all respects obliged to maintain Monarchy and submit our necks thereto 2. The preservation and maintenance of Monarchy is not necessary to salvation Who will say that none can be saved who act against it and do not maintain it What is every Government sinful but it and do all sin who oppose it No verily The contrary is shewed already And if the preservation of and standing by Monarchy be not in it-self simply necessary it is great rashnesse and unlawfulnesse to enter in Oath and Covenant absolutely to maintain it notwithstanding all hazards may ensue thereupon 'T is to make our duty necessary where it is not so in it-self Thus we bind the conscience where God bindeth not Whereupon I demand whether or not are we any otherwise obliged to set-to to our duty but in answerableness thereto and as it is in it self Sure I am none will say but the Oath should be suitable and proportionable to the duty And if by our Oath we swear either to adde to or diminish from our duty then are we either supererogatory or wanting therein And thus we walk not the right way but encline either to the right or the left hand Whereupon we make our duty wil-worship either freeing the conscience where God freeth not or binding where God bindeth not So then the maintenance and preservation of Monarchy being in it-self a duty not simply necessary it must needs be granted that we cannot swear absolutely to maintain it unlesse we make our duty wil-worship and supererogatory And that God never required at our hands Upon this we conclude this argument That duty which in it-self is not absolutely necessary we cannot lawfully swear absolutely to set-to to it But the maintenance and preservation of Monarchy is a duty in it-self not absolutely necessary Ergo we cannot lawfully swear absolutely to set-to to it The Proposition is manifest from the proportionablenesse that should be between the Oath and the Duty sworn to The Assumption is no lesse evident from the proportionablenesse that ought to be between the duty and the object of the duty And if that be not kept entire then verily there is an enclining either to the right or to the left hand And so we either diminish from or supererogat to our duty Moreover it is to swear to an impossibility to enter in Oath and Covenant to stand absolutely by Kingly Government 'T is a matter very ordinary and possible that all power be blocked-up from thee till thou canst not so much as endeavour to maintain it much lesse actually stand in defence and preservation thereof I
a soveral house being a leper for be was cut-off from the house of the Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signisie a solitary house far from resort and society Thus Uzziah was separated so long as he lived from the society of men Which is the Law concerning the Leper Levit. 13. 2. Because his son was enkinged so soon as Uzziah was separated from the Congregation And Jotham his son was over the King's house judging the people of the Land Ibid. and 2 King 15. Tell me is it likely or can it stand with reason they would have enkinged the son the father as yet remaining King And I pray you had it not been great madnesse in them to retain the kingly power in Uzziah's hand after he was cut-off from the house of the Lord because of his leprosie Firstly because he was as an excommunicate man And those who had not interest in the Church had not interest in the State the Jewish Church being national What David doth in reforming the State is in relation and subordination to the good of the Church Psa 101. Secondly the man being thus cut-off was as unfit to govern as either stock or stone I beleeve God appointed not idiots and unsit men to reign We shall speak nothing here of these examples whereby is holden-out not only the lawsulnesse of resisting but also of off-cutting of Kings this not being the proper place thereof We do only here speak of the simple act of Resistance We adde to these examples a few reasons Firstly These who have power to resist the tyranny of the King and will not offering both their bodies goods to his sury may very justly be called negative murderers and robbers of themselves Thus they expose them needlesly to the Kings mercilesse cruelty Not unlike the man who being able to preserve both his life and his goods from the robbers committeth all unto their mereilesse hands Who will not say and that justly but such an one is a self-murderer and self-robber Secondly It is against very Nature it-self men having power in their hands to defend themselves against the unjust violence and rage of the King and yet to be wanting therein Either Nature hath conferred upon them such power in vain or not You cannot say in vain unlesse you reflect upon the Authour of Nature who worketh every thing to good purpose And Nature as it is in it-self is good and perfect So it is repugnant for it confidered as it is in it-self to work unsquarely and producc bad effects 'T is against the proportion that is between the cause and the effect Which maketh Aristotle say God and Nature adoe nothing in vain De Coel. lib. 1. cap. 5. Thirdly It is a negative betraying of God and his interest 'T is a denying to act for God contrary to the King's will Sure I am Christ cannot away with negatives He putteth them up in the score of enemies Mat. 12. 'T is against the practice of the Apostles not to act for God against the will of the Ruler They determine to act for him whether man will or not Man without exception They make no reservation of the King They resolve to do God's will though contrary to man's Acts 4. and 5. And I beleeve the King be but a man Inst It is altogether against that which Paul saith Rom. 13. say Royallists to resist the King This is much urged by Salmasius He concludeth the Apostles of Christ altogether to have been against the doctrine of Resistance This he gathereth not only from the place above cited but also from Tit. 3. 1 Pet. 2. Def. Reg. cap. 3. Answ About the place Rom. 13. Royallists amongst themselves do not agree Some are so impudent that they blush not to say by higher powers are only understood Kings But the contrary of this is true 1. Because the kingly power is not the higher power as if there were no power above it It is not absolute but limited as is already demonstrated 2. The King is not above all the people One of the best Kings we read of is but worth some thousands of the people David a matchlesse King at the most is called worth ten thousand 2 Sam. 18. So then though the kingly power secundum quid may be called the higher power yet simpliciter it is not The power of the people simply and absolutely is the higher power The authour of the Exercitation Conc. usurp pow by higher power understandeth no other then lawful and unusurped Magistracy And this man bringeth some Arguments but to no purpose to prove this ch 5 Which we take-up shortly into these two particulars 1. Usurped powers are not powers ordained of God The powers the Apostle speaketh of have their ordination from God 2. The powers the Apostle speaketh of may not be resisted under the pain of damnation and are appointed for the good of people Usurped powers are not so This man mistaketh the matter very far He will do well carefully to distinguish between the usurped power as it is usurped and as it is a power In the first notion it is not of God but of the Devil But sure I am in the second notion it is of God As it is a power it is a real beeing But who will deny that every thing effectively dependeth from God and is ordained by him A thing as it is in it self is good And so it cannot but be ordained by God approved of him Thus it carrieth along with it God's Image and species And sure I am God never hated his own Image in any of his creatures This is more deep then half-wit can draw It is handled by us at length curs Philosophico-theol disp 8. sect 29. I wonder if this Gentle-man will deny but Nebuchad-nezzar's power which he had over the Nations was usurped The best title he had to them was his sword And yet the Lord owneth him in his undertakings commissionateth him to undertake and setteth-up his throne Jer. 43. What had he any right over the Jews but the lawlesse right of usurpation Yet Jeremiah many times exhorted them to subject their necks to him upon losse to themselves and disobedience to God And Ezekiel ch 17. threatneth them with destruction because of their denying obedience to him And I pray you what better right had Cyrus to the Kingdoms of the Nations then Nebuchad-nezzar And yet the Lord calleth him his shepherd and his anointed He premiseth to concur with him and help him in subduing the Nations Isa 44. and 45. Thus it is most evident that not only usurped powers as powers are ordained of God but also all lawful obedience is due to them Sure I am whileas the Apostle wrote this to the 〈◊〉 they did live under the greatest of Tyrants Did not Nero reign then And yet the Apestle commandeth to give obedience to such and calleth their power an ordinance of God This man imagineth that C. Caesar and all his successours even unto Nero