our Saviours soule and putting no other sense than that horrid blasphemy on the Article of his Descent the ineffectuality of the blessed Sacraments as to the power and vertue which the Antients did ascribe unto them and many others of that nature which are not to be found in all S. Augustines Works Therefore the Doctrine of S. Augustine cannot be called by the name of Calvianisme In the year 1618 King James published a Command or Declaration tolerating sports on the Lords day called Sunday Our Author is now come to His Majestiâ—…s Declaration about lawfull sports being a reviver onely of a former Declaration published by King James bearing date at Greenwich May the 24th in the sixteenth year of that Kings reigne in his discourse whereof there are many things to be considered For first he telleth us that many impetuous clamours were raised against it but he conceals the motives to it and restrictions of it And secondly he telleth us that to satisfie and still those â—…lamours the Book was soon after called in in which I am sure our Author is extremely out that Book being never called in though the execution of it by the 〈◊〉 of that Kings Government was soon discontinued Now for the motives which induced that King to this Declaration they were chiefly four 1. The generall complaints of all sorts of people as he pasâ—…ed through Lancashire of the restraint of those innocent and lawfull Pastimes on that day which by the rigour of some Preachers and Ministers of publick justice had been layd upon them 2. The hinderance of the conversion of many Papists who by this means were made to think that the Protestant Religion was inconsistent with all harmlesse and modest recreations 3. That by 〈◊〉 men from all manly Exercises on those dayes on which onely they were freed from their dayly labours they were made unactivâ—… and unable and unfit for warres if either Himself or any of His Successours should have such occasion to employ them And 4 That men being hindred from these open Pastimes betook themselves to Tipling Houses and there abused themselves with Drunkennesse and censured in their cups His Majesties proceedings both in Church and State Next the Restrictions were as many First that these Pastimes should be no impediment or let to the publick Duties of the Day Secondly that no Recusants should be capable of the benefit of them Noâ—… thirdly such as were not diligently present at all Dâ—…vine offices which the day required And fourthly that the benefit thereof should redound to none but such as kept themselves in their own Parishes Now to the Motives which induced King James to this Declaration our Author adds two others which might move King Charles to the reviving of the same That is to say 1. The neglect of the Dedication Feasts of Churches in most places upon that occasion And secondly an inclination in many unto Judaisme occasioned by a Book written by one Brabourne maintaining the indispensible morality of the 4th Commandement and consequently the necessary observation of the Jewish Sabbath Though our Author tells us that this Royall Edict was resented with no small regret yet I conceive the Subjects had great cause to thank Him for his Princely care in studying thus to free their consciences from those servile yokes greater than which were never layd upon the Jewes by the Scribes and Pharisâ—…es which by the preaching of some Zealots had been layd upon them But our Author is not of my mind for he telleth us afterwards that The Divinity of the Lords day was new Divinity at Court And so it was by his leave in the Countrey too not known in England till the year 1595 when Doctor Bound first published it in his Book of Sabbath Doctrines nor in Ireland till just twenty years after when it was thrust into the Articles of Religion then and there established nor in Scotland till above twenty years after that when the Presbyterians of both Nations layd their heads together for the subversion of this Church So new it is that as yet it cannot plead a prescription of threescore years much lesse pretend to the beginning of our Reformation for if it could we should have found some mention of it in our Articles or our Book of Homilies or in the Book of Common Prayer or in the Statute 5 6 Edward VI. about keeping Holy dayes in the two first of which we finde nothing at all touching the keeping of this day and in the two last no more care taken for the Sundayes than the other Festivals But our Author still goeth on and saith Which seemed the greater Prodigie that men who so eagerly cryed up their own Order and Revenues for Divine should so much 〈◊〉 the Lords day from being such when they had no other existence than in relation to this Here is a Prodigie indeed and a Paradox too that neither the Order not Revenues of the Evangelical Priesthood have any existence but in Relation to the Dâ—…vinity of the Lords day If our Author be not out in this I am much mistaken S. Paul hath told us of himself that he was an Apostle not of men neither by men but by 〈◊〉 Christ and God the Father And what he telleth us of himself may be said also of the twelve Apostles and the seventy Disciples ordained by Christ to preach the Gospel and to commit the like power to others from one generation to another till the end of all things S. Paul pleads also very strongly for the Divine right of Evangelicall maintenance to them that laboured in the publick Ministerie of the Church concluding from that saying in the Law of Moses viz Thou shalt not muzzle the Oxe which treads out the corn and from the maintenance of the Priest which served at the Altar that such as preached the Gospel should live by the Gospel And he pleads no lesse â—…outly for the right of Tithes where he proves our Saviour Christ to be a Priest after the order of Melchisedeck from Melchisedecks receiving Tithes of Abraham or rather from this Tithing of Abraham as the Greek importeth And yet I trow the Lords day Sabbath had no such existence and much lesse such Divinity of existence as our Author speaks of when both the Order and Revenue of the sacred Ministery had a sure establishment as much Divine right as our Saviour and the holy Apostles could confer upon them Our Author now draws towards an end for our further satisfaction referreth us to somthing elsc and that something to be found elswhere concluding thus But of this elsewhere And indeed of this there hath enough been said elsewhere to satisfie all learned and ingenious men both in the meaning of the Law and in point of practise so that to speak more of it in this place and time were but to light a Candle before the Sun All I shall further adde is this that if the Rules and Principles of the Sabbatarians
of London in the Conference at Hampton Court and that too in the presence of Doctor Reinolds incomparably the most Learned man of the opposite party who never contradicted him for it nor confuted him in it and finally by Bishop Laud in the High Commission which gave occasion of matter to some publick Libellors but never any serious and solid debate till after the making of these Canons but be the title never so good the asserting of it never so frequent the Books by which it was maintained never so learned and the reasons in those Books never so convincing yet if once prejudice come in to perswade the contrary it is no marvell if all men had not perspicacity enough to discern the truth It is an old Maxime in Philosophy that intus existens prohibet aliâ—…num never more truly verified than when men come with prejudice and prepossession to a point in Controversie But howsoever though some men blinde with prejudice had not the perspicacity of discerning truth yet some others had unlesse the argument be good that because God layeth such a spirit of insalvation upon some men that seeing they should see but should not perceive therefore all other men must be like the Idols in the Psalmist which have eyes and see not Yet for the opening of the eyes as well of men willing to be informed as wilfully blinded no 〈◊〉 had the Smectymnians revived the Controversie but presently the Divine Right of Episcopacy was maintained and published by Dr. Hall then Bishop of Exeter in his Answer and Reply to their severall Tractates by Church-man in the History of Episcopacy by Dr. Taylor in a Book intituled Episcopacy by Divine Right by severall Tracts of Dr. Hammond both in English and Latine But lest these should be as much suspected of partiality as others of prejudice we shall finde the like declared in a Book writ purposely on that subject by Sir Thomas Aston Knight and Baronet and in the Aerea Mastiques of John They re Gent. men no may interessed but onely by their good affections in the Churches quarrels And some there are not altogether of so good affections who have done the like And first the Lincolne-shire Minister so much cried up for writing against Altars or rather against placing the Communion Table Altar-wise doth affirme expresly pag. 64. that the calling of Bishops is founded upon Apostolicall and for all the essentiall parts thereof on Divine Right And secondly the Lord Faulkland no great friend to Bishops as was shewed before in a Tract of his against Mr. Henderson before he squinted toward the Court doth affirm as positively that there is more to be found for Bishops and Episcopacy in the holy Scripture than either for the Lords day or for Infant-Baptism And thirdly we shall finde the learned Mr. John Selden is not totally against us in this particular as appeareth by his retortion of the Argument of Mr. Grimston in the House of Commons Mr. Grimstons Argument was this 1. That Bishops are Jure Divino is of question 2. That Archbishops are not Jure Divino is out of question 3. That Ministers are Jure Divino there is no question Now if Bishops which are questioned whether Jure Divino and Archbishops which out of question are not Jure Divino shall suspend Ministers that are Jure Divino I leave it to you Mr. Speaker Which Mr. Sâ—…lden whether with greater wit or scorn it is hard to say thus retorted on him 1. That the Convocation is Jure Divino is a question 2. That Parliaments are not Jure Divino is out of question 3. That Religion is Jure Divino there is no question Now Mr. Speaker that the Convocation which is questioned whether Jure Divino and Parliaments which out of question are not Jure Divino should meddle with Religion which questionlesse is Jure Divino I leave to you Mr. Speaker And so much for that our Author now draws towards the Oath which by reason of an c. carelesly left in by him who transcribed it for the Presse he falls on with as much severity as our witty Gentleman did with scorns saying of that c. That It was of so mysterious import aâ—… the very imposers much lesse the Jurors were not able to decipher what it meant And of a mysterious import iâ—… had been indeed if not restrained and limited by the following words The whole clause in the Oath stands thus Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church by Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons c. as it stands now established and as by right it ought to stand In the construction of which Text the c. as it now stands is a meere impertinency for being left in it signifieth nothing in regard of the restriction following and being left out the sense is currant and compleat without it And this our Author and the witty Gentleman and he that pulled down the Crosse in S. Pauls Church-yard and others which writ against this Oath could not choose but see but that they were not willing to see any thing which might make against them But whereas our Author telleth us that neither the imposers nor the Jurors that is to say neither the men that voted to the Oath nor they that were required to take it were able to decipher what it meant I finde by that that our Author hath talked with very few of that Convocation The truth is that in many Canons which were made before this as all of them in a manner were there was a particular enumeration of all persons vested with any Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction that is to say Archbishops Bâ—…shops Deans Archdeacons Deans and Chapters and other persons having peculiar or exempt Jurisdiction which having been repeated distinctly and particularly in such of the Canons as were first made was in the first asserting of this Canon for avoiding of a tautologie so often iterated cut off with this c. with an intention neverthelesse to make the enumeration perfâ—…ct and consequently to expunge this c. before it came to be ingrossed But the King being weary of the charge and clamour which the keeping of a Guard on the Convocation did expose Him to did hasten them to a conclusion by so many Messages brought by Sir HenVane and others that in that haste this unlucky c. was forgotten and so committed to the Presse accordingly But this c. is not all which our Author quarrels in the Oâ—…th telling us next That To exact an Oath of dissent from Civill Establishments in such things of indifferency was an affront to the very fundamentalls of Government Our Author taking it for granted that the government of the Church by Bishops is a thing of indifferency which is a clearer evidence of his own opinion in this point than we had before is much aggrieved that the â—…lergie should binde themselves by Oath not to consent to any alteration of it and this he calleth
Enterprise upon the Dukes default I bâ—…lieve not so For though Sir Robert were Vice-Admirall and had the subordinate power to the Duke of Buckingham in all things which concerned that Office yet in the present Enterprise he had not any thing at all to pretend unto the Lord Admirall himselfe not acting in occasionall services or great employments at the Sea in regard of his Office but as he is impowred by special Commission from the King which he may grant to any other as He sees cause for it A thing so obvious in the course of our English stories that I need bring no examples of it to confirm this truth And the first thing resolved upon was His solemne Initiation into Regality and setting the Crown upon His head As solâ—…mne as the King esteemed it yet our Authour as it seems thinks more poorly of it For he not onely censureth it for a vanity though a serious vanity but thinks that Kâ—…ngs are idle in it though idle to some better purpose than in 〈◊〉 and Dances Are not all Christian Kâ—…ngs wiâ—…h whom the Rites of Coronation are accounted sacred much concerned in this and the Scriptures more are not the Ceremonies of Anointing and Crowning Kings of great antiquâ—…ty in all Nations throughout the World directed by the holy Spirit in the Book of God exempl fiâ—…d in Saul David Solomon but most particularly in the inauguration of Jehoash the 2 of Kings 11. 12. where it is said that Jehojada the high Priest brought forth the Kings son and put the Crown upon him and gave him the testimonies and they made him King and anointed him and clapt their hands and said GOD SAVE THE KING Was this a Pageant think we of tâ—…e high Priests making to delight the Souldiery or a solemnity and ceremony of Gods own appointing to distinguish his Vicegerents from inferiour persons and strike a veneration towards them in all sorts of men whether Priests or people He that shall look upon the Coronation of our Saviour the placing of the Crown upon his head and putting the Scepter into his hands and bowing of the knee before him with this acclamation Haile King of the Jewes will therein finde a pattern for the Inauguration of a Christian King In which there is not any thing of a serious vanity as our Authour calls it but a grave pious and religious conformity to the Investiture and Coronation of their supreme Lord. I could enlarge upon this subjâ—…ct but that I think better of our Authour than some of our Historians doe of Henry Duke of Buckingham of whom it is observed that at the Coronation of King Richard the third he cast many a squint eye upon the Crown as if he thought it might be set on a fitter head But our Authour passeth from the Coronation to the following Parliament In order whereunto he tellâ—… us that The Lord Keeper Williams was displaced and his place was disposed of to Sir Thomas Coventrie Our Authour is here out again in his Temporalities the Lord Keeper Williams not being displaced betwixt the Coronation and the following Parliament but some months before For the Great Seale was taken from him in October three moneths and more before the day of the Coronation Sir Thomas Coventrie sitting in 〈◊〉 as Lord Keeper both in the Michaelmas Term at Reading and in the Candlemas Term at Westminster The like mistake he gives us in his Temporalities touching Bâ—…shop Land whom he makes Bishop of Bathe and Wells at the time of his afflâ—…cting in the Coronation whereas indeed he was at that time Bishop of St. Davids onely and not translated to the Bishoprick of Bathe and Wells till September following And that I may not trouble my self with the like observation at another time though there be many more of this nature to be troubled with I shall crave leave to step forth to Fol. 96. where it is said That the Articles of Lambeth were so well approved of by King James as he first sent them fiâ—…st to the Synod of Dort as the Doctrine of our Church where they were asserted by the suffrage of our British Divines and after that commended them to the Convocation held in Ireland to be asserted amongst the Articles of Religion established Anno 1615. and accordingly they were This is a very strange Hysteron Proteron setting the cart before the horse as we use to say For certainly the Articles of Lambeth being made part of the Confession of the Church of Ireland Anno 1615. as indeed they were could not before that time be sent to the Assembly or Synod at Dort which was not held till three years after Anno 1618. And this I take to be from what more than a superannuating as to call it in his Temporalities though he be confident in his Preface that he stands secure not onely from substantiall falshoods but even from circumstantiall also in assigning all both things and actions their proper times How ill this confidence is grounded we have seen in part and shall see more hereof hereafter as occasion serveth Who loved the Bishop if Fame belies her not better than was fit I think our Authour with more prudence might have spared this Note especially having Fame onely for the ground thereof which is so infamousâ—…n â—…n Historian as a learned Gentleman hath well noted that no wise man would build on the credit of it If Fames and Libels should once passe for Hâ—…storicall truths few Kings or Favorites or Ministers of great affairs or indeed who else would goe with honour to their graves or live with glory in the mouthes of the next Posterities Wilson a creature and dependent of the Earle of Warwicke whom you accuse elsewhere of partiality in the businesse of the Earl of Essex leaves the like stain upon his Lady but out of zeale to the good cause indevoureth to acquit the Bâ—…shop from the guilt thereof by saying that he was Eunuchus ab utero an Eunuch from his Mothers wombe which all that knew that Prelate most extremely laughed at And what had he for his authority but Famâ—… and Libels purposely scattered and divulged amongst the people to disgrace that Family by the malitious Contrivers of the Publique ruine The honour of Ladies in the generall is a tender point not easily repaired if wronged and therefore to be left untouched or most gently handled For which cause possibly S. 〈◊〉 adviseth that we give honour to the Woman as the weaker vessell and weaker vessels if once crackt by ungentle handling are either utterly broken or not easily mended And for this Lady in particular whom these two Authours tosse on the breath of Fame I never heard but that she was a person of great parts and honour and one that never did ill offices to any man during the time of her great power and favour both with King and Queen So that we may affirme of her as the Historian doth of Livia that great Emperours Wife Potentiam
Armes by meanes whereof the subject of the following Ages might be very much burdened and the Noble Order of Knighthood no lesse dishonoured without any remedy And besides this in case the letter of the Statute in French or Latine had been onely to bear Armes not to take the order of Knighthood the late long Parliament would rather have questioned the Kings Ministers for their acting by it then troubled themselves with Repealing it as they after did For such was the misery of this King that all the advantages he had to help himselfe must be condemned as done against the old Lawes of the Land or else some new Law shall be made to deprive him of them that wanting all other meanes to support himselfe he might be forced to live on the Almes of his Parliament This Winter the Marquesse of Hamilton was very active in mustering up his forces for the King of Swedens assistance c. That so it was in the Kings intention I shall easily grant but that the Marquesse had no other end in it than the King of Swedens assistance hath been very much doubted the rather in regard that he raised all or the greatest part of his Forces out of Scotland where he was grown very popular and of high esteem For being gotten into the head of an Army of his own Nation he had so courted the common Souldiers and obliged most of the Commanders that a health was openly began by DavidRamsey a boisterous Ruffian of the Court to King James the seventh and so much of the designe discovered by him unto Donald Mackay Baron of Reâ—… then being in the Marquesses Camp that the Loyall Gentleman thought himselfe bound in duty to make it known unto the King Ramsey denying the whole matter and the Lord having no proof thereof as in such secret practises it could hardly be more than a confident asseveration and the engagement of his honour the King thought good to referre the Controversie to the Earle of Lindsey whom he made Lord high Constable to that end and purpose many daies were spent accordingly in pursuance of it But when most men expected that the matter would be tried by battell as had been accustomed in such cases the businesse was hushed up at Court the Lord Ree dismissed to his employments in the warres and to the minds of all good men the Marquesse did not onely continue in the Kings great favour but Ramsey was permitted to hold the place of a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber which had been formerly procured for him As for the Army of Scots which the Marquesse had carried into Germany they mouldred away by little and little without doing any thing which put the Marquess on new Councils of getting that by practise when it was lesse thought of which he could not get by force of Armes as the case then stood Tilly conducted a numerous Army for the relief of Rostock then besieged by the King of Sweden the King alarmed at his coming drew out of his Trenches c. In this relation of the great â—…out which the King of Sweden gave to Tilly there are many mistakes For neither was that great Battail sought neer Rostock a Hanse town in the Dukedome of Mecklenbourg but neer Lipsian a chief Town in the Province of Misnia some hundreds of miles higher into the Countrey nor did the King of Sweden after this great Victory returne back with his Army towards Rostock but in pursuance of his blow marched forward and made himself master of all those parts of the Country into which he came nor was this Battail fought in the yeare 1630 where our Authour placeth it so much doth he mistake himselfe both in place and time but in the year next following For many had no fancy to the work meerly because he was the promoter of it Our Author speakes here of the repairing of Saint Pauls and telleth us that it suffered great diminution for the Bishop of London's sake who was the chief promoter of it in which he is very much mistaken The worke had been twice or thrice before attempted without any effect but by his diligence and power wâ—…s brought in shore time to so great forwardnesse that had not his impeachment by the House of Commons in the late long Parliament put a period unto his indeavours it had been within a very few yeares the most goodly pile of building in the Christian world And whereas our Author tells us that many had no fancy to the worke because he promoted it it was plainly contrary his care in the promoting it being one great reason why so many had a fancie to it most of the Clergy contributing very largely unto it partly in reference to the merit of the worke it selfe and partly in regard of those preferments which they either had received or expected from him The like did most of the Nobility and Gentry in most pâ—…rts of the Land knowing the great power and favour which he had wiâ—…h the King and the many good offices he might doe them as occasion served If any had no fancy to it as indeed some had not it was rather in reference to the worke it sâ—…lfe then in relation to the man it being more in their desires that all the Cathedrals should be ruined then that any one should be repaired witnesse that base and irrâ—…rent expression of that known Schismatick Doctor Bastwick in the second part of his Letany where grudging at the great summâ—…s of money which had been gathered for the repairing of this Church al'â—…ding to the name of Cathedrall he concludes â—…t last pardon me Reader for defiâ—…g my pen with such immodesties that all the mighty masse of money must be spent in making a seat for a Priests arse to sit in And doubt we not but many more of that Faction were of his opinion though they had not so much violence and so little wit as to make Declaration of iâ—… But should he long deferre that duty they â—…ight perhaps be inclined to make choice of another King I do not think that any of the Scots ever told him so whatsoever they thoughâ—… or if they did the King might very well have seen that there was more truth in the Lord of Roes information then he was willing to believe and might accordingly have taken course to prevent the practice But who can save him who neglects the meanes of his preservation So true is that of the Historian Profecto in eluctabilis fatorum vis cujus fortunam mentare constituit ejus corrumpit consilia Assuredly â—…th he when the unresistable powers of Fâ—…te determine on a mans destruction they either overthrow or corrupt those Councels by which he might otherwise avoide it A maxâ—…me verified in the whole course and carriage of this Kings affaires neglecting wilfully to keep up the credit of an old principle which he had embraced all such advertisements as tended to his preservation It was a saying of
Ministers of the Archbishop used in the time of his government most of them men of great abilities in learning and though I thinke they were not blamelesse in their lives as who can be that carrieth mortality about him yet I cannot hear of any vitious persons taken into imployment by him much less◅ so scandalously vitious as our Author makes them Or were there such it had been fitter for our Author who desires to be accounted for a Son of the Church to have played the part of Sem and Japhet in finding the nakednesse of their spirituall Fathers then to act the part of Cham and Canaan in making Proclamation of it unto all the world It was a pious saying of the Emperour Constantine reported by Theodoret lib. I. cap. II. that the offences of the Priests were to be hidden and concealed from the common people Ne illis assensi ad delinquendū reddantur audaciores lest else they should transgresse with the greater liberty As for himselfe so tender was he of the credit of his Clergy that he used oftentimes to say that found he any of them which yet God prohibit in the embraces of a Strumpet obtecturum se paludamento sceleratum facinus that with his owne Royal robes he would hide from vulgar eyes both the offence and the offendor A noble piety the piety of Sem and Japhet in the former passage and the Lord blessed him for it and enlarged the Tents of his habitation and Canaan even the whole Countries of the Gentiles became his servants From generalls our Author passeth on unto one particular of whom he telleth us that He was bold to say he hoped to live to see the day when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack Gentleman in England This is a heavy charge indeed the heavier in regard that the fault of this one man if such men there were must lay a brand of Insolencie on all the rest of the Clergy thereby to render them obnoxious to the publick hatred And though our Author hath not told us by name who this one man was yet telling us that he was a high Flyer and that this high Flyer was deplumed he gives us some conjectures at the man he drives at a man I must confesse of an undaunted spirit and strong resolutions but neither so intemperate in his words or unwise in his actions as to speak so contemptuously of the English Gentry For first we are not sure that such words were spoken our Author offering no proof for it but onely his own word or some vulgar heare say too weake a ground for such a heavy accusation to be built upon But secondly admitting that such words were spoken I hope our Author hath heard long since of an antient by word that every Jack would be a Gentleman and therefore cannot choose but know that there is a difference between a Gentleman of Armes and Blood a true English Gentleman and such JackGentl◅men as having got a little more wealth together than their next poor neighbours take to themselves the name of Gentlemen but are none indeed And such Jack-Gentlemen as these as they are commonly most like either for want of wit or of manners or of both together to vilifie their Minister and despise the Clergie so if the poor party said whatsoever he was that he hoped to live to see the time when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack-Gentleman of them all I hope the antient and true-English Gentry will not blame him for it Our Author having thus arraigned the whole body of the English Clergie that is to say Archbishops Bishops and those of the inferiour Orders is now at leisure to proceed to some other businesse and having brought his Reader thorow the Disputes and Arguments about the Ship-money he carrieth him on to the Combustions raised in Scotland occasioned as he telleth us by sending thither a Booke of Common Prayer for the use of that Church Very little differing as the King was unhappily perswaded by them from the English The King needed no perswasion in this point the difference between the two Liturgies whether great or little being known unto him before He caused this to be published T is true his first desire was that the English Liturgie should be admitted in Scotland without any alteration and to that end He gave order to the Dean of His Chappel in that Kingdome about the middle of October Anno 1633. that it should be read twice every day in the Chappel of His Palace in Holy-rood House that there should be Communions administred according to the form thereof once in every Moneth the Communicants receiving it upon their knees that the Lords of the Privie Councell the Officers of Justice and other persons of Publick trust about the Court should diligently attend the same on the Lords dayes and that he who officiated on those dayes if he were a Bishop should weare his Rochet but if an ordinary Minister onely he should weare the Surplice and thus he did unto this end that the people being made acquainted by little and little with the English Liturgie might be the more willing to receive it in all parts of that Kingdome whensoever it should be tendred to them But the Scotish Bishops being jealous that this might be an Argument of their dependance on the Church of England and finding that the Psalmes the Epistles and Gospels and other sentences of Scripture in the English Booke being of a different Transl◅tion from that which King James had authoriz◅d to be read in the Churches of both Kingdomes had given offence unto that people desired a Liturgie of their own and that they might have leave to make such alterations in the English Book as might entitle it peculiarly to the Church of Scotland which Alterarions being made and shewed to the King he approved well of them in regard that coming nearer to the first Liturgie of K. Edward the sixt in the Administration of the Lords Supper and consequently being more agreeable to the antient Forms it might be a means to gain the Papists to the Church who liked farre better of the first than the second Liturgie July 23. being Sunday the Deane of Edinborough began to read the Booke in S. Gyles Church the chief of that City c. Our Author here doth very well describe the two Tumul◅s at Edinborough upon the reading of the Book but he omits the great oversights committed by the King and the Lords of that Councel in the conduct and carriage of the businesse For had the Book been read in all the Churches of Scotland upon Easter day as w◅s first intended it had in probability prevented these tumultuous Riots which the respite of it for so long gave those which had the hatching of this Sedition both time enough to advise and opportunity enough to effect at last or had the King caused the chief Ring-leaders of this Tumult to be put to death
Justice on the Earl of Strafford The two main points which the Scotish Covenanters aimed at in bringing their Army into England In order whereunto the Eâ—…le of Strafford is impeached of high Treason now And Thereupon requested from the Parliament House and committed to the usher of the black rod. Which was the least that probably would be requâ—…sted upon such an Impeachment and that being granted a question was raised amongst knowing men whether the Earl of Strafford took his accustomed wisdome and courage along with him when he came to the Parliament Some thinke he failed in point of wisdome in regard hee could not chuse but know that the Scots and scotizing English had most infallibly resolved upon his destruction and that Innocency was no armour of proof against the fiery darts of malicious power that seeing such a storm hang over his head he rather should have kept himselfe in the English Army being then under his command which he had gained upon exceedingly by his noble carriage or have passed over into Ireland where the Army rested wholly at his Devotion or have transported himselfe to some forraine Kingdome till faire wether here in reference to his owne safety and the publick peace might invite him home that it was no betraying of his Innocency to decline a triall where partiality held the Scales and selfe-ends backed with power and made blinde with Prejudice were like to over-ballance Justice that if sentence should be passed against him for default of appearance which was the worst that could befall him yet had he still kept his head on his shoulders untill better times and in the meane time might have done his Master as good service in the Courts of many forraigne Princes as if he were siitting in White-Hall at the Councell table On the other side it was alledged that all these points had been considered of before his leaving of the Army that whilst he lay so neer the Scots in the head of this Army he had gained as he thought certaine and assured evidence that the Scots Army came not in but by imitation that there was a confederacy made between the Heads of the Covenanters and some of the leading Members of both Houses his most capitall enemies to subvert the Government of the Church and innovate in that of the Civill State that he had digested his intelligence in those particulars into the form of an Impeachment which he intended to have offered in the House of Peers assoon as he had taken his place amongst them that Mr. Pym whom it concerned as much as any fearing or knowing his intendments followed him so close at the heels and had his Impeachment so ready in his mouth that he was ready to give and did give the blow before the Earle of Strafford could have time and leisure to effect his purpose This therefore being left undecided it was said by others that the Earle shewed not that praesentiam animi that readiness of courage and resolution which formerly had conducted him through so many difficulties in giving over his designe for though he lost the opportunity of striking the first blow yet he had time enough to strike the second which might have been a very great advantage to his preservation For had he offered his Impeachment and prosecuted it in the same pace and method as that was which was brought against him it is possible enough that the businesse on both sides might have been hushed up without hurt to either And for so doing he wanted not a fair example in the second Parliament of this King in which he served for the County of Yorke in the House of Commons when the Earle of Bristol being impeached of high Treason by the Kings Attorney at the instance and procuâ—…ement of the Duke of Buckingham retorted presently a Recrimination or Impeachment against the Duke and by that meanes tooke off the edge of that great adversary from proceeding further This I remember to have been the substance of some discourses which that time produced how pertinent and well grounded must be left to the Readers judgment Certain I am it was much wondred at by many that a man of so great spirit and knowledge should yeild himself up so tamely on a generall Accusation only without any particular Act of Treason charged upon him or any proof offered to make good that Charge not only to the losse of his liberty as a private person but to the forfeiture of his priviledge as a Member of Parliament all which points were so much insisted not long after by Mr. Pym and the rest of the Five Members when they were under the like impeachment though not so generall as this on the Kings behalf But being all these considerations were not thought of or passed over by him and that the Commons sped so well in their first attempt it was not wondred at that they brought the Archbishop within few weeks after under the like generall Charge of Treason or that he yieâ—…ded without any opposition to the like commitment of whom our Author telleth us That a mixt accusation halfe Scotch halfe English was preferred against him And on the 18 â—…e was voted guilty of high Treason and committed to the Usher of the Black Rod. To give the true timeing of this businesse which our Author doth a little faile in he may please to know that on Wednesday the 16 of Decemb the Canons being voted down in the House of Commons of which more hereafter a Committee was appointed to draw up a Charge against him and the same day not on the 17 as our Author he was named an Incendiary by the Scotch Commissioners who promised to bring in their Complaint against him on the morrow after the Lord Paget being made the Instrument to serve them in it No complaint coming from the Scots on Thursday Mr. Hollis is sent up with the Impeachment on the Friday morning and presently came in the Charge of the Scotch Commissioners upon the reading whereof he was committed to the custody of James Maxwell Usher of the black Rod as our Author telleth us There he continued full ten weeks before any particular Charge was brought against him during which time he had gained so much on the good opinion of Ginne Rider Mr. Maxwells Wife that she was pleased to say amongst some of her Gossips That certainly he was a very devout and religiouâ—… man but one of the simplest Fellows to talk with that ever she knew in all her life On Friday Feb. 26. on the ten weeks end the Charge before spoken of was brought up by Sir Henry Vane the younger from the House of Commons And upon Munday March the first he was conveyed unto the Tower continuing in the state of a Prisoner from the first to the last above four years before he came unto his last and fatall Tryall But it is time that we goe back unto the place where we left our Author and we shall finde there
that there was not greater care taken to commit this Bishop to the Tower then to release another from it of which he saith that Munday the 16 of Novemb. the Lord Bishop of Lincolne was set free of his imprisonment in the Tower upon the suit of the House of Peers to His Majestie and the next day being a day of Humiliation he was brought into the Abbey Church by six Bishops and officiated there as Dean of Westminster before the Lords So shall it be done unto the man whom the People honour Never was man more honoured for the present both by Lords and Commons his person looked upon as sacred his words deemed as Oracles and he continued in this height till having served their turn against the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earle of Strafford he began sensibly to decline and grew at last the most hated man of all the Hierarchie But he was wise enough to foresee the change and prepare himself for it For I remember that congratulating him for the high esteem to which he had attained in both Houses of Parliament and representing to him the many opportunities which he had thereby of doing service to the King and good to the Church He told me that he did not think that the Parliament had any better affections for him than for the rest of his Brethren that the difference between them stood onely thus that some of them might be more hated than he but that he was not more beloved than any of them And finally such was the freedome he used with me that all the courtesâ—…e he expected from them was that which Poliphemus promised to Ulysses that is to say to eat him last after he had devoured his fellows How truly this was said the event hath proved It was unanimously voted by the Commons That the Charge imposed upon the Subject for the providing and furnishing of Ships and the Assesments for raising of money for that purpose commonly called Ship-money are against the Laws of the Realme Nor was it only voted thus in the House of Commons but afterwards in the House of Peers and all proceedings in the Case both at the Councell Table the Star-Chamber and the Courts of Justice declared null and void yet for all this the opinion of the Legality of it was so fixed in the mindes of many understanding men that it could not easily be removed 1. In regard of the great learning and integrity of the man by whom it was first set on foot 2. Because all the Judges had subscribed unanimously to the Lawfulnesse of it in time of danger of which danger the King was declared to be the Judge 3. Because being brought to a publick tryall after it had been argued by the Councel on both sides in the Courts of Justice and by all the Judges in the Exchequer Chamber there passed a definitive sentence for it in behalf of the King 4. Because voted down by the Houses of Parliament in a meer arbitrary way than was expected without being brought to a review neither the Kings Councell being heard nor the Judges called to shew the Reasons of their opinions 5. Because it was ordered by the House of Commons that the Arguments of Justice Crooke and Justice Hutton for the illegality thereof should be put in print those of the other eight Judges which were for the Lâ—…gallity of it continuing suppressed which gave occasion to most men to think that there was more reason for it in those Arguments than was thought fit to see the light And last of all because notwithstanding all this care to vote down this Assesment they were faine to have recourse to the King for obtaining of an Act of Parliament to secure them from it for the time to come In the mean time it was thought fit to impeach the Judges of high Treason that having such a rod over them they might be sure that nothing should be declared for Law but as they would have it Not being satisfied in this Vote I fear I shall finde lesse satisfaction in that that follows that is to say that The Clergie in a Synod or Convocation hath no power to make Canons Constitutions or Lawes to binde either Laity or Clergie without a Parliament This is a new piece of State-doctrine never known before the Convocation having no dependence upon the Parliament either in the calling or dissolving of it nor in the confirmation authorizing of the Acts thereof but only on the King himselfe and not upon the Kings sitting in the Court of Parliament but in his Palace or Court Royall wheresoever it be And this appeareth both by the Statute made in the 26 of Henry 8th and the constant practise ever since But whereas it was voted also that the Canons are against the Fundamentall Lawes of this Realme and against the Kings Prerogative c. I am to tell my Author that before the Canons were subscribed they were imparted to the King and by Him communicated to the Lords of the Privy Councell the Judges and the Kings Councell learned in the Laws of this Realm being then attending in the hearing of all which they were read and by all approved which had been strange if any thing tending unto faction and sedition or to the diminution of the Subjects property and the Kings prerogative or otherwise against the known Laws of the Land had been found in them And finally whereas our Author doth inform us that this censure passed upon the Canons upon a full debating of the Cause on both sides I would faine know by whom it was debated on the behalf of the Clergie I have some reason to believe that none of the Clergie of that Convocation who best understood their own businesse were called to the debating of it or that they did appear there by their Councell learned sufficiently authorized and instructed to advocate for them and therefore if any such debating was it must be managed either by some Members of their owne House or by some London Ministers purposely called out of the rest to betray the Cause and be it which of these it will it is not to be doubtâ—…d but their Arguments were either fiâ—…ted to the sence of the House or built on such weak promises as nothing but a Vote of Condemnation could ensuâ—… upon them Nor was it thought sufficient to decry the Canons unlesse the Canon-makers were kept under by the hand of terrour And therefore as before they impeached the Judges so did they Frame a Bill for Fineing all the Clergy of that Convocation according to the place and station which they held therein By this meanes keeping them in such awe that sew of them durst appeare in maintenance of their owne Authority or in opposing those encroachments and Innovations which day by day were thrust upon them Toward which worke our Nation was so auxiliary so assistant yet at the end brought them in no Bill of charges There was no reason why they
should having got more by the bargaine then their charges came to Mary of Scotland then married to Frances the second of France had taken on her at that time the stile and title of Queen of England and the better to pursue that Title had put some companies of the French into the Castle of Edenborough the town of Lieth and other places of that Kingdome The Scots being then busied in the Reformation of the Kirk looked on these French as purposely sent thither by the King and Queen to crosse their actions and hold them under the Dominion of the Popes of Rome and thereupon made suit unto Queen Elizabeth to supply them with Men Money and Ammunition for driving the Frenchmen out of their Countrey And hereunto the Queen most readily assented knowing full well how much it did import the safety of her Person and the preservation of her Title Estate that the French should not be setled in the Forts and Castles which lay neer the borders of this Kingdome So that by succouring the Scots in such proportion as they had desired she played her owne game as well as theirs For by dislodging the French and quitting the whole Countrey of them she kept that back-door shut against all pretenders and by feeding the most Popular of the Scotish Nobility â—…ith gifts and pensions she got her selfe so strong a party in that Kingdome that she became more absolute there than ever any King of Scotland had been before her The Bishops were excluded by antient Canon Lawes of the Councell of Toledo to be assistant in cause of Blood or Death as disagreeable to their Function That the Bishops were disabled by some antiâ—…nt Canons from sentencing any man to death and it may be from being present when any such sentence was pronounced I shall easily grant but that they were disabled from being assistants in such cases from taking the Examinations or hearing the Depositions of witnesses or giving councell in such mâ—…ters as they saw occasion I believe our Author cannot proveâ—…â—…ertaine I am that it is and hath been otherwise in point of practice And that the Bishops sitting as Peers in an English Parliament were never excluded before this time from any such assistances as by their Gravity and Learning and other abilities they were enabled to give in any darke and difficult businesse though of Blood and Death which were brought before him And I remember I saw about that time a little Mâ—…nuscript Tract entituled De jure Paritatis Episcoporum that is to say of the right of the Peerage of the Bishops in which their priviledges were asserted â—…s to that particular But they not willing to contend in a business which seemed so little to concerne them or else not able to strive against the present stream which seemed to carry all before it suffered themselves to be excluded at that time without protesting to the contrary or interposing in defence of their antient rights And this I look on as the first degree of their Humiliation For when it was perceived that a businesse of so great consequence might be done in Pâ—…rliament without their councell and consent it opened a wide gap unto their adversaries first to deprive them of their Votes and after to destroy even the Calling it selfe But this was not the main point which the Commons aimed at they were resolved to have a close Committes to take examinations in the business of the Earl of Strafford and were not willing that any Bâ—…shops should be of it for feare leâ—…t favouring the Earles Cause or Person they might discover any part of those secret practices which were had against him and thereby fortifie and prepare him for his just defence when the Cause should come unto a tryall And now it is coming on apace for our Author telleth us that Munday the 22. of March was the day prefixed of the Earles compearing That is to â—…ay of his appearing aâ—… Westminster-Hall where the Lords were to sit as Judges and the Commons as Prosecutors and Solicitors onely If it be asked how it came to passe that the day was prefixed no sooner considering that he was accused and committed on the 11. day of November which was above four months before I answer first that the Examination of so many Witnesses as were used against him many of which were sent for out of Ireland by especiall warrant took up no small time I answer secondly that in this intervall of time there had been some endeavour used by the Royall party to mitigate the displeasures and take off the edge of his greatest Adversaries and it came so farre towards an agreement that there was a designation of some Offices of the greatest both Trust and Power to be given amongst them it being condescended too if my intelligence or memory faile not that the Earl of Bedford should be made Lord Treasurer and Master Pym Chancellor of the Exchequer the Earl of Essex Governour of the Prince and that Master Hambden should be his Tutor the Lord Say Master of the Wards and Master Hollice principall Secretary in the place of Windebanke the Deputiship of Ireland was disposed of also and some Command appointed to the Earl of Warwick in the Royal Navie And in relation to this purpose the Bishop of London delivered to the King the Treasurers Staffe the Earle of Newcastle relinquished the Governance of the Prince and the Lord Cottington resigned his Offices both in the Exchequer and Court of Wards there being no doubt but that Bishop Duppa would relinquish the Tutourship of the Prince when it should be required of him but before all things were fully setled and agreed on the Kings minde was altered which so exasperated them who were concerned in this desâ—…gnation that they pursued the Earle of Strafford with the greater eagernesse And somewhat to this purpose was hinted in the Kings Declaration of the 12 of August in which he signified what overtures had been made by them and with what importunity for Offices and preferments what great sâ—…rvices should have been done for him and what other undertakings even to have saved the life of the Earle of Strafford By which discovery as he blemished the repute of some principall Members in the eyes of many of the people so he exposed himself to some disadvantages in the eyes of others by giving them to understand at how cheap a rate a rate which would have cost him nothing he might have saved the life of such an able and deserving Minister Secretary Vane upon some occasion delivered to his son Sir Henry Vane the key of a Cabinet to fetch some papers layed therein c. What this occasion was is easie to be seen by the sequell of it especially if compared with those Animosities and displeasures which the Secretary had harboured against the Earl Sir Henry Vane had obtained of the King not long before the Manour of Rabie in the Bishoprick of Durham not without hope of being
them who but the King must beare the storme of all popular clamours That it was possible enough that the curs could be so considerate of their own condition as not to make a rod for themâ—…elves under colour it was intended for another man and so that Bill of Attainder might have rested there but had it passed which was the worst that could happen in it the King had still the liberty of a Negative voice or might have yeilded at the last to the importunity of the Commons with lesse dishonour then after such a Declaration and so publickly made And finally that by dissenting from the Bill when it came to his turnâ—… it could have raised no greater tumults then it dâ—…d to compell him to it and possibly had raised none at all because he had done it in a Parliamentary and regular way whereas his coming at that time and in that manner to the House of Peers was looked upon as a forestalling of their Judgements and interruption of the Course of Justice by threats and menaces from whence what fruits could be expected but the exasperating of the Commons to such acts of violence as should not onely make sure worke with the Earle of Strafford but lay a ground of 〈◊〉 troubles for himselfe and hiâ—… This was the summe of those discourses at that time which wheâ—…her they had more of truth or of passion in them it is haâ—…d to say But who can goe againâ—…t the workings of that heavenly Providence â—…hose judgements are past finding out and his wayes unsearchable What 〈◊〉 hereupon ensued we shall finde in our 〈◊〉 who â—…elleth us withall of 〈◊〉 people thus drawn together thâ—…t They posted upon the gate of Westminster a Catalogue of those whose 〈◊〉 were for the Earles acquittall under the Title of Straffordians This paper was not posted up on the Gate of Westminster but on the corner of the wall of Sir William Brunkards house in the old Paelace yard in Westminster with this clause added to the end This and more shall be done to the Enemies of Justice The names of which 〈◊〉 since our Author hath not pleased to give us and that I thinke it neither dishonourable nor unsafe to them being elsewhere Printed I shall here adde in the same order as they stood in the Paper That is to say 1. Lord Digbie 2. Lord Compton 3. Lord Buckhurst 4. Sir Rob. Hatton 5. Sir Thomas Fanshaw 6. Sir Edward Alford 7. Sir Nicho. Slanning 8. Sir Thomas Danby 9. Sir Geo. Wentworth 10. Sir Peter Wentworth 11. Sir Frederick Cornwallis 12. Sir William Carnaby 13. Sir Richard Winn. 14. Sir Gervase Clifton 15. Sir William Withrington 16. Sir William Pennyman 17. Sir Patrick Curwent 18. Sir Richard Lee. 19. Sir Henry Slingsby 20. Sir William Portman 21. Mr. Gervase Hallis 22. Mr. Sydny Godolphin 23. Mr. Cooke 24. Mr. Coventry 25. Mr. Ben. Weston 26. Mr. Will. Weston 27. Mr. Selden 28. Mr. Alford 29. Mr. Floyd 30. Mr. Herbert 31. Captain Digby 32. Sergeant Hide 33. Mr. Taylor 34. Mr. Griffith 35. Mr. Scowen 36. Mr. Bridgman 37. Mr. Fettiplace 38. Dr. Turner 39. â—…pt Charles Price 40. Dr. Parry Civilian 41. Mr. Arundell 42. Mr. Newport 43. Mr. Holborne 44. Mr. Noell 45. Mr. Kirton 46. Mr. Pollard 47. Mr. Price 48. Mr. Travanmian 49. Mr. Jane 50. Mr. Edgecombe 51. Mr. Chilchly 52. Mr. Mallery 53. Mr. Porter 54. Mr. White Secret E. D. 55. Mr. Warwick These were the men exposed unto the fury of ungoverned people so mad and violent that some of them were heard to say That if they could not have the Lieutenants life they would have the Kings This Protestation being formed was the next day read in the lower House and generally taken by all the Members Our Author is here out as in that before the Protestation not being taken the next day after it was framed but on the very same day before the Memhers were committed to go out of the Honse and though it was taken generally by all the Members yet it was not taken by them all the Lord Digbie and an Unkle of his refusing it But being taken by all the rest it was not long after sent to the Lords by whom neither out of fear or favour it was taken also and afterwards imposed upon all the Subjects by an Order of the House of Commons July the 30th 1641. under pain of being thought unfit to bear any Office either in the Church or Common-wealth the Lords not onely not consenting to it but dissenting from it Which Protestation being omitted by our Author I shall here subjoyn that we may see how punctually it hath been observed by them that took it and is this that followeth I A. B. doe in the presence of Almighty God promise vow and protest to maintain and defend as far as lawfully I may with my life power and estate the true reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England against all Popery and Popish Innovations within this Realme contrary to the same Doctrine and according to the duty of my Allegiance to his Majesties Royall Person Honour and Estate as also the Power and Privileges of Parliament the lawfull rights and liberties of the subject and every person that maketh this Protestation in whatsoever he shall doe in the lawfull pursuance of the same And to my power and as farre as lawfully I may I will oppose and by all good waies and means indeavour to bring to condigne punishment all such as shall either by force practice plots councels and conspiracies or otherwise doe any thing to the contrary of any thing in this present Protestation contained And further that I shall in all just and honourable waies indeavour to preserve the union and peace between the three Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland And neither for hope fear nor other respect shall relinquish this promise vow and Protestation In this perplexity of thoughts he consults with four Bishops c. Not sent for by himself but sent to him by the Houses of Parliament to inform his conscience and bring him to yeild unto the Bill In the nomination of which Bishops they consulted rather their own ends than the Kings satisfaction The persons sent on this employment were the Primate of Armagh the Bishops of Lincoln Durham and Carlisle of which the two last being men unskilled in Politick and Secular affairs depended wholly on the judgment of the other two and those as the Houses knew well enough carried a sharp tooth towards the Lord Lieutenant upon former grudges The displeasure which the Primate had conceived against him was for the abrogating of the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland and setling in their place the Articles of the Church of England Anno 1633. And this he reckoned on his score because Dr. Bramall once Chaplain to the Lord Lieutenant and then Bishop of Derrie had appeared most in it But he on whose dextetiry they
questioned for preaching Popery 81 Placing the Communion Table Altar-wise had both law and practise for it and therefore was no Popery 82 133 Taking away part-boyled Poperies or English popish Ceremonies an impairing the substance of Religion 90 The reason of so great an increase of Papists in England was the neglect of Holy-dayes and Common-prayer 92 Prince his Marriage a branch of the royall Prerogative 12 Puritans rejoyced not at the Prince his birth 97 Protestation taken by the Parliament and injoyn'd the Kingdome 239 Puritan party how they were to be sweetned with the great Offices of the kingdome 226 Religion House of Commons set up a CoÌ„â—…ittee as a Consistory of Lay-elders to take cognizance of Causes ecclesiastical 31 They sate in the Divinityschooles at Oxford Parliament 34 Isle of Rhee errors in that Enterprise 52 S SAbbath Sports allowed on that day the motives thereto and restrictions therein 112 Divinity of the Lords day Sabbath a new Doctrine 114 The Pâ—…iesthoods O der and Revenue under the Gospel not grounded thereon 116 Scots A certaine maintenance setled on the Scots Clergy 107 Scotch Service-book Tumults at reading thereof 145 The true occasion of raising up the seditious Scots 112 Card. Richelieu animated the Scots to rebellion 162 Scots lost by favours and gain'd by punishments 169 They promis'd payment for their quarters at their first coming but afterwards plunder'd all 204 Their cowardly carriag 205 Why freely help'd by the English to drive out the French 223 Sea The Kings dominion in the narrow seas asserted by Selden against Grotius 128 The King regain'd his dominion at sea and secured our coast from piracies through the benefit of ship-mony 120 Ship-mony How and why Kings have levied it as a Navall aid 121 How the Writs issued our 123 The whole charge thereof amounted to 236000 l. which was buâ—… 20000 li. per mensem 123 Clergy not exempted therefrom 124 Socinianisme charg'd upon the Members of the Convocation who made a Canon against it 195 Spaniards old friends to the English 9 They intended really to restore the Palatinate to the Prince Elector 11 Earle of Strafford v. Wentworth Synod or Convocation rightly continued by the same Writ that call'd them 179 Their danger in sitting after the Parliament was up 181 The Oath c. how occasioned 189 Taken for upholding the Church-government then established 191 And that willingly 193 The Clergy's power therein to make Canons binding without a parliament 220 T COmmunion-table v. Popery Bowing towards it a primitive custom no Popery revived by B. Andrews 85 Its setting up within the Railes Altar-wise to prevent profanation enjoyned by the Kings authority 133 Bishop of Lincoln's Book against it 136 V SIr George Villers Duke of Buâ—…kingham made the Ball of fortune 36 His Impeachment by the Birle of Bristol 43,50 By whom render'd odious to the people 63 Feltons motive to murder him 64 His eâ—…tate at his death not comparable to Cardinall Richelieu's 67 W SIr Th VVentw 〈◊〉 of Straff not wise in coming to the Parliament 211 His Triall why defer'd so long 226 Why â—…ecretary Vane was incensed againâ—…t him 228 For want of legall Evidence a Bill of Attainder brought in against him by Legislative power 230 The Kings censure of him in the H. of Lords 233 The names of those Commons that were for his acquitting 236 The Bishop of Armagh and Lincoln with two Bishops more sent to resolve the Kings Conscience 241 The Kings Letter to the Lords in his behalf 246 Sent out of the world per viam expedientiae His Epitaph 240 Dr. VVilliams B. of Lincolne an instrument to set the Parliament against the Duke of Buckingham 36 When and by whose means the great Seale was taken from him 39 Whether he was Eunuchuâ—… ab utero or no 41 Bishop Andrew's opinion of him 56 His Book call'd Holy Table c. wrote against his Science and Conscience 136 He was Head first of the Popish then of the Puritan party 138 He was set free from the Tower much about the time of the Archbishops impeachment 217 VVords New coyning of them an Affectation 4 Y YOrk The Kings second Son not born but created Duke thereof 117 FINIS Fol. 1. Fol. â—… â—…ol 3. â—…bid Fol. 4. Ibid. Fol. 5. Fol. 6. Ibid. Fol. 7. Fol. 9. Fol. 11. Ibid. Fâ—…l 12. Ibid. Fol. 15. Fol. 17. Fol. 20. Ibid. Fol. 21. Fol. 29. Fol. 45. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 64. Fol. 69. Fol. 71. Fol. 73. Fol. 75. Ibid. Fol. 78. Fol. 88. Fol. 89 Fol. 91. Fol. 94. Ibid. Fol. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 101. Fol. 102. Fol. 108. Fol. 110. Fol. 112. Ibid. Fol. 124. Fol. 125. Fol. 126. Fol. 126 Fol. 127. Ibid. Fol. 128. Fol. 129. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 130. Fol. 131. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 132. Ibid. Fol. 136. Fol. 137. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 138. Ibid. Fol. 147. Ibid. Fol. 150. Ibid. Fol. 158. Fol. 159. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 161. Fol. 163. Fol. 165 Fol. 167. Fol. 168. Ibid. Fol. 182. Ibid. Fol. 184. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 1â—… Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 189. Fol. 194. Fol. 195 Fol. 196. Ibid. Fol. 199. Fol. 202. Fol. 200. Fol. 205. Ibid. Fol. 210. Fol. 219. Ibid. Fol 246. Fol. 152. â—…ol 253. Fol. 256. Ibid. Fol. 257. Fol. 158. Fol. 160. Fol. 165.