part of Henry the Third's Reign in whose dayes it is thought the Writ for Election of Knights was framed which is about two hundred years and above a third part of the time since the Conquest to our dayes the Barons made the Parliament or Common Councel of the Kingdom under the name of Barons not only the Earls but the Bishops also were Comprehended for the Conquerour made the Bishops Barons Therefore it is no such great Wonder that in the Writ we find the Lords only to be the Counsellours and the Commons Called only to perform and consent to the Ordinances Those there be who seem to believe that under the word Barons anciently the Lords of Court-Baâ—…ons were Comprehended and that they were Called to Parliament as Barons But if this could be proved to have been at any time true yet those Lords of Court-Barons were not the representative Body of the Commons of England except it can be also proved that the Commons or Free-holders of the Kingdome chose such Lords of Court-Barons to â—…e present in Parliament The Lords of Manors â—…ame not at first by Election of the People as Sir Edw. Coke treating of the institution of Court-Baâ—…ons resolves us in these words By the Laws and Ordinances of ancient Kings and especially of King Alâ—…red it appeareth that the first Kings of this Realm â—…ad all the Lands of England in Demean and les grand Manors and Royalties they reserved to themselves and of the remnant they for the Defence of the Realâ—… enfeoffed the Barons of the Realm with such Iurisdiction as the Court-Baron now hath Coke's Instituteâ—… First part Fol. 58. Here by the way I cannot but note that if thâ—… first Kings had all the Lands of England in Demean 〈◊〉 Sir Edward Coke saith they had And if the firâ—… Kings were chosen by the People as many thinâ—… they were then surely our Forefathers were a verâ—… bountiful if not a prodigal People to give all thâ—… Lands of the whole Kingdom to their Kings witâ—… Liberty for them to keep what they pleased and tâ—… give the Remainder to their Subjects clogg'd anâ—… cumbred with a Condition to defend the Realmâ—… This is but an ill sign of a limited Monarchy by original Constitution or Contract But to conclude thâ—… former Point Sir Edward Coke's Opinion is thâ—… in the ancient Laws under the name of Barons were comprised all the Nobility This Doctrine of the Barons being the Commâ—… Councel doth displease many and is denied aâ—…tending to the Disparagement of the Commons anâ—… to the Discredit and Confutation of their Opinioâ—… who teach that the Commons are assigned Councelloâ—… to the King by the People therefore I will call in Mâ—… Pryn to help us with his Testimony He in his Booâ—… of Treachery and Disloyalty c. proves that before thâ—… Conquest by the Laws of Edward the Confessoâ—… cap. 17. The King by his Oaths was to do Iustice 〈◊〉 the Councel of the Nobles of his Realm He also resolves that the Earls and Barons in Parliament aâ—… above the King and ought to bridle him when he exorâ—…tates from the Laws He further tells us the Peers anâ—… Prelates have oft translated the Crown from the right Heâ—… 1. Electing and Crowning Edward who was illegitimate and putting by Ethelred the right Heir after Edgars decease 2. Electing and Crowning Canutus a meer Foreigner in opposition to Edmund the right Heir to King Ethelred 3. Harold and Hardiknute both elected Kings successively without title Edmund and Alfred the right Heirs being dispossessed 4. The English Nobility upon the Death of Harold enacted that none of the Danish bloud should any more reign over them 5. Edgar Etheling who had best Title was rejected and Harold elected and crowned King 6. In the second and third year of Edw. 2. the Peers and Nobles of the Land seeing themselves contemned entreated the King to manage the Affairs of the Kingdome by the Councel of his Barons He gave his Assent and sware to ratifie what the Nobles ordained and one of their Articles was that he would thenceforward order all the Affairs of the Kingdom by the Councel of his Clergy and Lords 7. William Rufus finding the greatest part of the Nobles against him sware to Lanfranke that if they would choose him for King he would abrogate their over-hard Laws 8. The Beginning saith Mr. Pryn of the Charter of Hen. 1. is observable Henry by the Grace of God of England c. Know ye That by the Mercy of God and Common Councel of the Barons of the Kingdom I am Crowned King 9. Maud the Empress the right Heir was put by the Crown by the Prelates and Barons and Stephen Earl of Mortain who had no good Title assembling the Bishops and Peers promising the amendment of the Lawâ—… according to all their Pleasures and Liking was by thâ—… all proclaimed King 10. Lewis of France Crowned King by the Barons in stead of King John All these Testimonies from Mr. Pryn may satisfie that anciently the Barons were the Common Councel or Parliament of England And if Mr. Pryn could have found so much Antiquity and Proof for thâ—… Knights Citizens and Burgesses being of the Common Councel I make no doubt but we should have heard from him in Capital Characters but alas he meets not with so much as these Names in those elder Ages He dares not say the Barons were assigned by the People Councellors to the King for he tells us every Baron in Parliament doth represent hiâ—… own Person and speaketh in behalf of himself alone but in the Knights Citizens and Burgesses are represented the Commons of the whole Realm therefore every one of the Commons hath a greater voice in Parliament than the greatest Earl in England Nevertheless Masteâ—… Pryn will be very well content if we will admiâ—… and swallow these Parliaments of Barons for the representative Body of the Kingdom and to that Purpose he cites them or to no Purpose at all But to prove the Treachery and Disloyalty of Popish Parliaments Prelates and Peers to their Kings which iâ—… the main Point that Master Pryn by the Title of hiâ—… Book is to make good and to prove As to the second Point which is That untill the time of Hen. 1. the Commons were not called to Parliament besides the general Silence of Antiquity which never makes mention of the Commons Coming to Parliament untill that time our Histories say before his time only certain of the Nobility were called to Consultation about the most important affairs of the State He caused the Commons also to be assembled by Knights Citizens and Burgesses of their own Appointment much to the same Purpose writes Sir Walter Raleigh saying it is held that the Kings of England had no formal Parliaments till about the 18th year of King Hen. 1. For in his Third year for the Marriage of his Daughter the King raised a Tax upon every Hide of Land by the Advice of His Privy Councel alone And
be Kings in Fact and Kings themselves to be but Subjects We read in Sir Roâ—…ert Cotton that towards the end of the Saxons and â—…he first times of the Norman Kings Parliaments stood 〈◊〉 Custom-grace fixed to Easter Whitsontide and Christmas and that at the Kings Court or Palace Parliaments sate in the Presence or Privy Chamber from whence he infers an Improbability to believe the King excluded His own Presence and unmannerly fâ—… Guests to bar Him their Company who gave them theâ—… Entertainment And although now a-days the Parliament sit not in the Court where the Kings housholâ—… remains yet still even to this day to shew that Parliaments are the Kings Guests the Lord Steward oâ—… the Kings Houshold keeps a standing Table to entertain the Peers during the sitting of Parliament and he alone or some from or under him as the Treasurer or Comptroller of the Kings Houshold takeâ—… the Oaths of the Members of the House of Commoâ—… the first day of the Parliament Sir Richard Sâ—…roop Steward of the Houshold of our Sovereign Lord the King by the Commandment of the Lords sitting in full Parliament iâ—… the Great Chamber put I. Lord Gomeniz and William Weston to answer severally to Accusations broughâ—… against them The Necessity of the King's Presence in Parliamenâ—… appears by the Desire of Parliaments themselves iâ—…former times and the Practice of it Sir Robert Cottoâ—… proves by several Precedents whence he concludeâ—… that in the Consultations of State and Decisions of private Plaints it is clear from all times the King wâ—… not only present to advise but to determine also Whensoever the King is present all Power of judging which is derived from His ceaseth The Votes of the Lords may serve for matter of Advice the finaâ—… Judgment is only the Kings Indeed of late years Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth by reason of theiâ—… Sex being not so fit for publick Assemblies have brought it out of Use by which means it is comâ—… to pass that many things which were in former times acted by Kings themselves have of late been left to the Judgment of the Peers who in Quality of Judges extraordinary are permitted for the Ease of the King and in His absence to determine such matters as are properly brought before the King Himself sitting in Person attended with His great Councel of Prelates and Peers And the Ordinances that are made there receive their Establishment either from the Kings Presence in Parliament where his Chair of State is constantly placed or at least from the Confirmation of Him who in all Courts and in all Causes is Supream Judge All Judgement is by or under Him it cannot be without much less against his Approbation The King only and none but He if He were able should judge all Causes saith Bracton that ancient Chief Justice in Hen. 3. time An ancient Precedent I meet with cited by Master Selden of a judicial Proceeding in a Criminal Cause of the Barons before the Conquest wherein I observe the Kings Will was that the Lords should be Judges â—…n the Cause wherein Himself was a Party and He â—…atified their Proceeding The case was thus Earl Godwin having had a Trial before the Lords under King Hardicanute touching the Death of Alfred Son to King Ethelbert and Brother to him who was afterward Edward the Confessor had fled out of England and upon his Return with Hope of Edward the Confessor's Favour he solicited the Lords â—…o intercede for him with the King who consulting together brought Godwin with them before the King to obtain his Grace and Favour But the King â—…resently as soon as he beheld him said Thou Traytor Godwin I do appeal thee of the Death of my Brother Alfred whom thou hast most trayterously slain Then Godwin excusing it answered My Lord the King may it please your Grace I neither betrayed nor killed your Brother whereof I put my self upon the Iudgment of your Court Then the King said You noble Lords Earls and Barons of the Land who are my Liege men now gathered here together and have heard My Appeal and Godwins Answer I Will that in this Appeal between Us ye decree right Iudgment and do true Iustice. The Earls and Barons treating of this among themselves were of differing Judgments some said that Godwin was never bound to the King either by Homage Service or Fealty and therefore could not be his Traytor and that he had not slain Alfred with his own hands others said that neither Earl nor Baron nor any other Subject of the King could wage his War by Law against the King in his Appeal but most wholly put himself into the Kings Mercy and offer competent Amends Then Leofric Consul of Chester a good man before God and the World said Earl Godwin next to the King is a man of the best Parentage of all England and he cannot deny but that by his Counsel Alfred the Kings Brother was slain therefore for my part I consider that He and his Son and all we twelve Earls who are his Friends and Kinsmen do go humbly before the King laden with so much Gold and Silver as each of us can carry in our Arms offering him That for his Offence and humbly praying for Pardon And he will pardon the Earl and taking his Homage and Fealty will restore him all his Lands All they in this form lading themselves with Treasure and coming to the King did shew the Manner and Order of their Consideration to which The King not willing to contradict did ratifie all that they had judged 23 Hen. 2. In Lent there was an Assembly of all the Spiritual and Temporal Barons at Westminster for the determination of that great Contention between Alfonso King of Castile and Sancho King of Navarre touching divers Castles and Territories in Spain which was by compromise submitted to the Judgment of the King of England And the King consulting with his Bishops Earls and Barons determined it as he saith Himself in the first Person in the Exemplification of the Judgement 2 Of King Iohn also that great Controversie touching the Barony that William of Moubray claimed against William of Stutvil which had depended from the time of King Hen. 2. was ended by the Councel of the Kingdom and Will of the King Concilio regni voluntate Regis The Lords in Parliament adjudge William de Weston to Death for surrendring Barwick Castle but for that Our Lord the King was not informed of the manner of the Judgment the Constable of the Tower Allen Buxall was commanded safely to keep the said William untill he hath other Commandment from our Lord the King 4 Ric. 2. Also the Lords adjudged Iohn Lord of Gomentz for surrendring the Towns and Castles of Ardee and for that he was a Gentleman and Bannaret and had served the late King he should be beheaded and for that our Lord the King was not informed of the manner of the Iudgment the Execution thereof
was ready drawn by them Her Majesty was highly displeased herewith as contrary to her former strait Command and charged the Councel to call the Parties before them Sir Thomas Henage sent for them and after Speech with them commanded them to forbear the Parliament and not to go out of their several Lodgings after they were called before the Lord Treasurer the Lord Buckhurst and Sir Thomas Henage Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower Sir Henry Bromley with Mr. Richard Stevens to whom Sir Henry Bromley had imparted the Matter were sent to the Fleet as also Mr. Welch the other Knight for Worcestershire In the same Parliament Mr. Morrice Attorney of the Court of Wards moved against the hard Courses of the Bishops Ordinaries and other Ecclesiastical Judges in their Courts used towards sundry Learned and godly Ministers and Preachers and spake against Subscription and Oaths and offer'd a Bill to be read against Imprisonment for refusal of Oaths Mr. Dalton opposed the Reading of it as a thing expresly against Her Majesties Command to meddle in Doctor Lewin shewed that Subscription was used even at Geneva At two of the clock the same day the Speaker Mr. Coke afterwards Sir Edward Coke was sent for to the Court where the Queen Her self gave him in Command a Message to the House She told him It being wholly in Her Power to Call to Determine to Assent or Dissent to any thing done in Parliament that the Calling of This was only that the Majesty of God might be more religiously observed by compelling by some sharp Laws such as neglect that Service and that the Safety of Her Majesties Person and the Realm might be provided for It was not meant they should meddle with matters of State or Causes Ecclesiastical for so Her Majesty termed them she wondred that any could be of so high Commandement to attempt they were Her own words a thing so expresly contrary to that which She had commanded wherefore with this She was highly offended And because the words spoken by my Lord Keeper are not now perhaps well remembred or some bâ—… now here that were not then present Her Majesties present Charge and express Command is that no Bill touching the said matter of State or Reformation in Causes Ecclesiastical be exhibited and upon my Allegiance saith Mr. Coke I am charged if any such Bill be exhibited not to read it I have been credibly informed that the Queen sent a Messenger or Serjeant at Arms into the House of Commons and took out Mr. Morrice and committed him to prison within few dayes after I find Mr. Wroth moved in the House that they might be humble Suitors to Her Majesty that She would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained To this it was answered by the Privy Counsellors that Her Majesty had committed them for Causes best known to Her self and to press Her Highness with this Suit would but hinder them whose Good is sought that the House must not call the Queen to account for what she doth of Her Royal Authority that the Causes for which they are restrained may be High and Dangerous that Her Majesty liketh no such Questions neither doth it become the House to searcâ—… into such matters In the 39 Eliz. The Commons were tolâ—… their Privilege was Yea and No and thaâ—… Her Majesties Pleasure was that if the Speaker perceived any idle heads which would not stick to hazard their own Estates which will meddle with reforming the Church and transforming the Commonweal and do exhibit Bills to that purpose the Speaker should not receive them till they were viewed and considered by those whom it is fitter should consider of such things and can better judge of them and at the end of this Parliament the Queen refused to pass 48 Bills which had passed both Houses In the 28 of Eliz. the Queen said She was sorry the Commons medled with chusing and returning Knights of the Shire for Norfolk a thing impertinent for the House to deal withal and only belonging to the Office and Charge of the Lord Chancellor from whom the Writs issue and are returned 4 Hen. 4. The 10 of October the Chancellor before the King declared the Commons had sent to the King praying him that they might have Advice and Communication with certain Lords about Matters of Business in Parliament for the common good of the Realm which Prayer Our Lord the King graciously granted making Protestation he would not do it of Duty nor of Custom but of his special Grace at this time and therefore Our Lord the King â—…harged the Clark of the Parliament that this Protestation should be entred on Record upon the Parliament-Roll which the King made known to them by the Lord Say and his Secretary how that neither of Due nor of Custom our Lord the King ought to grant any Lords to enter into Communication with them of Matters touching the Parliament but by his special Grace at this time he hath granted their Request in this Particular upon which matter the said Steward and Secretary made Report to the King in Parliament that the said Commons knew well that they could not have any such Lords to commune with them of any Business of Parliament without special Grace and Command of the King Himself It hath heretofore been a question whether it be not an Infringing and Prejudice to the Liberties and Privileges of the House of Commons for them to joyn in Conference with the Lords in Cases of Benevolence or Contribution without a Bill In the 35 Eliz. on Tuesday the first of March Mr. Egerton Attorney general and Doct. Carey came with a Message from the Lords their Lordships desired to put the House in Remembrance of the Speech delivered by the Lord Keeper the first day for Consultation and Provision of Treasure to be had aginst the great and imminent Dangers of the Realm thereupon their Lordships did look to have something from the Houses touching those Causes before this time and yet the Parliament had sate but three dayes for it began Feb. 26. and therefore their Lordships had hitherto omitted to do any thing therein themselves And thereupon their Lordships desired that according to former laudable Usages between both Houses in such like Cases a Committee of Commons may have Conference with a Committee of Lords touching Provision of Treasure against the great Dangers of the Realm which was presently resolved by the whole House and they signified to their Lordships the willing and ready Assent of the whole House At the Meeting the Lords negatively affirm not to assent to less than three Subsidies and do insist for a second Conference M. Francis Bacon yielded to the Subsidy but opposed the joyning with the Lords as contrary to the Privileges of the House of Commons thereupon the House resolved to have no Conference with the Lords but to give their Lordships most humble and dutiful Thanks with all Reverence for
at that Election sending back unto Us the other part of the Indenture aforesaid affiled to these Presents together with this Writ Witness Our Self at Westminster By this Writ we do not find that the Commons are called to be any part of the Common Councel of the Kingdom or of the Supream Court of Iudicature or to have any part of the Legislative Power or to Consult de arduis regni negotiis of the difficult Businesses of the Kingdom The Writ only sayes the King would have Conference and Treat with the Prelates Great men and Peers but not a word of Treating or Conference with the Commons The House of Commons which doth not minister an Oath nor fine nor imprison any but their own Members and that but of late in some Cases cannot properly be said to be a Court at all much less to be a part of the Supream Court or highest Judicature of the Kingdom The constant Custom even to this day for the Members of the House of Commons to stand bare with their Hats in their Hands in the Presence of the Lords while the Lords sit covered at all Conferences is a visible argument that the Lords and Commons are not fellow Commissioners or fellow Counsellors of the Kingdom The Duty of Knights Citizens and Burgesses mentioned in the Writ is only ad Faciendum Consentiendum to Perform and to Consent to such things as should be ordained by the Common Councel of the Kingdom there is not so much mentioned in the Writ as a Power in the Commons to dissent When a man is bound to appear in a Court of Justice the words are ad Faciendum recipiendum quod ei per curiam injungetur which shews that this word Faciendum is used as a Term in Law to signifie to give Obedience For this we meet with a Precedent even as ancient as the Parliament-Writ it self and it is concerning Proceedings in Parliament 33. Ed. 1. Dominus Rex mandavit vicecom ' quod c. summon ' Nicolaum de Segrave ex parte Domini regis firmiter ei injungeret quod esset coram Domino Rege in proximo Parl. c. ad audiendum voluntatem ipsius Domini Regis c. Et ad Faciendum recipiendum ulterius quod curia Domini Regis consideraret in Praemissis Our Lord the King commands the Sheriff to summon Nicholas Segrave to appear before the Lord our King in the next Parliament to hear the Will of the Lord our King himself and to Perform and receive what the Kings Court shall further consider of the Premises Sir Ed. Coke to prove the Clergy hath no Voice in Parliament saith that by the Words of their Writ their Consent was only to such things as were ordained by the Common Councel of the Realm If this argument of his be good it will deny also Voices to the Commons in Parliament for in their Writ are the self-same words viz. to consent to such things as were ordained by the Common Councel of the Kingdom Sir Edw. Coke concludes that the Procuratores Cleri have many times appeared in Parliament as Spiritual Assistants to Consider Consult and to Consent but never had voice there how they could consult and Consent without Voices he doth not shew Though the Clergy as he saith oft appeared in Parliament yet was it only ad consentiendum as I take it and not ad faciendum for the Word Faciendum is omitted in their Writ the cause as I conceive is the Clergy though they were to assent yet by reason of Clerical Exemptions they were not required to Perform all the Ordinances or Acts of Parliament But some may think though the Writ doth not express a Calling of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses to be part of the Common Councel of the Kingdom yet it supposeth it a thing granted and not to be questioned but that they are a part of the Common Councel Indeed if their Writ had not mentioned the Calling of Prelates Great men and Peers to Councel there might have been a little better colour for such a Supposition but the Truth is such a Supposition doth make the Writ it self vain and idle for it is a senseless thing to bid men assent to that which they have already ordained since ordaining is an Assenting and more than an Assenting For clearing the meaning and sense of the Writ and Satisfaction of such as think it impossible but that the Commons of England have alwayes been a part of the Common Councel of the Kingdom I shall insist upon these Points 1. That anciently the Barons of England were the Common Councel of the Kingdom 2. That until the time of Hen. 1. the Commons were not called to Parliament 3. Though the Commons were called by Hen. 1. yet they were not constantly called nor yet regularly elected by Writ until Hen. 3. time For the first point M. Cambden in his Britania doth teach us that in the time of the English Saxons and in the ensuing Age a Parliament was called Communâ—… concilium which was saith he Praesentia Regis Praelatorum Procerumque collectorum the Presence of the King Prelates and Peers assembled No mention of the Commons the Prelates and Peers were all Barons The Author of the Chronicle of the Church of Lichfield cited by M. Selden saith Postquam Rex Edvardus c. Concilio Baronum Angliae c. After King Edward was King by the Councel of the Barons of England he revived a Law which had layen asleep threescore and seven years and this Law was called the Law of St. Edward the King In the same Chronicle it is said that Will. the Conquerour anno regni sui quarto apud Londin ' haâ—… Concilium Baronum Suorum a Councel of his Barons And of this Parliament it is that his Son Hen. 1. speaks saying I restore you the Laws of King Edward the Confessor with those amendments wherewith my Father amended them by the Councel of his Barons In the fifth year as M. Selden thinks of the Conquerour was a Parliament or Principum conventus aâ—… Assembly of Earls and Barons at Pinenden Heath iâ—… Kent in the Cause between Lanfranke the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Odo Earl of Kent The King gave Commission to Godfrid then Bishop of Constanâ—… in Normandy to represent His own Person for Hearing the Controversie as saith M. Lambard and caused Egelrick the Bishop of Chichester an aged man singularly commended for Skill in the Laws and Customes of the Realm to be brought thither in a Wagon for his Assistance in Councel Commanded Haymo the Sheriff of Kent to summon the whole County to give in Evidence three whole dayes spent in Debate in the End Lanfranke and the Bishop of Rochester were restored to the Possession oâ—… Detling and other Lands which Odo hath withholden 21. Ed. 3. fol. 60. There is mention of a Parliament held under the same King William the Conquerour wherein all the Bishops of the Land Earls and
Barons made an Ordinance touching the Exemption of the Abby of Bury from the Bishops of Norwich In the tenth year of the Conquerour Episcopi Comites Barones regni regia potestate ad universalem Synodum pro causis audiendis tractandis convocati saith the Book of Westminster In the 2 year of William 2. there was a Parliament de cunctis regni Principibus another which had quosque regni proceres All the Peers of the Kingdom In the seventh year was a Parliament at Rockingham-Castle in Northampton-shire Episcopis Abbatibus cunctique regni Principibus una coeuntibus A year or two after the same King de statu regni acturus c. called thither by the Command of his Writ the Bishops Abbots and all the Peers of the Kingdom At the Coronation of Hen. 1. All the People of the Kingdom of England were called and Laws were then made but it was Per Commune Concilium Baronum meorum by the Common Councel of my Barons In his third year the Peers of the Kingdom were called without any mention of the Commons and another a while after consensu Comitum Baronum by the consent of Earls and Barons Florentius Wigoriensis saith these are Statutes which Anselme and all the other Bishops in the Presence of King Henry by the assent of his Barons ordained and in his tenth year of Earls and Peers and in his 23. of Earls and Barons In the year following the same King held a Parliament or great Councel with His Barons Spiritual and Temporal King Hen. 2. in his tenth year had a great Councel or Parliament at Clarendon which was an Assembly of Prelates and Peers 22. Hen. 2. saith Hovenden was a great Councel at Nottingham and by the Common Councel of the Archbishops Bishops Earls and Barons the Kingdom was divided into six parts And again Hovendeâ—… saith that the same King at Windsor apud Windâ—… shores Communi Concilio of Bishops Earls and Barons divided England into four Parts And in hiâ—… 21 year a Parliament at Windsor of Bishops Earlâ—… and Barons And another of like Persons at Northampton King Richard 1. had a Parliament at Nottingham in his fifth year of Bishops Earls and Barons Thiâ—… Parliament lasted but four days yet much was donâ—… in it the first day the King disseiseth Gerard de Canvil of the Sherifwick of Lincoln and Hugh Bardolâ—… of the Castle and Sherifwick of York The second day he required judgment against his Brother Iohn who was afterwards King and Hugh de Novaâ—… Bishop of Coventry The third day was granted to thâ—… King of every Plow-land in England 2 s. He required also the third part of the Service of every Knights Fâ—… for his Attendance into Normandy and all the Wooâ—… that year of the Monks Cisteaux which for that 〈◊〉 was grievous and unsupportable they fine for Moâ—…ny The last day was for Hearing of Grievancesâ—… and so the Parliament brake up And the same yeaâ—… held another at Northampton of the Nobles of thâ—… Realm King Iohn in his fifth year He and his Great mâ—…met Rex Magnates convenerunt and thâ—… Roll of that year hath Commune Concilium Bâ—…ronum Meorum the Common Councel of my Baronâ—… at Winchester In the sixth year of King Henry 3. the Nobleâ—… granted to the King of every Knights Fee two Markâ—… in Silver In the seventh year he had a Parliament at London an Assembly of Barons In his thirteenth year an Assembly of the Lords at Westminster In his fifteenth year of Nobles both Spiritual and Temporal M. Par. saith that 20. H. 3. Congregati sunt Magnates ad colloquium de negotiis regni tractaturi the Great men were called to confer and treat of the Business of the Kingdom And at Merton Our Lord the King granted by the Consent of his Great men That hereafter Usury should not run against a Ward from the Death of his Ancestor 21. Hen. 3. The King sent his Royal Writs commanding all belonging to His Kingdom that is to say Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots and Priors installed Earls and Barons that they should all meet at London to treat of the Kings Business touching the whole Kingdom and at the day prefixed the whole multitude of the Nobles of the Kingdom met at London saith Mat. Westminster In his 21 year At the Request and by the Councel of the Lords the Charters were confirmed 22. Hen. 3. At Winchester the King sent his Royal Writs to Arch-bishops Bishops Priors Earls and Barons to treat of Business concerning the whole Kingdome 32. Hen. 3. The King commanded all the Nobility of the whole Kingdom to be called to treat of the State of His Kingdom Mat. Westm ' 49. Hen. 3. The King had a Treaty at Oxford with the Peers of the Kingdom M. Westminster At a Parliament at Marlborow 55. Hen. 3. Statutes were made by the Assent of Earls and Barons Here the Place of Bracton Chief Justice in thiâ—… Kings time is worth the observing and the ratheâ—… for that it is much insisted on of late to make foâ—… Parliaments being above the King The words iâ—… Bracton are The King hath a Superiour God also thâ—… Law by which he is made King also his Court viz the Earls and Barons The Court that was said iâ—… those days to be above the King was a Court of Earls and Barons not a Word of the Commons or thâ—… representative Body of the Kingdom being any paâ—… of the Superiour Court Now for the true Senâ—… of Bractons words how the Law and the Court 〈◊〉 Earls and Barons are the Kings Superiours theâ—… must of Necessity be understood to be Superiours 〈◊〉 far only as to advise and direct the King out of hiâ—… own Grace and Good Will only which appeaâ—… plainly by the Words of Bracton himself wherâ—… speaking of the King he resolves thus Nec potest 〈◊〉 necessitatem aliquis imponere quod injuriam suam corrigâ—… emendat cum superiorem non habeat nisi Deum 〈◊〉 satis ei erit ad poenam quod Dominum expectat ultoreâ—… Nor can any man put a necessity upon Him to correâ—… and amend his Injury unless he will himself sinâ—… he hath no Superiour but God it will be sufficieâ—… Punishment for him to expect the Lord an avengeâ—… Here the same man who speaking according to somâ—…mens Opinion saith the Law and Court of Earls aâ—… Barons are superiour to the King in this place telâ—… us himself the King hath no Superiour but God thâ—… Difference is easily reconciled according to the Dâ—…stinction of the School-men the King is free from tâ—… Coactive Power of Laws or Councellors but may be suâ—…ject to their Directive Power according to his owâ—… Will that is God can only compell but thâ—… Law and his Courts may advise Him Rot. Parliament 1 Hen. 4. nu 79. the Commons expresly affirm Iudgment in Parliament belongs to the King and Lords These Precedents shew that from the Conquest untill a great
the Subjects saith he soon after this Parliament was established began to stand upon Terms with their King and drew from him by strong hand and their Swords their Great Charter it was after â—…he establishment of the Parliament by colour of it that â—…hey had so great Daring If any desire to know the â—…ause why Hen. 1. called the People to Parliament â—…t was upon no very good Occasion if we believe Sir Walter Raleigh The Grand Charter saith he was not originally granted Regally and freely for King Hen. 1. did but usurp the Kingdom and therefore the â—…etter to assure himself against Robert his elder Brother â—…e flattered the People with those Charters yea King John â—…hat confirmed them had the like Respect for Arthur Dâ—… Britain was the undoubted Heir of the Crown upon whom John usurped so these Charters had their original â—…rom Kings de facto but not de jure and then afterwards his Conclusion is that the Great Charter had â—…rst an obscure Birth by Usurpation and was fostered and â—…ewed to the World by Rebellion in brief the King calâ—…ed the People to Parliament and granted them Magna Charta that they might confirm to him the Crown The third Point consists of two parts First that â—…he Commons were not called unto Parliament until Hen. 3. dayes this appears by divers of the Precâ—…dents formerly cited to prove that the Barons weâ—… the Common Councel For though Hen. 1. called aâ—… the People of the Land to His Coronation and agaiâ—… in the 15. or 18. year of his Reign yet alwayes hâ—… did not so neither many of those Kings that diâ—… succeed him as appeareth before Secondly for calling the Commons by Writ find it acknowledged in a Book intituled The Privilege and Practice of Parliaments in these words lâ—… ancient times after the King had summoned His Parliament innumerable multitudes of People did maâ—… their Access thereunto pretending that Privilege â—… Right to belong to them But King Hen. 3. haviâ—… Experience of the Mischief and inconveniences by occasion of such popular Confusion did take order that noâ—… might come to His Parliament but those who were specâ—…ally summoned To this purpose it is observed bâ—… Master Selden that the first Writs we find accompaniâ—… with other Circumstances of a Summons to Parliamenâ—… as well for the Commons as Lords is in the 49 â—… Hen. 3. In the like manner Master Cambden speaking of the Dignity of Barons hath these Words King Hen. 3. out of a great Multitude which wâ—… seditious and turbulent called the very best by Writ â—… Summons to Parliament for he after many Troubles aâ—… Vexations between the King himself and Simon â—… Monefort with other Barons and after appeased dâ—…decree and ordain That all those Earls and Barons uâ—…to whom the King himself vouchsafed to direct Hâ—… Writs of Summons should come to his Parliament anâ—… no others but that which he began a little before hâ—… Death Edward 1. and his Successours constantly oâ—…served and continued The said prudent King Edwarâ—… summoned always those of ancient Families that were most wise to His Parliament and omitted their Sons after their Death if they were not answerable to their Parents in Understanding Also Master Cambden in another place saith that in the time of Edw. 1. select men for Wisdom and Worth among the Gentry were called to Parliament and their Posterity omitted if they were defective therein As the power of sending Writs of Summons for Elections was first exercised by Hen. 3. so succeeding Kings did regulate the Elections upon such Writs as doth appear by several Statutes which all speak in the Name and Power of the Kings themselves for such was the Language of our Fore-fathers In 5 Ric. 2. c. 4. these be the words The King Willeth and Commandeth all Persons which shall have Summons to come to Parliament and every Person that doth absent himself except he may reasonably and honestly excuse him to Our Lord the King shall be amerced and otherwise punished 7 Hen. 4. c. 15. Our Lord the King at the grievous complaint of his Commons of the undue Election of the Knights of Counties sometimes made of affection of Sheriffs and otherwise against the Form of the Writs to the great slander of the Counties c. Our Lord the King willing therein to provide Remedy by the Assent of the Lords and Commons Hath Ordained That Election shall be made in the full County-Court and that all that be there present as well Suitors as others shall proceed to the Election freely notwithstanding any Request or Command to the contrary 11 Hen. 4. c. 1. Our Lord the King Ordained that a Sheriff that maketh an undue Return c. shall incur the Penalty of 100 l. to be paid to Our Lord the King 1 H. 5. c. 1. Our Lord the King by the Advice and Assent of the Lords and the special Instance and Request of the Commons Ordained that the Knights of the Shire be not chosen unless they be resiant within the Shire the day of the date of the Writ and that Citizens and Burgesses be resiant dwelling and free in the the same Cities and Burroughs and no others in any wise 6 Hen. 6. c. 4. Our Lord the King willing to provide remedy for Knights chosen for Parliament and Sheriffs Hath Ordained that they shall have their Answer and traverse to Inquest of Office found against them 8 Hen. 6. c. 7. Whereas Elections of Knights have been made by great Out-rages and excessive number of People of which most part was of People of no value whereof every of them pretend a Voice equivalent to Worthy Knights and Esquires whereby Man-slaughters Riots and Divisions among Gentlemen shall likely be Our Lord the King hath Ordained That Knights of Shires be chosen by People dwelling in the Counties every of them having Lands or Tenements to the value of 2 l. the year at the least and that he that shall be chosen shall be dwelling and resiant within the Counties 10. H. 6. Our Lord the King ordained that Knightâ—… be chosen by People dwelling and having 2 l. by the year within the same County 11 H. 6. c. 11. The King willing to provide for the Ease of them that come to the Parliaments and Councels of the King by his Commandment hath ordained that if any Assault or Fray be made on them that comâ—… to Parliament or other Councel of the King the Parâ—… which made any such Affray or Assault shall pay doublâ—… Damages and make Fine and Ransom at the Kings Wilâ—… 23. H. 6. c. 15. The King considering the Statutes of 1 H. 5. c. 1. 8. Hen. 6. c. 7. and the Defaults of Sheriffs in returning Knights Citizens and Burgesses ordained 1. That the said Statutes should be duely kept 2. That the Sheriffs shall deliver Precepts to Maiors and Bayliffs to chuse Citizens and Burgesses 3. The Penalty of 100 l. for a Sheriff making an untrue Return concerning the election of
Knights Citizens and Burgesses 4. The Penalty of 40 l for Maiors or Bayliffs making untrue Returns 5. Due Election of Knights must be in the full County-Court between the Hours of Eight and Eleven before noon 6. The Party must begin his Suit within 3 Moneths after the Parliament began 7. Knights of the Shire shall be notable Knights of the County or such notable Esquires or Gentlemen born of the said Counties as shall be able to be Knights and no man to be such Knight which standeth in the Degree of a Yeoman and under The last thing I observe in the Writ for Election of Members for Parliament is That by the express words of the Writ Citizens and Burgesses for the Parliament were eligible at the County-Court as well as Knights of the Shire and that not only Free-holders but all others whosoever were present at the County-Court had Voices in such Elections see the Stat. 7. Hen. 4. cap. 15. I have the longer insisted on the Examination of the Writ being the Power and Actions of the House of Commons are principally justified by the Trust which the Free-holders commit unto them by virtue of this Writ I would not be understood to determine what Power the House of Commons doth or may exercise if the King please I confine my self only to the Power in the Writ I am not ignorant that King Hen. 7. in the Cause of the Duke of Britain and King Iames in the Business of the Palatinate asked the Councel of the House of Commons and not only the House of Commons but every Subject in particular by Duty and Allegiance is bound to givâ—… his best Advice to his Sovereign when he is thoughâ—… worthy to have his Councel asked 13. Edw. 3. nu 10. All the Merchants of England were summoned by Writ to appear at Westminster in proper Person to confer upon great business concerning the Kings Honour the Salvation of the Realâ—… and of themselves In Passages of publick Councel it is observable saith Sir Rob. Cotton that in ancient times the Kings of England did entertain the Commons with weighty Causes thereby to apt and bind them to a readiness of Charge and the Commons to shun Expence haâ—… warily avoided to give Advice 13. Edw. 3. The Lords and Commons were called to consult how the domestick Quiet may be preserved the Marches of Scotland defended and thâ—… Sea secured from Enemies The Peers and Commons having apart consulted the Commons desired Not to be charged to Councel of things of whicâ—… they had no Cognisance de queux ils n' ont pas de Cognisance 21. Edw. 3. Justice Thorp declaring to the Peeâ—… and Commons that the French War began by theiâ—… Advice the Truce after by their Assent accepted and now ended the Kings Pleasure was to havâ—… their Counsel in the Prosecution the Commons being commanded to assemble themselves and when they were agreed to give notice to the King and the Lords of the Councel after four days Consultation Humbly desire of the King that he would be advised therein by the Lords and others of more Experience than themselves in such Affairs 6. Ric. 2. The Parliament was called to consult whether the King should go in Person to rescue Gaunt or send an Army The Commons after two dayes Debate crave a Conference with the Lords and Sir Thomas Puckering their Speaker protests that Councels for War did aptly belong to the King and His Lords yet since the Commons were commanded to give their Advice they humbly wished a Voyage by the King 7. Ric. 2. At the second Session the Commons are willed to Advise upon View of Articles of Peace with the French whether War or such Amity should be accepted they modestly excuse themselves as too weak to Counsel in so weighty Causes But charged again as they did tender their Honour and the Right of the King they make their Answer giving their Opinions rather for Peace than War For fuller Manifestation of what hath been said touching the Calling Election and Power of the Commons in Parliament it is behooful to observe some Points delivered by Sir Edw. Coke in his Treatise of the Jurisdiction of Parliaments where First he fairly begins and lays his Foundation that the High Court of Parliament consisteth of the Kings Majesty sitting there and of the three Estates 1. The Lords Spiritual 2. The Lords Temporal 3. And the Commons Hence it is to be gathered that truly and properly it cannot be called the High Court of Parliament but whilst the King is sitting there in Person so that the Question now a days whether the Parliament be above the King is either false or idle false if you exclude and idle if you include the King's Person in the word Parliament The case truly put and as it is meant is whether the three Estates oâ—… which is all one the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament be above the King and not whether the King with the three Estates be above the King It appears also that they are much mistaken who reckon the King one of the three Estates as Mr. Pryn pag. 20. and many others do for the three Estates make the Body and the King is Caput Principium finis Parliamentor as confesseth Sir Edw. Coke Secondly Sir Edw. Coke delivers That certain it is both Houses at first sate together and that it appears in Edward the Third's time the Lords and Commons satâ—… together and the Commons had no continual Speaker If he mean the Lords and Commons did sit and Vote together in one Body few there be that will believe it because the Commons never were wont to lose or forego any of their Liberties or Privileges and for them to stand now with their Hats in their hands which is no Magistratical Posture there where they were wont to sit and Vote is an alteration not imaginable to be indured by the Commons It may be in former times when the Commons had no constant Speaker they were oft and perhaps for the most part in the same Chamber and in the presence of the Lords to hear the Debates and Consulations of the Great Councel but not to sit and Vote with them for when the Commons were to Advise among themselves the Chapter-house of the Abby of Westminster was oft-times their place to meet in before they had a settled House and their meetings not being very frequent may be the reason I conceive why the name of the House of Commons is not of such great Antiquity or taken notice of but the House of Lords was only called the Parliament-House and the Treatise called Modus tenendi Parliamentum speaks of the Parliament as but of one House only The House where now the Commons sit in Westminster is but of late Use or Institution for in Edward the Sixth's dayes it was a Chappel of the Colledge of Saint Stephen and had a Dean Secular Canons and Chorists who were the Kings Quire at his Palace at
Westminster and at the dissolution were translated to the Kings Chappel at White-hall Also I read that Westminster-hall being out of Repair Ric. 2. caused a large House to be builded betwixt the Clock-tower and the Gate of the great old Hall in the midst of the Palace Court the House was long and large made of Timber covered with Tiles open on both sides that all might see and hear what was both said and done four thousand Archers of Cheshire which were the Kings own Guard attended on that House and had bouche a Court and 6 d. by the day Thirdly he saith The Commons are to chuse their Speaker but seeing after their Choice the King may refuse him the Use is as in the conge d'eslire of a Bishop that the King doth name a Discreet Learned man whom the Commons Elect when the Commons have chosen the King may allow of his Excuse and Disallow him as Sir John Popham was saith his Margin Fourthly he informs us That the first day of the Parliament four Iustices assistants and two Civilianâ—… Masters of the Chancery are appointed Receivers 〈◊〉 Petitions which are to be delivered within six dayes following and six of the Nobility and two Bishops calling to them the Kings Learned Councel when neeâ—… should be to be Tryers of the said Petitions whether theâ—… were reasonable good and necessary to be offered and propounded to the Lords He doth not say that any 〈◊〉 the Commons were either Receivers or Tryers 〈◊〉 Petitions nor that the Petitions were to be propounded to Them but to the Lords Fifthly he teacheth us that a Knight Citizen 〈◊〉 Burgess cannot make a Proxy because he is Electeâ—… and Trusted by multitudes of People here a Questioâ—… may be whether a Committee if it be Trusted to 〈◊〉 any thing be not a Proxy since he saith the Hiâ—… Power of Parliament to be committed to a few is holdâ—… to be against the Dignity of Parliaments and that 〈◊〉 such Commission ought to be granted Sixthly he saith The King cannot take notice of 〈◊〉 thing said or done in the House of Commons but by 〈◊〉 Report of the House Surely if the Commons saâ—… with the Lords and the King were present 〈◊〉 might take notice of what was done in His Presence And I read in Vowel that the old Usage wâ—… that all the Degrees of Parliament sate together 〈◊〉 every man that had there to speak did it openly befâ—… the King and his whole Parliament In the 35 Eliz. there was a Report that the Commons were against the Subsidies which was toâ—… the Queen whereupon Sir Henry Knivet said it should be a thing answerable at the Bar for any man to report any thing of Speeches or Matters done in the House Sir John Wolley liked the Motion of Secrecy except only the Queen from whom he said there is no reason to keep any thing And Sir Robert Cecil did allow that the Councel of the House should be secretly kept and nothing reported in malam partem But if the meaning be that they might not report any thing done here to the Queen he was altogether against it Seventhly he voucheth an Enditement or Information in the Kings Bench against 39 of the Commons for departing without License from Parliament contrary to the Kings Inhibition whereof six submitted to their Fines and Edmund Ployden pleaded he remained continually from the beginning to the end of the Parliament Note he did not plead to the Jurisdiction of the Court of Kings Bench but pleaded his constant Attendance in Parliament which was an Acknowledgment and submitting to the Jurisdiction of that Court and had been an unpardonable betraying of the Privileges of Parliament by so learned a Lawyer if his Case ought only to be tryed in Parliament Eighthly he resolves that the House of Lords in their House have Power of Iudicature and the Commons in their House and both Houses together He brings Records to prove the Power of Judicature of both Houses together but not of either of them by it self He cites the 33 Edw. 1. for the Judicature of both Houses together where Nicholas de Segrave was adjudged per Praelatos Comites Barones alios de Concilio by the Prelates Earls and Barons and others of the Councel Here is no mention of the Judgment of the Commons Others of thâ—… Councel may mean the Kings Privy Councel 〈◊〉 his Councel Learned in the Laws which are called by their Writs to give Counsel but so are not the Commons The Judgment it self saith Nicholâ—… de Segrave confessed his fault in Parliament and submitted himself to the Kings Will thereupoâ—… the King willing to have the Advice of the Earlâ—… Barons Great men and others of his Councel enjoyned them by the Homage Fealty and Allegâ—…ance which they owed that they should faithfull counsel Him what Punishment should be inflicteâ—… for such a Fact who all advising diligently saâ—… That such a Fact deserves loss of Life and Memberâ—… Thus the Lords we see did but Advise the Kinâ—… what Judgment to give against him that deserteâ—… the Kings Camp to fight a Duel in France Ninthly he saith Of later times see divers not abâ—… Iudgments at the Prosecution of the Commons by tâ—… Lords where the Commons were Prosecutors theâ—… were no Judges but as he termes them generâ—… Inquisitors or the Grand Inquest of the Kingdom Thâ—… Judgments he cites are but in King Iames his dayeâ—… and no elder Tenthly also he tells us of the Iudicature in tâ—… House of Commons alone his most ancient precedenâ—… is but in Queen Elizabeths Reign of one Tho. Lonâ—… who gave the Maior of Westbury 10 l. to be electâ—… Burgess Eleventhly he hath a Section entitled The Housâ—… of Commons to many Purposes a distinct Court anâ—… saith Nota the House of Commons to many Purposes 〈◊〉 distinct Court of those many Purposes he tells but one that is it uses to adjourn it self Commissioners thaâ—… be but to examine Witnesses may Adjourn themselves yet are no Court. Twelfthly he handles the Privileges of Parliament where the great Wonder is that this great Master of â—…he Law who hath been oft a Parliament-man could â—…ind no other nor more Privileges of Parliament â—…ut one and that is freedom from Arrests which he â—…aith holds unless in three cases Treason Felony and â—…he Peace And for this freedom from Arrests he cites Antient Precedents for all those in the House of Lords but he brings not one Precedent at all for the Commons Freedom from Arrests It is behooful for a Free-holder to consider what Power is in the House of Peers for although the Free-holder have no Voice in the Election of the Lords yet if the Power of that House extend to make Ordinances that bind the Free-holders it is necessary for him to enquire what and whence that Power is and how far it reacheth The chief Writ of â—…ummons to the Peers was in these words CAROLUS Dei Gratia c. Reverendissimo in Christo
the King at His Parliament of his special Grace and for Affection which he beareth to his Prelates Earls and Barons and others hath granted that they that have Liberties by Prescription shall enjoy them In the Stat. de finibus Levatis the Kings Words are We intending to provide Remedy in our Parliament have ordained c. 28. Edw. 1. c. 5. The King Wills that the Chancellor and the Iustices of the Bench shall follow Him so that he may have at all times some neer unto him thaâ—… be learned in the Laws and in Chap. 24. the words are Our Lord the King after full Conference and Debate had with his Earls Barons Nobles and other Great men by their whole Consent hath ordained c. The Stat. de Tallagio if any such Statute there be speaks in the Kings Person No Officer of Ours No Tallage shall be taken by Us We Will and Grant 1. Edw. 2. begins thus Our Lord the King Willeth and Commandeth The Stat. of 9. the same King saith Our Lord the King by the Assent of the Prelates Earls and other great States hath Ordained 10. Edw. 2. It is provided by our Lord the King and his Iustices The Stat. of Carlile saith We have sent our Command in writing firmly to be observed 1. Edw. 3. begins thus King Edw. 3. at his Parliament at the request of the Commonalty by their Petition before him and his Councel in Parliament hath granted c. and in the 5th Chap. The King willeth that no man be charged to arm himself otherwise than he was wont 5. Edw. 3. Our Lord the King at the Request of his People hath established these things which He Wills to be kept 9. Of the same King there is this Title Our Lord the King by the Assent c. and by the Advice of his Councel being there hath ordained c. In his 10 year it is said Because Our Lord King Edw. 3. hath received by the Complaint of the Prelates Earls Barons also at the shewing of the Knights of the Shires and his Commons by their Petition put in his Parliament c. Hath ordained by the Assent c. at the Request of the said Knights and Commons c. The same year in another Parliament you may find these be the Articles accorded by Our Lord the King with the Assent c. at the Request of the Knights of the Shires and the Commons by their Petition â—…ut in the said Parliament In the year-Book 22 Edw. 3. 3. pl. 25. It is said The King makes the Laws by the Assent of the Peers and Commons and not the Peers and Commons The Stat. of 1. Ric. 2. hath this Beginning Richâ—…d the 2. by the Assent of the Prelates Dukes Earls and Barons and at the Instance and special Request of â—… Commons Ordained There being a Statute made 5 Ric. 2. c. 5. against Lollards in the next year the Commons Petition Him Supplient les Commons que come un estatute fuit fait c. The Commons beseech that whereas a Statute was made in the last Parliament c. which was never Assented to nor Granted by the Commons but that which was done therein was done without their Assent In this Petition the Commons acknowledge it a Statute and so call it though they assented not to it 17 Ric. 2. nu 44. The Commons desire some pursuing to make a Law which they conceive hurtful to the Commonwealth That His Majesty will not pass it As for the Parliaments in Hen. 4. Hen. 5. Hen. 6. Edw. 4. and Ric. 3. Reigns the most of them do agree in this one Title Our Lord the King by the Advice and Assent of His Lords and at the special Instance and Request of the Commons Hath ordained The Precedents in this Point are so numerous that it were endless to cite them The Statutes in Hen. 7. days do for the most part agree both in the Titles and Bodies of the Acts in these words Our Lord the King by the Assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons iâ—… Parliament assembled and by the Authority of the same hath ordained Unto this Kings time we find the Commons very often petitioning but not petitioned unto The first Petition made to the Commons that I meet with among the Statutes is but in the middle of this King Hen 7. Reign which was so well approved that the Petition it self is turned into â—… Statute It begins thus To the Right Worshipfuâ—… Commons in this present Parliament assembled Sheweth to your discreet Wisdoms the Wardens of the Fellowship of the Craft of Upholsters within London c. This Petition though it be directed to the Commons in the Title yet the Prayer of the Petition is turned to the King and not to the Commons for it concludes therefore it may please the Kings Highness by the Advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and his Commons in Parliament c. Next for the Statutes of Hen. 8. they do most part agree both in their Titles and the Bodies of the Acts with those of his Father King Hen. 7. Lastly In the Statutes of Edw. 6. Qu. Mary Q. Elizabeth K. Iames and of our Sovereign Lord the King that now is there is no Mention made in their Titles of any Assent of Lords and Commons or of any Ordaining by the King but only in general terms it is said Acts made in Parliament or thus At the Parliament were Enacted yet in the Bodies of many of these Acts of these last Princes there is sometimes Mention made of Consent of Lords and Commons in these or the like words It is Enacted by the King with the Assent of the Lords and Commons Except only in the Statutes of our Lord King Charles wherein there is no Mention that I can find of any Consent of the Lords and Commons or Ordaining by the King But the words are Be it Enacted by Authority of Parliament or else Be it Enacted by the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons as if they were all Fellow-Commissioners Thus it appears that even till the time of K. Ed. 6. who lived but in our Fathers dayes it was punctually expressed in every King's Laws that the Statutes Ordinances were made by the King And withal we may see by what degrees the Styles and Titles oâ—… Acts of Parliament have been varied and to whose Disadvantage The higher we look the more absolute we find the Power of Kings in Ordaininâ—… Laws nor do we meet with at first so much as thâ—… Assent or Advice of the Lords mentioned Nay 〈◊〉 we cast our eye upon many Statutes of those that bâ—… of most Antiquity they will appear as if they weâ—… no Laws at all but as if they had been made only to teach us that the Punishments of many Offencâ—… were left to the meere pleasure of Kings The punitive part of the Law which gives all the Vigoâ—… and Binding Power to the Law we find committed by the
next under God the Sovereignty over the Israelites p. 252. but he doth not allow it to Ioshua but will have it descend to Eleazar the High-Priest Aaron's son His Proof is God expresly saith concerning Ioshua He shall stand before Eleazar who shall ask Counsel for him before the Lord after the judgment of Urim is omitted by Mr. Hobs at his word they shall go out c. therefore the Supreme Power of making Peace and War was in the Priest Answ. The Work of the High-Priest was onely Ministerial not Magisterial he had no power to Command in War or to Judge in Peace onely when the Sovereign or Governour did go up to War he enquired of the Lord by the Ministry of the High Priest and as the Hebrews say the Enquirer with a soft voice as one that prayeth for himself asked and forthwith the Holy Ghost came upon the Priest and he beheld the Brest-plate and saw therein by the Vision of Prophecy Go up or go not up in the letters that shewed forth themselves upon the Brest-plate before his face then the Priest answered him Go up or Go not up If this Answer gave the Priest Sovereignty then neither King Saul nor King David had the Sovereignty who both asked Counsel of the Lord by the Priest OBSERVATIONS ON Mr. Milton Against SALMASIUS I. AMong the many Printed Books and several Discourses touching the Right of Kings and the Liberty of the People I cannot find that as yet the first and chief Point is agreed upon or indeed so much as once disputed The word King and the word People are familiar one would think every simple man could tell what they signified but upon Examination it will be found that the learnedst cannot agree of their Meaning Ask Salmasius what a King is and he will teach us that a King is he who hath the Supreme Power of the Kingdom and is accountable to none but God and may do what he please and is free from the Laws This Definition I. M. abominates as being the Definion of a Tyrant And I should be of his Mind if he would have vouchsafed us a better or any other Definition at all that would tell us how any King can have a Supreme Power without being freed from humane Laws To find fault with it without producing any other is to leave us in the Dark but though Mr. Milton brings us neither Definition nor Description of a King yet we may pick out of several Passages of him something like a Definition if we lay them together He teacheth us that Power was therefore given to a King by the People that he might see by the Authority to him committed that nothing be done against Law and that he keeps our Laws and not impose upon us his own Therefore there is no Regal Power but in the Courts of the Kingdom and by them pag. 155. And again he affirmeth the King cannot Imprison Fine or punish any man except he be first cited into some Court where not the King but the usual Iudges give Sentence pag. 168. and before we are told not the King but the Authority of Parliament doth set up and take away all Courts pag. 167. Lo here the Description of a King He is one to whom the People give Power to see that nothing be done against Law and yet he saith there is no Regal Power but in the Courts of Iustice and by them where not the King but the usual Iudges give Sentence This Description not only strips the King of all Power whatsoever but puts him in a Condition below the meanest of his Subjects Thus much may shew that all men are not agreed what a King is Next what the word People means is not agreed upon ask Aristotle what the People is and he will not allow any Power to be in any but in free Citizens If we demand who be free Citizens That he cannot resolve us for he confesseth that he that is a free Citizen in one City is not so in another City And he is of Opinion that no Artificer should be a free Citizen or have Voice in a well ordered Commonwealth he accounts a Democratie which word signifies the Government of the People to be a corrupted sort of Government he thinks many men by Nature born to be Servants and not fit to govern as any part of the People Thus doth Aristotle curtal the People and cannot give us any certain Rule to know who be the People Come to our Modern Politicians and ask them who the People is though they talk big of the People yet they take up and are content with a few Representors as they call them of the whole People a Point Aristotle was to seek in neither are these Representors stood upon to be the whole People but the major part of these Representors must be reckoned for the whole People nay I. M. will not allow the major part of the Representors to be the People but the sounder and better part only of them and in right down terms he tells us pag. 126. to determine who is a Tyrant he leaves to Magistrates at least to the uprighter sort of them and of the People pag. 7. though in number less by many to judge as they find cause If the sounder the better and the uprighter Part have the Power of the People how shall we know or who shall judge who they be II. One Text is urged by Mr. Milton for the Peoples Power Deut. 17. 14. When thou art come into the Land which thy Lord thy God giveth thee and shalt say I will set a King over me like as all the Nations about me It is said by the Tenure of Kings these words confirm us that the Right of Choosing yea of Changing their own Government is by the Grant of God himself in the People But can the foretelling or forewarning of the Israelites of a wanton and wicked Desire of theirs which God himself condemned be made an Argument that God gave or granted them a Right to do such a wicked thing or can the Narration and reproving of a Future Fact be a Donation and approving of a present Right or the Permission of a Sin be made a Commission for the doing of it The Author of his Book against Salmasius falls so far from making God the Donor or Grantor that he cites him only for a Witness Teste ipso Deo penes populos arbitrium semper fuisse vel ea quae placerâ—…t forma reipub utendi vel hanc in aliam mutandi de Hebraeis hoc disertè dicit Deus de reliquis non abnuit That here in this Text God himself being Witness there was always a Power in the People either to use what Form of Government they pleased or of changing it into another God saith this expresly of the Hebrews and denies it not of others Can any man find that God in this Text expresly saith that there was always a Right in the People to use what Form