Letter to Palladius he commends him for being Orthodox and approves of his staying with Innocent He rebukes those Monks that would not obey St. Basil but praises this Bishop saying he was the Glory of the Church for he contended for the Truth and taught those that needed Instruction and none could be good Catholicks that had any Dispute with him He adds That he had written to his Monks to obey him as their Father and that they were to blame for complaining of him Probably 't was about the Question of the Hypostases that the Monks had some Dispute with St. Basil. After we have spoken of his Historical Works let us now come to the Dogmatical The First of these are the two Treatises against the Gentiles whereof the Second is now entituled Of the Incarnation In the First of these two Books he Opposes Idolatry and Establishes the Worship of the true God he discovers the source of Idolatry that it comes from the Corruption of Man's Heart who being created after the Image of God fell under the guilt of Adam's Sin and inherited from him an unhappy Inclination to Sin which the Will does very often follow though it be free to resist it From this Principle he concludes in the first place against the Hereticks That 't is not necessary there should be two Principles or two Gods one Good the Author of Good and another Evil the Author of Evil. He refutes this Impious Opinion by Reason and Authority and concludes that Sin is not a Substance but that it entred into the World by the Fall of the First Man He observes that this is the source of all Idolatry that Men being faln from their first Estate do no longer raise their Heart and Spirit to things Spiritual but fix them on things Terrestrial and Sensible He refutes afterwards the different kinds of Idolatry and shows that we ought not to Worship nor Acknowledge for Divinities either the Gods of the Poets or the World or any part of it After he has thus overthrown all kinds of Idolatry he establishes the Existence and Worship of the true God He demonstrates that God may be known by the Light of Nature 1. From our selves that 's to say by Reflexion upon our own Thoughts that he is neither Corporeal nor Mortal 2. From the Beauty of the Universe which discovers the Existence of him as the Cause of it Then he shows that this God is the Father of Jesus Christ and that he created all things and governs them by his Word The Second Treatise against the Gentiles is that which is entituled Of the Incarnation of Jesus Christ because there he treats of that Mystery For explaining the Causes of it he goes back as far as the Beginning of the World and proves that it was not made by chance nor fram'd of an Eternal Matter but that God the Father created it by his Word After this he speaks of the Fall of Man who being created after the Image of God addicted himself to things corruptible and perishing and so became the Cause of his own Misery and Corruption He says that the Fall of Man was the cause of the Incarnation of the Word because God pitying Man resolv'd to send his Son to Save him and to give him the means of obtaining that Immortality which he had lost Upon this Principle he founds the Necessity of the Incarnation of the Word which he proves First Because the Son being the Essential Image of his Father there was none but he that could render Man like to God as he was before his Fall 2. Because as the Word is the Reason and Wisdom of his Father there is none but he can teach Men and undeceive them of their Errors From the Causes of the Incarnation he passes to its Effects and after he has described the Graces which the Word has merited for Mankind by his Incarnation he speaks of his Death and shows that he was to die as he did by the Torments of the Cross that by his Death he might conquer Death both in himself and us Lastly He proves the Resurrection of Jesus Christ by the wonderful Effects that follow'd his Death and by the contempt of Death wherewith it inspir'd his Disciples After he has thus explain'd the Doctrine of Christians he refutes the Jews and Pagans the former by proving from the Prophets that Jesus is the Messias promis'd in the Old Testament and the latter from the Miracles of Jesus Christ from the destruction of Idolatry and the Establishment of the Doctrine of the Gospel which though contrary to the Lusts and Passions of Men was entertain'd without difficulty and in a little time by the greatest part of the World He concludes these Discourses with an Advertisement to his Friend Macarius to whom they are directed That he should have recourse to the Holy Scripture which is the Fountain from whence these things are drawn to which he adds this Remark that for the better understanding of it we should lead a Life like to that of the Authors of these holy Books St. Athanasius wrote but two Treatises against the Gentiles for his other Dogmatical Treatises are either about the Trinity or the Incarnation The Four Discourses against the Arians are the chief of his Dogmatical Works In the First which is call'd the Second he convicts the Sect of the Arians of Heresie for which end he first makes use of an Argument which he employs against all Hereticks which is the Novelty of their Sect and the Name which it bears Then he explains their Doctrine and proves that 't is Impious full of Blasphemies and comes near to that of the Jews and Gentiles Lastly He refutes their Reasons and clears up a great many difficulties which they propose against the Doctrine of the Church In the Second Treatise which is the Third in the common Editions he explains some of the Passages which the Arians alledge to prove that the Son is a Creature and insists chiefly upon that in Chap. 8. of the Proverbs The Lord hath created me in the beginning of his ways c. He says towards the end That the Arians run a hazard of having no true Baptism because to make this Sacrament valid 't is not sufficient to pronounce the words but we must also have a right understanding of them and a right Faith He adds That if the Baptism of other Hereticks who pronounce the same words be null and void because they have not a true Faith 't is to be thought that we ought to give the same Judgment of the Baptism of the Arians who are become the worst of all Hereticks These words of St. Athanasius shew That in his time those that had been Baptiz'd by Hereticks were Rebaptiz'd in the Church of Alexandria though they had been Baptiz'd in the Name of the Trinity In the Third Discourse which is reckon'd for the Fourth he proves That the Father and the Son have but one and the same Substance and one
Divine Wisdom that seems to be folly to the World In the Fourth Book He describes the Errors of the Hereticks concerning the Consubstantiality of the Word He opposes to them the Faith of the Church Answers the Passages which they alledge and endeavours to prove the Divinity of the Word by many Passages taken out of the Old Testament He continues the same Subject in the Fifth Book where he thinks That 't was the Word which appear'd to Abraham to Jacob to Moses and the other Patriarchs who is call'd an Angel because of his Ministry and not because of his Nature In the Sixth Book he proves That Jesus Christ is the Son of God By the Testimony of his Father By his own Declaration By the Preaching of the Apostles By the Confession of the Faithful By the Acknowledgment of the Devils and Jews and by the Belief of the Gentiles We must observe here That in citing a Passage of the Epistle to the Romans he appeals to the Greek Text as to the Original In the Seventh He shews that the Son of God is truly God There he observes That the Hereticks use very great Address and Subtilty to Maintain their corrupt Opinions which they falsly pretend to have from Religion That they deceive the Simple by their Expressions which are Catholick in appearance that they accommodate themselves to the Wisdom of this World That they corrupt the true Sence of Scripture Expressions by the Explications which they add as it were to give an Account of what they say He adds That 't is this which renders the Matter of the Trinity a difficult Subject to treat on For if on the one side says he I declare that there is but one God Sabellius will think that I espouse his Opinion If I say That the Son is God the modern Hereticks will accuse me of admitting Two Gods If I affirm That the Son is born of the Virgin Ebion and Photinus will make use of this Truth to Establish their Impiety But says he the Doctrine of the Church confounds all these Errors The Power of Truth is so great that even its Enemies explain it that the more 't is oppos'd the more force it gains and certainly the Church was never more Triumphant than when it was most vigorously attack'd It was never more Famous than when it was reproach'd It was never more Powerful than when it seem'd to be abandon'd She wishes That all Men would continue in her Bosom and She is never more troubled than when She is oblig'd to throw any one out and deliver him up to the Devil But when the Hereticks go out from Her or when She casts them out as She loses on one side the occasion of giving them Salvation so She gains this Advantage on the other of discovering the Happiness of those who continue inviolably fix'd in Her Communion And a few Lines after he adds All Heresies attack the Church and while they attack the Church they overcome one another But the Victory is gain'd to the Church and not to them for they all Quarrel about those Errors which are all equally rejected by the Church Sabellius for Instance does unanswerably confute the Error of Arius Arius confounds the Error of Photinus and so of the rest but in vain do they mutually Conquer one another for they are always overcome in some Article or other and the Church alone remains victorious over all Errors by professing that Jesus Christ is the true God Son of the true God born before all Ages and afterwards begotten of Mary Lastly he proves that he is God because the Name of God is given him in the New Testament and from what is there said of his Birth his Nature his Power and his Actions In the Eighth Book he shows the essential Unity of the Father and the Son and refutes the Interpretations of the Hereticks by explaining the Passages which they alledged to prove that the Unity of the Father and the Son is an Unity of Will and Judgment and not of Essence and Nature At the Beginning of this Book he observes That 't is not sufficient for a Bishop to live a Good Life but he must also teach Sound Doctrine that as his Life must be Innocent so his Preaching must be Learn'd for if he be Pious without being Learned he will not be serviceable to others and if he be Learned without being Holy his Doctrine will want Authority From whence he concludes That the Holiness of a Bishop should shine more brightly by his Learning and his Doctrine should be recommended by the Holiness of his Life Ut vita ejus ornetur docendo doctrina vivendo There is in this Book an excellent Passage for the real Presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist where he says That by this Sacrament we truly receive the Flesh and Blood of Jesus Christ who remains corporeally in us In the Ninth Book he answers the great Objections of the Arians founded upon Five Passages of Scripture whereof he explains the true sence And First of all he shews That they abuse the Passages which they alledge by perverting them from their Natural Sence That they do not explain them by their Connexion with what follows and what goes before That they attribute to the Divinity of Jesus Christ that which should only be attributed to his Humanity Upon this occasion he discourses of the Union of the two Natures in Jesus Christ and explains how by virtue of this Union those things are attributed to God which agree only to the Humane Nature and those to Man which belong to the Divinity Afterwards he explains the Passages which the Arians continually object to the Catholicks one by one The First which is taken out of the Tenth Chapter of St. Mark is the Answer which Jesus Christ made to the Rich young Man who call'd him Good Master Why callest thou me Good says he there is none Good but God from whence the Arians concluded That Jesus Christ was not truly God St. Hilary answers That he does not particularly reprove the Young Man for calling him Good but because he gives him this Title as if it agreed to him in the Capacity of a Doctor of the Law The Young Man says he not knowing that he was the Messias who came to save the lost Sheep of the House of Israel ask'd him as a Doctor of the Law and gave him the Title which the Doctors take to themselves Jesus Christ reproves this Notion and to explain to him in what sence he should be called Good he tells him None is Good but God showing by this That he was so far from rejecting the title of Good as it agreed to God that he accepted of it in that sence And therefore his Answer is one Proof of his Divinity which ought to be understood in this sence Why call you me good if you believe not that I am God There is none Good but God which supposes that he himself was God St.
City were pillag'd and oppress'd by the Tyranny of the Councils alledging also that he was oblig'd to pass over into England to give an Account why he refus'd to demolish the Towers of his Church and that he was ready to undertake another Voyage to Rome which would put him out of a Capacity of defraying the Charges that were requisite for a Journey to the Council In the Twenty first he entreats a certain Bishop of England to furnish him with St. Anselm's Disputation against the Greeks in the Council of Bari concerning the Procession of the Holy Ghost and returns thanks to that Prelate in the following Letter for sending it to him In the Twenty third he intercedes with an Abbot in behalf of a Monk who return'd to his Monastery after he had left it to treat him favourably In the Thirtieth he sharply reproves a Priest who caus'd a Person to be put to the Rack whom he suspected to have committed a Robbery In the Thirty first he gives excellent Instructions to a Lady who had forsaken the Vanities of the World and in the Thirty Third he reprehends a certain Rich Lord for his Pride and Covetousness In the Thirty fourth he declares that he refus'd to approve the intended Marriage of a Count with one of his Kins-women altho' it might put an end to a War that was carry'd on between him and his future Father-in-Law In the Thirty sixth he represents to a Christian Virgin the advantages of a single Life and gives her wholesome Advice more especially relating to the Vertue of Humility In the Thirty Seventh he comforts a certain Person who was much troubled in regard that he was diverted from the Contemplative Life to take upon him the Pastoral Charge and shews by Examples taken out of Holy Scriptures that it is profitable to joyn the Active to the Contemplative Life In the Thirty eighth he acquaints the Bishop of Angouleme the Pope's Legate with the Irregularities of the Monks of St. Evron to the end that he might send him Word after what manner he ought to proceed against them The Thirty ninth is a Circular Letter written to the Bishops and Priests and in general to all Christians concerning his Imprisonment He was sent for by the Count of Rotrou who was then a Prisoner and having receiv'd his Confession with his last Will and Testament by which that Noble-man bequeath'd his Estate to the Church carry'd that Will to his Mother who gave him good Entertainment But the next day Hildebert himself was taken Prisoner by Count Hubert Chancellor of Rotrou who detain'd him notwithstanding the entreaties of the Inhabitants of the Country and the Sentence of Excommunication publish'd by the Bishop of Chartres and would not release him till he paid his Ransom He declares that such an Act is unworthy of a Bishop and that he chose rather to lose his Life than to redeem it with Money In the Fortieth he exhorts Serâ—o Bishop of Seez to Excommunicate Hubert who kept him in Prison The Forty first contains wholesome Instructions to a Young Widow who after having lead a disorderly Life for some time devoted her self to God He furnishes her with proper Remedies against Temptations In the Forty second he advertises a Bishop that Lisiard ought not to be Excommunicated for committing Sacrilege and a Rape since the Virgin whom he took to Wife was only put into a Monastery to be Instructed and in regard that she left it to Marry him by the Order of her Mother and Aunt In the Forty fourth he determines that a Priest who offer'd the Sacrifice of the Mass with ordinary Bread having no other at Hand ought to be punish'd rather upon the scandal he had given than for the Fault which was not great In the Forty ninth he commends the Action of a Bishop who had hinder'd the removing of certain Persons out of the Church who had taken Sanctuary therein The Fifty first is a large Confutation of a certain Person who reviv'd the Error of Vigilantius and maintain'd that the Invocation of Saints was unprofitable because they do not hear our Prayers and have no knowlege of Transactions on Earth This Man gave it out that Hildebert was of his mind which oblig'd him not only to disown that Opinion but also to shew by the Testimony of the Fathers that the Saints hear our Prayers and that they make Intercession for us with God In the Fifty third he excuses himself to Clarembaldus Canon of Oxford for not having sent to him sooner the History of the Miracles which happen'd in that City because they had slipt out of his Mind He gives him to understand That the second Memorandum which he directed to him contain'd some of the same Miracles with different Circumstances but nevertheless he did not judge it expedient to alter his first Relation yet he left him at liberty either to correct or to suppress it according to his Discretion In the Fifty fifth he congratulates the Bishop of Clermont for bestowing an Arch-deaconry on one of the Sub-deacons of the Church of Mans a Person very worthy to be promoted to that Dignity upon account of his Learning and Virtue and declaims against the Custom that was introduced to retain Spiritual Livings in a Family as it were by right of Succession citing divers Passages against that Abuse The Fifty sixth is a consolatory Letter to a King upon occasion of the Death of his Son It contains divers excellent Moral and Christian Maxims touching the Constancy with which Wise and Christian People ought to bear Afflictions In the Fifty ninth he dissuades a certain Count from undertaking a Voyage to St. James of Compostella because his Duty oblig'd him to continue in the Country where his Presence was necessary In the Sixtieth he writes to the Bishop of Chartres with reference to a Priest who having been attack'd by a Robber knock'd him on the Head with a Stone so that he died of the Wound His Bishop after having suspended him for seven Years from the Celebration of Divine Service at last consulted Hildebert to know whether he ought to restore him to his Functions The latter declares That it seem'd to him that a Priest who has committed Man-slaughter ought no longer to offer the Holy Sacrifice although he did it in his own defence He maintains with St. Ambrose That it is not lawful for one Man to kill another even in defending his own Life and although it were permitted yet it ought not to be done He concludes That if the like case had happen'd to one of his Diocesans he would have referr'd the Matter to the Holy See In the Sixty first he reproves certain Monks who refus'd to entertain the Bishop of Chartres at their Table He shews that the perfection of the Monastick Life does not consist in performing the outward Duties but in the Practice of Humility and Charity As for what those Monks alledg'd as an Excuse for their neglect viz. That they were
of Jesus Christ which is peculiar to the Christians He says that the Christians do not look upon him as a mere Man but as God who is the WORD of God begotten of the same Substance that he is thus God and the Son of God and that his Father and He are One that the WORD coming down into the Womb of a Virgin as was formerly foretold took Flesh upon him and was born God-Man He only desires them to consider it as a Fable like theirs till he has proved it by Invincible Arguments Which he presently does by the Authority of the Prophets who have plainly foretold Jesus Christ by the Miracles which he wrought by that extraordinary Eclipse which happened at his Death that is taken notice of in the very Records of the Heathens and lastly by his Miraculous Resurrection And all these Things says he are Authorized by the Testimony of Pilate who being already a Christian in his Heart wrote them to Tiberius Caesar and the Caesars had then been Christians if it had been possible either that the World could subsist without Emperors or that the Emperors could be Christians He adds to these Proofs that of the Establishment of the Church notwithstanding Persecutions and that which may be drawn from the Confession of the Heathen Gods that is to say the Daemons who submitted themselves to Jesus Christ and were against their wills driven out of the Bodies of those that were Possessed only by the Name of Jesus Christ. And here he makes a Digression to prove that the Romans owed not their Greatness and Prosperity to their Gods from whence he concludes that the Christians are not guilty of Treason since the Gods whom they will not own have not any Power to Succour and Preserve the Emperors But says he we Invoke for their Prosperity the Eternal the True and the Living God who gave them their Life and their Empire who alone has power over them and who alone is above them and after whom they are the Chiefest They are Great only because they acknowledge themselves Inferior to him Ideo magnus est quia Coelo minor est 'T is this God to whom the Christians pray with their whole Hearts for all the Emperors that he would grant them a long Life a peaceable Reign a faithful Council valiant Soldiers an obedient People and in a word all that a Man and an Emperor can possibly desire He adds that the Christians have greater Obligations upon them for the Performance of this than other Men. First because the Holy Scripture enjoyns them to it and Secondly because being perswaded that the World should end together with the Roman Empire they desired to retard those Calamities which were to happen at the end of all Things by praying for the Preservation of the Empire That it is true that the Christians do not swear by the Genii of the Caesars nor by their Health which is more precious than those Genii who are only Daemons and that they do not Solemnize the Festivals of the Emperors but that this is only for fear of falling into Idolatry That in other things they are more Obedient and better Subjects than other Men though they have the Power in their hands if they had a mind to defend themselves We have been says he but a little time in the World yet we are to be met with in all places you may find us in the Cities in the Villages in the Armies in the Courts of Justice in the Senate and in the Markets We have left you your Temples alone to your selves What Wars might not we be capable of Undertaking And with what Resolution might not we carry them on though we had not near so many Troops as you we who die daily with so much Joy were it not a Law amongst us to suffer our selves rather to be killed than to kill others Si non apud istam Disciplinam magis liceret occidi quam occidere But how could the Heathens object That the difference of Religion could cause any disturbance in the Commonwealth or make Parties and Factions He says that the Christians have no Ambition nor Pretentions in this World as they are Christians are so far from forming any Parties against the Government that they think upon nothing less than State-Affairs And that he might perswade the whole World of this Truth see the Description which he makes of the Christians of his time and of their Assemblies We make up says he a Body that is united by the Bond of the same Religion the same Discipline and the same Hope We assemble our selves and compose if I may so say a Body of an Army to force Heaven by our Prayers and this Violence is very acceptable to God We pray not only for our selves but also for the Emperors for their Ministers for the Magistrates for the good of the State for the Peace and Quietness of the Empire and lastly for the retarding the end of the World Besides we assemble our selves to Read the Holy Scriptures according to our different Wants and Necessities for our Instruction and Information in our Duty These Sacred Oracles are of signal Use for the preserving our Faith the confirming our Hope and the regulating our Manners by the Meditation upon its Precepts And 't is in these Assemblies that the necessary Exhortations and Reproofs are to be expected The Judgments which are there delivered are given with all the Equity and Circumspection imaginable because those who pass Judgment are verily perswaded that Almighty God takes notice of them Their Censures are all Divine and 't is a great Presumption of God's future Judgment against any One when he has committed any Sin for which he deserves to be separated from the Communion of Bread and from Prayer and the Assembly of the Faithful and in a word to be deprived of all manner of Communion of holy Things Those who preside among us are the most Ancient and such whose Probity is very well known and this Honour is not to be purchased for Money but it is bestowed upon pure Virtue for all those Concerns which relate to God are not to be valued at a Price If we have any kind of Treasure it is not to be look'd upon as a Blessing that is any ways dishonourable to our Religion as if it was to be purchased upon any account Every one contributes according to his Ability what Alms he pleases and when he pleases which yet is commonly done Monthâ—y None are compelled every one gives freely what he will These Contributions are the Contributions of Piety for we do not employ them in making merry Meetings or in other unnecessary Expences But to maintain and bury Orphans and poor People to relieve old Men and infirm Persons to assist the Faithful who are exiled into the Islands or condemned to work in the Mines or confined in Prison for having embraced the Faith of Jesus Christ. We all call our selves Brethren not only because we are
Marcellus of Ancyra Of the Council of Constantinople against Paul Bishop of that City Of the Council of Alexandria for St. Athanasius Of the Council of Rome under Pope Julius for Athanasius Of Councils held at Antioch Of the Council of Milan Of the supposititious Council of Cologne against Euphratas Of the Council of Sardica Of the first Council of Sirmium Of the second Council of Sirmium Of the Council of Arles Of the Council of Milan Of the Council of Beziers Of the third Council of Sirmium Of the Council of Antioch Of the Council of Ancyra Of the fourth Council of Sirmium Of the fifth Council of Sirmium Of the Synod of Ariminum Of the Council of Seleucia Of the Council of Constantinople Of the Synod of Melitine Of the Synod of Antioch Of the Synod of Alexandria Of the Council of Paris Of the Council of Italy Of the Council of the Egyptian Bishops held as Antioch Of the Council of Antioch under Meletius Of the Council of Lampsacus Of the Council of Singedunum compos'd of Arian Bishops Of the Synods held by the Semi-Arians Of the Synod of Tyana Of the Council of Gangra Of the Council of Laodicea Of the Council of Rome under Damasus Of the Council of Rome under Ursicinus Of the Council of Valence Of the Council of Antioch for restoring Peace i◠that Church Of the Councils of Constantinople Of the second Council of Constantinople Of the third Council of Constantinople Of the Council of Aquileia Of the Council of Saragossa Of the Council of Sida in Pamphylia Of the Council of Bourdeaux Of the Council of Capua Of the Councils of Rome and Milan against Jovinian Of the Council of the Novatians held at Sangarus Of the first Council of Carthage Of the second Council of Carthage Of the Councils of Cabarsussa and Bagaïs Of the Council of Hippo. Of the Council of Carthage in the Year 394. Of the Council of Carthage in the Year 397. Of the Council of Carthage in the Year 398 called the IV. Of the Council of Carthage in the Year 399. Of the Council of Carthage in the Year 401 commonly called the V. Of the Council of Constantinople in the Year 394. Of the Council of Alexandria in the Year 399. Of the Council of Cyprus at the same time Of the Council of Turin Of the Council of Toledo An Abridgment of the Doctrine of the Church in the fourth Century An Abridgment of the Discipline of the Church in the fourth Century AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE OF THE Names of the Authors mentioned in this Volume A. ACACIUS of Caesurea Page 79 AETIUS 98 ALEXANDER 27 St. AMBROSE 198 AMBROSE of Alexandria ibid. St. AMPHILOCHIUS 184 St. ANTHONY 53 The APOLLINARII 100 AQUILIUS SEVERUS 106 ASTERIUS 52 St. ATHANASIUS 28 B. BASIL of Ancyra 59 St. BASIL 122 C. St. CAESARIUS 184 CONSTANTINE 11 St. CYRIL of Jerusalem 107 D. DAMASUS 120 DICTINIUS 190 DIDYMUS 103 DIODORUS 188 DONATUS 53 E. St. EPIPHANIUS 234 St. EPHREM 115 EVAGRIUS of Antioch 198 EUNOMIUS 98 EUSEBIUS of Caesarea 1 EUSEBIUS of Edessa 59 EUSEBIUS VERCELLENSIS 186 EUSTATHIUS of Antioch 21 EUZOIUS 106 F. FAUSTINUS 192 G. GELASIUS of Caesarea 195 GEORGE of Laodicea 100 GREGORY of Boetica 85 St. GREGORY NAZIANZEN 159 St. GREGORY NYSSEN 176 H. HELIODORUS 53 St. HILARY 64 HILARY the Deacon 189 Q. JULIUS HILARION 240 HOSIUS 50 I. JACOBUS NISIBENUS 49 ITHACIUS 192 JULIUS 51 JUVENCUS 20 L. LIBERIUS 60 LUCIFER 79 LUCIUS 106 M. The MACARII 55 MACROBIUS 53 MARCELLUS of Ancyra 50 MATRONIANUS 190 MAXIMUS 186 MELETIUS 187 N. NECTARIUS 195 O. St. OPTATUS 87 ORESIESIS 55 P. St. PACIANUS 81 St. PACHOMIUS 54 PHAEBADIUS 85 PHILASTRIUS 192 PHILO CARPATHIUS 240 PHOTINUS 98 PETER of Alexandria I. 25 PETER of Alexandria II. 105 PRISCILLIAN 190 R. RHETICIUS 22 S. SABINUS 198 SERAPION 58 SIRICIUS 196 T. THEODORUS of Perinthus 52 THEODORUS Disciple of St. Pachomius 55 THEOTIMUS 198 TIBERIANUS 190 TIMOTHY of Alexandria 195 TITUS of Bostra 102 TRYPHILLIUS 52 V. VICTORINUS 80 VITELLIUS 53 AN Alphabetical TABLE OF THE COUNCILS A. Councils of Alexandria Pag. 242. 250. 255. 265. 285. Councils of Ancyra 248. 263. Of Antioch 254. 256. 258. 263. 265 266. ibid. 271 272. Of Aquileia 273. Of the Semi Arians 267. Of Ariminum 263. Of Arles 247. 262. B. Councils of Bagais 277. Of Beziers 263. Of Bithynia 250. Of Bourdeaux 275. C. Councils of Cabarsussa 277. Of Capua 275. Of Carthage 245. 275 276 277. 280. 283. Of Caesarea 254. Of Cirtha 241. Of Cologne 258. Of Constantinople 255. 265. 271. 285. Of Cyprus 285. E. Council of Elvira 242. G. Council of Gangra 267. H. Council of Hippo 277. I. Councils of Jerusalem 255. Of Italy 266. L. Councils of Lampsacus 266. Of Laodicea 268. M. Councils of Melitine 265. Of Milan 258. 262. 275. N. Councils of Neocaesarea 248. Of Nice 250. P. Council of Paris 266. R. Council of Rome 246. 255. 270. ibid 275. S. Councils of Sangarus 275. Of Saragossa 274. Of Sardica 259. Of Seleucia 264. Of Sida Of Singedunum 267. Of Sinuessa 241. Of Sirmium 261 262 263. ib. ibid. T. Council of Toledo 285. Of Turin 285. Of Tyana 267. Of Tyre 254. V. Council of Valence 270. BIBLIOTHECA PATRUM OR A NEW HISTORY OF Ecclesiastical Writers TOME II. CONTAINING An Account of the LIVES and WRITINGS of the Primitive FATHERS that Flourished in the Fourth Century of Christianity with Censures upon all their BOOKS determining which are Genuine and which Spurious EUSEBIUS of Caesarea EUSEBIUS Surnam'd Pamphilus a Surnam'd Pamphilus From the Name of the Martyr Pamphilus his Friend and not of his Brother as Nicephorus believ'd for in the 7th Book of his History he says That he was first acquainted with him when he was a Priest was Born in Palaestine b Palaestine All the Ancients call him Eusebius of Palaestine In the First Book of the Life of Constantine he testifies that he had his Education in Palaestine and in the Second Book of the same Work after he has repeated a Law of Constantine directed to those of Palaestine he adds This was the first Letter which Constantine address'd unto us 'T is not known who were his Kindred Some have thought that he was the Kinsman of Eusebius of Nicomedia because in a Letter of Arius to this Bishop Eusebius of Caesarea is call'd his Brother Neither is it known who were his Masters In the Seventh Book of his History he says That he hearo Dorotheus a Priest of Antioch expound the Scriptures from whence Trithemius and some others have concluded that he was his Scholar Acacius Successor to Eusebius wrote his Life but 't is lost towards the latter end of the Reign of Galienus c Towards the latter End of the Reign of Galienus There is some Proof of this Epocha For in his History Book III. Ch. 28. he says That Denys of Alexandria who died the 12th Year of the Reign of Galienus liv'd in his time And in the Fifth Book he says That
humane Nature was changed into the Divine from whence some took occasion in the Council to accuse him of the Error of the Theopassians But he teaches the contrary in the Fourth Book of his Demonstration where he formally denies that the Divine Nature suffered Yet in the 14th Ch. he says That after the Resurrection of Jesus Christ the Man was swallowed up of the Divine Nature and that the Word was become God as he was before he was Man the Man being made God But this is only a Figurative Expression to denote the Glory of the Humanity of Christ for he plainly rejects this Error in his Books of Mystick Theology against Marcellus especially B. III. Ch. 10 11 c. acknowledging in Jesus Christ two Natures united in one and the same Person and yet distinguish'd by Dem. B. 4. c. 2. B. 3. c. 13. Eccl. Theol. B. 1. c. 20. and 13. Dem. B. 4. c. 2. B. 3. c. 2. and 13. their Properties His Discourse is very sound as to the causes of Christs coming and his Death and the Merits of his Sacrifice which he offered upon the Cross to make satisfaction for Mankind where he saith that his Divinity suffered not but only his Humanity He Discourseth often of the good Offices of the Angels to Men and of the Worship that 's due to them he gives an Account of the fall of the Evil Praep. B. 7. c. 6. Dem. B. 3. c. 9. Praep. B. 7. c. 6. Dem. B. 3. c. 6. Hist. B. 1. Dem. B. 1. c. 10 and 8. and B. 3. B. 1. c. 9. B. 5. c. 3. B. 4. Of the Life of Constantine Angels and demonstrates that the Ancient Patriarchs had some knowledge of Jesus Christ and that they were saved by the Merits of his Death He attributes much to the Free-will of Man He praises the State of Virginity as more perfect and the Celibacy of Priests without blaming Marriage He acknowledges that the Monuments of the Saints have a just Right to be Honour'd He Discourses of the Oblation of the Body and Blood of Christ of which he saith The Bread offered by Melchisedech was a Figure In fine He approves the Prayers of the Church for the Dead Photius Epist. 144. accuses him of denying with Origen the General Resurrection and at the same time takes Notice that many have not observ'd this Error in his Writings and that it is not to be discover'd there but by a careful Examination of them But however it may be in other Books there is not the least footstep of it in those that are now extant St. Jerom maintains in his Book against Ruffinus That Eusebius alone was the Author of the Six Books of Apology for Origen which have been ascribed to Pamphilus But it appears by the Testimony of Eusebius himself B. VI. of his History Ch. 33. and also by that of Photius That he compos'd the 1st Five Books together with Pamphilus and added the 6th after his Martyrdom We have the Translation of the 1st of those Books which he begins with an Invective against those that accuse the Person and Doctrine of Origen and then he produces many Passages out of his Works to justifie him concerning the Trinity and the Incarnation the Pains of the Damn'd and concerning the Nature and State of Souls St. Jerom accuses Ruffinus of having changed those places in his Version which seem'd to favour the Error of the Arians about the Divinity of the Son and the Holy Ghost Ruffinus does not deny the Charge but only pretends that those Passages had been added Some Books of this Apology contain'd the Life of Origen and a Catalogue of his Writings as appears by the Testimony of St. Jerom and the Report of Photius Vol. 118. of his Bibliotheque The Book of Topography or the Names that the Hebrews give to several Countries translated by St. Jerom and lately publish'd in Greek is a Geographical Explication of all the Countries Cities and Places which are mention'd in the Books of the Old Testament This Treatise is very Exact and Curious and shews that Eusebius was an able Man in every thing The Harmony of the Evangelists or the Rules for Reconciling them contains Ten Tables in each of which he has mark'd by Arithmetical Figures with wonderful Art what is related by 4 by 3 by 2 or by 1 Evangelist only So that in reading the New Testament where the Figures of those Tables are mark'd in the Margin one may presently know by having recourse to that Table not only by how many and by which of the Evangelists but also in what places it has been related He compos'd these Rules according to the Harmony of Ammonius to which they were instead of a Table as he himself observes in his Letter to Carpianus at the beginning of them We have a Latin Fragment yet extant of the Harmony of the Evangelists upon the Subject of their apparent contradictions about the time of the Resurrection of Christ translated by the Monk Ambrosius which is believ'd to be Eusebius's It 's said There are some Greek Commentaries of Eusebius's upon Isaiah mentioned by Heinsius St. Jerom in his Epistle to Pammachius speaks of Eusebius's Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Corinthians Theodoret in the First Book of his History Ch. 16 says That he made Abridgments of the Scripture 'T is reported that in the Library of Florence there are some Manuscript Commentaries upon the Psalms which are ascribed to Eusebius and Gelasius in his Book of the Two Natures cites a Passage of Eusebius taken out of those Commentaries I don't mention the Commentaries upon the Canticles publish'd by Meursius under Eusebius's Name because they are none of his but compos'd by a much later Author as we have already prov'd The Treatise of the Lives of the Prophets is a short Abridgment of their Lives and of the most Remarkable Things that are in their Prophecies The Tracts or Discourses publish'd in Latin by Sirmondus have much of the Air of Eusebius whereof the two first were written against the Heresy of Sabellius to refute that Error and prove by the Scriptures that the Word is a Person distinct from the Father and there he occasionally Discourses against Marcellus of Ancyra whom he calls the Galatian In the following Discourse he Treats of the Resurrection and having establish'd the Providence and Justice of God by sensible Proofs he thence concludes That there is a Resurrection because if there were no other Recompense but in this Life it would follow that God were unjust seeing good Men are oftentimes depriv'd of all the Advantages of this Life which wicked Men most commonly enjoy He shews by the Resolution that appear'd in Abraham when he went to Sacrifice his Son and by all the Circumstances of that Action which he describes very eloquently he shews I say That this Patriarch must needs believe a future Resurrection for otherwise he would never have attempted with so much Confidence and Zeal to Sacrifice that which
and his Confessions He confesses both in the one and the other place with much humility that he had spent his Life in Sin and Vanity 'T is true that he says in his Testament that he had not reproach'd any body and that he had no quarrel with any of the Faithful but then he says nothing contrary to this in his Confessions and though he should have said it yet he might speak so in humility as many pious Persons do in this kind of Confessions wherein they speak oftentimes in the Person of another I shall now draw up a Catalogue with an Account of the Subjects of St. Ephrem's Works which are divided into three Tomes The 1st Discourse of the first Tome is of the Dignity of the Priesthood which he exalts as high as it can be exalted Towards the latter End he speaks against those who intrude into the Priestly Office without being worthy of it and without being call'd to it He observes that the Sacerdotal Dignity is conferr'd by imposition of Hands The 2d is an Answer to one of his Monks who had ask'd him who they were that might use that Liberty which St. Paul gives to Marry rather than to Burn. He answers That it concerns only those who are not bound and who live in the World but not those who have renounced the World and embraced a Religious Life The 3d. is concerning the Softness of Eli the High-Priest who would not chastise his Sons In the 4th he exhorts Christians to celebrate the Festivals and to approach the Holy Mysteries with Purity The 5th is concerning Charity towards our Neighbour The 6th is concerning the usefulness of Singing Psalms There he condemns idle Songs and Dancing The 7th is of the Value and Necessity of Prayer The 8th is of Love of the Poor and of Alms. The 9th of Fasting The 10th explains that Passage in the Gospel There shall be two Men in the field the one shall be taken and the other left He is of Opinion that the Just are those who shall be taken and the Wicked those who shall be left He seems to explain Hell Fire Mystically The 11th is concerning the Miseries of this Life The 12th is of the inequality of Happiness He observes that tho' all the Happy enjoy the same happiness yet there are different Degrees of it He assures his Auditory That there is no middle between Hell and the Kingdom of Heaven Here then by our Author 's own Confession is a positive Proof that an Eminent Father of the Fourth Century disbelieved a middle State which not only destroys Purgatory but also the Necessity of Praying to the Saints The 13th is also of Blessedness The 14th of the Contempt we ought to have of the Riches and Pleasures of this World The 15th is against those who every day do Penance and always relapse into the same Sins After these Discourses follows a Treatise divided into many Chapters concerning Vertues and Vices In the Preface he shows great Humility in debasing himself below those that had prayed him to Instruct them Afterwards he discovers to them the good Effects of the Fear of God of the Love of our Neighbour of Meekness Patience Sincerity Obedience Hope and Continence and the bad Effects of the contrary Vices After these Instructions follow 91 Maxims of Piety and 96 Advices concerning a spiritual Life directed to a young Monk The 16th Discourse is against those who forsake a Monastick Life after they have once embrac'd it to return into the World The 17th is concerning perfect Self-denial and concerning the Peace of Mind which every one should have in Solitude The 18th is of the Sighing of a Soul under Temptation and of the Tears of Repentance The 19th is of the Fear of Death The 20th is an humbling Discourse wherein he acknowledges himself guilty of many Faults and prays his Brethren to implore the Divine Mercy for him The 21st is an Exhortation to Christian Vigilance The 22d is an Exhortation to the Practice of good Works The 23d is concerning the Grace of Jesus Christ. He exhorts those to whom he addresses himself to follow the attractives of Divine Grace if they would attain to perfection The 24th is concerning Faith or rather concerning Trust in the Providence of God The 25th is against those who say that Earthquakes are caused by the Concussions of the Earth and not by the Providence of God This discovers that the Author of those Discourses had not much Learning since it may be truly said that Earthquakes proceed from natural Causes tho' they are order'd by the Providence of God The 26th is against the Superstitions of the Pagans There he relates that when the Plague was at Constantinople a Physician nam'd Domnus being desirous to preserve himself by the Superstitions 〈◊〉 the Pagans was seiz'd with the Plague and died tho' he dwelt in a high place where there was very good Air that one of his Companions nam'd Macedonius seeing his lamentable Death quitted the Pagan Religion and became a Monk After this he brings many Passages of Scripture to prove that the Plague and those other Calamities wherewith Men are afflicted are the Effects of God's Vengeance and that we must make our Application to him to preserve us from them He observes that God sends these Miseries upon Men to bring them to the knowledge of themselves and to Repentance The 27th is against Pride and a good Opinion of one's self The 28th is against those who having enter'd into Monasteries are guilty of Vices and particularly of Ambition Laziness and Disobedience At the latter end he exhorts his Brethren to discharge all the Offices of a Religious Life The 29th is against Detraction The 30th is upon those Subjects which Christians ought to lament The 31st is against Plays and Shows There he blames those who after they have been present at Divine Offices go to Dancing and Sing idle Songs To Day says he they are United to Jesus Christ and to Morrow they Dishonour him they Deny him to Day they are Christians and to Morrow Pagans to Day they have Piety and to Morrow they are Impious to Day they are Faithful and the Disciples of Jesus Christ and to Morrow they are Apostates and the Enemies of God to Day they hear the Word of Jesus Christ and to Morrow they apply themselves to hear the Voices and Instruments of Musick which sing or play profane Songs The 32d is against the Unchast The 33d is of that Charity wherewith we should reprove our Brethren that are fallen into any Sin The 34th is against Curiosity and of shunning the occasions of Sin The 35th is against Lewd Women The 36th is of the means of avoiding the Sin of the Flesh. The 37th is of the Praise of Charity The 38th is of the Preservation of this Vertue and of the Unhappiness of those that lose it The 39th is a Description of that unhappy State to which a Man is reduc'd by Concupiscence He prays
but on the contrary to make such bloody Reproaches as increase the Wickedness of those who have committed them Men are not judg'd Good or Evil by their Vertues or Vices but by the Friends they have on their side The same thing is prais'd to Day and blam'd to Morrow some admire what others detest and all their Sins are easily pardon'd who are willing to embrace Impiety This is the height of Iniquity to which we are arriv'd But 't is not the People only who are thus disorderly but the Curse of the Prophet seems to be fulfill'd The Priest is become like the People After this he deplores the Misery of the Catholicks who were divided and contended about useless and trivial Questions He observes That one is oblig'd when the Faith is the Matter under Debate both to separate from those who teach Impiety and to suffer any thing rather than approve it but that it is a folly to break the Peace and stir up troubles about Questions which are not of Faith At last he returns to his Subject and having represented the Dangers which one runs in the Priestly Office the Difficulty there is of discharging it well and the terrible Judgments of God upon those that perform it amiss he concludes That he had Reason to preferr a Solitary Life Calm and Free from Cares to a Life full of Troubles and Dangers But after he has justified his Retiring he gives the Reasons why he returned into his own Country The First is the Affection and Friendship which he had for his Country-men The Second is the Assisting of his Father and Mother The Third which he explains by the Comparison of Jonas is his Fear lest he should resist the Will of God who seem'd to call him to the Priestly Function Here he gives Two admirable Rules about the Conduct which Men ought to observe either for avoiding or accepting of Sacred Orders He says We must be afraid of engaging our selves rashly but then we must also be afraid of refusing the Call of God and that we may keep the middle between these two Extremes we must be of such a Disposition that we neither seek after Ecclesiastical Dignities nor â—â—fuse them when they are offer'd if we know our selves Capable That 't is Rashness to seek after them and Disobedience to refuse them but we must neither Condemn those who shun them for fear nor those who accept them from a Principle of Obedience That the Dignity of the Priesthood astonishes some and others trust to the Assistance of him who calls them That Abraham obeyed readily That Mosas refused to obey That Isaiah immediately obeyed the Command of God who ordered him to Prophesie but Jeremiah excused himself from doing it by Reason of his Youth These Reasons adds he Charm me they bend my Soul they soften my Heart I can no longer resist but I humble my self under the Almighty Hand of God and accuse my self of Sloth and Negligence If there was any Fault in it I beg Pardon I have been Silent but I shall not always hold my Peace I have now retired to consider my self and to indulge a little to my Grief but I will now praise God in the Assemblies of his People I will be yours my Brethren I will be yours O Holy Flock I submit to you my Father I offer you the Sacrifice of Obedience but give me your Blessing guide me by your Prayers lead me the way by your Judgment Let us beg of God all the Graces Necessary to Conduct the Flock together in the way of Eternal Salvation He wrote this Discourse at his leisure time about the Year 362. The 2d Discourse of St. Gregory Nazianzen is upon the Nazianzenes neglecting to come to hear him Preach when upon their Invitation he had left his Solitude to live among them he complains of their Negligence and desires them to behave themselves answerably to the Affection that he had for them St. Gregory preach'd this Sermon immediately after he was Ordain'd Priest in the Year 362. The 3d. Discourse is against the Emperour Julian where he employs all the Tâ—rrents of his Eloquence He observes That this Emperour did in vain endeavour to hinder the Christians from Studying good Learning and applying themselves to the Liberal Sciences since this could not hinder them from Confessing the Name of God He bewails the Unhappiness of those who were overcome by the Persecution of this Emperour he praises the Providence of God who had destroy'd him He relates that Gallus and Julian having undertaken each of them to build a Church in honour of the Martyrs this last could not compass his Design and that his Structure fell down while it was a-building which St. Gregory does not fail to attribute to the Vengeance of God who would not suffer the Martyrs to be honoured by him who was to make so many himself He says That while Julian follow'd the Study of Learning he discover'd what he had in his Mind That he Disputed eagerly for the Pagan Opinions That he loved every thing which alienated Men from the Christian Religion and that he did not conceal his Opinions from those that were inclined to the same Impiety with himself That after his Brother Gallus was Created Caesar all Asia was a School of Impiety to him That he had the most pernicious and dangerous Masters that he could find out and that he busied himself in Magick St. Gregory declaims against Constantius and accuses him in a Rhetorical way for leaving the Empire to Julian But he excuses him afterwards to whom he gives excessive Praises by saying That he was Surpriz'd That he gave way too much to his own Goodness and Natural Easiness and that in short It was not in his Power to hinder Julian from being Emperour who seized the Government against his Will That he revolted from him and that Constantius was troubled at his Death That he had even raised Julian to the Dignity of Caesar. He says That after Julian had usurp'd the Empire he perfectly declar'd against Christianity That he effac'd his Baptism by impure Blood and profan'd his Hands by Sacrifices as if it were to wash and purify them from the unbloody Sacrifice of Christians by which they partake of the Body the Divinity and Sufferings of Jesus Christ. He relates That one Day this impious Man while he was Sacrificing saw a Cross encircling the Entrails of the Sacrifices That at another time having entred into a subterraneous Place to Consult with the Devil being frighted with the Noise which he heard in the Cave and the Spectres which he saw he made the Sign of the Cross without thinking of it That at this Wonder-working Sign all the Devils fled and the Noise ceas'd Then St. Gregory describes the Arts which Julian used against the Christians He says That Julian being perswaded that open Persecutions did only encrease the Constancy of Christians and that the Martyrs did Honour to their Religion he had recourse to
before they are Baptiz'd either because they are naturally inclin'd to Vertue or because they would prepare themselves for Baptism He distinguishes also Three Sorts of Persons among those that do not receive Baptism Some are Impious and Malicious who live in the greatest Excesses and have no Veneration at all for Baptism Others have a great deal of Respect for this Sacrament but they delay to Receive it either through carelesness or that they may still have the greater liberty to sin The last are those who cannot receive it either because of their Infancy or because of some sudden Accident As to the first he makes no doubt but they shall be most grievously punish'd not only for their other Crimes but also for despising Baptism As to the Second he says they shall be less punish'd because they are not kept from Baptism by Malice but by Negligence or Folly As to the last he says that they shall never partake of Glory but neither shall they suffer the Punishments of Hell because tho' they were not Baptiz'd yet they were free from Sin and it may be said of them that they rather suffer'd the Loss than were the Cause of it He says also in the following Discourse that Infants must be Baptiz'd tho' there be no danger of their death After this he enlarges upon the Effects of Baptism and upon the divine Fire which purifies us He concludes according to this Custom with an Explication of the Trinity In this Discourse he mentions Unction and some other Ceremonies of Baptism These Three Discourses were spoken at Constantinople in 381. The 41st Sermon is the First Sermon upon the Feast of Easter which is very short and contains nothing remarkable It was spoken at Nazianzum In the 42d Sermon upon the same Festival having repeated some part of what he had said about the Incarnation of Jesus Christ in his Oration upon the Feast of Christmas he explains the Ceremonies of the Jewish Passover which he applies to the Passion of Jesus Christ. This place shews that his Allegory's are very far fetch'd The rest of his Discourse is a Repetition of what he had said in his Sermon upon the Nativity concerning the Impiety of Hereticks and an Exposition of the Faith of the Church 'T is thought that this Sermon was compos'd by St. Gregory at Nazianzum after he return'd from Constantinople The 43d Discourse was spoken at the Feast of the Dedication of the Church of St. Mamas which was near Nazianzum There he Discourses of this Dedication which he calls the New Sunday He exhorts his Auditors to Vertue and concludes with saying something of the Life of St. Mamas This Discourse was made when St. Gregory Nazianzen was Coadjutor to his Father The 44th Sermon of Pentecost begins with an Instruction about the manner of celebrating these Feasts after which follow his Commendations of the Number Seven The rest of the Discourse is about the Holy Spirit and his Gifts These are all the Sermons of St. Gregory Nazianzen The following Treatises are not Sermons but Letters The 45th is a Letter written to a Monk call'd Evagrius who could not conceive how the Divine Nature or Substance could be simple being compos'd of Three Persons St. Gregory resolves this Difficulty by saying That the Essence of God is most simple and that the Persons tho' distinct yet are not separated nor really distinguisht from the Divine Essence which is common to the Three He explains this by many Examples The 46th is a Letter to Nectarius who was his Successor in the Throne of the Church of Constantinople where he bewails the unhappiness of the Church which is attack'd by an infinite number of Hereticks He writes particularly against Apollinarius whose Errors he relates as they were taken out of one of his own Books He accuses him of teaching That the Word assum'd Flesh from all Eternity of affirming That the Divinity of Jesus Christ supplied the place of a Humane Soul and that it may be said to have Suffer'd and to Die as well as the Humanity After this he observes that it is not lawful to assemble at the Publick Prayers with Persons of these Opinions Then he exhorts Nectarius to Act vigorously against the Hereticks and to pray the Emperour that he would suppress the Liberty which they now had of Meeting and Preaching The 47th Discourse is an Allegorical Explication of the Four Animals mention'd in the First Chap. of Ezekiel The Greeks doubt whether this Book be St. Gregory's And indeed the Stile is very confus'd and every thing is handled without any Order or Design and it seems to be patched up of various pieces which makes me believe with Jacobus Billius that this Discourse is unworthy of St. Gregory The 48th Sermon attributed to St. Gregory is a Discourse in praise of the Martyrs publish'd by Leunclavius which is in Greek in the last Edition This Discourse seems not to me to have St. Gregory's Stile Some have attributed it to St. Chrysostom The 49th Discourse of Faith which is said to be a Translation made by Ruffinus from the Text of Gregory Nazianzen is the Work of some Latin Author who quotes the Holy Scripture according to the old Latin vulgar Version The Prologue of Ruffinus which is at the beginning is a Preface to the Apologetick and the Seven Discourses of this Author and not to the Version of the Treatise of Faith The same Judgment is to be given of the following Treatise concerning the Faith of the Council of Nice which is not to be found in many Manuscripts The First Treatise is quoted under the name of St. Gregory by St. Austin in his Third Letter but it must certainly be another Gregory than this of Nazianzum For undoubtedly this Work is a Latin Author's since in two Places he speaks of the Greeks as not being one himself The Reason or the Word says he is call'd by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in another place This is what the Greeks call Homousion This Treatise therefore must be some Latin Author's who was call'd Gregory And there is none to whom it agrees better than Gregory of Baetica of whom we have already said that he wrote a Treatise of Faith Some have attributed it to St. Ambrose others to Vigilius Tapsensis but the Citation of St. Austin shows that it could not be written by this last and that it was not written by the first The following Treatise is also the same Author's being written to explain the former as Monsieur Quesuel has shown in his 14th Dissertation upon the ancient Code of the Roman Church where this Treatise is inserted The 51st and 52d Treatises are Two Letters to Cledonius which St. Gregory wrote against Apollinarius after he return'd to Pontus as is observ'd by the ancient Author of his Life In the first of these two Letters St. Gregory complains of Apollinarius that he and his Disciples publish'd new Doctrines and that they boasted of their being received
e The Panegyrick upon Theodorus the Martyr Some Criticks think that this Panegyrick is Supposititious First because the Author of this Discourse prays the Holy Martyr to hinder the Incursions of the Scythians Now say they the Scythians had not made any Incursions into Armenia till a 100 Years after the death of St. Gregory under the Reign of Anastasius Secondly the Author says that Theodorus was of the Country of Job that is of Arabia and yet his is a Greek Name and 't is said in the same Panegyrick that he was of Amasea in Cappadocia But 't is easy to answer the first Difficulty for the Scythians had made Incursions into the Roman Empire in the time of St. Gregory Nyssen as appears by St. Jerom Ep. 30. and by Cedrenus who says that they entred into Thrace under the Reign of Valens The second Objection has no Difficulty for the Author of this Panegyrick does not say that Job was of Arabia nor that Theodorus was of the same Province with Job but only that they were both of the East having described the Honours which the Church bestows upon Saints and Martyrs and the Rewards which they enjoy he relates the Martyrdom of Theodorus and concludes with addressing a Prayer to him for obtaining the Graces and Blessings of God by his Intercession In the Panegyrick upon St. Gregory Thaumaturgus he praises the excellent Vertues of this great Saint he relates many of his Miracles whereof some are very extraordinary Suidas names this Panegyrick among St. Gregory's Works and there is no reason at all to doubt of it The Panegyricks upon St. Basil Meletius and St. Ephraem contain nothing but the Life and Praises of those great Men. To these Orations we may join the Life of St. Macrina his Sister The Canonical Epistle to Letoius contains the Rules or Laws of Penance St. Gregory there distinguishes Three Sorts of Sins which referr to the Three Faculties of the Soul Reason Lust and Anger He says that the greatest Sins are those which belong to the Spirit of a Man such as Idolatry Judaism Manichaeism and Heresy He would have those that voluntarily fall into these Crimes be depriv'd of the Sacraments till the Hour of Death But he says that those who have been forc'd by the rigour of Torments to commit some of these Crimes ought not to be punisht more severely than Fornicators He ordains also that those who deal in Magick Witchcraft and Divination of things to come should be treated as wilful Apostates if they have practis'd this Art through Infidelity but he would have them treated as those who yield under the rigour of Torments if they have used it only through too much Credulity or in hope of some considerable Gain He says that as to what concerns the Sins of Lust they may be referr'd to Adultery and Fornication and that Fornication is 2 kind of Adultery He referrs to Adultery the Crimes which are against Nature He imposes Nine Years Penance upon simple Fornication and double the time upon Adultery yet he leaves to the Bishop a liberty of Moderating or Lengthning the Penance according to the Disposition of the Penitent and he would have those treated more gently who confess their secret and hidden Sins In short as to the Sins which proceed from Anger he says That tho' the Scripture reproves all Sins severely yet the Fathers have made no Laws but against Murder He imposes 27 Years Penance for Wilful Murder and for involuntary Murders the same space of time as for Fornication yet he allows this Penance to be diminish'd according to the Fervor of the Penitent In general he observes that all those who fall sick before they have perfectly finish'd their Penance should be reconcil'd at the Point of death and be admitted to receive the Sacraments yet upon condition that they fulfil their time of Penance if they recover their health As for Covetousness he says That tho' this Crime be another kind of Idolatry yet there are no Canons made to subject the Covetous to Penance and therefore it is sufficient to purify them from this Crime by Instruction and Prayer As for Robbery he says there are Two Sorts of it that which is done Publickly and by force of Arms and that which is done Secretly That those who are guilty the first Sort ought to be put under the same Penance as Murderers but as for those who steal another's Goods in secret it was sufficient that they should restore them and give Alms to the Poor He looks upon the Action of those who dig up the Dead as a very great Crime and puts them under the same Penance as Fornicators At last he says That tho' Sacrilege was one of the Crimes which was punish'd under the Old Law by stoning the Person that was guilty of it yet this Punishment was mitigated under the New Law and that now sacrilegious Persons were treated less harshly than Adulterers He concludes with this Advertisement to Letoius to whom he writes that he should chiefly consider the Disposition of the Person that does Penance because it is not the length of time but the Conversion of the Person and change of his Life which cures the Sin Some Criticks have doubted whether this Letter was St. Gregory Nyssen's but there is no reason to reject it and it has been own'd by the Greek Church as appears by the Council held in the Emperour's Palace which approves the Canons of St. Gregory Nyssen and by the Commentaries of Zonaras and Balsamon who acknowledge it to be Genuine and besides 't is sufficiently evident that 't is the Work of an ancient Author In the Letter of the Profession of a Christian he shews that it consists in imitating Jesus Christ and he explains in what sence this can be done In the following Letter to Olympius he explains particularly wherein Christian Perfection consists and makes a particular Enumeration of all the Offices and Vertues of a perfect Christian The Treatise concerning the End which Christians ought to propose to themselves is almost upon the same Subject St. Gregory proves That the End of all Christians should be to shun Vice to practise Vertue to purify themselves from their Sins to beg the Grace of Jesus Christ to be humble to be Charitable to be diligent in Prayer to despise the World and to fix their Affections upon God This Treatise is address'd to the Monks In the Letter to Flavianus he complains of the evil treatment he had receiv'd from Helladius Bishop of Caesarea In the Letter concerning Pilgrimages to Jerusalem he dissuades Christians from undertaking lightly these kind of Journeys because of the Abuses which happen in them There have been great Disputes occasion'd by this Letter Some have believ'd it supposititious others have maintain'd that what is there said Respects only the Monks and the Nuns But First there are no Arguments strong enough to reject it and the most learned Catholicks have acknowledg'd it as a Genuine Work of
give their Children good Education In the 60th Homily upon S. Matthew he blameth the Carelesness of Parents in the choice of a Tutour Lastly In the 21st and 22d Homilies upon the Epistle to the Ephesians he admonishes Fathers to be less sollicitous about their Children's getting School-learning and to take more care that they be taught Piety and the Christian Religion Read the 59th Homily upon S. Matthew the 9th upon 1 Tim. and the 1st upon Rom. where he discourseth of the Duties of a Master in a Family in relation to his Wife Children and Servants He observes in the 15th Homily upon the Epistle to the Ephesians That a Mistress is not to abuse her Maid-servants See also the 16th Homily upon the 1st Epistle to Timothy Of Afflictions S. Chrysostom not only teaches us that we ought to bear the losses sicknesses and other afflictions that may happen in this World patiently But he shews besides that they are the portion of all good Men He gives Eight Reasons for it worth reading in the Homily upon these Words of S. Paul to Timothy Use a little Wine in the 4th and 5th Discourses concerning Statues in the 28th Homily upon the Epistle to the Hebrews in the 33d upon S. Matthew in the 8th upon 2Tim and in the 28th and 29th Homilies upon the Epistle to the Hebrews Of Death S. Chrysostom's Homilies are full of excellent Instructions concerning Death wherein he shews that instead of fearing Death a Christian ought to desire it To what purpose saith he in the 5th Homily of Statues should a Man fear sudden Death Is it because it brings us the sooner to our Haven and hastens our passage to an happy life What folly is this We expect eternal felicity and those good things which no Eye hath seen no Ear heard and which never entred into the Heart of Man and yet we doe not only put off the fruition of them but we fear it yea we abhor it He tells us in other places That this life being but a journey a train of Miseries a banishment from our own Country c. we should be very miserable if it never were to end See the 21st and 32d Homilies upon Genesis the Discourse upon these Words of S. Paul Be not sorry for the death of your Brethren where he carries this Notion further and saith That we should be as glad to go out of this World as Criminals are to get out of Prison See the 1st Homily upon Genesis the 14th upon the Epistle to Timothy and the 7th upon the Epistle to the Hebrews Last of all He hath one Sermon to prove that Death is not to be feared From these Principles he concludes in several places that we ought not to weep for the Dead but on the contrary rejoyce for that they have quitted this miserable life to enter into one which is both eternal and happy See the 34th Homily upon S. Matthew the 62d upon S. John the 21st upon the Acts the 6th upon the Epistle to the Thessalonians and the 4th upon the Epistle to the Hebrews Christian Maxims which S. Chrysostom lays down and maintains in his Sermons WE ought not to be addicted to the Goods of this World Hom. 2. upon Matthew Persons who are not vertuous will receive no advantage from the Vertues of others Hom. 〈◊〉 in Matthew The Vertue of our Relations will doe us no good if we our selves want Piety Hom. 10. on Matt. Men ought to exercise themselves in the practice of all Vertues Hom. 11. on Matthew No Mercy is to be looked for after Death but only severe Justice there is no middle place between Hell or Heaven Hom. 14. upon Matthew He that reflects upon the joys of Heaven will find it easie to practise Vertue Hom. 16. upon Matthew The Commandments of God are not impossible to those that are willing to keep them Hom. 21. on Matthew Nay they are easie with God's grace Hom. 56. and 76. on Matthew and 87. upon S. John Let him that is in the State of Grace not trust too much to his own strength lest he fall neither let him that is fallen despair Hom. 26. and 67. upon Matthew Spiritual advantages are to be preferr'd before those things that otherwise seem to be most necessary Hom. 26. upon Matthew A Man of an ill life is worse than a dead Man Hom. 26. upon Matthew Passionate intemperate debauched and covetous Men are worse than those that are possessed with the Devil Hom. 28. upon Matthew The Yoke of Vertue is light and easie that of Sin is heavy and troublesome Hom. 38. upon Matthew and 88. upon John We ought to examine and be sorry for our faults and not be concerned for those of other Men. Hom. 24. upon Matthew and 60. upon S. John Vertue is more to be esteemed than Miracles Hom. 46. upon Matthew To feed the Poor is better than to give Ornaments of Gold or Silver to the Church Hom. 50. upon Matthew He that offends another wrongs himself more than the other Hom. 51. upon Matthew A Man that is addicted to worldly things is in the most unhappy slavery that can be Hom. 58. upon Matthew It is better to adorn our Souls with Vertue than the Body with rich Clothes Hom. 69. upon Matthew A Soul polluted with Crimes stinks worse than a putrefied Body Hom. 57. upon Matthew It is to no purpose to have been Baptized and to be in the true Church unless we lead our Lives conformably to the Doctrine of the Gospel and our Baptismal profession Hom. 6. and 10. upon John Whatever appears great in this World is nothing before God Hom. 44. in Joan. Nothing ought to be better husbanded than Time Hom. 58. upon John We should not ask of God temporal but spiritual Goods Hom. 43. and 54. upon John A Christian ought to work not only for himself but also for others Hom. 20. upon the Acts. It often happens that those who design to afflict the Righteous and hinder the purposes of God concerning them doe further them when they do not intend it Hom. 49. upon the Acts. The loss of worldly Goods ought not to be lamented but that only of the joys of Heaven Hom. 10. upon the Romans We ought to doe that which is good in this World and not depend upon the Prayers of our kindred and friends after death Hom. 42. upon 1 Cor. The Salvation of others ought to be preferred before our own satisfaction Hom. 29. upon 2 Cor. Vertues are like Treasures they must be hid to be kept If they be exposed publickly there is danger of losing them Hom. 3. upon Matthew To be Master of one's own Passions is true liberty Hom. 17. upon 1 Tim. Nothing is to be lamented but Sin Hom. 3. upon the Hebrews No Man is offended but by himself See his Discourse upon this Paradox and his Letters Passim It is easie to get Vertue and preserve it too Passim It is more easie to live well than ill
Asterius speaks against this Practice after this manner If these Persons will believe me let them sell those clothes and honour the true Images of God Do not paint Jesus Christ it is enough that he humbled himself by taking voluntarily a Body for us .... Paint not the Paralytick upon your Garments but seek for the poor to succour them It is to no purpose to look upon the Woman having the Issue of Blood but it is very necessary to help this poor Widow It signifies nothing to behold the sinful Woman at the feet of Jesus Christ but it will signifie much to bewail your own sins What good will the Picture of Lazarus his Resurrection do you endeavour rather to rise spiritually To what purpose do you wear upon your Backs the Image of him that was born blind Ease this blind Man rather Why do you draw the Shrines of Relicks rather feed the poor And wherefore do you carry about you the Representation of those Water-pots at the Marriage where our Saviour made Wine while you suffer the poor to die for thirst This passage hath been alledged by the Iconoclasts as favouring their Opinions The Catholicks on the contrary have quoted another taken out of an Homily of the same Author concerning the Woman afflicted with the Issue of Blood where he speaks of the Statue of Jesus Christ erected by the same Woman in Paneas a Town of Palaestine But neither of these passages belong to the question betwixt the Catholicks and the Iconoclasts for this which we have transcribed is not against Images placed in Churches but against the Fancy of particular men who trimmed their Habits with Figures representing some Histories of the Bible and that of the Statue of Jesus Christ set up by the Woman that was afflicted with an Issue of Blood hath no Relation to the publick Service of Images But to return to our Sermon Asterius Amasenus pursuant to his Subject saith that Christians should beware of Luxury and Pleasures because none can live in Pleasure without Riches But saith he It is impossible to heap up much Riches without Sin He excellently describes all the things that are necessary to those that seek their Pleasure and having numbred them he adds To have these things how many poor Men must suffer how many Orphans must be ruined how many Widows must have weeping Eyes and how many Persons must be brought to the utmost Misery A Soul taken up with these forgets her self remembers not what she is thinks not upon Death nor a Resurrection nor Eternity And when the fatal and unavoidable moment comes that the Soul is ready to separate from the Body then a remembrance of the Life past will be of little use she then will think of Repentance but it will be to no purpose For then only will Repentance be available when there is a Resolution of correcting our former Life And regret and sorrow for sin seem to be of no use when a Man is not in a condition either to do good or to practise Vertue The rest of this Homily is a literal and moral Explication of that parable full of solid Notions and natural Reflections There is not less Eloquence in the Second Sermon of this Author upon another Parable of S. Luke's Gospel concerning that Steward whom his Master called to an Account for his Administration and for his Goods It beginneth with this Maxim That most Men's sins proceed from an opinion that the Goods which they possess are their own and that they are absolute Masters of them That this false perswasion is that which makes us go to Law Quarrel and make War for the wealth of this World looking upon it as proper and convenient for us and deserving our Love and Esteem Yet saith he it is nothing so on the contrary we are to look upon all which we have received as none of ours we are not Masters of the things which we have at home we are like Pilgrims Strangers Banished and Captives carried whither we would not at a time when we expect it least and at once we are stript of all when the Soveraign Dispenser of our fortune pleaseth This Notion he inlargeth upon in his Exposition of the Parable of the unjust Steward There one may find excellent Sentences upon the Contempt that Men should cast upon Riches and upon the uncertainty of this present Life He insists particularly upon proving that Men are not Owners but Stewards of their wealth and from this Principle he concludes That as many as have received of God such good things ought to distribute them faithfully and be always ready yea even desirous to give God an Account And at last he observes That after Death there will be no time for Repentance that this Life is the proper time to keep God's Commandments in as the other is of enjoying the Reward of good Works The Third Sermon against Covetousness was preached by S. Asterius in one of those Assemblies which were made in Churches to celebrate the Festival of some of the Martyrs This Homily is full of very natural Descriptions of the Hard-heartedness of covetous Men. Covetousness in his Opinion doth not consist only in the unjust desire of having that which is anothers but in a desire of having more than we ought to have According to this Notion it is easie to find in the Scriptures several Examples of covetous Men and having produced them he sheweth that all other Vices waste with time but that the older a Man grows the more covetous he is This Remark is followed by a Description of a covetous Man where he omits none of those Characters that can make him appear miserable and render him odious to all the World He proveth that Covetousness is the Spring and Cause of all the Crimes and Sins committed in the World And in short he shews that it is to no purpose to be concerned for this World's Goods but far better to put all our trust and confidence in God's providence and mercy The Fourth Sermon is against the profane Festival of the first day in the Year and against the custom of New-years-gifts Asterius Amasenus declaimeth against that Practice He saith That the Liberalities of that day have no rational ground That they cannot be called Tokens of Friendship because true Friendship is not grounded upon Interest That neither can they be called Alms since the Poor partake not of them That they are not of the Nature of Contracts seeing there is neither loan nor exchange in that Traffick In a word That they are not pure Gifts since there is a necessity of giving them What Name then saith he can be given to the Expense of that day The Church gives a reason for all the Feasts which it celebrates It keeps the Feast of Christmas because upon that day God made himself known unto Men. At Candlemas it rejoyceth because we are drawn out of the obscurity of Darkness wherein we lay Lastly we celebrate with Joy Pomp and
by St. Augustin at the same time in the 33d year of his Age. It is dedicated to Manlius Theodorus whom he had known at Milan In the beginning he makes a distinction of three sorts of Persons Some to avoid the Troubles of this Life fly into Harbour as soon as they come to the use of Reason that they may live quietly Others on the contrary having been a while ingaged in the Storms of this Life carried away with Passions Pleasures or Glory find themselves happily driven into Harbour by some Storm The third sort are they who in the midst of Storms and Tempests have always had an eye to some Star with a design to return into Harbour The most dangerous Rock to be feared in this Navigation is that of Vain-Glory which we meet with at the first setting out and where it is difficult to avoid Shipwrack These Reflections St. Augustin applies to himself and saith That at Twenty five Years of Age having conceived a strong Passion for Philosophy by reading of Tully's Hortensius he resolved to give up himself to that Study but that having been some time wrap'd up with the dark Clouds of the Errors of the Manichees which hid from him the Star that should have guided him At last that mist was dissipated That the Academicks had long detain'd him in the midst of the Sea in a continual Agitation but he had now discover'd a lucky Star that shewed him the Truth by the Discourses both of St. Ambrose and Theodorus to whom he writeth That the love both of Pleasure and of Glory had for sometime detain'd him but in the end he weighed all his Anchors to come into Port. After this fair beginning he acquaints Theodorus with a Discourse which he supposeth to be held upon the 15th of November his Birth-day with his Mother his Brother his Son his Cousins and his Two Disciples Trygetius and Licentius who appeared already in the foregoing Dialogues That they might enter upon the Matter the sooner St. Augustin introduces them agreed in this Point That Man being made up of Body and Soul the Soul is to be fed as well as the Body because it hath equal need of Nourishment After this he propounds the subject of their Conference saying That since all Men desire to be happy it is certain that all that want what they would have are not happy but he asketh Whether they be happy that have what they desire St. Austin's Mother having answered That they are happy if that which they desire be good Si bona inquit velit habeat beatus est He replies immediately That she had found out the greatest Secret in Philosophy Ipsam prorsus mater arcem Philosophiae tenuisti Upon these Principles he shews in the Three Dialogues of this Book That true Felicity consists in the Knowledge of God For in the first place the Goods of Fortune cannot make us happy since we cannot have them when we would The Academicks cannot be happy in their enquiry after Truth since they have not what they would find but they that seek God are happy because they no sooner seek to him but he begins to shew them Mercy All those whose Souls want any thing are not happy None but God can fill the Soul therefore none but God can make us happy None is happy without Wisdom And can Wisdom be had without God Is there any other Wisdom than that which cometh from him Is he not VVisdom and Truth He concludes with Exhorting those to whom he speaks to seek after God that they may come to the perfect Knowledge of him wherein consists the Soveraign Felicity of Life and the true Happiness of the Soul He corrects this Passage in his Retractations observing that Man cannot be entirely and perfectly happy in this Life because he cannot know God perfectly till he comes to the other VVorld St. Austin treateth of Providence in his Two Books of Order Shewing That all good and evil Things come to pass according to the Order of divine Providence These Books are written Dialogue wise In the First he discourses of Providence in general in the Second he begins to enquire What Order is but immediately digresses to speak of the Love of Glory And his Mother coming in he puts an end to the Conference shewing That Women should not be forbidden to Study VVisdom In the Third Dialogue which begins the Second Book St. Augustin clears several particular Difficulties about the Order of Providence He enquires what it is to be with God and in God's Order in what Sence a wise Man may be said to abide with God and to be immoveable He maintains That foolish and wicked Actions come into the Order of Providence because they have their Use for the good of the Universe and manifest God's Justice In the Fourth Dialogue he proves That God was always Just tho' there was no occasion for the exercise of his Justice before there were wicked Men That Evil was introduced against God's Order but that the Justice of God submitted it to its Orders Having bandied these Metaphysical Questions he enters upon Morals exhorting his Disciples to follow God's Order both in their Behaviour and in their Studies He says Men ought to live after the following Pattern 'T is necessary saith he for young Men to avoid Debauches and Excess to despise gay Cloths and rich Attire to be careful not to lose their time either at Play or unprofitable Recreations not to be Idle or Sleepy to be free from Jealousie Envy and Ambition in one word not to suffer themselves to be transported by any violent Passion They should be perswaded That love of Riches is the worst Poyson that can infect their Hearts They ought to do nothing either with Cowardice or with Rashness If they are offended let them refrain their Anger They ought to correct all Vices but to hate no Body not to be too severe or too yielding Let their Reproofs be always for a good End and their Meekness never Authorize Vice Let them look upon all that are committed to their Charge as their own Let them serve others without Affectation of Dominion and when they become Masters let them still be willing to serve Let them carefully avoid making Enemies and if they have any let them bear with them patiently and endeavour to be quickly reconciled In all their Business with others and their whole Behaviour let them observe that Maxim of the Law of Nature Do not that to others which you would not have done to you Let them not meddle with Publick Affairs except they are very capable and study to get Friends in what Employment soever they be take a delight in serving those that deserve it even when they least look for it Let them live orderly honour God think of him and seek him by Faith Hope and Charity Having thus given Precepts for the Manners of Youth he prescribeth Rules for their Studies He saith That Learning is got by Authority and
which St. Augustin held in the City of Tubursica with some Donatists in the Year 397 or 398. as it is proved in the Preface to the Letters In the first he produces the Judgments that were given against the Donatists He justifies Caecilian's Innocency and shews that those who condemned him were suspected Judges and that the Authors of the Donatist Schism were guilty of the Crime which they charged upon others He adds That it was to no purpose to impute to the Church the pretended Crimes of the dead since the Church may tolerate wicked men without ceasing to be a Church That the Donatists themselves suffer among them very disorderly Persons that Maximianus had caused Primianus to be condemned as Majorinus had formerly procured a Sentence against Caecilian by caballing and Intrigue That the Sect of the Donatists being limited within Africa and having no Communion with the Churches that were dispersed throughout the VVorld cannot be the Catholick Church In this Letter there is that famous Sentence concerning the Authority of Councils Let us suppose that Pope Miltiades and the other Bishops who gave Judgment with him have not judged right then we may have recourse to a Plenary Council of the whole Church in which the cause of the Donatists ought to be debated again with those that judged it and their Sentence reversed if it shall be found that they have given a wrong Judgment The Second Letter contains a particular Conference of St. Augustin with Fortuniusa Donatist Bishop which was spent in Reproaches on both sides for the Villainies that were committed on both sides without medling with the main Question of the Schism St. Augustin requested that the Dispute might be ended in a greater Assembly and in what place they pleased where Christians of all Parties might meet In this Letter there is an Account of a Letter of the false Council of Sardica of Eastern Bishops which Fortunius quoted because it was directed to Donatus St. Augustin not knowing the Story was perplexed but finding that St. Athanasius was condemned in that Letter he did not mind it The Forty fifth Letter is a Note to Paulinus written a Year after the foregoing in 398. The Forty sixth from Publicola to St. Augustin contains several Cases of Conscience which this Lord proposed concerning the Oath whereby they obliged the Barbarians to swear by their Gods That they would preserve the Fruits of the ground faithfully which they would not otherwise have preserv'd had they not been bound by that Oath About the use of Meats and other Things offered to Idols and concerning the killing of one that assaults or robs us In the next St. Augustin endeavours to decide the Qustions proposed by Publicola concerning those Matters Upon the first he saith That that Oath ought not to be required of the Barbarians but that use may be made of them after they have taken it and he that uses their Service hath no share in the Oath that those that swear by false Gods are doubly guilty if they keep not their Oath both of an abominable Oath and of Perjury As to things offered to Idols he answereth Publicola upon several Particulars as that there is no danger in making use of the Meats offered to them when it is not known and it is too nice a scruple to forbear the use of those things which have been applyed to prophane uses if it be not done with respect to that To the Last Query he saith That no man ought to kill any Man upon any Account whatsoever except perhaps says he Soldiers or such as are obliged to it by the Duties of some publick Office But that we are not forbidden to secure our selves against the Violences of others by making use of VValls and That if a Thief be killed or wounded with the VVall falling upon him or he falling from the VVall the thing is not to be imputed to him that built the VVall. This Letter was written before the Temples of Idols were quite demolished in 399. In the Forty eighth Letter to Eudoxius Abbot of a Monastery in the Island of Capraria St. Augustin exhorteth both him and his Monks to make good use of the Quiet they enjoy'd that so they might be ready to leave it whensoever the Church should have need of them This Letter is supposed to have been writ in the Year 398. In the 49th He asketh of Honoratus a Donatist Bishop a Reason Why the Catholick Church which ought to be Universal over the whole Earth came to be limited to Africa and was no where to be found but among the Donatists The time of this Letter is not very certain The â—0th Letter to the Principal Persons of the Colony of Suffectum is a Complaint upon the account of a Murder of 60 Christians whom they Massacred because their Hercules was taken away He jests upon them promising to have another made for them But he concludes with these upbraiding words But do you also restore to us that great number of our Brethren whose Lives you have taken away for if we restore to you your Hercules it is reasonable you should restore theâ— to us Baronius thinketh that this Massacre happened upon occasion of an Edict made against Idolatry in 399. But the Translator of St. Augustin's Letters affirms That this is none of his for two Reasons First Because he thinks it is Impertinent Secondly Because it is not written in St. Augustin's Stile I am much of his mind as to the Second Point but I cannot allow the First for though this Letter does not seem to be grave enough for such a Subject yet the Rallery is sharp which sometimes is more effectual than a Pathetical Discourse However it is ancient and of St. Augustin's time In the 51st Letter St. Augustin objects to Crispinus a Donatist Bishop at Calama the Dissention between the Primianists and the Maximianists as an Answer to what the Donatists urged against the Church It was written after the Death of Optatus Gildonianus in 399 and before that of Praetextatus who died in 400 when St. Augustin wrote his Books against Parmenianus In the 52d He exhorts Severinus his Kinsman to forsake the Donatists and to come into the Catholick Church It may be of the same time with the foregoing The 53d is written in St. Augustin's Name and of two of his Collegues Fortunatus and Alypius to Generosus a Catholick of Constantina and contains an Answer to a Letter written by a Donatist Priest to this Man to seduce him wherein he pretends to have received an Order by an Angel from Heaven to oblige him to embrace the Donatist's Party St. Augustin proves in that Letter That the Donatist's Party cannot be the true Church 1. Because they have no Succession of Bishops from the Apostles To prove this he produces the Succession of the Bishops of Rome from St. Peter to Anastasius 2. He quoteth the Acts of Minutius Felix which shew That Silvianus the Predecessor of a Donatist Bishop
Alaric took Rome I suppose also that St. Jerom hinted at the Calamity in Aenigmatical Terms in the following Letter which is the last of the Second Classe of St. Augustin's Letters The Third Classe THE Letters of the Third Classe are all those that St. Augustin writ from the Year 411. to the end of his Life The First which is the 124th is directed to Albina old Melania's Daughter to Pinianus and to the younger Melania who had retired into Sicily and from thence into Africa after the Death of Rufinus in the Year 411. and were come to Tagasta when St. Augustin wrote this Letter whereby he excuseth himself that the Condition of the Church at Hippo rather than the Severity of the Winter hindred him from coming to them Pinianus being come to Hippo to see St. Augustin as he was celebrating the Holy Mysteries the People demanded that he should be ordained Priest and obliged him to Swear That he should not leave the Town of Hippo and that if he took Orders he would be ordained no where but at Hippo. Albina and her Children complained of that Violence believing that the Men of Hippo had no other Design in doing so but to fix in their Church so Rich a Man as Pinianus was pretending that the Oath forced upon him was not binding St. Augustin writes to Alypius the 125th Letter to justifie both himself and his People of the Suspicions entertained of him upon that Subject praying Alypius to remove them He speaketh afterwards of Pinianus his Oath and of the Obligation to keep it whereupon he layeth down the following Principles about the Matter of Oaths First That none ought to Swear to a Thing forbidden whatsoever Fear he may be in of Death if he Sweareth not and that he ought rather to suffer Death 2. That when a Man has Sworn by constraint to a lawful Thing he is bound to Discharge it and cannot dispense himself from it without being guilty of Perjury 3. That the Bond of an Oath is performed not when we do what is signified by the Letter or the Terms wherein the Oath is expressed but when we observe what the Imposer of the Oath expects if it be known when the Oath is taken and so a Man may be Perjured in keeping what is signified by the Terms of the Oath if he defeats the Expectation of him to whom the Oath is made and that on the contrary this being done there is no Perjury though the Letter of the Oath is not observed in its proper Sence From whence he concludes That though Pinianus is not bound to abide at Hippo as if that City were made a Prison for him yet he is obliged by his Oath to dwell there as an Inhabitant with Liberty to go and come but not to go away never to return In the following Letter to Albina St. Augustin justifies himself from the Accusation that was made against his People for detaining Pinianus out of Covetousness He saith That such Imputations reflect upon him because he is Administrator of the Church's Goods whereas the People neither disposes of nor profits by them Wherefore to clear himself absolutely he is obliged to make Oath and to take God to witness as he doth in this Letter That the Administration of the Church's Goods is a Charge to him He discourses again of the Validity of Pinianus his Oath and of the Obligation he lay under to execute it The 127th to Armentarius and Paulina his Wife was written soon after Rome was taken He exhorts them not to regard this present Life shewing also how much they were obliged to keep the Vow of Continency which they had made This Letter is full of most Excellent Thoughts against the Love of the World and of Life Among other things he particularly takes notice That if to prolong this Transitory Life Men are not afraid to take so much Pains to undergo so many Dangers and Losses much more ought they to expose themselves for that Life which is Eternal That all the Pains we take in this Life to prevent Death tend to nothing else but to keep us in Misery that we constantly avoid the present Death that we may be exposed to the Fear of all possible Ones What saith he do not those Men endure whom the Physicians force to endure Fire and the Knife and What is the Consequence of so many Pains Is it to escape Death No! but to die a little later The Pains are certain but the preserving of Life is uncertain and very often the Patient dies in those Torments to which he exposes himself for fear of Death and chusing to suffer not to die instead of chusing to die to prevent suffering it happens that they meet with Death in the midst of those Sufferings which they chuse to undergo to avoid it But the greatest Evil and the most to be abhorred is That to lengthen this wretched Life a little we displease God who is the spring of true Life Besides tho' such a miserable Life as this is could continue for ever yet were it not to be compared with an happy Life tho' never so short In the mean time the love of this Life as short as miserable makes us lose a Life that is not only Happy but Eternal tho' in that very Life which we so unhappily love we seek for nothing but what we may be secure of in the other and which the love of this makes us lose For what do we love by loving a Life so wretched and so short It is not the misery of it since we desire to be happy nor the shortness of it since we fear to see the end We love it therefore only because it is Life and this alone makes us love it tho' short and miserable From these Principles he concludes That we should love nothing but eternal Life shake off all Clogs and Cares of present Things cleave solely to Jesus Christ to whom we should have our Recourse as to the chief Physician who alone is able to ease our Pains and satisfie our Desires The 128th Letter is a Declaration of the Catholick Bishops to Marcellinus The Emperor's Commissioner appointed to be at the Conference betwixt the Catholick Bishops and the Donatists by which Declaration they submit themselves to all the Conditions of the Order given by Marcellinus and give their consent That in case the Donatist Bishops yield in the Conference and be convicted of Schism yet they should be maintained in their Dignity so that in the Places where there was a Bishop of each Communion they should Govern jointly till the Death of the one or that both should give up and a Third be chosen And that though they granted this Advantage to the Donatists yet they made no Conditions for themselves but were contented to lose their Dignity if the Donatists had the better in the Conference Marcellinus by his Order had appointed a certain Number of Bishops of each Party to be at the Conference but the
when the Vandals were almost Masters of Africa He examines the Question in this Letter Whether Priests Clerks and Bishops may fly and forsake their Flocks in time of Persecution St. Augustin affirms That there are but two Occasions upon which they are permitted so to do 1. If the Persecutors designed Mischief to some particular Pastors by name because then it is profitable even for the Good of the Church for them to flee and leave the others quiet 2. When the Ministers of Jesus Christ meet with none that have need of their Ministery In all other Cases Pastors are obliged to watch over the Flock which Christ hath committed to them neither can they forsake it without a Crime This St. Augustin excellently proves in this Letter and in terms dictated by the Fire of his fervent Charity and with Reasons supported by a Zeal altogether Divine He represents the desolation of a Town which is like to be taken and the Necessity of the presence of Christ's Ministers In such occasions saith he What flocking is there to the Church of Persons of all Ages and Sexes whereof some require Baptism others Reconciliation others to be put under Penance and all crave comfort If then no Ministers are to be found What misfortune is that for such as go out of this Life being Unregenerate or not loosed What Grief is it to their Kindred if they be Faithful that they cannot hope to see them with them in everlasting rest What Crys what Lamentations nay what Imprecations from some to see themselves without Ministers and without Sacraments If on the contrary Ministers have proved Faithful in not forsaking their People they are helpfull to all the World according to the Abilities which it hath pleased God to endue them with Some are baptized others are reconciled none is deprived of the Communion of the Lord's-Body All are conforted fortified and exhorted to implore by fervent Prayers the Assistance of the Mercy of God This Passage is very remarkable since it shews what was the Church's Opinion at all times concerning the Necessity of Sacraments St. Augustin handleth two other Questions upon the same Subject The First Whether it be lawful for Pastors to flee in such Calamities that they may preserve themselves for the Service of the Church in more peaceable times He saith That they may do it if there be other Ministers to supply their places and who are necessary to the Church The Second if it happens that the Persecution were only against the Pastors in this case they may flee and whether is better That the Church should want them by their going away or be deprived of them by their Death St. Augustin answers That this Supposition is very extraordinary That it seldom happens that they aim only at Church-men That in this case they might hide themselves It is to be presumed That as all the Laity shall not perish so some of the Clergy may escape That it were to be wished that in such occasions some should fly and others remain Then it would be a fine thing if among Ministers there should be a Dispute who should stay behind that the Church might not be forsaken That to decide this Difference it should be convenient to cast Lots that none might go about to free himself from the necessity of staying under pretence of being more necessary for the Church than others He concludes with these words We do what Jesus Christ either Permits or Commands if we withdraw when there are other Ministers to serve the Church But when by our flight Christ's Sheep are deprived of the Food that is to sustain the life of their Souls then we are hirelings The 229th Letter is directed to Count Darius who was sent into Africa to treat of Peace St. Augustin wishes him Joy of that Employ The Count gives him Thanks by the 230th Letter and prayeth him to send him his Book of Confessions This Saint satisfies him by the 231st Letter wherein he treateth occasionally of the love of Praise He saith thereupon 1. That Men ought not to desire Praises for that which is not praise-worthy in them 2. That they should not propose to themselves as the end of their good Actions to get Commendations from Men. 3. Yet they may desire the Praises of Men for the sake of those very Men because the Praises given to them are profitable for others 4. That such as find not in themselves those Vertues for which they are commended ought to be ashamed that they are not what they are thought to be and what they should be indeed and this may make them desire to become such 5. That on the contrary if there be in them something of that which is commended they are to give God thanks for it and be glad to see that others have an esteem for Vertue Towards the end of the Letter he speaks of Prosperity and Adversity The Caresses saith he of this World are more dangerous than its Persecutions unless we look upon the Rest which we may enjoy here as a means to make us lead a quiet and a peaceable Life in all Godliness and Honesty This the Apostle commands us to ask of God for if the heart be not full of Charity and Piety rest and ease from the troubles of Life is but Perdition and serves only as an Instrument or Provocation to Lust. If therefore we desire to lead a quiet Life let it be only upon this account that we may the better practise both Piety and Charity These Letters are supposed to have been written about the latter end of St. Augustin's Life The Fourth Classe THE Last Classe of St. Augustin's Epistles containeth those whose Date is not well known The First of these is the 232d Letter in answer to the Inhabitants of Madaura whereof the greater Part were yet Idolaters He exhorts them to embrace the Christian Religion and to enduce them to it he mentions the dreadfulness of the Last Judgment which he proves shall infallibly come because the other Prophecies are fulfilled He also saith something concerning the Mystery of the Trinity and that of the Incarnation This Letter was probably written some time after the Edict Published by Honorius in the Year 399. against the Temples The 233d Letter is a Challenge from St. Augustin to a Philosopher one Longinianus to oblige him to give an Account in Writing after what manner he believed that God was to be Worshipped and what he thought of Jesus Christ. Longinianus answers St. Augustin in the 234th Letter and saith according to Plato's Principles That the way to come to God is to live Well and to get the Favour of the inferior Gods by Propitiatory Sacrifices that we may come to the Supreme Creatour As for Jesus Christ he answereth That he can say nothing of him because he knew him not St. Augustin desireth Longinianus to explain himself about what he had said That the Way to come to God was to live Well and to purifie
of it self a good Thing but one of those good Things which we should not look after but in order to a greater Good or to avoid a great Evil. That before Christ the most Continent might marry to multiply that People from whom the Messiah was to be born but now as many as are able to contain do well not to marry That for this Reason Men were permitted formerly to have several Wives and never Women to have several Husbands but now no Man is to have more than one Wife That the Gospel-Purity is so great in this Point That a Deacon was not to be ordained who had ever had more than one Wife He approves their Opinion who understand this Maxim in its whole Extent and without Restriction as St. Jerom doth by excepting those who contracted a former Marriage before Baptism For saith he Baptism doth indeed remit Sins but here the Question is not concerning a Sin And as a young Woman that hath been defiled when she was a Catechumen cannot be consecrated as a Virgin after Baptism even so it hath been thought reasonable that the Man who hath had more than one Wife whether before or after Baptism should be looked upon as wanting one necessary Qualification for Orders In answer to Jovinian's Objection he distinguishes the Habit from the Action of Vertue This being Premised he saith That the old Patriarchs had an Habit of Continency but did not practise it because it was not convenient to do it in their time and so when the Question is put to a Man that is not married Are you more perfect than Abraham he ought to answer No but Virginity is more perfect than conjugal Chastity Now Abraham was endu'd with both these Vertues for he had the Habit of Continency and exercised conjugal Chastity He adds That Persons are to be distinguished from Vertues One Person may have one Vertue in a higher Degree than another and yet be less Holy because he hath not other Vertues in the same Degree Thus a disobedient Virgin is less to be esteemed than a married Woman with the Vertue of Obedience Last of all he exhorts Virgins not to be lifted up because of the Excellency of their Condition but to be constant in Humility The Book Of Holy Virginity came out presently after that Of the Advantage of Matrimony St. Augustin shews there That Virginity is one of the most excellent Gifts of God and that Humility is necessary to preserve it He exalteth the Excellency of Virgins consecrated to God by the Example of the Virginity of the Mother of God who according to him had made a Vow of Continency before the Angel appeared to her He refutes those that condemn Matrimony and those that compare it with Celibacy He does not think that Virginity is of Command but of Advice It should not be chosen as a thing necessary to Salvation but as a state of greater Perfection And this he proves by several Passages of Scripture and explains a Passage of St. Paul from which some concluded that he recommended Virginity merely upon account of the Advantage of this present Life He asserts also That Virgins shall have a particular Reward in Heaven At last he exhorts them to Humility proposing several convincing Reasons and powerful Motives to inspire them with it Then he recommends to them above all things the Love of their Divine Spouse and speaks of him in a very moving manner Behold saith he to them the Beauty of your Spouse Think that he is Equal with his Father and yet he was willing to submit himself to his Mother He is a King in Heaven and a Slave upon Earth He is the Creator of all things and yet he ranked himself among the Creatures Consider both the Greatness and the Beauty of that which the Proud look upon with Contempt Behold with the Eyes of Faith the Wounds which he received upon the Cross the Blood of the dying God who is the Price of our Redemption and the Cause of our Salvation ... He seeketh only the inward Beauty of your Soul He gave you the power to become his Daughters He desires not the Handsomness of the Body but Purity of Manners None can deceive him nor make him be jealous of you and you may love him without fear of ever displeasing him upon account of false Suspicions Both this and the fore-going Books were written in the Year 401. They did well to joyn unto this the Book that treats Of the Advantages of Widowhood which Erasmus and others had inconsiderately rejected as a Work that was none of St. Augustin's St. Augustin indeed takes no notice of it in his Retractations but that 's not to be wonder'd at because it is only a Letter to Juliana which Possidius put into his Catalogue * Who this Philo is I don't know it seems to be a Fault of the Press Philo Carpathius mention'd in the last Volume dy'd several Years before St. Augustin wrote this Letter to Juliana Philo and Bede quote it as St. Augustin's and in the 15th Chapter some other Pieces of St. Augustin's are quoted This Book is an Instruction for Widows He asserts there That Widow-hood is to be preferr'd before Marriage Yet he doth not condemn Second Marriages nor Third and Fourth but only says That it is a great Crime to Marry after the Vow of Virginity though he judges those Marriages to be good and valid and blames those who look upon them as adulterous The Practice of the Church at that time was To put them under Penance who Married after vowing Virginity but their Marriages were not yet declared void as is plain by the Sixteenth Canon of the Council of Chalcedon and by several other Testimonies of the Ancients The rest of this Letter is full of Instructions to Juliana and her Daughter Demetrias who had already made Profession of Virginity as it is observed in the 19th Chapter And so this small Treatise is of the Year 414. He bids them beware of the Pelagian Errors In both the Books Of Marriages which cannot be excused from Adultery St. Augustin handleth this nice and Difficult Question Whether it be lawful either for the Man or the Woman to Marry after Divorce on the Account of Fornication Pollentius to whom these Books are directed believed That the Exception of the Case of Adultery which we find in St. Matthew's Gospel was no less to be understood of a Permission to Marry again than of a Separation of Bodies so that a Husband might not only leave his adulterous Wife but also take another when he was divorced from the first St. Augustin affirms on the contrary That a Woman thus divorced ought never to Marry again no more than the Husband who caused her to be divorced This whole Dispute depends upon the Sence of that Passage in St. Matthew which excepteth the cause of Fornication and upon that of St. Paul 1 Cor. 7. which saith That the Bond of Matrimony is indissoluble but by the
Husband's Death and that if the Wife is married to another while he liveth she committeth Adultery St. Augustin enlarges much upon the Sence of these two Passages He endeavours to make the first to agree with his Opinion which he groundeth especially upon the second He answereth Pollentius's Arguments and uses several Reasonings upon the Matter He confesses in his Retractations That he had not yet cleared that Point but that there are some considerable Difficulties besides though he had given Light enough to resolve them He further explaineth in the 1st Book another Passage in the same Epistle of St. Paul concerning the Dissolution of Marriage between Infidels Pollentius held That St. Paul absolutely forbids Believing Husbands to put away their Unbelieving Wives Whereas St. Augustin affirms That it is only an Advice that he gives them Not to use the liberty they have to Separate He concludes this Book with another Question concerning the Catechumens who fall into such Diseases as take away their Speech and Knowledge VVhether they should be Baptized or no He saith That they ought to be Baptized though he doth not condemn those that dare not hazard the Sacrament And he goes so far as to declare That in such Cases those very Catechumens may be Baptized who are known to be in a habit of Sin and who ought not to be admitted to Baptism at another time He adds That Penitents are to be dealt withal after the same manner and they should not be suffered to Die before they are Reconciled In the 2d Book he treateth more at large than in the First Of the Indissolubility of Maâ—riages and examines several Questions upon that Subject He concludes with an Exhortation to Husbands that have left their VVives to live in Continency alledging the Example of Church-men who abstain so religiously though they often were forced to take that Profession upon them against their VVills The rank which St. Augustin sets these two Books in in his Retractations shews that he composed them in the Year 419. The two next Books are concerning Lying There St. Augustin handleth this Question which was very famous in his time Whether a Lye may be used upon some Occasions He confesseth in the 1st Book entituled Of Lying and written in 395. That this is a perplexing Question often disturbing Consciences and that there seem to be some Occasions when in Civility and sometimes out of Charity officious Lyes may be lawful He says that he will forthwith examine the Question that he may find out some Light in so obscure a Matter and that at last he will declare for the Truth being persuaded That though he were mistaken in so doing yet his Mistake would prove less dangerous because Error can never do less mischief than when Men are deceived by a great Love of the Truth and by opposing Falshood with too much Zeal After this Preface he defines what Lying is He confesses That Ironies are not Lyes That every Untruth which a Man may speak is not a Lye if Men believe that what they say is True and That to Lye is to speak what we do not think with a design to deceive VVhereupon he examines this subtle Question VVhether a Man speaking what he knoweth to be false because he is sure that he to whom he speaks will not believe it tells a Lye And on the other side VVhether a Man that speaketh a Truth with a design to deceive him whom he speaks to because he knows that he will not believe him is free from Lying St. Augustin saith That neither of these can be taxed with Lying because the one design'd to persuade the Truth by telling an Untruth and the other spake the Truth to persuade a Falsity but neither can be excused from Imprudence and Rashness Then he comes to the Question which he proposed to himself VVhether a Man might Lye upon some Occasions Those that held the Affirmative alledged several Examples of Lyes which seem to be both approved and commended in the Old Testament and added a Reason from Common Sence Should any one said they flee to your House for shelter and it is in your power to save him from Death by telling a Lye would you see him unjustly murthered rather than tell a Lye If a sick Man asketh you a Question about something that he must not know yea supposing that he will be the worse if you give him no Answer would you then utter a Truth that might occasion Death or will you keep silence when you may ease him by telling a charitable Lye St. Augustin Opposes to these Reasons those Passages of Holy Scripture which forbid Lying without restriction and then answereth the Examples out of the Old Testament That the Righteous who seem to have Lyed did not intend that what they said should be understood in the usual sence but that by a Prophetical Spirit they meant to discover those things that were signified by those Figures as for other Persons which are not in the number of the Righteous the Holy Scripture never approves their Actions but by comparing it with a greater Evil. He affirms That there is no Example of Lying in the New Testament and endeavours to answer the Inferences which they pretend to draw from the Instances of the Dispute betwixt St. Peter and St. Barnabas and betwixt St. Peter and St. Paul as well as from the Circumcising of Timothy Lastly That he might put an End to all the Reasons alledged from Necessity or Advantage he maintains That we must never do Evil what Advantage soever we may get by it That so the whole Question is Whether Lying be Evil or no And not Whether it is sometimes Profitable VVhence he concludes That no Lye is to be told either to preserve our Chastity or our Life or for the Good of others or for any other reason whatsoever no not for the Eternal Salvation of our Neighbour because that Sin cannot be imputed to a Man which he cannot prevent but by committing himself another Sin To explain what he had said more at large he reckons up Eight sorts of Lyes and having laid this down for a Rule That we must depend altogether upon Gospel-Precepts he enlargeth upon those that make against Lying The Second Book against Lying is written upon the same Principles but long after the First for St. Augustin wrote it in 420 at the Request of Consentius who asked him Whether it was not lawful to make use of Lyes to discover the Priscillianists who concealed their Error by Lying and horrid Execrations St. Augustin condemns not only the Practice of the Priscillianists but also the Zeal of the Catholicks who made use of Lyes to discover the Men of that Sect. He positively condemns the Catholicks Action who feigned themselves Priscillianists more than that of the Priscillianists who feigned themselves Catholicks From hence he takes an opportunity to enter upon the general Question concerning Lying and he affirms That it is never allow'd upon any Pretence
their Essence from the Father As when 't is said That the Son doth nothing of himself that he receiveth Life from the Father This saith St. Augustin doth not shew That the Son is of a different Nature from the Father but only that the Son receiveth his Substance from the Father And by this Rule he explains the mission of the Son and of the Holy Ghost He speaks also of Apparitions wherein he pretends That not one single Person but the whole Trinity hath either spoken or operated This last Question is the Subject of his Third Book wherein he examines Whether God in his Apparitions formed Creatures to make himself known unto Men by them or Whether thâ—se Apparitions were by the Ministry of Angels who made use of Bodies to accomplish them He concludes in favour of the latter Opinion rejecting the former which had been held by all the Fathers before him The Fourth is about Christ's Incarnation whereby God hath manifested how much he loved us The Word was made Flesh to deliver us from the Darkness wherein we lay to purifie our Hearts and Minds His Death delivered us from Two kinds of Death from that of the Body by restoring Immortality to us and from that of the Soul by washing us from our Sins Here he makes a Digression concerning the perfection of the Number Six which is neither very solid nor much to the Purpose He discourses afterwards of the wonderful Effects of Christ's Mediation and shews at last That the Humiliation of the Son of God by his Incarnation hinders him not from being equal with his Father according to the Divine Nature In the Fifth Book He refutes the Sophisms of Hereticks against the Mystery of the Trinity In the Sixth He considers in what sence the Son is called the Wisdom and Power of the Father Whether the Father be Wise of himself or Whether he is only the Father of Wisdom He puts off the Decision of that Question and treats again of the Unity and Equality of the Father of the Son and of the H. Ghost In the Seventh Book he resolves the Question proposed in the Sixth shewing that the Father is not only the Father of Power and of Wisdom but that he hath in himself both Power and Wisdom and that all the Three Persons of the Trinity are Wise and Powerful by the same Power and Wisdom because they have but one Godhead Afterwards he explains in what sence God is said to have but one Essence and Three Persons or according to the Greeks three Hypostases Having proved in the Eighth Book that the Three Persons together are not greater than any one alone he enters upon the Second Part of his Work by exhorting Men to raise up themselves to the Knowledge of God thro' Charity wherein he finds a kind of Trinity In the Ninth He endeavoureth to find a Trinity in Man who was created after the Image of God he findeth there a Spirit a Knowledge of himself and a Love wherewith he loves himself these three Things are equal among themselves and make but one Essence This is according to S. Augustin an Image of the Trinity Memory Understanding and Will furnish him with another which he believes is clearer and more like He explains it in the Tenth Book He finds some resemblances even in the outward Man in the inward Senses in Knowledge and Wisdom and these are the Subjects of the following Books He concludeth at last in the Fifteenth Book That though we have here below several Representations of the Trinity yet we should not seek for it but in immutable and eternal Things and that we cannot see it in this Life but by a Figure and Enigmatically And thus he pretends That we have an Idea of the Generation of the Word by the production of the Word of our Understanding and an Idea of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost by the Love that proceeds from the Will But he confesseth That these Notions are very imperfect and that there is an infinite Difference betwixt these Comparisons and the Mystery of the Trinity The Treatise of the Five Heresies or rather the Sermon preached against Five sorts of Enemies to the Christians Heathens Jews Manichees Sabellians and Arians which the Louvain Doctors had ascribed to St. Augustin though Erasmus doubted of it is thrown in this Edition amongst the supposititious Treatises And this was done with a great deal of Reason for the Stile thereof is very different from St. Augustin's And the Author of that Sermon preached it when Arianism was the predominant Religion in Africa as appears by the 6th and 7th Chapters which shews That St. Augustin is not the Author of it but some other African who lived at the time of the Vandal's Persecution The Sermon of the Creed against the Heathens Jews and Arians is also of the same time and probably of the same Author The Suit betwixt the Church and the Synagogue is the Work of some Lawyer who try'd to Exercise himself in making the Church to condemn the Synagogue after the same manner that a Judge condemns a Malefactor The Book of Faith against the Manichees is restor'd to Evodius of Uzala upon the Authority of ancient Manuscripts and the different Stile The following Memorial of the manner of admitting the Manichees that were converted into the Churth is very Ancient and in all probability it is an Order of some Council of Africa The Book of the Unity of the Trinity is here restored to Vigilius Tapsensis the true Author who citeth it himself in the Preface to his Books against Varimadus to whom it is attributed in an ancient Copy Both the Books of the Incarnation of the Word are taken as it is observed out of the Translation of Origen's Principles by Rufinus The Treatise of the Unity and Trinity of God is made up of Extracts out of several Passages of St. Augustin's Works both Genuine and Spurious The Book of the Essence of the Divinity which is likewise attributed to St. Ambrose St. Jerom St. Anselm and Bonaventure is partly taken out of a Book written by St. Eucherius The Dialogue of the Unity of the Holy Trinity was found in Two Manuscripts Eight Hundred Years old in one of them it is ascribed to St. Augustin yet it is clearly written in a different Stile from his The Book of Ecclesiastical Maxims ought to be quite expunged out of St. Augustin's Works to which it hath no relation yet it is quoted under that Holy Father's Name by the Master of the Sentences and it beareth his Name in several Manuscripts Trithemius ascribes it to Alcuinus and Gratian citeth it under the Name of Paterus But the vulgar Opinion is That Gennadius writ it to whom it is attributed by Algerus Walafridus Strabo the Master of the Sentences and Thomas Aquinas in several Places It is likewise cited under his Name in several MSS. This Book contains an Abridgment of the principal Articles of Religion It is evident That the
Church in his Sermon he made it known to the Churches and Monasteries of Aegypt by his Letters which were called Paschal Letters Theophilus having taken an occasion to write in one of these Letters against the Error of these Monks they were extreamly disturbed at it and all the Monks of the Monastery of Schete except Paphnutius treated their Archbishop as an Heretick and undertook to confute his Letter These good Monks had accustomed themselves to represent God in the figure of a Man and they could not free themselves from this Imagination which was so strongly engraved in their Minds that an old Man named Serapion who was convinced of his Error by the Abbot Paphnutius and a certain Deacon of Cappadocia called Photinus going to Prayers and not representing God to himself in a bodily Shape as before fell to Weeping and Crying Oh miserable Man that I am They have taken away my God insomuch that I know not how to adore and pray unto him more This having passed after the first Conference which Cassian and Germanus had had with the Abbot Isaac they thought at their return to find him full of the fancy of the Abbot Serapion and asked him What he would do since so holy a Man was fallen into so gross an Error The Abbot Isaac having answered them That that Error was a Relick of Paganism which the Devil still preserved in the Minds of many ignorant Persons adds That those that are perfect and well instructed have no such thing for the object of their Prayers the only end of which is spiritual Love which hath nothing carnal Afterward he recommends a very useful practice to them which is to say every moment and in all the actions of Life this short Prayer of the Psalmist O God haste thee to help me make haste O Lord to deliver me He speaks in the Last place of the way to avoid distractions and to restrain the Thoughts from wandring The Seven following Conferences are dedicated to Honoratus the Abbot of * Lerina an â—â—â—and adjoyning to France Lerins who was after ordained Bishop of †Massilia Marseilles in 426. The Three first contain the Discourses of the Abbot Chaeremon In the First he treats of the State of Perfection and the way to attain it Charity is the principal In the Second he speaks of Chastity and the means of obtaining it The third is that famous Conference of the Protection of the Divine Assistance wherein he treats of Grace and Free-will These are the Principles which Cassian lays down in it under the Name of the Abbot Chaeremon 1. He supposes that Grace is the source not only of our good Actions but also of our good Thoughts He adds That this Grace is always present with us and sometimes goes before the beginning of our good desires but always follows them That the Free-will is much impaired by the Sin of the first Man but is not utterly extinguished That there remain in us some knowledge of Goodness and Seeds of Vertue That Grace is given to perfect this Knowledge and strengthen these Beginnings That altho' Man can naturally chuse good yet he hath need of Grace to accomplish it That this Grace goes sometimes before the desires and first motions of the Will but most commonly follows them That these two things being usually mixt together it is hard for us to know whether God shews us Mercy because we have good inclinations in our Hearts or where God's Mercy is precedent to those Motions That it is safest to say That sometimes Grace inclines the Will to good as it did in the Conversion of S. Paul and S. Matthew but there are some Occasions when it follows it as it happened in the Conversion of Zacchaeus and the good Thief That Man may of himself have a desire to be converted and of the beginnings of Repentance and Faith That he may Pray seek a Cure send for the Physician resist Temptation but he can't be cured he can't be just he can't be perfect and he can't be a perfect Conqueror without Grace That this Grace is a Free-gift altho' God never denies it to those that are laborious on their part That we ought not to believe that no good proceeds from Man The good we do depends partly on Grace and partly on Free-will These are the Principles which Cassian delivers in his 13th Conference under the Name of the Abbot Chaeremon which have given Prosper an occasion to write against him in defence of S. Austin's Doctrine which Cassian seemed to oppose in this Conference The 14th Conference is a Discourse of the Abbot Nestorius touching Knowledge and spiritual Sciences The 15th is another of his Discourses about the Miracles done by the Anchorets Having discoursed upon them for some time he makes two Reflections viz. one is That Humility is to be preterred before the Power of doing Miracles The other is That it is more for our advantage to banish Vice from our Hearts than Devils from the Bodies of others The 16th is a Discourse of the Abbot Joseph about Friendship grounded upon Charity Humility Kindness and Christian Patience In the 17th the same Abbot desiring to perswade Germanus and Cassian not to return to their Monastery in Palaestine altho they had promised it undertakes to demonstrate by several Examples taken out of Scripture that it is sometimes lawful and profitable to lye The Seven last are written to four Abbots after the Ordination and yet before the Death of Honoratus that is to say between the Years 426 and 429. The 1st which is the 18th speaks of the several sorts of Monks the Abbot Piammon is made to speak it He distinguishes the Monks into three sorts 1. Coenobites who live in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common under an Abbot imitating the Life of the Apostles 2. Anohorets who after they have been instructed and educated in the Monasteries withdraw into the Desarts The Authors of this Order were S. Paul the Hermite and S. Anthony And 3. Sarahaites who pretended to retire from the World and joyned themselves together by two or three in a Company to live after their own Humour not being subject to any Man He looks upon these last as a corruption of the Monastick State rather than a distinct Order He adds to these a 4th sort of Monks made of those who not being able to endure the Monastick Life in a Convent retreated alone into certain Cells to live more at liberty This Discourse concludes with some Instructions about Humility and Patience and against Envy The Abbot John who speaks in the following Conference having been an Anchoret had betaken himself to a Monastery It was therefore demanded of him which of the two Orders was to be preferred He thought the Life of the Coenobites to be best for those who are not absolutely perfect and he shews that none but those who have attained to a degree of eminent Perfection are capable of living an Hermite's Life The 20th
at all the Austerities or Practices of the Monastick Life His Reputation for Holiness was so great that the Emperor sent for him to Constantinople He propounds also Examples of singular Vertue in Three Hermites of the same Region Eusebius Salamanus and Maris This last having been a long Time absent from the Celebration of the Holy Mysteries desired Theodoret to celebrate them he did so and causing the Holy Vessels to be brought he â—â—ffered the Holy Sacrifice by the Hands of the â—…ons who ministred to him at the Altar All those whom Theodoret hath spoken of hitherto were dead when he wrote these Ten which follow were yet alive He enlarges upon the Life of a certain Monk called James who was one of his Friends He recounts many Apparitions which the Devil made use of 〈◊〉 trouble him There is in that Place a very remarkable thing concerning Relicks Theodores had received with a great deal of respect some Relicks which were said to be S. Iohn Baptist's the Apostles and Prophets This Hermite doubting whether those which were reported to be S. John Baptist's were not some Martyrs of that Name would not receive them with the other He was thereupon reproved in a Vision and saw S. John Baptists who assured him that they were his and the desired Theodoret to bring them to him I pass over some other Monks of whom Theodoret speaks in the following Chapters to come to the famous S. Simeon Stylites whose Life Theodoret hath written with a great deal of exactness He was of Cilicia and had kept Sheep in his Youth but being at Church one Day and there having heard the Gospel where it is said Blessed are they that mourn he withdrew himself into the Monastery of Eusebius Amâ—nianits but because he used such wonderfâ—â— Austerity which the other Religious Men could not undergo they expelled him He retired into a Cistern from whence they fetched him repenting that they had driven him out so But he did not continue with them long but he went to a Village called Telmessus where he shut himself up in a little House He was desirous to pass the Lent without Eating or Drinking and having proposed it to Bassus who was preferred to the Office of visiting many other Churches he gave him Advice not to undertake a thing which might be the Cause of his Death Notwithstanding he shut himself up with Ten Loaves and a Pitcher of Water and passed Forty Days without touching them and when Bassus being returned at the End of the Time came to him he found all the Loaves whole and the Pitcher full and Simeon lying on the Ground senseless After he had moistned and washed his Mouth with a Sponge he gave him the Sacrament by which being strengthned he raised himself up and came to eating again by little and little yet from that Time he passed all other Lents without eating He remained Three Years in his Cell and then removed from thence to the Top of a Mountain where he tyed himself with a Chain of Thirty Cubits long But Meletius or rather some other Bishop of Antioch for Theodoret must needs be mistaken Meletius being dead a long Time before telling him that he need not to cumber himself with the Chain he brake it yet did not go from the Place to which he had confined himself His Fame having drawn an infinite number of People of all Nations to come to see him and to be very earnestly desirous to touch him he thought upon this Device that he might avoid the Multitude to get up upon a Pillar instantly he was upon one of Ten Cubits afterwards he raised it to Twelve then to Twenty two and presently after says Theodoret he is on a Pillar of Thirty six Cubits high Theodoret approves of such a Life which appeared extraordinary and which some disallowed although an infinite Number of Men highly reverenced him and came in Multitudes to receive his Blessing He gave them Instructions composed the Differences that were among them foretold what should befal them and often wrought Miracles He ordinarily continued his Prayers till the Ninth Hour and did not admit any to Audience who came to see him till after that Hour Lastly he took care of the Affairs of the Church opposed the Jews and Hereticks wrote to Emperors Governors and Bishops to admonish them of their Duty If this manner of Living by remaining in the Posture of standing upon a Mountain for so many Years seem incredible that of Two other Hermites who shut themselves up in Places where they were forced to continue always stooping and bowed down is not less admirable This Posture in my Judgment is more inconvenient than that of Stylites The Two Monks which used this Posture were Baradatus and Thalalaeus Theodoret writes their Lives in the Twenty seventh and Twenty eighth Chapters He makes an end with proposing the Examples of certain Women who had embraced a Monastick Life Marana and Cyra dwelt in a Cell near Beraea if we may call that Place a Cell which was inclosed with Four Walls without any Covering where they passed their Life in the Injury of the Weather They wore long Garments which covered all their Bodies and were loaden with Chains Domnina made her a little House in a Garden she was covered with Hair-cloth went every Day to Church and eat nothing but Lentils Theodoret saith That in his Time there were a great number of Virgins consecrated to God not only in the East but in Aegypt Palastine Asia Pontus and Europe who either lived in common or by themselves practising the Exercises of a Monastick Life That in Aegypt there were Monasteries which had Five thousand Monks in them He concludes his Book with a Request to those whose Lives he hath written not to contemn him though he comes short of their Vertue that he might have also a share in their Glory A Modern Author accuses this Opinion of Rashness Impatience and Arrogance but I do not believe that he can find many Persons that have so little Equity as he hath shewed himself to have in judging after this manner This History â—…ins mâ—â—y Thingâ— very remarkable concerning the Discipline of that Time By it we may see That there was a great deal of Honour given to the Saints That they wâ—â—e inâ—oked That Men expected help by their Prayers That their Relicks were sought after with great eâ—…ss That they believed very easily in them That they attributed a great deal of Vâ—…e to them That they did many Miracles and were very credulous That thâ—y were 〈◊〉 peâ—…ed that the Saints enjoyed Eternal Happiness immeâ—tely after their Deaâ—â— Tâ—…r they were with Jesus Christ and his Angels That they prayed for the Dead That they viâ—… the Hoâ—y Pâ—â—ces as Mâ—… Siâ—â—i and the Hoâ—y Land As to the Monks and Hâ—rmites it appears that they practised excessive Austerities It was most â—…ry with them not to eat but a very 〈◊〉 Bread to drink nothing but Water to fast all their
of St. Ephrem's Works which fell into the hands of Photius The second contains four Treatises In the first he explains the sense of St. Cyril in his Letter to Successus wherein he opposes the Heresie of the Severians In the second he answers Anatolius Scholasticus about those things wherein he desir'd to be instructed The third was an Apology for the Council of Chalcedon address'd to two Monks of Cilicia call'd Domnus and John and the fourth An Admonition to the Monks of the East who were entangled in the Errors of the Severians Photius makes long Extracts out of these four Treatises The Extract out of the first is about the Union and Distinction of the two Natures in Jesus Christ which he confirms by the Testimonies of St. Cyril and other Fathers The Extracts out of the second inform us that Anatolius had propos'd five Heads of Questions to St. Ephrem The first Whether Jesus Christ is yet in Flesh. 2. How he being descended from the Children of Adam could be Immortal 3. What proof there is that the Apostle St. John is yet alive 4. How Adam being created Immortal could be ignorant of what was useful for him 5. What is meant by these words of God Behold Adam is become like one of us As to the first Question he proves by many Passages of Scripture that Jesus Christ has still his Flesh. As to the second he says That whether it be affirm'd that Adam was created Mortal or Immortal 't is certain that the death of the Body and Soul was the effect of the Sin which he committed by his Free-will and that tho Adam by his Nature was not Immortal yet he had not died unless he had finned To the third he answers That he knew by Tradition that St. John was not dead no more then Elias and Enoch and that this Consequence might be inferr'd from the words of Jesus Christ concerning him in his Gospel If I will that he tarry till I come what is that to you That it cannot be concluded from thence that he was Immortal but that he was reserv'd for the Day of Judgment That if Eusebius has noted the number of the years that he liv'd this is to be understood of the years that he was upon Earth That the Acts of the Life of this holy Apostle make it credible that he disappear'd all on a suddain Nevertheless he says that this Question does not concern the Faith but that it is always profitable in this kind of Questions to take the better side Upon the fourth Question he says that we must not wonder that Adam tho immortal did not know what was useful for him since the same thing happen'd to the bad Angels As to the last Question he says that these words Behold Adam is become as one of us are an Irony which God uses to upbraid the Man for his Sottishness or that God speaks according to the false imagination of Adam to cover him with shame The Extracts out of the third Book are Citations out of many Works of the Fathers to shew that the Decision of the Council of Chalcedon which recognizes two Natures in Jesus Christ is not new but the ancient Doctrine of the Church He cites besides the Authors that are known as St. Peter of Alexandria St. Athanasius and St. Basil St. Cyril of Jerusalem the St. Gregories of Neocaesarea Nazianzum and Nyssa Amphilochius St. Ambrose and St. Chrysostom St. Epiphanius Proclus and Paul of Emesa Atticus of Constantinople St. Cyril of Alexandria he cites I say besides these Authors the Books of St. Dionysius the Areopagite a Book of Hilary about Faith and Unity one Cyriacus Bishop of Paphos who as he says was one of the Fathers of the Council of Nice the supposititious Procopius of Gaza Letters of Pope Julius and one nam'd Erecthius Of these Authors there are but five who made use of this Expression There is but one Nature of the Word Incarnate who are Gregory of Neo-caesarea St. Athanasius Julius St. Cyril and Erecthius He shews that the sense wherein this manner of speaking ought to be taken does not exclude the two Natures since they themselves acknowledg'd them He goes on in the Extracts of the fourth Book to quote passages of the Fathers to prove that the Divinity and Humanity of Jesus Christ are two different Natures Among these last he cites St. Ephrem of Syria a Letter of Simeon and of Baradanus to Basil of Antioch and another Letter of the same to the Emperor Leo and a Letter of James to Basil the Bishop Photius neither says any thing nor makes any Extracts out of the third Volume of St. Ephrem so that we have no knowledge of it What Photius says and relates out of the two former gives us a great Idea of this Author and informs us that he had read many of the Works of the Fathers and that he reason'd very well about the Mysteries of our Religion He died in the Year 544. PROCOPIUS of Gaza PRocopius the Sophist of Gaza liv'd in the sixth Age He applied himself earnestly to the study of the Commentators upon the Holy Scripture and made a Collection of all that they had written upon the Octateuque copying out their very words But this work being of a prodigious thickness he abridg'd it and put it in order suppressing what he found said by many and so made a continued Commentary made up of the Expositions of the ancient Commentators yet without naming them His Commentary upon Genesis and the Pentateuque is very large and chiefly upon Genesis What he wrote upon the Books of Kings and Chronicles is very short and indeed they are properly speaking nothing but Scholia wherein he reports the different Translations of the Text and explains the sense of the Words Perhaps these Scholia are only an Extract out of his Work For Photius assures us that the Commentaries of this Author were very copious and written after one and the same manner However this be the Commentary upon Isaiah is very long wherein he relates the Text entire notes the difference of Versions and explains every word in particular This Commentator confines himself sufficiently to the literal sense he remarks carefully the differences of the Greek Versions and even those of the Hebrew Text. He enlarges also upon the History and sometimes upon the Morality He touches but little upon Allegory but sometimes he insists upon little things and upon the Exposition of those words which are clear of themselves and do not need any Interpretation Photius thinks his style very polite but too rhetorical for a Commentator The Version of his Commentary upon the Octateuque was made by Clauserus from a Manuscript of the Library of Ausburg and printed at Basle in 1555. in Fol. with his Notes upon the Books of Kings and Chronicles In 1620 Meursius caus'd to be printed at Amsterdam in Quarto his Scholia upon the Books of Kings and Chronicles in Greek and Latine In fine in
the Bishops who had Deposed him there now survived but two viz. Rothadus and Erpuinus He then describes the manner how he was Ordained into his place how Pope Sergius being sollicited by Lotharius to it had Named Gontbaldus Archbishop of Rouen to examine his Ordination how Ebbo when he was Summoned to the Synod by Gontbaldus dare not appear whence it was concluded that Ebbo was never restored and should remain Deposed from his Priestly Office and Dignity and that having lost it in his Life time he should not recover it after his Death He next gives him an Account of the business of Wulfadus and the other Clerks Ordained by Ebbo after his Deposition and because Pope Nicolas chiefly insisted upon this That Pope Leo had not confirmed the first Judgment given against them at the Council of Soissons Hincmarus gives him the particulars of all that had passed between him and Pope Leo in that business viz. That Pope Leo had written to him that he could not confirm what had been done in that Synod because the Council had not sent their Deputies to him nor were his Legates present at it nor had the Emperor writ any thing to him about it and because 't was said that Wulfadus and the other Clerks had Appealed to the H. See That besides this Lotharius had importuned him not to confirm the Judgment of the Council of Soissons That the Bishops hearing that Lotharius concerned himself in that Matter had written to him and that he had nominated two Bishops of Italy to look into it in a Council which was called by the Authority of the H. See That after this that Prince had sent his Deputies to Rome to Pope Leo who died as they were in their Journey to him That being arrived there in the Papacy of Benedict that Pope had granted him a Grant to confirm the Judgment of the Synod of Soissons that since that neither the Bishop of Spoletum Nominated by Lotharius nor any other Bishop had held any other Synod about that Affair but that which was lately called by the Authority of Pope Nicolas He defends himself against that Accusation that the Pope laid against him that he had falsified Benedict's Letter of Priviledge and assures him that the Copy which he had sent him was a true one as he will find if he compares it with the Original Draught which is in the Registry of the Church of Rome He adds that he had not required of the H. See any other special Priviledges but what were usually granted to all Metropolitans and were anciently granted to the Metropolis of Reims but because his Province and also his Diocess was partly in one Kingdom and part in another he thought it necessary to have his Priviledges renewed because men had great regard to them and carnal men being awed by such marks of distinction respected him the more Lastly as to the Pall he assures him that he never used it unless upon the great Festivals of the Passover and Nativity because on the other Holidays of the Year tho' 't was allowed for him to wear them yet he was obliged through urgent business and the Affairs of Church and State to be absent from his Cathedral Church In fine that he desired the Pall for no particular use because the Pall is an Ornament which is suitable for all Metropolitans as a mark of the Dignity or Virtue of him that wears it Hincmarus had composed this Letter before the Council of Troyes immediately after he received Nicolas's Letter but it was not sent in that form for the Bishops of that Council having given him a large relation of the business of Ebbo he cut off the beginning of his Letter and wrote a shorter beginning with his own Ordination and the business of Wulfadus Actardus Bishop of Nantes the Deputy of the Council to go to Rome was also entrusted with another Affair by the Council of Soissons 'T is thought commonly to be of that of 866 but it was another Council held there in 867 for Actardus who was the Bearer The business of Actardus went to Rome in that Year only and Pope Nicolas in his Answers to the Synod and Bishops of the Council of Soissons in 866 makes no mention of any thing written in this Letter The Bishops of the last Council tell him how the Churches of Tours and Nantes were much annoyed by the Britans who would not come to the Synods of the Province to which they belonged nor acknowledge the Metropolitans and Bishops of France pretending to govern themselves That they valued not the Petitions that had been made to them That they had encroached upon Nantes and attempted the same upon the Bishopricks of Tours Anger 's and Mans That almost all the Churches of Neustria had endur'd much by their Cruelty That they had Deposed the Bishops of Dola and Vannes and put other Bishops in their place Then they pray the Pope to do them Justice to give Actardus a favourable Audience to reduce the Britans to good Order and to write to their Duke either to submit to King Charles or else to make use of the Sword of Excommunication This Letter is dated Aug. 16. When Actardus came at Rome he found Pope Nicolas Dead and Adrian settled in his place to whom he presented the Synod and Kings Letters Adrian returned this Answer to the Bishops of Adrian's Answers about Ebbo and Actardus the Synod of Troyes That tho' they had omitted some things as to the Restauration of Ebbo yet he commends their Zeal That he was glad that Wulfadus's Innocency had been proved so clearly That he approved of his Promotion to the Archbishoprick of Bourges and granted him the Pall That he desired him to put Pope Nicolas's Name into all their Dypticks and to oppose all that the Greeks might say or attempt against this Pope This Letter is Dated Febr. 11. 868. He sent an Answer also to the Letter of the Bishops of the Council of Soissons in the beginning of which it evidently appears that the Letter before-mentioned was not written by that Council of Soissons held in 866 but in another which met there in 867 before the Council of Troyes He tells them that he much pitied the condition of Actardus who was deprived and dispossessed of his Bishoprick and Orders that he should be put incardinari into the first vacant Church to exercise his Episcopal Function there He says that he had written about it to King Charles And indeed in the following Letter which is directed to that Prince he Answers first to the Letter which he had written to him concerning Ebbo telling him that 't is to no purpose to examine the matters concerning that Bishop who is now Dead He thanks him for the Protection which he had given the Churchmen which the H. See thought fit to restore He grants the Pall to Wulfadus and recommends Actardus to his Care to be put into the next vacant See which was not
hitherto silent He attempted a Commentary upon St. Matthew's Gospel when he was yet a Monk that is before the year 844. being chosen Abbot the Duties of his Place made him discontinue it Yet he began the Fifth Book where he had left off and proceeded as far as the Ninth while he was yet Abbot Having eased himself from the Burden of that Station he went on with the rest more undisturbed However he suspended it yet a while his Time being taken up with other Works And then it was he Writ a Commentary upon the Lamentations of Jeremy and an Explication of the 44th Psalm But he took in hand the Eleventh Book again at the latter end of his Life so that the Letter to Fridegardus was not Written by Paschasius till about that Time Paschasius his Commentary upon St. Matthew's Gospel is very large In it having explained the General Sence of every particular Place he makes long Moral Reflexions taken for the most part out of the Works of the Holy Fathers The first four Books are Dedicated to Gontlandus a Monk of S. Riquier and the last to the whole Body of Monks in that Abbey The Explication of the * 'T is with us the 45th 44th Psalm is Dedicated to the Nuns of our Lady of Soissons in Acknowledgment of the Benefits he had received from them The same is divided into Three Parts The first is upon the Title of the Psalm as in the Septuagint For the Beloved and in the Hebrew For the Lilies or For the Flowers Whence he takes occasion to inlarge upon the Praise of Virgins In the Second Part he Expounds that part of this Psalm which exalts the Beauty of the Bride-groom and applys it to Christ. In the Third he applys to the Church what is there said of the Bride To expound the Letter he makes use of the Commentary attributed to St. Jerom often comparing together the Hebrew Text Symmachus his Version and that of the Septuagint His Commentary upon the Lamentations of Jeremy is much more Allegorical than the former Here you will find Mysteries upon the Hebrew Characters the Use of which is onely for Distinction 'T is a tedious Work divided into Five Books and Dedicated to a Monk called Odilmanus Severus Therein he deplores the Vices and Licentiousness of his Age as amongst others Simony the Covetousness of several Priests the Corrupt Lives both of the Regular and Secular Clergy who minded too much the Concerns of this World the Usurpation of Church-Lands and Grinding of the Poor With Grief does he mention likewise in the Fourth Book an Invasion made by Pirates who had committed great Depredations to the very Gates of Paris Which ought to be understood of the Normans who in the year 856 or 857. burnt the Church of S. Germain in the Fields These are Paschasius his Works which have been collected and published by Father Sirmondus and Printed at Paris in 1618. Since which time Father Dacherius has published in the 12th Volume of his Spicilegium a Treatise of our Saviour's Nativity Dedicated to Theodrada Abbess of the Abbey of our Lady of Soissons who died in 846. In which he asserts That our Saviour coming into the World came out of the Virgins Womb by penetrating her Substance and without any Opening To Conclude Father Mabillon has put out two Books of Paschasius containing the Life of S. Wala Abbot of Corbey The first he composed when he was a Monk towards the year 856 And the second after the Decease of his Friend Severus about the year 859. By this we learn several Particulars of the unjust Deposing of Lewis Surnamed the Godly and the State of the Church of France The Life of Adelardus is also attributed to him Paschasius was a Man of great Piety and Learning He Writes in a clear neat and elegant Style He was well-read both in Ecclesiastick and Prophane Authors He had withall pretty good Parts of his own onely it may be said perhaps that he was a little too Mystical His Book upon the Eucharist is an accurate and elaborate Piece His Encomium was made in Verse by Eugemoldus and is to be seen in the beginning of his Works He died upon S. Riquier's Day towards the year 860. CHAP. IX The History of the Contest betwixt Photius and Ignatius about the Patriarchal See of Constantinople IGnatius was Son of Michael Curopalata the Emperour Surnamed Rengabis and of Procopia Daughter of Nicephorus the Emperour Michael who succeeded his Father-in-Law Anno Ignatius his Birth 811. had not sat full two years upon the Throne when he was forced to resign the Empire into the hands of Leo the Armenian He had Three Sons Theophilactus Stauratius and Nicetas The first two he had admitted to Govern with him but Stauratius happened to die before he had quitted the Empire Theophilactus was shaven and turned with his Father into a Monastery and so was Nicetas his youngest Brother then but Fourteen years of Age. Theophilactus upon his coming into the Monastery had his Name changed into Eustratus and Nicetas into that of Ignatius the Prince we now speak of Leo the Armenian being resolved to secure unto himself the Empire he had got by Treachery Banished Michael his Wife and Children and sent them into several Islands parting them from one another and keeping them under a strict Guard and his Two Children he made Incapable of Raising Issue to the Family to which the Imperial Crown did of Right belong He declared against the Use of Images and turned Nicephorus the Patriarch out of his See of Constantinople to make room for Theodosius an Enemy of Images Leo having quietly enjoy'd the Empire some Months above Seven years was slain by Michael Surnamed Balbus or the Stammerer who raised to the See of Constantinople after the Death of Theodosius Anthony Surnamed Byrsodepsa who was Metropolitan of Perga Theophilus Son of Michael the Stammerer succeeded his Father Anno 819. and raised John Iconomachus to the See of Constantinople in the room of Anthony At last Theophilus dying in the year 841. the Government fell into the hands of Theodora as the Guardian of Michael Son to Theophilus This Princess expelled John from his See of Constantinople and caused Methodius to be Ordained again who was Four years possessed of that See After his Death Ignatius who till that time had lived a Monastick Life in the Isles of Hiatres and Terebinthus by him Peopled with Monks was raised to that Dignity in 847. He had been ordained Priest by Basil Bishop of Perâ—a At that time there was a Brother of Theodorus Unkle to Michael called Bardas who had a great share in the Government This Man was desperately in Love with his Daughter-in-Law with whom he held a secret Commerce Ignatius offended at so great a Lewdness Rebuked him for it with a freedom suitable to his Character And observing Bardas still persisting in his Wicked Course he refused to give him the Sacrament
accused of Bribery but very unjustly He aggravates the Cruelty exercised by Pope Stephen against Formosus whose Corpse he took up and brought it to a Council where having stripp'd him of his pontifical Habits he caused a Lay-Garb to be put on him and having cut off two Fingers of his Right-Hand he caused him to be Buried in the Church-Yard for Strangers from whence he was aftèr thrown into the Tiber. Auxilius says that they that exercised this piece of inhumanity upon him acted like Savage Beasts That this their Action was contrary to Heathen Morality which obliges us to spare the Dead That although the Translation of Formosus had been contrary to the Laws of the Church it ought to have been tolerated with a Christian Compassion and not aggravated with an unheard of Cruelty That all that could have been done had been to have called a Council to forbid the Peo whatever else is necessary to Celebrate Divine Service He acquaints him that he had gotten Schools of Singers who are so very excellent in their Art and are able to Instruct others That he has Readers who not only Read Publickly but are fit to Expound and Interpret That he has caused a great many Ecclesiastical Authors to be Transcribed Rebuilt and Beautified a great many Monasteries and other Religious Houses and likewise erected a Cloyster for the Canons and Prebendaries and many other things both of Use and Profit The Second Letter of Leidradus is Consolatory to his Sister upon the Death of her Son and Brother The Works of Leidradus are in a plain and natural stile but have nevertheless a great deal of good Sense and very Christian Thoughts These two last Letters are in the Bibliotheca Patrum Tom. 10. p. 232. Papyrius Massonus and M. Balusius have joyned them to the Works of Agobardus to whom Leidradus resigned his See to retire into the Monastery of St. Martin at Soissons There are other Anonymous Answers given to the Questions proposed by Charles the Great in his Letter All these Authors give an Account of the Ceremonies of Baptism and put a Mystical Sense upon them for the Instruction and Edification of Priests and Believers Lewis Sirnamed the Kind or Godly was not less Curious than his Father in endeavouring to understand the Ceremonies of the Church Amalarius a Deacon of Mets to whom is also given the Amalarius Title of Abbot in Ancient Manuscripts and whom some have called Suffragan Dedicated to him Four Books of the Ecclesiastical Office in his Preface of which he gives him great Commendations concluding it with many wishes for his long and happy Life In these Books he relates the Ceremonies and Customs of the Church according to the Roman Establishment and gives Mystical Reasons for them which are in no wise to be thought the true Reasons for the Institution of these Ceremonies but Humane Inventions and for the most part groundless Suppositions and which I do not think my self obliged to give any Account of therefore shall only take notice of a few Points of Discipline in them which are the most considerable The First Book is about the Service of the Church from Septuagesima to Pentecost Where he teaches us that from Septuagesima to Easter neither Hallelujah nor Gloria in Excelsis were sung in Churches that Lent began the Wednesday after Quinquagesima That on Holy-Thursday they Consecrated Oyls for the Sick for the Catechumens and those that were Confirmed That these three Oyls had three different Consecrations That they mingled Balm with that used for Confirmation That on Good-Friday they worshipped the Cross and after they had brought out the Body of Christ reserved the day before they mixt it with unconsecrated Wine which they thought sufficiently consecrated by this Mixture and so gave it immediately to the People But he takes notice at the same time that in the Church of Rome the Priests only Communicated That the Service of Saturday was for Saturday Night till Sunday and that they blest the Wax Candle He speaks of some of the Ceremonies of Baptism made use of at that time and principally of the Unction which was pour'd by the Priests on the top of the Novice's Head He seems to disapprove of the Fast upon Rogation which he says was Instituted by St. Mamertus and was never in use with the Eastern Churches In the Second Book he Treats of the Twelve Lessons of Divine Service of the Fast of the Four Ember Weeks of the several Orders and * Of the Habits of Priests see Durand Ration l. 3. Habits of Priests of which he gives very Mystical significations The Priest's Vest signifies the right management of the Voice his Albe the subduing of the Passions his Shooes upright Walking his Cote Good Works his Stole the Yoke of Jesus Christ the Surplise Readiness to Serve his Neighbour his Handkerchief Good Thoughts and the Pallium Preaching The Third Book Treats of the Method observed in Celebrating Mass. Of the Habits of the Office of the Singers of the manner of the Bishop's going to the Alter of the Place where he sits of the Presenting of the Chalice by the Acolythus to the Subdeacon who receives it Of the mixing of the Sacramental Bread with the Consecrated Wine and lastly of the Kiss of Peace He Discourses at the same time of the Prayers which are said viz. †Concerning these parts of the Mass 533. if any desire to be exactly informed let him consult Durand Ration lib. 4. Of the Introitus the Kyrie Eleison the Gloria the Collects the Tractus the Responses the Hallelujah the Offertory the Secret Prayers the Preface the Canon the Lord's Prayer the Agnus Dei and the Blessings which are given at the end of the Mass. He also adds some Reflections upon the Masses and Service used on All-Saints-Day the Advent Christmas-Day and the Purification upon the Hour of Celebrating Mass and the differences between the Masses for the Dead We may thereby Learn that the Practice in his Time of Celebrating Mass was not different from what it is at present But the Mystical Reflections he makes upon these Ceremonies and Prayers are so far-fetched and incongruous that there is no great use to be made of them He has one particular Observation to himself about the Body of Jesus Christ which he divides into three states or conditions 1st Of Jesus Christ risen again represented by that part of the Eucharist which is put into the Chalice 2. Of Jesus Christ upon Earth represented by that which is consumed by the Priest And 3. The Body of Jesus Christ in the Tomb represented by that part which remains on the Altar The last Book is upon the other parts of the Divine Service ‖ These hours of Prayer and the Reasons of their Institution are at large explained by Durand in his Rationale Divin Off. l. 5. c. 3 10. As the Prayers for the First Third Sixth None hours Vespers Complectorum and Night-Office as well for
a mind after his Death to let the Empire fall into the Hands of his Son he was opposed in his Design by the Lords of Rome and by Lambert Duke of Spoleto who seized both upon that City and the Pope in it But he escaping some time after fled into France where he held the Council of Troies After this returning into Italy with some succours he drove out the Barbarians and to procure himself a quiet Life Crowned Charles the Gross Emperour in the year 880. and dyed at the beginning of the year 882. He has writ many Letters concerning the Ecclesiastical and Civil Affairs of his time The first is Directed to Count Boson he thanks him for the good Service he had done his Legates with Charles the Emperour and acquaints him that he expected those Succours from that Prince with a great deal of Impatience which he promised him against the Sarazens The second to King Lewis is about the Differences between that Prince and the Emperour Charles the Bald He tells him that he cannot hope to make them Friends till he has heard them both and Exhorts him in the mean time to think of a Peace In the third he advises Jeoffry Prince of Salern that he has received Power from the Emperour to Conclude and Swear the Treaty made with him and that he will shortly give him a Visit upon that Occasion In the fourth sent to the Clergy and Faithful of the Church of Valva he condemns a certain Person who would have seized upon that Church during the Life of Arnoldus who was the Bishop of it He commends them for not being willing to receive him he forbids them to do it and threatens them with Excommunication if they should as also he that undertook to settle him if he persisted in it In the fifth he commands him that he writes to which it may be was the Bishop of Naples to separate himself from the Duke of Naples who would not submit to the Holy See and threatens him with Excommunication if he does not do it In the sixth he orders his two Legates which he had at the Emperours Court at Pavia to return immediately In the seventh he complains of Boson's retaining his Legates and begs assistance of him against the Sarazens to prevent the Besieging of Rome which they threatned The eighth is written to Charles the Bald in it he allows of the Translation of Frotarius from the Arch-Bishoprick of Bourdeaux to that of Bourges upon the Testimony and Remonstrances of the Bishops of that Province having delayed to grant it till he was acquainted with their Sentiments as he observes in that Letter The ninth is Directed to Landulphus Bishop of Capua to whom he sends word that the Legates whom he had dispatched to the Emperour had obtained of him a Confirmation of all the Privileges anciently belonging to the Church of Rome and particularly a Power to conclude such a Treaty as he himself should think best concerning the Territory of Capua He informs this Bishop that he design'd to be in that City shortly that so he might make preparations to receive him In the tenth he writes to Adelard Bishop of Verona to come to Rome in December to assist at the Council which was to be held there and threatens him with Excommunication in case of a failure In the eleventh he desires the Emperour to pardom Emmenius and take him into favour altho he owns him to have been justly Condemned In the twelfth he begs of him to Pardon a Man that had killed another and who was come to Rome ad limina Apostolorum to expiate his Crime The thirteenth is Directed to the People of Bourges whom he exhorts to receive Frotarius for their Arch-Bishop by reason of the Desolation of the Province of Bourdeaux because the Pagans having cruelly ravaged it he was now become unserviceable in his first Diocese In the following Letter he commands the Bishops of that Province to acknowledge him In the fifteenth he orders the Bishop of Chartres to restore to his Goods and Offices the Murtherer of whom mention is made in the twelfth Letter who had been at Rome ad limina to make Atonement for his fault The sixteenth and the four following are about an Affair wherein Peter Arch-Bishop of Grado was concern'd It seems two of his Suffragan Bishops had revolted from him and one Dominicus Abbot of the Monastery of Altino had got himself to be Elected Bishop of Toricelli in spite of him The Arch-Bishop of Grado having brought this Affair to Rome the Pope cites both these Bishops and the Bishop Elect to make their Appearance at the Council which he held there but they failing to obey the first Citation he was forced to threaten them with Excommunication if they did not come in Person to a Council which was to meet in February Then he wrote to two of the neighbouring Bishops to see this Sentence put in Execution in case they did not obey to the Duke of Venice to send them to him to two Bishops called Felix and Peter that he interdicted them till such time as they came to his Synod and that if they fail'd of coming thither he would certainly Excommunicate them He blames Dominicus for his Carriage and Summons him likewise to his Synod under pain of Excommunication and he returns his thanks to the Duke of Venice for his good Inclinations to the Holy See requesting him to cause those Bishops to repair to the Synod which was to be Celebrated in February He directed these Letters to a certain Bishop whom he desires to Distribute the rest to those Persons to whom they belong'd as it appears by the twenty fifth Letter which is addrest to that Bishop In the twenty first he desires help of the Emperour Charles against the Insults of the Sarazens representing to him the terrible Devastations they made among the Christians The twenty second is directed to Count Lambert whom he severely reproves for not hindering the violent Oppressions of some of his Subjects and threatens to Excommunicate him if he did not take care to regulate these Disorders for the future In the twenty third he thanks the Emperour Charles the Bald for the kind Reception he gave the Legates of the Holy See as also because he sent Ansegisus and Adalgarius to Rome with Commissioners to repress the Insolence of those Persons that were troublesome to the Holy See He informs him That they could not be Punished according to their deserts because they were fled to a certain Marquesse and some great Lords who took them into Protection he prays the Emperour to find them out and to Condemn them to Banishment and humbly entreats him not to suffer them in his Kingdom In the following Letter he complains of the Conduct of Ansegisus whom he accuses of maintaining a secret Correspondence with Count Lambert He commends the Fidelity of Adalgarius upon whom he had bestowed a Pall by way of Recompense The greatest part of the
written by a more ancient Author who put them out under Damasus's Name But the latter are Anastasius's who reviewed them and put them in that Form they now are in and concluded them with the Life of Nicholas I. for I take the Lives of the five following Popes to be written by William who succeeded Anastasius in the Office of Library-keeper in the Church of Rome Nevertheless Anastasius might write the Life of Adrian II. for he certainly outliv'd him And perhaps he lived long enough to write the Lives of the four following Popes He wrote tolerable good Latin and was a learned Man for his Time He was a good Polititian and studied the Interest of the Church of Rome There remains only the Author of the Treatise called Liber Synodicus whose Name is The Anonymous Author of the Liber Synodicus unknown His Work is An Abridgment of the first Councils commonly called The little Synodical Book It ends with the Council held by Photius in 877. which is accounted the VIII General Council which makes it probable that he lived about the end of the IX Age This Work hath been Printed at Strasburg in 1601 in quarto and since is put by F. Labbe into the last Collection of the Councils It is a very short and plain Abridgment and contains nothing considerable or extraordinary about the History of the Councils The number of the Historians of this Age which have written the Lives and Panegyricks Michael Syncellus of the Saints is very great The chief of them are these that follow Michael Syncellus of the Patriarch Nicephorus and after his Death designed for his Place by the Empress Theodora But he refused to accept that Dignity He wrote the Life of S. Dionysius the Areopagite and made a Panegyrick in Honour of the Holy Archangels and Angels In which after he hath invoked them and distinguished their several Orders he speaks of their good Offices which they perform to Men and relates several Examples to prove it out of Holy Scripture Lastly he makes several Exclamations by way of Encomium There is an Hymn at the end of this Discourse published by F. Combefis in his Auctuar Nov. Tom. 1. p. 1525. and is found in the Biblioth Patr. The Style of it is lofty full of great Words and affected Epithets Methodius preferr'd to the Patriarchate of the Church of Constantinople in 842. is also the Author of S. Dionys's Life which is extant at the end of the Works of that Father printed Methodius at Antwerp in 1634. Tom. 2. 'T is also printed alone at Florence 1516. Paris 1562. Some Fragments also of two Sermons printed by Gretzer in his Tom. 2. de Cruce are attributed to him The one is concerning the Benefit of the Death of Christ and the Reasons why he would dye upon the Cross. The other is against those that are ashamed of the Cross of Christ. To these we may add The Encomium of S. Agatha translated into Latin by F. Combefis in his Biblioth Concionat Patr. and is said to be in MS. in the Library of S. Mark at Venice Some also attribute to him a Sermon upon S. Simeon and another upon the Sunday called Dominica in Ramis or Palm-Sunday which is the Sunday before Easter-day which F. Cambefis hath printed among the Works of the elder Methodius who flourished in 290. at Paris in 1644. although it be very doubtful whether they be so ancient as we have observed in speaking of the Elder Methodius He dyed in 847. in Balsamon's Collection of the Greek Canon we meet with some penitential Canons attributed to Methodius but the Learned judge them not to be his To Methodius we may joyn Hilduinus the Patron of the Fable of S. Dionysius the Areopagite's coming into France He was Abbot of S. Medard at Soissons of S. German and Hilduinus Abbot of S. Medard at Soissons S. German and S. David S. Dionys near Paris and chief Chaplain to the Emperor Lewis the Godly He made a Reformation in the last of these Monasteries in 829. and settled Monks there instead of the Canons formerly there He took Lotharius's part against his Father and was banished into Saxony But he was again restored and after his Restauration he wrote his Book of the Areopagite by the Command of Lewis the Godly In it he undertakes to prove That Dionysius the Apostle of France was the Areopagite But this Work is full of abominable Falsehoods and gross Forgeries He proves his Opinion by Records of so small Authority That his Writing discovers the weakness of the Cause he maintains and his own inability to do it This Work was printed at Cologn in 1563. and is put by Surius among the Lives of the Saints Octob. 9. with a Letter from Lewis the Godly to him and his Answer Hilduin dyed according to the Opinion of some in 838. and of others in 842. David Nicetas surnamed Paphlago because he was a Bishop in Paphlagonia altho' he was David Nicetas Paphlago also Patriarch of Constantinople was a great admirer of the Patriarch Ignatius and wrote a long History of his Life which is extant with the Acts of the VIII Council at Ingolstadt 1604 quarto and Tom. 8. of the Councils p. 1179. He hath also composed several Panegyricks in honour of the Apostles and other Saints viz. S. Mark S. Mary S. Gregory the Divine S. Hyacinthus Eustatheus Agapius and Theopistus printed by F. Cambesis in his last continuation of the Biblioth Patrum at Paris in 1672. His Style is elegant and pleasant his Relations are simple and plain without being tedious He often turns his Speech to the Saints he commends and makes Acclamations in their Honour according to the Custom of his Time Leo the Wise Emperor of the East may be reckoned among the Panegyrists of the Saints Leo the Wise Emperor of the East He succeeded his Father Basilius in 886. and reigned till 911. He took great pleasure in composing Sermons Baronius hath published a List of 33. ad Annum 911. numb 3 which are found in a MS. in the Vatican Library Gretzer hath published 9. printed at Ingolstadt in 1600. and since F. Cambesis hath inserted 10 in the first Tome of his Auctuar Biblioth Patrum Besides these we have a Discourse upon the Life of S. John Chrysostom among the Works of that Father Tom. 8. of Savil's Edition and a Sermon upon S. Nicolas Bishop of Myra printed at Toulouse in 1644. and some Predictions viz. 17 concerning the State of Constantinople Printed by Codinus at the end of his Antiquities at Paris in 1655. Baronius mentions other Works of Leo which are in MSS. in the Vatican Library viz. several Discourses Moral Precepts Riddles or mystical Sayings Constitutions and †They are Printed at Basil in 1554. and Leyden in 1612. and 1613. his Tacticks or a Treatise of the manner of Ranging an Army in Battalia The Sermons printed by F. Cambefis are upon the Nativity Purification
Peace between Hugh and Alberic but all to no purpose for both Odo and the Pope dy'd before it was concluded Marinus II. succeeded Pope Stephen in the year 943. who was reputed to be a man of Marinu II. singular Piety and we have an account in the life of St. Ulric Bishop of Ausbourg that he foretold to this Saint the Death of his Predecessor Adalberon and withal assur'd him that he should succeed him which happen'd thirty years before he was Pope All the time of his Popedom he was very serviceable to the Church of Rome in reforming the Clergy and the Monks in repairing Churches and in taking a particular care of the poor He did likewise what he could to promote Peace among the Christian Princes He concluded that between Alberic and Hugh and wrote several Letters in order to make up the breach between Otho King of Germany who endeavour'd to enter Italy and Lotharius the Son of Hugh who oppos'd his design He callâ—d to Rome the Prior of Mount Cassin and bestow'd on him the Government of the Monastery of S. Paul in Rome T is likewise said that he wrote a Letter to Sico Bishop of Capua wherein he charges him with his ignorance of the Canons with his want of Learning with his holding too great an intimacy with secular persons and with his having endeavour'd contrary to all form to confer a Benefice on one of his Deacons which belong'd to a Monastery He granted several Priviledges to the Benedictin Monks whom he favour'd in a great many instances Agapetus II. who succeeded Marinus was likewise a holy man who govern'd the Church Agapetus II. of Rome with a great deal of prudence He sent into France a Bishop whose name was Marinus to assist in the quality of a Legat in that Council held at Ingelheim in the year 948. about the Contests between King Lewis and Prince Hugh and Hugh of Vermandois and Artaldus pretenders to the Archbishoprick of Rheims The cause was there determin'd in favour of Artaldus who was confirm'd in that Bishoprick Hugh of Vermandois was declar'd an Intruder and excommunicated and a Letter was written to Prince Hugh the White in the name of the whole Council and to his Adherents to admonish them to return to their Allegiance under the pain of excommunication The Sentence of this Council was confirm'd the year following in a Council held by Agapetus wherein Prince Hugh was excommunicated till such time as he should give satisfaction to King Lewis Under this Popes Pontificate Italy felt another Revolution Adalbert Marquis of Ivrea The Wars between Hugh and Berenger had two Sons Berenger by Gilla the Daughter of Berenger King of Italy and Anschaire by Ermegarda Daughter of the Marquis of Tuscany These two Princes inherited the power of their Father and Grand-Fathers by the Mother's side and govern'd a part of Italy The first was prudent ingenious and politick the second was valiant and bold King Hugh had marry'd his Niece Villa the Daughter of Roson to Berenger but he began to be jealous of the growing Greatness of those two Brothers and resolv'd to put a stop to it He began with Anschaire whom he caus'd to to be set upon by Sarlio who having made the Spoletians and Camerines to revolt defeated the Troops he had rais'd for his own defence and kill'd him in the Skiâ—mish Berenger desirous to revenge the Death of his Brother conspir'd against King Hugh This Prince having intelligence thereof took up a resolution in his Council to send for him under pretence of making up a Reconciliation and then to put him to death but his young Son Lotharius who had been present in Council could not forbear advertising Berenger thereof who upon the receipt of this Intelligence fled forthwith to Herman Duke of Suabia who presented him to King Otho Hugh sent to demand him but Otho was so far from delivering him up that he took him under his Protection A while after Berenger returns to Italy at the head of some Troops and having laid Siege to a Fort which was held out by Adelard the Clerk of Manasses he became Master of it by promising the Archbishoprick of Milan to that Bishop and to the Clerk the Bishoprick of Cumae in case he should become Master of Italy Big with these hopes Manasses importunes the Princes of Italy in his behalf Milo Count of Verona was the first who declar'd for Berenger and receiv'd him into his City The Bishop of Modena soon follow'd his example as did likewise the City of Milan where the Princes of Italy came to wait on Berenger having deserted King Hugh who was retir'd to Pavia From this place he sent his Son Lotharius to Milan conjuring Berenger and the Princes of Italy to acknowledge him for their King and that for his own part he had taken a resolution to retire into Provence The people movâ—d with compassion towards Lotharius who was not then above fourteen or fifteen years old acknowledged him their King with the consent of Berenger and they wrote to Hugh acquainting him that he might if he pleas'd reside still in Italy This Berenger orderâ—d with a design of seizing upon his Treasures which he was carrying off to Provence for Hugh and Lotharius were only Titular Kings while the whole power of governing was lodg'd in the hands of Berenger Hugh could not bear this but cunningly retir'd into Provence where he dy'd a short time after leaving his Estate to his Niece Bertha the Widdow of Boson Count of Arles This Revolution happen'd about the year 945. Lotharius still retain'd the name of King of Italy but did not long enjoy it for about four years after whether out of grief to see himself slighted or whether by the means of some poison he fell mad and dy'd childless about the latter end of the year 949. Berenger presently caus'd himself to be proclaim'd King and to be crown'd with his eldeit Son Adalbert and that he might render his new Authority the stronger he sought in Marriage for his Son Adelaid the Widdow of Lotharius Daughter to Radulphus II. and Sister to Conrad Kings of Burgundy This Princess having refus'd the offer he besieg'd her in Pavia took her and sent her Prisoner to a Castle callâ—d le Garde however she escap'd thence by the help of a Priest and fled to Atho her Kinsman who undertook to defend her in the Fort of Canossa where she secur'd her self Berenger immediately sat down before the place with all his Forces But in the second year of the Siege this Queen seeing her self reduc'd to the last extremity sent to beg King Otho's Assistance and with her self offered hâ—…he Kingdom of Italy The love of Glory rather than Interest inclin'd this Prince to cross the Mountains He delivers Adelaid marries her and takes her along with him into Germany leaving his Army with Conrad Duke of Lorrain to make an end of the War Conrad pressed so hotly on Berenger and his
where it was not judg'd expedient to resolve it till it were farther discuss'd Peter Damien maintains the Negative by reason that t is not the Bishop who is only the Minister but God that Consecrates That the same thing may be said of Ordination as of Baptism viz. That it ought not to be reiterated altho' it were administer'd by an unworthy Minister That provided the Orders be conferr'd in the Catholick Church and that both he who confers them and he who takes them have Faith the vicious Clerk is as effectually ordain'd by an unworthy Minister as the â—ertuous Clerk by a worthy Minister That there are three principal Sacraments in the Church viz. Baptism the Eucharist and Orders That St. Augustin proves as to the First and Paschasius with respect to the Second that those Sacraments are not made more or less effâ—…cious by woâ—â—hy or unworthy Ministers and altho' the Question was never as yet stated in reference â—o Ordinations nevertheless the Case ought to be argu'd after the same manner according to St. Augustin's Principles on which Peter Damien enlarges in this Book and adds many â—xamples to shew that Ordinations conferred by unworthy Ministers are valid and that those Persons who were once admitted into Orders ought not to be re-ordain'd which he applies in particular to Simonists and commends the Conduct of Pope Leo IX who only imposes a Penance of forty Daies on those that were ordain'd by Priests guilty of Simony but did not lay out any Mony upon that account He likewise commends the Emperor Henry for opposing that Irregularity and concludes with a Declamation against Siâ—… The seventh Treatise call'd the Gomorrhean is dedicated to Pope Leo IX who approv'd of it in a 〈◊〉 which is prefix'd at the beginning In this Tract Peter Damien proves that Clergy-men who have committed Sins of Uncleanness which Modesty does not permit to be 〈◊〉 ought to be depriv'd of the Functions of their Order for ever He reâ—… the 〈◊〉 of the Penitential Books which impose too light Penances for those sorts of Crimes of which he shews the Enormity He inveighs against those Persons who are guilty of 〈◊〉 notâ—…s Offences and exhorts them to a speedy Repentance and to do severe Penance The eighth Tract dedicated to John Bishop of Cesena and to the Arch-deacon of Ravenna related to the Degrees of Conâ—â—â—gâ—inity in which it is forbidden to contract Marriage He 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Opinion of the Lawyers who restrain'd them to the Fourth and imagin'd that Grand Nephewâ— and Grand Nieces might inter-marry He reckons up the Degrees by Generations and maintains That as far as any Consanguinity or Affinity can be discern'd Maâ—… 〈◊〉 not to be contracted which takes place at least to the seventh Degree He â—…ise that in computing the Degrees of Consanguinity the number of Perâ—…â—xceed that of the Generations by one so that there are but five Geâ—…â—heâ—e are six Persons But he retracts this Opinion in a Dissertation made 〈…〉 puâ—â—ose to be 〈◊〉 to the same Treatise 〈◊〉 the Ninth he treats at large of Alms-giving and shews the Usefulness of it both for â—…ing â—nd 〈◊〉 Dead in this World and in the future State The Tenth 〈◊〉 â—â—out the Divine Service in which he gives an account of the number of 〈◊〉 Canonical â—ours 〈◊〉 of the Prayers which make the Office and of the difference between the Office of Clergy-men and that of the Monks He shews how beneficial 't is to recite it and even recommends it to â—aâ—cks as well as the small Office of the Virgin Mary In this Tract â—e likewise discourses of the seven Mortal Sins amongst which he does not reckon 〈◊〉 but diâ—â—inguishes vain Glory from Pride 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eleveâ—…â—e states this Question viz. Whether those who recite their Office alone 〈◊〉 private ought â—o say Dominus vobiscum Jube Domine c. He concludes in the Affirmaâ—… because 〈◊〉 the Church is one in many it may be said that divers Persons are 〈◊〉 â—pprehended in one single Member of it and by reason of that Unity one single Person may speak for all and as if he join'd in Prayer with many That one single Person often speaks in the name of many and many in that of a single Person That if it were requisite to retrench these Prayers because they seem to suppose the presence of many Persons other parts of the Divine Office which are of the same nature ought likewise to be omitted That the Sacrifice of the Mass is offer'd up for all the Faithful tho' in a special manner by the Priest in regard that he holds in his Hands every Thing that the Faithful offer in their Mind That altho' onl◠〈◊〉 â—â—ngle Person assists at the celebration of Mass yet he does not forbear to say Dominus 〈◊〉 and not Dominus tecum That the Church has no regard to Numbers Cases or Teâ—ms but adheres only to that which tends to Edification That that which one omits may be supply'd by another and lastly that these Words may be referr'd as well to the Absent as to the Present He concludes with a Commendation of the solitary Life in favour of the Herâ—… to whom he wrote and leaves the Resolution of this Question to his Judgment It may also be observ'd in this Treatise That at that time the Bishops were wont to say Pax Vobis whereas the Priests only said Dominus vobiscum The Twelfth is written against the disorderly Lives of the Monks of his Time and he rebukes them chiefly for four irregular Practices viz. 1. That they enjoy'd Estates and hoarded up Mony contrary to the Vow of Poverty 2. That they ran about continually and kept Company with Lay-men even with excommunicated Persons or such as deserv'd to be so punish'd according to the tenour of the ancient Canons 3. That they kept rich Apparel and other Garments so sorry that they wore them only to shew their affectation of Vain Glory 4. That they were too much immers'd in Worldly Affairs and that they did not lead a Life sufficiently retired This Treatise is written with a great deal of Energy so that the Author gives a very lively description of the Enormities of the Monks of those times and endeavours to reform their Manners by Precepts and contrary Examples In the next Treatise that bears this Title Of the Perfection of Monks he instructs them in their Duty and in the Vertues they ought to practise The Fourteenth dedicated to his Hermits contains an Abridgment of the Rule and of the manner of living that they ought to observe He enlarges farther on the same Subject in the Fifteenth Tract which may be look'd upon as an entire System of the Rules of his Order The Sixteenth is an Invective against a certain Bishop who asserted That a Person who had assum'd the Monastick Habit by reason of the Indisposition of his Body or upon some other Motive without serving as a Novice for a considerable time according to the Rule might return to
other means more shameful This famous Preacher has been often found with Women of ill Lives Inform your self therefore I beseech you how he has been driven out of Lausane Mons Poictiers and Bourdeaux and what Reputation he has left behind him in those Places St. Bernard sends this Prince word that he is coming to reform the Disorders that this Prince has caused in the Churches of his Dominions that he has Authority for that Purpose that he shall do his utmost endeavours to extirpate this pernicious Plant with assistance of the Bishops and particularly by the Authority of the Cardinal of Ostia who will be sent on purpose by the Holy See He takes notice to him that it will be for his Interest to receive this Cardinal Kindly and to joyn his Authority with theirs to the end that the Pains they shall take for the Salvation of him and his People may not prove of no effect In the Two Hundred Forty Second written by St. Bernard after his return from this Country he exhorts the People of Tholouse to shun Hereticks obey their Bishop exercise Hospitality and not to suffer any Preachers among them but such as have either Ordination from their Bishop or the Pope These Letters were writ in the Year 1147. The Two Hundred Forty Third is Address'd to the Lords and People of Rome after they had driven out Pope Eugenius III. He reproaches them severely for this Action and conjures them to reconcile themselves speedily to him In the Two Hundred Forty Fourth he exhorts Conrade King of the Romans to Re-establish the Pope and Punish the Rebels of Rome giving him to understand that it is as much for his Interest as for that of the Holy See that the City of Rome which is Metropolis of the Empire should be under his Subjection In the Two Hundred Forty Fifth he Commends the Zeal which Pope Eugenius shew'd in opposing King Lewis the Younger's obliging Elias Bishop of Orleans to quit his Bishoprick In the Two Hundred Forty Sixth he Recommends this Bishop to the Pope being before but an humble Monk and entreats his Holiness to take pity on his Condition and to provide for the Payment of his Debts out of the Revenues of his Bishoprick In the Two Hundred Forty Seventh he Prays the same Pope to permit Sampson Arch-Bishop of Rheims to make use of the Pallium which he had been forbidden on account of his having Crown'd King Lewis in the Church of Bourges in presence of the Arch-Bishop of that City In the Two Hundred Forty Eighth he advises this Pope not to suffer himself to be over-reach'd by the Bishop of Seez who was coming to wait on him to get himself re-establish'd In the Two Hundred Forty Ninth he recommends to the same Oribert the Prior of Chaise-Dien Bishop Elect of Valence chosen in the Year 1145. In the Two Hundred and Fiftieth he Acquaints the Prior and Monks of Portes that they ought not to take it amiss that the Pope would not allow one of their Fraternity to be Bishop though he was chosen He says that perhaps his Holiness would not admit of him because he was too Young and that he would have nothing to be said afterwards against the Election And as for his own part he says he never oppos'd it in the least Afterwards he tells them that he is sorry that the Abbot of Troyes had written to them so very harshly and he concludes his Letter with these Humble Words My Monstrous Life and my Afflicted Conscience Cry towards you for Compassion for I am a kind of Amphibious Creature that neither live altogether as an Ecclesiastick nor a Recluse and it is now a long while since I have quitted the Life of a Monk without forsaking the Habit. I esteem it needless to acquaint you with what you may easily hear from others that is what I do what I employ my self about what hazards I expose my self to in the World and through what dangers I am compelled to go If you are not acquainted with these I beseech you to inform your selves of them and when you have thoroughly learnt them to favour me with your Advice and Prayers In the Two Hundred Fifty First he intercedes to Pope Eugenius in behalf of the Monks of Baume whom this Pope had punish'd by changing their Abbey to a Priory for their having slighted the Authority of the Holy See In the Two Hundred Fifty Second he conjures the same Pope to put in execution the Sentence pronounc'd by Innocent II. against the Arch-Bishop of York The Two Hundred Fifty Third is an Answer to a Letter from Hugh Abbot of Premontre who had made several Complaints against the Monks of Clairvaux St. Bernard tells him he did not do well to complain of him and his Order since he has always had an esteem for that of Premontre and that he has done them several Service upon divers occasions He brings several Examples of what he asserts and at length justifies himself against what that Abbot had alledged against his Order Towards the end he admonishes them not to break the Union betwixt them Acquainting them that for his part he shall never be wanting in the Duties of Charity and Friendship In the Two Hundred Fifty Fourth he Commends Guarini Abbot of the Alpes in endeavouring to reform his Monastery and exhorts him not to discontinue so good a Work out of fear of not being able to accomplish it while he lives since the short time we have to live is not sufficient excuse for not endeavouring to make our selves perfect and that such as do not labour after a progress in Spiritual Affairs go backwards instead of advancing In the Two Hundred Fifty Fifth he exhorts Lewis the Gross King of France not to hinder the holding of a Council which he believes necessary for the good of the Church It is of the Council of Pisa that he speaks conven'd in the Year 1134 so that this Letter ought to precede the others by many Years In the Two Hundred Fifty Sixth he exhorts Pope Eugenius not to be disheartned because of some losses the Christians had sustain'd in the East but to succour and assist them to his power He more-over tells him that he was more than ordinarily surpriz'd when he heard that he was pitched upon for General of the Army that was to go thither being no ways qualify'd for that Employ In the Two Hundred Fifty Seventh he writes to this Pope in favour of Philip who was become a Monk of Clairvaux after he had been suspended from his Bishoprick of Tarentum and desires his Holiness to be kind to him The Three following Letters were writ concerning Rualenus who had been chosen Abbot of St. Anastasius St. Bernard after having requested of his Holiness by the first of these Letters to discharge him from his Burthen In the Second consents that he shall continue it since his Holiness desires it and by the Third he Admonishes this Abbot not to be uneasie
Collection does not belong to Hildebert but is part of the Preface written by Ives of Chartres on his Decree Therefore that Piece was only inserted amongst Hildebert's Letters by a Mistake Father Dachery publish'd in the Fourth Tome of his Spicilegium Nine Letters of Hildebert among which are Three very eloquent ones about the Imprisonment of Pope Paschal II. and afterwards the same Author set forth Fifteen others which are annexed in the end of the Thirteenth Tome There are some amongst these last that relate to the Persecution which Hildebert suffer'd by reason of the displeasure of the King of France and the Quarrel that arose between the Dean of Tours and his Canons In the Ninth he entreats the Pope not to grant the Pall to the Bishop of Dol. Hildebert's other Pieces are two Hymns on our Saviour's Nativity A Paraphrase on the Canon of the Mass in Verse A Sermon on these Words of Isaiah Chap. 35. Then the Eyes of the Blind shall be opened Another on thâ—se Words of Jesus Christ in St. Luke Chap. 12. Unto whomsoever much is given of him shall be much requir'd A Synodical Discourse to his Curates All these Works and Letters are extant in the Collections call'd Bibliotheca Patrum There are also to be seen in different places some other Works attributed to Hildebert viz. The Life of St. Hugh Abbot of Cluny in the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis publish'd by Du-Chesne The Epitaph of Berenger referr'd to by William of Malmesbury A Letter written to Reginald the Monk and the Preface to the Life of St. Radegonda set forth by Father Mabillon in the First Tome of his Analecta with the beginning of that Life of which that Father has a Manuscript Copy in his Possession Rosweida makes mention of the Life of St. Mary the Egyptian in Verse by Hildebert which as they say is kept in the Library of Lipsick There are also in the Libraries several Tracts ascribed to Hildebert but we have lost his Treatise of Virginity Besides these Works Father Hommey has likewise published some in his Collection which he attributes to Hildebert but it is not probable that they belong to that Author The other Works of Hildebert fall very much short of the Elegancy and Politeness of his Letters His Poetical pieces are gross neither has he observ'd the Rules of Quantity His Sermons are written in like manner in a weak and very mean Style However he was a noted Prelate who shew'd a great deal of Prudence Discretion and Constancy in the Management of Affairs during the whole Course of his Life GUIBERT Abbot of Nogent GUIBERT Abbot of Nogent sous Coucy was born in a Village belonging to the Diocess of Beauvais of a rich and noble Family He lost his Father Evrard in his Youth and was Guibert Abbot of Nogent brought up by his Mother who took a particular care of his Education but having afterwards retir'd to a Monastery and being-inform'd that her Son did not follow the Instructions she had given him she oblig'd him to take Lodgings in the Abby of St. German in the Diocess of Beauvais to live under the conduct of his old Tutor who became a Monk in that Abbey Guibert did not continue long there before he had an inclination to assume the Monastick Habit and actually put that Design in execution contrary to the Advice of his Mother and Tutor After having turn'd Monk he was afflicted with many Temptations but at last was deliver'd from them by the means of Prayer and Study and was chosen Abbot of Nogent sous Coucy in the most remote part of the Diocess of Laon where he died in 1124. A certain small Tract about Preaching is usually prefix'd to Guibert's Works being the Preface to his Moral Commentaries on the Holy Scripture which is full of Instructions and very methodical He begins with observing that it is very dangerous for a Person obliged to Preach by the Duty of his Function to neglect the performance of that Duty by reason that as it is a matter of pernicious Consequence to shew bad Examples so it is a very great Offence not to endeavour to contribute somewhat to the reclaiming of Sinners by wholsom Instructions He adds That Men have different Motives to abstain from Preaching that some are induc'd to do it by Pride for fear of passing for Preachers a Quality commonly reputed contemptible in the World others by Envy not to communicate their Knowledge to others and others by Disgust or Slothfulness in regard that they do not think themselves to lie under any Obligation because they have no cure of Souls He maintains that all Christians who have attain'd to any Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures are oblig'd to Preach the Word of God and that they ought to propose no other end of their Preaching but God himself who is the Subject of it That Bishops Abbots Curates and all Christians in general are not only obliged to abstain from doing Evil and from giving bad Examples but are also under an obligation to do all manner of Good that lies in their power both by their Example and Doctrine He concludes from that Principle that the practice of Virtues and the Instruction of others ought to be joyn'd together Thus a Preacher ought to lead an innocent Life and he who lives well ought to apply himself to the Instructing of others This Author advises that Preaching be preceded by Prayer to the end that the Soul inspir'd with the Love of God may ardently express the Sentiments it has of God to inflame the Hearts of the Auditors with the same Zeal with which it is transported it self For says he a Discourse pronounced in a luke-warm and languid manner not being agreeable even to him that pronounces it cannot give satisfaction to the Hearers and it would be wonderful that a Discourse deliver'd by a Person who is not animated himself should be capable of animating others Care ought also to be taken continues he since the Word is spread abroad according to the effusion of the Heart that the Discourse be not too tedious by reason of its length and do not clog the Auditors Therefore how fervent soever the Zeal of the Preacher may be how copious soever his Subject how strong soever his Memory and how extraordinary soever his fluency of Discourse yet he ought to have regard to the weakness of his Auditors and to consider that 't is more commendable to lay down a few Truths which will be receiv'd attentively than to deliver an infinite number of Things that cannot be retain'd and that 't is expedient to leave off before his Auditors be tir'd to the end that when there shall be an occasion to Preach to them at another time they may be disposed to hearken to his Doctrine He likewise admonishes Preachers that they ought to render their Sermons profitable both to the Ignorant and to the Learned and to explain the Matters they handle in such a manner as may be
Treatise of the Sacraments or Rights of the Church by Bruno Bishop of Segni were published by Father Luke Dachery in the Twelfth Tome of the Spicilegium as a new Piece although it was printed in the Venice Edition MARBODUS Bishop of Rennes MARBODUS flourish'd at Anger 's in the end of the preceding Century in quality of Canon Marbodus Bishop of Rennes Arch-deacon and principal Master of the Schools of that Church Afterwards he was nominated for the Bishoprick of Rennes by Pope Urban II. was ordain'd in the Council of Tours A. D. 1096. and govern'd that Church during twenty eight Years When he perceiv'd himself to draw near his end he left his Bishoprick and retir'd to the Monastery of St. Aubin at Anger 's where he assum'd the Habit of St. Benedict and died in the beginning of the Month of September A. D. 1123. Sigebert assures us that he wrote a Commentary on the Book of Canticles but it is no longer extant Marbodus compos'd divers Poetical Works Printed at Rennes in 1524. in which Edition are to be found certain Hymns on Mary Magdalen Three Prayers to God One to the Virgin Mary Several Epigrams and Letters in Verse Divers moral Poems A Piece on the casting away of Jonas Another on the Martyrdom of the Maccabees The Passions of divers Martyrs in Verse The Life of St. Maurillus of Anger 's in Verse Sixty Poetical Pieces on the precious Stones and on other Subjects Ten other Poetical Pieces on the following Subjects viz. on the manner of Writing on Time on Eternity against lewd Women in commendation of vertuous Women on Old Age against those who imagine that the Stars have any influence over the Bodies of Men against Voluptuousness on true Friendship and on the Advantages of Death and of the Resurrection These Poems are follow'd by six Letters in the First of which directed to Renaud Bishop of Anger 's Marbodus complains That that Prelate after having persecuted and traduc'd him publickly condemn'd him for writing to the Pope that the disturbances raised by the Bishop of Anger 's hinder'd him from going to Rome He upbraids him with the Services he did him in causing him to be chosen Bishop and the assistance he gave him in expediting his Journy to Rome to get his Election confirmed that in stead of a grateful acknowledgment of that Kindness he was no sooner return'd from Rome but he depriv'd him of those Favours and Privileges which were granted to him by his Predecessors without so much as allowing him six Months Respit to make an honourable retreat and that after having made complaint of his being treated so unworthily the Bishop of Anger 's cited him to Rome knowing that he was not in a condition to go thither obtain'd power to condemn him and actually pronounc'd Sentence against him under colour that he had receiv'd Induction into two Churches After having thus smartly reprehended Renaud he advises him to moderate his Anger not to be too far transported with the heat of his Youth to have a greater respect for his Elders and to take care lest his irregular Conduct should verifie the report given out by some Persons viz. that Prosperity and the high Station to which he aspir'd had sufficiently discover'd the corruption of his Manners Marbodus adds that he does not give him this Admonition to the end that he might be more favourable to him but lest he should abuse his Authority in treating others after the same manner The second Letter is directed to Robert d' Arbriselles whom he reproves as Geffrey of Vendome had done for keeping too familiar a correspondence with Women and for suffering Men and Women to cohabit together He represents to him the danger of that intimate Converse and the Scandal that it might occasion He likewise blames him for wearing a torn Garment as not being suitable to the Profession of a Regular Canon which he embrac'd at first or to the Sacerdotal Dignity to which he was afterwards advanced He accuses him of affecting singularity in that particular and advises him to resume the Habit of a Regular Canon and to return to his former course of Life But he is much more offended at him for taking upon him to reprove the Vices of absent Clergy-men in his Sermons and for inveighing against certain Orders and Persons of great Eminency He affirms that that serves only to bring Superiors into contempt to subvert the order of the Church and even to induce many to believe that his design in declaiming against others was only to gain popular Applause He declares at the same time that altho' he had a better Opinion of him yet it cannot be deny'd that his Preaching has the same effect and that many of his Hearers abandon their Curates and refuse to receive the Sacraments from them or to pay them Tithes whereas they run after him incessantly being excited by Curiosity and an inclination to Novelty rather than a true principle of Piety since it does not appear that there is any manner of reformation in their Lives and Conversations Lastly he rebukes him for giving the Monastick Habit to all those who being mov'd by his Sermons were desirous to receive it without making any trial of their integrity and constancy as also in regard that he took no care that they should be thoroughly converted provided the number of his Followers were encreas'd That after they had once given in their Names he took no farther cognizance of their Affairs but left them at liberty to act as they thought fit That some of them met together and ran about the Towns and Countries cloathed with Habits of several Colours wearing long Beards and walking bare-footed And that when they were ask'd who they were they made Answer That they belong'd to their Master Our Author is unwilling to impute to him the Extravagances committed by those People but observes it to be a matter of dangerous Consequence that they should thus make use of his Authority for a cloke to their Folâ—y and call themselves his Disciples As for the Nuns which Robert d' Arbriselles in like manner caus'd to be shut up in Cells without any Probation he says that some of them broke thro' the Passages to make their Escape and that others were brought to Bed in their Appartments which would not have happen'd continues he if the prudence of the Governor had made a trial of their Strength He concludes with remonstrating to him that he was censur'd for quitting the Canonical Life which he had embrac'd and for leaving the Monastery where he had made a Vow of Constancy and where he was constituted Superiour of his Collegues to lead an extraordinary kind of Life and to take upon him the Government of a Nunnery There oâ—e Marbodus demands of him a satisfactory Answer as to those particular Articles otheâ—wâ—â—e he declares that he should have very good reason to doubt of his Salvation 'T is probable that Robert d' Arbriselles clear'd himself from
Library shews The Books of the Imitation are only in Manuscript but there are other Books at the end of which 't is observ'd that they were written in 1472. with the hand of Muthias and another which is a Soliloquy of Hugo in 1475. As to this Witness 't is said that he may do very much hurt to Thomas a Kempis but can do him no service because this Matthias Farinator liv'd under the Pontificate of John XXII who sate in the Holy-See from 1316. to the year 1334. by whose Order he undertook to Compose the Book of the Light of the Soul Possevin and Simlerus place him at the same time If it be thus and that he Transcrib'd the Book of the Imitation then it could not be Thomas a Kempis's since this Farinator must be dead before the year 1406. wherein Thomas became a Regular Profess'd To this 't is Reply'd that Matthias Farinator was not of the Fourteenth but of the Fifteenth Century as the Date of his Manuscript shews that Trithemius has not put him in the Catalogue of his Writers which ends at the year 1494. nor Arnold Bostius in his Catalogue of the Writers of the Order of Carmelites which was finish'd about the same time That Possevin and Simler were deceiv'd because they thought that Matthias Farinator wrote his Book by the Order of John XXII for there is no such thing said in the Preface as these Authors thought That Farinator Compos'd this Book by the Order of Pope John XXII but That this Book was written in the time of Pope John XXII and after it had remain'd a long while conceal'd and in obscurity he had put it into better Order divided it into Chapters and Paragraphs and made a Table to it Here follow the words Liber Meralitatum jussu Joannis Pontificis Maximi Lumen Animae dictus quem post diutinam occultationem cum adhuc informis esset Simplicioribus rudis obscurus appareret frater Matthias Farinatoris de Vienna Sacri Ordinis B Dei Genetricis Virginis Mariae de Monte Carmeli Lectorum Sacrae Theologiae minimus in Titules Titulos in Paragraphos distinxit Moralitates omnes pariter Naturales per binas Tabulaturas â—…gnans editus est anno 1477. 'T is therefore very probable that Matthias liv'd at the end of the Fifteenth Century and that he did not Compose but put in Order Correct and Publish the Book of Moralities If this be so it may be said that supposing he had written the Imitation of Jesus Christ under the Name of Thomas a Kempis yet he was impos'd upon by some Manuscript which was taken from that of 1441. which made some believe that this Book was Thomas a Kempis's I say suppose he had written it under his Name for there is no such thing in this Manuscript yet it may be that the Author of the Catalogue having drawn it up at such a time as Thomas a Kempis was commonly believ'd to be the Author of the Book of Imitation might add this Name to it tho' it was not in this Manuscript Lastly Since we have not the Original written with Farinator's own hand we can lay no great stress upon this The Third Witness which is produc'd for Thomas a Kempis is the Anonymous Author of his Life who ascribes to him the Book of the Imitation and in the Body of the Life he says that we may see in his Treatise of the Interior Conversation of Jesus Christ with the Soul Ch. 2. what he said to the Lord in his Solitude and in the Ancient Catalogue which concludes his Life Against this Witness 't is alledg'd that he was not Cotemporary to Thomas a Kempis that he had neither seen nor known him since he says that he learn'd what he wrote of his Life from the Friars of his Convent who were still alive A Fratribus illius Conventus qui adhunc vivunt and that he speaks of the time when Thomas became a Regular as a thing that was past many years ago Tunc temporis fuit Consuetudinis ut sic per sex annos probentur priusquam investiantur And therefore we must not wonder that he speaks according to the Common Opinion in Germany of the Book of Imitation That besides this Life was Interpolated and that neither the Catalogue noâ— the last words wherein he promises it are to be found in the Editions of Venice in 1568 and 1576. That the Catalogues of the Works of Thomas a Kempis do neither agree among themselves nor with that of Trithemius Lastly That the Continuator of the Chronicle of Mount St. Agnes who wrote the Life of Thomas in 1477. says nothing like this which is in the Life of the Anonymous and speaks not any ways of the Book of the Imitation of Jesus Christ but only observes that he Compos'd some Tracts for the Edification of younger People in a plain and easie Style but very considerable for their Sense and Force The Fourth is Peter Shot a Canon of Strasburg who Publish'd in 1488. an Edition of the Works of Gerson wherein he observes that he has not added here those Treatises which had been sometimes ascrib'd to Gerson and who have certainly another Author as the Book of the Contempt of the World which as is manifest was writen by one Thomas a Canon-Regular quem constat esse a quodam Thoma Canoico Regulari editum But that which seem'd manifest to Shot will not appear so to those who ascribe this Book to Gerson The Fifth is John Kunne of Dunderstat who printed in 1489. a Book of the Elevation of the Soul to God wherein he ascribes the Book of the Imitation to Thomas a Kempis The Sixth is John Mauburne an Abbot of Livry the Author of the Spiritual Rosary printed at Basil in 1491. who quotes in this Work the Book of the Imitation under the Name of Thomas a Kempis and who in another Manuscript Work of the Ecclesiastical Writers of the Order of Canons-Regular ranks in this Number Thomas a Kempis upon the account of the Books which he Compos'd among which he names that which begins with these words Qui sequitur me which some have falsly ascrib'd to Gerson This Author wrote not this till towards the end of the 15th Century He owns that from this time this Book had been ascrib'd to Gerson nevertheless he thinks that it was Thomas a Kempis's but he gives no manner of proof of this Opinion and so his Testimony is not decisive in the Case The seventh at last is Trithemius who in his Book of Ecclesiastical Writers which was finish'd in 1494. places the Imitation of Jesus Christ which he entitles De contemptu Mundi beginning with these Words Qui sequiturme at the Head of the Works of Thomas a Kempis who flourish'd about the Year 1410. But the same Author in his Book of the Illustrious Men of Germany written some time after distinguishes two Thomas a Kempis's both Canons-Regular of Mount-Saint-Agnes of Zwoll whereof one was more
never searched after it amongst the Jews and because it is inseparable from the Worship and Knowledge of the true God He afterwards explains the Doctrine of the Christians with relation to Jesus Christ and evidently proves That the Pagans themselves acknowledged that he was the Word and Wisdom of God existing before the World That this Word was begotten of God after an incomprehensible manner That he descended from Heaven and was born of a Virgin according to the Predictions of the Prophets that the Gentiles might know the true God He then gives an Account of the Life the Miracles and Death of Jesus Christ and shows That it was necessary for him to undergo the infamous Punishment of the Cross. He afterwards demonstrates That though the Christians do acknowledge that the Son is God as well as the Father yet they worship but one God That the Father and Son are one Spirit and one Substance and one God which 〈◊〉 illustrates and explains by the Comparisons of a Fountain and its Stream of the Sun and its Rays c. Towards the End he declaims in general against Heresies and tells us That the Catholick Church only has retained the true worship of God That it is the Sourse of Truth the Habitation of Faith the Temple of God That those Men who never enter into it or who depart from it are out of hopes of obtaining Everlasting Salvation That no Man ought to flatter himself whilest he continues stedfast in his Obstinacy since his Eternal welfare is concerned in the Matter which he will be in danger of losing unless he takes particular Care That though all the Sects of Hereticks pretend and boast to be the Church yet there is but one properly so called which heals the Wounds of Man by the wholsome Remedies of Confession and Repentance In the Fifth Book that treats of Justice He shews that the Pagans have no such thing as true Justice That 't is impossible to find it any where but in the Christian Religion That it is a great Injustice to pâ—…secute the Christians because of their Persuasion and that though they were in an Errour yet their Adversaries ought to recover them out of it by the force of Reason and not of Punishments That we cannot and that we ought not to constrain Men to be of any Religion which is a thing not to be defended by Killing of others but by Dying for it our selves not by Cruelty but Patience That that the Sacrifices which are extorted from Men by Violence neither signifie any thing to those that offer them nor to those that cause them to be offered nor to the Gods themselves That 't is a surprizing thing that the Pagans could suffer the Superstitions of the Egyptians and the Atheism of the Philosophers and yet should bear such an incurable hatred to the Religion of Jesus Christ In short That though God sometimes permits Truth and Justice to be persecuted yet he never fails at last to punish Persecutors with the utmost Severity The Sixth Book treats of the true worship of God He distinguisheth between Two sorts of Worship True and False and Two sorts of Ways One that leads to Hell and the Other that leads to Heaven He tells us That this last is a difficult Way that we must pass through Poverty Ignorance and a long Series of Sufferings before we can arrive at Virtue That the Philosophers search'd after it to no purpose since they neither knew what was Good or what was Evil having no Knowledge of God who was the Author of Good nor of the Devil who is the Author of Evil That the Law of God is made clear and manifest to us That this Law contains two Principal Heads The First of Piety The Second of Humanity That Piety consists in worshipping God and that Humanity which is also called Mercy and Charity consists in our mutually assisting one another to our utmost Endeavours since we are descended from the same Father That if we would acquit our selves of this Duty we ought to bestow Alms to relieve the Sick and Necessitous to protect Orphans and Widows to redeem Captives and bury the Dead and that the Apprehension of becoming poor ought not to hinder us from giving considerable Alms because they blot out and efface our Sins He afterwards discourses about the Passions and demonstrates contrary to the Sentiments of the Philosophers That Mercy or Compassion is not a Vice but a Virtue and that Fear and Love which are Vices when they carry a Man to Earthly things are Vertues when they move him towards Heaven From hence he proceeds to the Precepts of Justice that are less general such as are the following ones Not to Lye not to be guilty of Usury not to exact Gifts from the Poor not to revenge our selves of our Enemies to speak well of those that revile us to moderate our Passions and to refrain from the pursuit of Sensual Pleasures After he has thus show the way of Justice he says That if it should happen that a Man should forsake this way by falling into some Sin yet he ought not to despair but turn away from his Evil Practices and satisfie God who knows our secret Thoughts In one word That the Sacrifice which we are to present ought to be Spiritual and that we ought to offer him the Purity of our Hearts and the Praises due to his Divinity The Last Book of his Institutions treats about Happiness and a happy Life He shows that this supposes the Immortality of the Soul which he demonstrates by several Arguments and likewise that thiâ—… Mortal Life can never be Happy unless we take care to preserve Justice He afterwards discourseth of the End of the World which he imagines must happen Six Thousand Years after its Creation d Six Thousand Years after its Creation So that he seems to have thought that there were no more than 200 Years to reckon from his own time to the Day of Judgment and of the Signs that shall precede it amongst which he reckons the Destruction of the Roman Empire and of the last Judgment wherein he tells us God shall as it were weigh both Good and Evil and that those who have committed more Evil than Good shall be condemned to Everlasting Punishment That on the contrary those who are altogether Just shall not in the least manner feel the Divine Fire but that those who are in a middle condition shall be examined by it and so purified from their Sins That after this Solemn Trial is over Jesus Christ shall Reign a Thousand Years upon Earth with the Just and when that Course of Time is finished the World shall be renewed all Mankind shall be raised again and God shall make the Just like to Angels that they may be in his Presence and serve him during a happy Eternity but that he will throw the Wicked head-long into Everlasting Fire He concludes all with exhorting Mankind to be Converted and Repent while
they have an Opportunity of so doing that so they may put themselves in a Condition of fearing nothing at that Great and Terrible Day We cannot carry any thing along with us says he but the Innocence of our Lives Those only shall appear rich before God that bring along with them if I may use the Expression the Vertues of Mercy of Patience of Charity and of Faith This is the Inheritance which cannot be ravished from us and which we cannot transmit to any one besides And who are they that desire to acquire these Blessings Let them that are Hungry come to the Celestial Bread of the Word of God that they may be everlastingly satisfied Let them that are Thirsty come to quench their Thirst with the Water of this Heavenly Fountain Let no Man ground his hopes upon his Riches or his Power for these things are not able to make us happy for ever but let us bind our selves to the observation of Justice which will accompany us even to God's Tribunal where we shall certainly receive the recompence which he has promised us The Epitome or entire Abridgment of these Seven Books composed by Lactantius himself is lost what is extant begins at the End of the Fifth Book the rest was lost in St. Jerome's time This Abridgment contained the very same things with the Books themselves only more succinctly treated and thrown into a narrower compass In the Book of God's Anger Lactantius endeavours to prove that God is capable of Anger as well as of Mercy and Compassion In the Book of the Work of God he establisheth Providence by demonstrating the Excellence of his Principal Work which is Man for which Reason he makes an Elegant Description of all the Parts of his Body and the Proprieties or Faculties of his Soul The Book of Persecution or rather of the Deaths of the Persecutors lately published by Baluzins and quoted by St. Jerome was writ immediately after the end of that Persecution which was begun in the Year 303 under Dioclesian and ended 313 by the Death of Maximinus when Licinius and Constantine were Masters of the Empire 'T is written to a Confessor whose Name was Donatus who suffered several times courageously for the Christian Religion during that Persecution The Subject which Lactantius proposes to himself in this Treatise is to show That the Emperours who persecuted the Christians died all miserably He there describes and relates the several Persecutions which the Church suffered and likewise the exemplary Punishments which God deservedly inflicted upon these persecuting Tyrants After he has in a few Words briefly run over the Sufferings of the Church under the Emperours Nero Domitian Decius Valerian and Aurelian and given an account of the Tragical Deaths of these bloody Princes he enlarges more copiously upon the following Persecution He gives a particular Account of the History of Dioclesian Maximian Galerius Severus Maxentius and Maximinus and tells us how they came to be Emperours and what was the occasion of the Divisions and Wars that were raised between them He represents in lively colours the horrid Cruelties which they exercised upon the poor Christians and how by the visible Chastisement of God Almighty they came to a lamentable End This small Treatise is writ with a great deal of Flame and Elegance and is exactly agreeable in the Historical Part to the Revolution of the Roman State under these Emperours We find several Matters of Fact related there which were unknown to us before and many other Passages are illustrated and set in a better light He there discovers the Policy and Designs of all these Emperour And lastly makes it visibly appear that the Hand of God was upon them to punish them for their Cruelty and ill Usage of the Christian Professors There are few things in this Book that relate to the Doctrine of the Christians but he seems to take notice that St. Peter came not to Rome till the Beginning of Nero's Reign And he likewise tells us That as the Emperour Maximinus was offering Sacrifice one of his Officers made the Sign of the Cross and thereupon to their great trouble the Daemons disappeared Besides these Works whereof we have already discoursed there are Three Poems attributed to Lactantius which are not mentioned by St. Jerome nor are to be found in the ancient Manuscripts and therefore in all probability they are none of his The First is a Poem concerning the History of the Phoenix but the Author of this Piece was certainly no Christian but a Pagan for he not only describes the Deluge like a Heathen and contrary to Moses's Account but he also speaks of Phoebus as if he owned and acknowledged him for a God The Second Poem concerning Easter is addressed to one Felix a Bishop and was composed by a Christian Author who lived after Lactantius 't is attributed to Venantius Fortunatus upon the Testimony and Authority of some Manuscripts in the Vatican Library The Third is about the Passion of Jesus Christ but is not to be found in any ancient Manuscript of Lactantius besides it does not in the least come up to the Purity and Eloquence of his Stile and besides he mentions the Adoration of the Cross. There are likewise some Arguments upon Ovid ' s Metamorphosis and Notes upon the Thebais of Statius that some Persons have attributed to Lactantius but they really belong to Lactantius Placidius a Grammatian They are quoted by Boetius and Sedulius Lactantius is the most Eloquent of all the Ecclesiastick Authors that wrote in Latin His Stile is Pure Equal and Natural in a word it is extremely like Cicero's and he justly deserves the Name of the Christian Cicero not only for the cleanness and purity of his Language but also for the turn of his Phrase and his Way of Writing which is so conformable to that of Tully that the most accurate Criticks have been troubled to find out any difference between them Nay there have been some Persons in the World as we are informed by e Picus Mirandula Picus lib. de Hist. Divinae Philosophiae c. 7. Quis apud nos non videat esse Ciceronem sed Christiannm hoc est aliquem qui eum ad lineam vivumque expresseâ—it Quis enim non advertit Lactantium Firmianum aequasse ipsum forte praecelluisse in Eloquendo Idem lib. 3. Epist. 10. Lactantius Ciceronis stilum effigiavit vel ut quibusdam placet supergressus est mihi videtur rebus sententiis crebrior nec numeris injucundior nec sibi aequibilitate candore posterior Has quippe virtutes viribus maximis amulatus assecutus est hunc nec â—qualem posteri momorderunt nemo elumbem fractum Asiaticum redundantem nemo causatus est Picus Mirandula who made no difficulty at all of preferring his Stile to Cicero's Be that as it will we are very certain that Lactantius abundantly surpasseth Cicero in his Thoughts because the Matter of that Religion which he