Canaanites haâ—ing not the true worship of God defiled themselves with these abominations for the which the Lord cast them out Levit. 18.24 Simler QUEST XXXV What is meant by sacrificing to other gods 〈…〉 hearing that the two tribes and an halfe beyond Jordan had erected them an Altar they assembled themselves together against them as jealous lest they purposed to bring in a new worship of God Tostat. 5. And not onely they which committed Idolatrie themselves but they which perswaded others were to be put to death Deut. 13.6 7. QUEST XXXVI Whether Idolatrie now is to be punished by death Vers. 20. SHall be slaine 1. The word is charam that simply signifieth not to cut off but to destroy as an anathema thing accursed and bequeathed to destruction Iun. Pelarg. 2. The Interlinearie Glosse expoundeth it of excommunication and of eternall death but both the practise of those times and the like punishment here â—nflicted upon other capitall crimes sheweth that it must be understood of the losse of the temporall life though beside without their great repentance Idolaters deserve also everlasting death Rev. 22.8 3. Some object that now Idolatrie is not to be punished by death but that such rather that are seduced should be instructed in the true worship of God and in the times of the Gospell it is fit more clemencie and mercie should be shewed than under the rigour of the law Answ. 1. Though Idolaters are to be instructed to reforme their error for the salvation of their soules yet this letteth not but that for so great impietie and for the example of others they should worthily suffer the paines of death 2. And now under the Gospel seeing robberie against the common peace and â—reason against the life and safetie of the Prince and State are judged worthy of death Qui majestatem Dei 〈◊〉 dissime violavit tam leve facinus admisisse putabitur shall he which violateth the Majestie of God most impiously be thought to commit so small an offence Gallas 4. But although as Osiander saith the Magistrate non gladio in idololatriam vindicare teneatur be not now bound to take revenge of Idolatrie by the sword for some difference there is betweene Pagane idolatrie and Popish superstitious Imagerie the one being an absolute deniall of all Christianitie the other a mixing therewith of superstitious vanitie yet by the equitie of this Judiciall law which serveth for the strengthening of a morall precept the like sin of idolatrie may justly receive the like punishment As Cyprian repeating that law Deut. 13.12 Si audieris in una ex civitatibus c. If thou hearest of any of the cities c. that are drawne away to serve other gods that such a city should be destroyed thus further inferreth cujus praecepti memor Mattathias which precept Mattathias remembring killed him that approached to the idolatrous Altar to sacrifice c. Then he further addeth Quod si ante adventum Christi circa Deum colendum et idola spernendâ— haec pracepta servata sunt c. Now if these precepts concerning the worship of God and despising of Idols were kept before the comming of Christ quanto magis post adventum Christi servanda sunt How much more ought they to be kept after the comming of Christ seeing he hath not onely exhorted us in words but in deeds Augustine likewise shewing a difference betweene the schisme of the Donatists and Pagane idolatrie thus concludeth Quis vestrum non laudat leges c. Which of you doth not commend the lawes given by the Emperours against the sacrifices of the Pagans illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est c. for the punishment of that impietie is capitall 5. R. Salomon thinketh that if a Jew did sweep an Idol Temple velornaret vel alia similia faceret quae sunt praambula c. or adorne it onely and doe other things which are but preambles to Idolatrie he was not to be punished by death but some other wayes Ex Lyrano But if enticing in words to idolatrie were judged worthy of death Deut. 17.5 much more to entice and draw by fact and example as in adorning and beautifying the Temples of Idols QUEST XXXVII Why idolatrie is judged worthy of death NOw the reasons why idolatry was held by Moses law to be worthy of death were these 1. Quia is cultus diabolo exhibetur qui idolorum author est Because that idolatrous worship is giuen unto the devill who is the author of Idols Gallas 2. Aequum est vita privari eos c. It is just that they should be deprived of life which forsake God the author and fountaine of life Simler To leave the worship of God who is the author of life and to worship the devill the author of death and destruction mille mortibus c doth shew himselfe to be worthy of a thousand deaths Gallas 3. Though euery transgression of the law be in some sort a breach of Gods covenant yet idolatry more specially is said to be a transgression of the covenant of God Deut. 17.2 Because men apparently and professedly thereby forsake the profession solemnely made of their service and obedience vnto the Lord Simler 4. And this severe punishment the Lord appointeth for idolatrie quia inter Aegyptios idololatria assiâ—everant because the Israelites had accustomed themselves unto idolatry among the Egyptians in so much that they Moses yet living set up a golden calfe to worship Simler 5. Because of the ready inclination and propension of mans nature unto idolatry it was fit that it should by some severe punishment be restrained Calvin 6. And two things there are which doe exaggerate the nature of a sinne and aggravate the punishment thereof Res in quibâ—s committitur is in quos committitur c. The things wherein they are commited and they against whom they are committed Borrh. Both which concurre here in the sinne of apostasie and idolatrie For what mattâ—â— can be of greater moment than the service and worship of God and what sin more grievous than that which is committed against God QUEST XXXVIII Of kindnesse how to be shewed toward strangers and why Vers. 21. THou shalt not doe injury to a stranger 1. There are two reasone why men are apt to doe wrong unto strangers a both because they are not allied by affinity or consanguinity and therefore no naturall affection is commonly shewed toward them because they are destitute of friends and patrons and therefore lye more open to wrong Tostatus 2. The stranger must neither bee injured in word nor wronged in deed Simler Neither secretly by fraud nor openly by violence neither must they be hindred by any private man nor publikely prejudiced by lawes made against them Tostat. And it is not enough not to doe them wrong but we must help them and doe them what good we can Gallas 3. And this reason is added because they were strangers in Egypt they did feele
the Scribes and Pharisies he therefore giveth the true sense of the law given them by Moses which allowed lawfull warre to be made Therefore Christs meaning cannot be that evill and injuries can no way be resisted 2. It must be considered that Christ here speaketh unto private men not unto Magistrates that they were not to seeke revenge which belonged unto the rulers and governours 3. Our blessed Saviours meaning is to restraine mens corrupt affections and grudges in seeking revenge and to exhort them to patience for according to the very letter our Saviour himselfe did not performe this precept for being smitten with a rod he did not turne the other cheeke but answered for himselfe Ioh. 18.23 So also did S. Paul when the high Priest commanded him to be smitten on the face Act. 23. 2. S. Paul would not have Christians to goe to law one with another 2 Cor. 6. much lesse it is lawfull to make warre Answ. S. Paul simply findeth not fault with their going to law but because they one convented another before Heathen Judges and for that they were impatient of wrongs and would put up nothing one at anothers hand 3. Our Saviour biddeth Peter to put up his sword adding further that they which take the sword shall perish with the sword Matth. 26.52 Answ. It is plaine that our Saviour speaketh of the private use of the sword not of the publike in lawfull battell when as the souldier doth not take the sword into his hand by his private authoritie but it is committed unto him by the commandement of the Magistrate 4 The parable of the tares is objected which our Saviour would have grow untill the time of harvest Answ. The end and scope of this parable must be considered which is to shew the state and condition of Christs Church in this world that therein the wicked and hypocrites are mixed among the faithfull and so it shall bee till Christ shall come in the end of the world to purge his floore and take away all the chaffe for otherwise if it were not lawfull to take away the evill there should be no place neither for Civill nor Ecclesiasticall discipline and so Saint Paul should have beene contrarie to his master who willed the incestuous young man to bee excommunicate 1 Cor. 5. and so the tares to bee weeded out of the corne 5 The Apostle saith The weapons of our warfare are not carnall c. 2. Cor. 10.4 we must not then use carnall and outward weapons Answ. 1. The Apostle speaketh there onely of such weapons which wee are to use against spirituall evils which indeed are onely spirituall not of those which are used against men 2. After the like manner S. Paul saith Christ sent me not to baptize but to preach the Gospell 1 Cor. 2.17 yet he baptized some his meaning is he was not sent chiefly to baptize but to preach so the chiefest armour of Christians are spirituall but they may use carnall and externall also Simler But now on the contrarie side that it is lawfull for Christian Magistrates to wage battell it may be thus shewed by the authoritie of the word of God 1. Deut. 20. there are divers lawes prescribed whom they shall make choice of to go to warre how they should be exhorted by the Priests and other orders are there expressed which had beene superfluous if it were a thing simply unlawfull to enterprise warre 2. In the new Testament when the souldiers came to Iohn to know of him what they should doe he biddeth them not to lay aside their weapons or to forsake their calling but not to doe wrong and to be content with their wages Luk. 3.14 Wee read in the Gospell of a Centurion that beleeved in Christ Matth. 8. and in the Acts of a Centurion converted by Saint Peter Act. 10. who retained that office and calling still 3. Further seeing it is the office of the Magistrate that beareth not the sword for nought to take vengeance on him that doth evill Rom. 13.4 And it may fall out that not one or two or a few but a multitude may doe evill and commit some outrage who cannot be resisted but by force of armes the Magistrate then is herein to doe his dutie to suppresse the evill and to take vengeance on them 4. But whereas it will be objected that there are no precepts in the new Testament concerning this matter but onely in the old wee answer 1. That it is sufficient that we finde it there for whatsoever is prescribed in the old Testament not repugnant to nor reversed in the new Christians are to receive and obey it was the wicked opinion of the Marcionites and Manichees which rejected the old Testament 2. And the reason why no mention is made in the new Testament of waging of battell and making of warre is for that there was then no Christian Magistrate by whose authoritie warre must be taken in hand And because there was then no such civill power in the Church the Lord gave unto his Apostles an extraordinarie power in punishing the wicked as S. Peter did strike Ananias and Sapphira with sudden death Act. 5. So they needed no schooles then because they were furnished with extraordinarie gifts of the Spirit but now they are needfull those extraordinarie gifts being ceased and so it is necessarie now that the Magistrate should use the materiall sword that spirituall sword of vengeance which the Apostles had being now no more exercised 5. Briefly somewhat shall be added here what conditions are required and ought to concurre to make just warre which are these three 1. By whose authoritie 2. Upon what occasion 3. In what manner warre must be taken in hand 1. Warre must not be attempted without the authoritie of the Magistrate for he beareth the sword Rom. 13.4 If the examples of Sampson and Abraham be objected for the first we answer that hee was moved by the Spirit for the second that he was no private man or subject to any other but free and at his owne command beside he was not without the direction of Gods Spirit And further if a true man shall defend himselfe against a theefe by the sword or a Citie being suddenly besieged or invaded of the enemie the Magistrate being absent in these cases it is lawfull to use the sword because though in particular they have not the expresse consent of the Magistrate yet in generall the lawes permit that it shall be lawfull for every one in such desperat cases to defend themselves 2. The causes of just warre are these three 1. When as any battell is enterprised by the speciall Commandement of God as Saul was sent against Amalek 2. To rescue and recover such things as are unlawfully taken away as David pursued the Amalekites that had burned Ziklag and carried away their goods and their wives and redeemed them againe 1 Sam. 30. 3. To deliver the oppressed and to bridle the insolencie and crueltie of the
say wee are delivered though wee have done all these abominations Ierem. 7.9 Chrysostome well sayth to this purpose Non est locuâ— hic lupanar sed Ecclesia si membra meretricis habes abesto ab Ecclesia ne praesentiâ tuâ sordescat This place is no brothelhouse but the Church if thou hast the members of an harlot absent thy selfe from the Church lest it be defiled by thy presence c. homil 62. super loan 2. Obser. Against fornication ANd let not onely adulterers take heed unto themselves even fornication between those that are not married is a grievous offence before God who will not onely judge adulterers but whoremongers also Hebr. 13.4 And that saying of the Apostle may bee applied against fornication as well as adulteries Know yee not that yee are the Temple of God c. if any man destroy the Temple of God him shall God destroy 1 Cor. 3.16 Whereupon Augustine thus writeth Non vis corrumpi domum tuam quare corrumpi◠〈◊〉 Dei Thou wouldest not have thine house corrupted or defiled why then doest thou corrupt the house of God lib. dâ— in chord cap. 9. And these mischiefes fornication bringeth with it 1. Perdit animaâ— The fornicator destroyeth his owne soule Prov. 9.18 Hee knoweth not that the dead are there and that her guests are in the depth of hell 2. Consumit substantiam He consumeth and wasteth his substance Prov. 6.16 Because of the whorish woman a man is brought to a morsell of bread 3. Vilificat prolem It maketh their posteritie vile and base as the Apostle sheweth Otherwise were your children uncleane 1 Cor. 7.14 that is without mariage 4. Privat honore c. It depriveth of honour and purchaseth an everlasting blot Prov. 6.32 Hee shall find a wound and dishonour and his reproach shall never bee put away Thomas in opuscul 3. Obser. Against disguising of the bodie and uncomely apparell AVgustine sheweth how this Commandement is otherwise transgressed by light behaviour disordered apparell disguising of the bodie Habitus impudicus corporis est nuntius adulterini cordis The unshamefast behaviour of the bodie is the messenger of an adulterate heart Superflua inordinata capilatura vestimentorum muliebrium affectata similitudo as Superfluous and inordinate haire and affectation of womens garments c. And in women Fucatafacies capillorum nativi coloris adulteratio A painted face colouring of the haire imitating the fashion of mens garments c. August serm 347. The one S. Paul reproveth in men 1 Cor. 11.14 Doth not nature it selfe teach you that if a man have long haire it is a shame unto him The other S. Peter reprehendeth in women As their broydred haire and gold put about and the putting on of apparell 1 Pet. 3.3 The eighth Commandement 1 Questions discussed QUEST I. Whether the stealing of men only bee forbidden in this precept Vers. 15. THou shalt not steale R. Salomon is of opinion that only the stealing of men is prohibited here because that kinde of stealth onely was punished by death other kinds of theft by restitution either of double or quadruple Contra. 1. It doth evidently appeare that all kinde of theft and not that of men onely is here forbidden by these two reasons first because the Morall law only as grounded upon the law of nature did binde both Iewes and Gentiles the Judicials only concerned the Israelites therefore if other thefts had beene restrained only by the Judicials and not by the Morall law the Gentiles would not have condemned the stealing of goods as well as of men as they did Secondly the Judicials did only binde the people after they were delivered unto them not before but it was a sinne to steale in Israel even before they had received the Judicials 2. The ground of his opinion is not found that the breach of every morall law was punished by death for the coveting of a mans ox or asse though this coveting had proceeded to act was not judged worthie of death Tostat. qu. 24. QUEST II. Of the order and phrase used in this precept THou shalt not steale 1. Next unto those wrongs which either are done unto a mans single person as in offering violence to his life or in persona conjuncta in his coupled and conjoyned person namely his wife in committing adulterie next after follow those injuries which concerne his substance and such things as appertaine unto him Thomas in opuscul 2. And first of all prohibentur nocumenâ—a quae infertimiur facto those hinderances are forbidden which are done in fact then those quae inseruntur verbo which are done in word as in 9. precept Thou shalt not beare false witnesse Lyran. 3. But here this word theft is more generally taken quà m apud juriscâ—nsu tos than among the Lawyers Borrah for it signifieth quamlibet alienae rei usurpationem any kinde of usurping of that which is another mans Gloss. interlinear 4. And the reason why all violence fraud circumvention is prohibited under the name of theft is Furandi verbum posuit quod ut probrosâ—m omnibus naturaliter exhorrent He useth the word stealing which all men by nature doe abhorre is ignominious that we might the better be perswaded to abstaine from all kinde of theft Calvin For men cunningly doe glose and colour their vicious and corrupt dealing with honest names as fraud and deceit is called wit and cunning getting of other mens goods providence The Lord therefore to meet with all such daubing doth call things as they are and sheweth how that before him all such wrong-doers are held guiltie of theft QUEST III. Of the generall heads of the things here prohibited THree things in generall are forbidden in this Commandement 1. The unjust getting of other mens goods which is 1. Either by rapine or violence either of sacred things or of prophane and common 2. Or else by theft and pilfring 3. Or by deceit circumvention and fraud 2. All dammages discommoditie or hinderance which either is brought upon another by hatred evill will enmitie or else which is not turned aside and declined from our brother it being in our power 3. The abuse of mens goods and substance is likewise here condemned either in the evill bestowing and expending of them in vaine and unprofitable things or in the unjust holding and possessing and not imploying of them when necessitie requireth Simler QUEST IV. Of Sacrilege THe first generall transgression then is in sacrilege which is the stealing either of any sacred thing appointed for holy and sacred uses out of any place sacred or prophane or of any prophane and common thing out of a sacred place And this sacrilege is of two kinds it is either of things spirituall or of things externall and temporall of this latter sort are these 1. The wilfull stealing and withdrawing of such things as are ordained to holy and divine uses which kinde of sacrilege is strictly punished by humane lawes Such was the sinne of Achan in stealing the wedge
will as if a man shoot an arrow and kill a woman with child or shee be behind him and he knew it not and hee hurteth her with his heele that she die in this case the man deserved no punishment at all no not so much as a pecuniary mulct to be inflicted which yet is appointed by this law where death followeth not therefore this law meaneth not any such act which is altogether involuntarie Tostat. quaest 24. 2. Neither is this law to be understood of murther altogether voluntarie as if a man of purpose should smite a woman with child and shee die for this was provided for before what punishment should be laid upon him that committed wilfull murther 3. This law therefore is made concerning such violent acts as were of a mixt kinde partly voluntarie partly involuntarie as if a man striving with one and seeing a woman with child within the danger cared not whether shee was hurt or no Tostat. Or if striving with a man he thrust him upon a woman with child Galas Or a woman comming to rescue her husband receiveth hurt by the other that striveth Lyran. In this case if death followed in the woman with child the 〈…〉 to die foâ— it 4. And the reasons are these 1. Because adfuit laedendi animuâ— he that so striveth had a minde and intent to hurt Simler Consilii ratio habenda est his counsell and intention must be considered which was to assault the life of another and by this occasion he killeth one whom he intended not to hurt Iunius Piscator 2. Againe Vxor una carâ— est cum viâ—o quem intendeâ—â— pâ—râ—utere The wife is one flesh with her husband whom he intended to smite Lyran. 3. And beside instance is given of a woman with child who neither could shift for her selfe and a double danger is brought both upon her her child which she went with therefore in this case the law provideth that such oversights should be severely punished Tostat. q. 25. QUEST LVI Whether the death of the infant be punished as well as of the mother Vers. 22. ANd death follow not c. 1. Some thinke that this is to be understood onely of the death of the woman and not of the child Osiander That if the child died and not the woman he was onely to pay a peece of money not to lose his life for it and their reason is because he deserved not so great a punishment that killed an infant in the wombe as he that did stay a perfect man Oleaster who findeth fault with Cajetane for understanding the law indifferently of the woman and her child 2. But Cajetanâ— opinion is to be preferred for like as it is a more heinous thing to kill a man in his owne house than in the way so is it a prodigious thing to suffocate an infant in the mothers wombe qui nondum est in lucem editus which is not yet brought forth into the light of this world Calvin And againe Foetus quamvis in utero inclusus homo est The infant though yet inclosed in the wombe is a man Simler And the child in the wombe is yet a part of the person of the woman so that if there be corruptioâ—â—tius perâ—oâ—a aut partis a destruction of the whole person or of a part Iun. he that so hurteth a woman with child in her owne person or her childs is subject to this law QUEST LVII Whether this law extendeth it selfe to infants which miscarie being not yet perfectly formed NOw it being agreed that this law as well comprehendeth the infant that perisheth as the woman that beareth it yet there remaineth a question whether if the childe in the wombe bee yet imperfect and so not endued with sense and life that in this case though the woman die not but onely lose her birth he that did the hurt is to suffer death 1. Some hold the affirmative that if any child whatsoever by this meanes miscarrie the offender is subject to this law 〈…〉 propâ—â—qua est effectui The iâ—fant being now formed is so neere unto the effect thâ—â— is the life that who causeth the same to miscarrie may be said to have killed a man Gallas And therefore by the Civill law he that of purpose procured the birth to miscarrie if he were a meane person was condemned to the metall mines if a noble person to banishment Cicero also in his oration pro Cluentiâ— reporteth of one Milesia a woman who being hired of the heires in reversion to destroy the infant that shee went with had a capitall puishment therefore inflicted upon her Ex Simlero But these lawes were made against such as did of purpose seeke to destroy infants in the wombe and cause abortion of them here the cause is divers where the fruit of the wombe miscarrieth by some chance 2. Therefore this penaltie was onely by the law inflicted when as the infant perished that was endued with life So Augustine thinketh using this reason Nondum potest dici anima viva in eo corpore quod sensu caret c. The living soule cannot be said to be yet in that bodie which wanteth sense qu. 80. in Exod. And thus the Septuagint interpret If the infant came forth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not yet formed c. which forming of the infant beginneth fortie dayes after the conception as Procopius Cajetane giveth this reason why in such a case when the birth commeth forth imperfect the sentence of death is not inflicted quia homo in potentia non est homo because a man onely in possibilitie is not a man quia tunc non occiditur homo non est homicidium and because then a man is not killed it is no manslaughter Tostat. And the word jeladim sons signifieth as much that the law meaneth formed and perfect infants Simler And it is put in the plurall because a woman may have more infants than one in her wombe at once for otherwise why should one give life for life or soule for soule seeing such imperfect births are not yet endued with life soule As Augustine saith In Adam exemplum datum est c. An evident example is given in Adam quia jam formatum corpus accipit animam that the bodie when it is now fashioned receiveth the soule and not before For after Adams bodie was made the Lord breathed into him the breath of life So August lib. quaest vet nov Testam qu. 23. as he is alleaged Caus. 32. qu. 2. cap. 9. QUEST LVIII Why the action is given unto the husband Vers. 22. ACcording as the womans husband shall appoint him c. 1. Because the injurie is done unto the man in that his issue is cut off and because hee is the head of the woman the law referreth the prosecution of this wrong unto the husband Tostat. 2. But the taxation of the mulct is so referred to the man as yet if he should exceed a just proportion the Judges in
be bound if he used deceit or were in a manifest fault otherwise not as si fecisset animal illud nimis laborare if he caused the beast which was borrowed to be over laboured Lyran. But in the case of borrowing he is bound not only to make restitution where any thing is lost by his fraud and wilfull default sed tenetur de levissima culpa but for every small fault oversight or negligence is he bound to make satisfaction Tostat. qu. 8. QUEST XX. Whether the fornicator by this Law be sufficiently punished Vers. 16. IF a man entise a maid not betrâ—thed c. 1. This Law enjoyning only unto the fornicator marriage with the virgin corrupted if her father consent may seeme to be too easie and gentle But here it must be considered that in these civill Lawes the punishment is not alwayes answerable to the sin for even the sinne of fornication is one of those which without Gods mercy excludeth out of the kingdome of heaven but the intendment of this Law is to bridle such inordinate lusts and to restraine them that they still increase not Simler 2. And beside it must be considered multa pro ruditate populitâ—lerare that many things in that Common-wealth were tolerated because of the rudenesse of the people Gallas 3. Although the offender by this meanes doe satisfie the politicke Law in marrying the virgin by him corrupted yet coram Deo c. in the presence of God he is not cleared from this offence in making amends by marriage and giving her a dowry Osiander But repentance beside is necessary for the expiation of this sinne 4. The speciall scope of this Law is to provide for the virgin thus abused that shee being made by this meanes unapt for any marriage with another should be taken to be his wife that had done her this wrong 5. The like Law there was among the Athenians that he which defiled a maid should take her to be his wife But among the Romans there was a more severe Law that he which had committed fornication if he were of good sort should be punished in the losse of halfe his goods if of base condition he should be banished Simler 6. This Law is onely concerning virgins not betrothed for to lye with them which were espoused to another was death by Moses Law Deut. 22.23 QUEST XXI Why the women committing fornication be not as well punished by the Law AGaine this Law may seeme to be defective as in laying so easie a punishment upon the man so imposing none at all upon the woman 1. But the reasons thereof may be these the woman might be entised and deceived upon hope of marriage and it was sufficient punishment unto her the losse of her virginity and beside being under her fathers power and so having nothing of her owne shee could not be charged to pay any summe of money as the man is Simler 2. Yet the high Priests daughter if shee played the whore in her fathers house was to be burned because shee had dishonoured her fathers house Levit. 21.9 therefore she is to be excepted out of this Law Tostat. quaest 9. 3. The word patah here used signifieth to decline or turne so that whether he entise the maid blanditiis vel mendaciis by faire promises or by lying words whether he promised her marriage or not he is bound by this Law to take her to wife Oleaster 4. And as this Law is meant for the one party of virgins not betrothed so is it intended on the other part that he must be a single man that is by this Law enjoyned to marry her Iun. If he were married it seemeth he was rather to endow her than marry her because the father would not willingly consent to give his daughter to one that was married already 5. The word shacab signifieth to lye or sleepe non est peccatum dormire cum puella it is no sinne saith Tostatus only to sleepe with a maid if no other thing be committed though he follow the Latine text reading and sleepe with her it is better therefore to read lie with her Iun. Vatab. QUEST XXII What kinde of dowry this Law speaketh of HE shall endow her There is difference betweene Dos the dowry and donatiâ— propter nuptias the marriage gift or joynture this is not meant of the joynture which the man should make his wife but of the dowry which the father used to give in marriage with his daughter as may appeare by these reasons 1. The endowing of the wife is inflicted hâ—re as a punishment the man for his fault is enjoyned to doe that which otherwise he was not bound to doe but the husband alwayes bestowed upon his wife a marriage gift therefore this Law meaneth he shall beare also her dowry which his wife should bring with her or her friends give with her 2. If it were understood of the joynture or marriage gift it had beene superfluous to say he shall endow her and take her to wife for in taking her to wife the husband was of ordinary course to bestow on her a marriage gift or joynture 3. If he have her not to wife her father not consenting yet he was to pay her dowry vers 17. that is not a joynture or marriage gift but that portion which her friends used to give with her Tostat. qu. 9. QUEST XXIII How this Law differeth from that Deut. 22.29 SOme make this Law all one with that Deut. 22.29 where the man which defiled a maid is enjoyned to pay 50. sicles to her father which R. Salomon thinketh to be the certaine dowry of a virgin and so they say that there is duplex dos una qua datur uxori alia quae datur patri a double dowry one which is given unto the wife the other unto her father Lyran. Simler Gallas Lippom. But these two appeare to be divers Lawes 1. This case is put when a man entiseth a maid and she consenteth and is willing therewith but there the Law speaketh of the violent taking of a maid Iun. Tostat. 2. There the summe of 50. sicles is paid to the father for the wrong done unto his daughter it is not given in the name of a dowry for there could not be any certaine rate or summe of money appointed for every maids dowry some might give 1000. sicles with their daughter others not thirty therefore that summe of 50. sicles is not prescribed here but it is said in generall He shall pay money according to the dowry of virgins that is according to their state and condition as dowries used to be given with virgins and maids of like parentage calling and birth for a poore maid had not so great a dowry as one of noble stocke and high degree 3. The maid by violence first defiled and then taken to wife by that Law could never be put away Deut. 22.30 but no such thing is mentioned here he that taketh a maid to wife whom with her owne consent
words of Adam as Epiphanius thinketh or immediatly uttered by the Lord to Adam but of Moses directed by the spirit of God who inserteth here a perpetuall law concerning marriage 2. The man is said to leave father and mother either comparatively and in degree that he is rather to leave them than his wife Oecolamp or conditionally if they shall seeke to dissolve the knot of marriage therein the sonne is to leave them Muscul. as also the leaving of the father and mother signifieth the erecting of a new family as the Chalde readeth hee shall leave his father and mothers bed for the ancient use was for children unmarried to lye in their parents chambers Mercer 3. They shall be one flesh not only in respect of carnall copulation as R. Sel. for so bruit beasts may be said to bee one flesh but in respect of their perpetuall society the conjunction both of their bodies and minds Now whereas the Apostle saith that he which is joyned to an harlot is one flesh the Apostle there applieth not that which is proper to marriage to fornication but sheweth what injury they doe to marriage which commit fornication yeelding that to harlots which is peculiar to wives to be made one flâ—sh with them And yet this difference there is that the man and wife are joyned together both in flesh and spirit as it followeth in the same place he that is joyned to the Lord is one spirit 1 Cor. 6.17 but the harlot though joyned in body is severed in heart and affection QVEST. XLV How man was not ashamed of his nakednesse Vers. 25. THey were both naked and were not ashamed 1. Adam was not ashamed not as some Hebrewes say because Heva was of his owne flesh for afterward they were one ashamed to behold the nakednesse of another neither doth Moses set them forth as impudent and unshamefast persons such as the Adamites are pretending this example companying together like bruit beasts but this nakednesse of their bodies sheweth the nakednesse and simplicity of their minds for shame is the fruit of sin and therefore before sinne entred they were not ashamed 2. Some thinke that there remaineth yet in children that are not ashamed of their nakednesse some shadow of our first estate but children are therein unshamefast for want of reason as the like is to be seene in bruit beasts But in the kingdome of heaven we shall be all naked and without shame as Adam was and without feare or danger of sinne which Adam was not 3. Further notwithstanding their nakednesse they should not have beene offended with the weather either heat or cold not that their skin was like unto the nailes of the fingers as R. Eliezer thinketh which waâ— taken away after their fall but God would have so tempered the elements and the quality of their bodies as that all things should have beene serviceable unto them 4. The places of doctrine 1. Doct. The Dominicall or Lords day is grounded not upon tradition or Ecclesiasticall institution but upon the scriptures IN that the Lord sanctified the seventh day and made it a day of rest we inserre that as the Sabbath kept then upon the seventh day in remembrance of the creation was of the Lords institution so the Lords day is now observed by he same authority in remembrance of the resurrection of Christ and our redemption by the same contrary to the Rhemists who count the observation of the Lords day but a tradition of the Church and Ecclesiasticall institution Rhemist Matth. 15. sect 3. Our reasons are these 1. The observation of a Sabbath or day of rest unto the Lord is commanded in the moral law which is perpetuall and not to be abrogated if this bee denied it will follow that there are but nine commandemets if that of sanctifying the Sabbath doe not binde now And although wee observe not now the same day for our Sabbath which the Jewes did yet the seventh day we keepe still retaining the substance of the law which is to keepe one day holy of seven The manner of computation and account of seven where to begin where to end and to bee tied to the very same prescript of the day was ceremoniall and a circumstance of the law and in that behalfe doth not conclude us 2. That which was by the holy Apostles by precept enjoyned and by example observed was of a divine institution thus the Lords day is prescribed by Saint Paul 1 Cor. 16.2 where the Apostle enjoyneth them to make collection for the poore in their meetings upon the first day of the weeke which then began to be observed for the Lords day he himselfe also Act. 20.7 observeth the same day and preacheth in it Saint Iohn calleth it the Lords day Revel 1.10 3. Every symbole significative or representing signe mentioned in scripture had a divine institution but so is the Sabbath a symbole or type of our everlasting rest Heb. 4.9 There remaineth therefore sabbatismus a sabbath rest to the people of God which words doe conclude that both the type remaineth that is a sabbatisme and the signification of the type everlasting rest 4. No constitution of the Church doth simply bind in conscience for Gods commandements only do so bind Iam. 1.12 There is one law giver which is able to save and destroy but the keeping of the Lords day bindeth in conscience for therein we are commanded not to doe our owne wayes nor to seeke our owne will nor to speake a vaine word Isay 38.13 which duties are alwayes commanded so especially upon the Lords day but these precepts the observation whereof is properly incident to the Lords day doe bind in conscience Ergo. c. 5. If the Lords day were but a tradition of the Church there should be no difference betweene that and other festivall dayes but all of the like necessity and with as great strictnesse are to be observed and kept these as the other But that were very absurd seeing we find the Lords day by the Apostles to have beene observed whereas no mention at all is made of the other in the scriptures and the Church of God in her practice hath alwayes made a difference betweene the observation of the Lords day and other festivals enjoyning that with greater devotion alwayes to be celebrated than the rest 6. This also hath beene the constant doctrine of the Church of God and the judgement of the fathers that the Lords day is of the Lords institution as may appeare by this sentence of Augustine Dominicum diem apostoli apostoliâ—i virâ—religiosa sanctitate habendum sanxerunt c. The Lords day the Apostles and Apostolicall men have ordained with religious holinesse to bee kept because in the same our Redeemer rose from the dead and therefore it is called the Dominicall or Lords day that in it we onely may attend upon the divine service this is the first day in the world in it were created the elements
and the Angels upon this day Christ rose the holy Ghost was given and Manna descended from heaven first on this day serm detempor 251. Wherefore I cannot wholly condescend to Mercerus judgement who saith politiae causa retinuerunt Apostols diem dominicum Sabbato subrogatum that the Apostles for policy sake have retained the Lords day in stead of the Sabbath in 2 Gen. vers 3. A policy I grant in the use of the Lords day but that is neither the only nor chiefe reason of the institution thereof There are three causes of the observation of the Lords day a religious and holy use for the Lord to this end did consecrate this day by his owne example and commandement to bee spent in holy exercises the Civill or politicall use of the Lords day is for the rest of our selves our servants and catteâ—ls the ceremoniall or symbolicall end was to shadow forth our spirituall rest in Christ in this last respect I confesse the ceremony of the Sabbath in part to be abolished for it is a symbole still of our everlasting rest in heaven Heb. 4.9 But in the other two respects the law of the Lords day is perpetuall for that as Philo saith it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 festum populare a popular or generall festivall to be observed of all people for ever I doe wonder then this doctrine of the Sabbath and day of rest now called the Lords day having such evident demonstration out of the scriptures and being confirmed by the constant and continuall practice of the Church in all ages that any professing the Gospell specially being exercised in the study of the scriptures should gainsay and impugne these positions following as erronious 1. That the commandement of sanctifying the Sabbath is naturall morall and perpetuall for if it be not so then all the commandements contained in the decalogue are not morall so should we have nine only and not ten commandements and then Christ should come to destroy the Law not to fulfill it contrary to our Saviours owne words Matth. 5.17 2. That all other things in the law were so changed that they were cleane taken away as the priesthood the sacrifices and the sacraments this day namely the Sabbath was so changed that it yet remaineth for it is evident by the Apostles practice Acts 20.7 1 Cor. 16.2 Apocal. 1.10 that the day of rest called the Sabbath was changed from the seventh day to the first day of the weeke and so was observed and kept holy under the name of the Lords day 3. That it is not lawfull for us to use the seventh day to any other end but to the holy and sanctified end for which God in the beginning created it for this were presumption to alter Gods appointment and the will and ordinance of the Creator must stand in the use of the creature otherwise the Apostle had not reasoned well for the use of meats from the end of the creation which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving 4. As the Sabbath came in with the first man so must it not goe out but with the last for if the keeping of a day of rest holy unto the Lord bee a part of the morall law as it cannot bee denyed then must it continue as long as the Lord hath his Church on earth and the morall Sabbath must stand till the everlasting Sabbath succeed in place thereof 5. That we are restrained upon the Sabbath from work both hand and foot as the Jewes were though not in such strict particular manner as they were for whom it was not lawful to kindle a fire upon the Sabbath Exod. 35.2 yet in generall wee are forbidden all kind of worke upon the Lords day as they were which may hinder the service of God saving such workes as either charity commandeth or necessity compelleth for it is a part of the morall precept in it thou shalt doe no manner of worke 6. That the Lord would have every Sabbath to be sanctâ—fied by the Minister and the people and that in the Church he ought to preach the word and they to heare it every Sabbath day but not each of these under paine of condemnation as the place is misconstrued is confirmed by the practice of our blessed Saviour Luke 4.16 and of S. Paul Act. 13.14 and 20.7 And hereunto are the Canons of our Church agreeable which require that every Minister preach every Lords day and likewise catechise the youth 7. That the Lord hath commanded so precise a rest unto all sorts of men that it may not by any fraud deceit or circumvention whatsoever be broken under the paine of his everlasting displeasure who doubteth of this but that every breach of any part of the morall law especially by deceit and circumvention deserveth in it selfe Gods curse and everlasting dâ—spleasure as the Apostle saith the wages of sinne is death and the Law saith Cursed is every one that continueth not in all things which are written in the booke of the law to doe them as the Apostle citeth this text This doctrine of the Sabbath first grounded upon the authority of scripture hath accordingly beene ratified by the constant and perpetuall practice of the Church Origen saith In nostro Dominico die semper pluit Dominus Manna de coelo in our Lords day the Lord alwayes raineth Manna from heaven Hierome Dominicus dâ—es orationi tantum lectionibus vacat upon the Lords dayes they onely give themselves to prayer and reading Ambrose tota diâ— sit vobis oratio vellectio c. nulle actus seculi actus divinitatis impedâ—ant c. Let us all the day be conversant in prayer or reading let no secular acts hinder divine acts let no table play carry away the mind Augustine quomâ—do Maria mater Domini c. As Mary the mother of our Lord is the chiefe among women so among other 〈◊〉 this is the mother of the rest the whole grace of the Sabbath and the ancient festiâ—ity of the people of the Iewes is changed into the solemnity of this day Concil Tullen cap. 19. Oportet eos qui praesunt Ecclesiis c it behoveth those which are set over the Churches upon all dayes but especially upon the Lords dayes to teach the people c. Matisconens 2. cap. 1. Exhibeamus Deo liberam servitutem c. Let us exhibite unto God our free service not because the Lord requireth this of us to celebrate the Lords day by corporall abstinence but he looketh for obedience whereby we treading downe all terrene rites might be raised up to heaven But these allegations are here superfluous seeing there is a learned Treatise of the Sabbath already published of this argument which containeth a most sound doctrine of the Sabbath as is laid downe in the former positions which shall be able to abide the triall of the word of God and stand warranted thereby when other humane fantasies shall
THe name was called Babel 1. It was not so called of Belus as some have imagined but of confusion for so Ballal signifieth 2. Neither was it ever called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which betokeneth confusion in the greeke tongue as the Septuagint but after the Hebrew 3. So God disappointed them of their purpose that where they looked to gaine credit they found shame and confusion vide quot res siant c. behold how many things were done saith Chrysostome to keepe a memory of this fact for Phaleg had his name of this division Babel of the confusion of tongues and of Heber in whom the holy tongue remained unchanged that language tooke the name sic Chrysost. Perer. QVEST. XII Why God saw it good to disperse the people FRom thence the Lord did scatter them c. 1. They were not then scattered before as some thinke but now upon this occasion they began to be divided into all quarters 2. Though this division of tongues were imposed upon them as a judgement yet God turneth it to the benefit of the world in dispersing them which was many wayes profitable both because if they had continued in one place many goodly Countries in the world should have lyen desart waste and untilled As also sufficient food could not have beene provided in one place for such a multitude And further if they had continued together they might have beene in greater hazard by warre or pestilence as also wicked people inhabiting together would have beene more stronge to doe mischiefe QVEST. XIII That the Hebrew tongue was the common language of all the world NOw if any be desirous to know what language this was which before this confusion of tongues was used through the world it is agreed by the most learned interpreters that it was the Hebrew 1. Augustines reason is Quoniam in familia Heber communis omnium lingua remansit because the Hebrew tongue is so called of Heber in whose family that which was the common tongue before remained that tongue which Heber used before the division of tongues was the common speech but that was the Hebrew 2. Hieromes reason to prove the Hebrew to bee matricem the mother of all other languages is because every tongue hath borrowed some words of the Hebrew as the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the same in Hebrew pherion Cantic 3.9 a bed or beare so the Latine hath borrowed the word nugas which is in Hebrew nuge Sophon 3.18 where Hierome in his translation keepeth the same word so saccus a sacke as Oleaster noteth commeth of the Hebrew Hierom likewise sheweth that gnalmah signifieth a Virgin both in the Hebrew and Punicke language from whence the Latine alma seemeth to be derived Many words also are used in our English tongue derived from the Hebrew as fag which is a figge The Grecians further seeme to have derived the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he done pleasure from Heden the place where Paradise was the Latines call Whales thynnâ—s of the Hebrew tavaim the Italians call a thing that is light and vaine Bay of the Hebrew Bohu the French of Gallia Narbonens call a species or kinde meane of the Hebrew min. 3. Tostatus reason is because these names which were first given as of Adam Eve Cain Seth are Hebrew words as may appeare by their severall derivations in that tongue as the first so called of the red earth the second because she was mother of all living the third a possession the fourth because he was put in Abels place 4. Cajetanus proveth the same by the word Jehova which is an Hebrew word used before the floud and the name Babel given unto the tower in this place 5. Oleaster bringeth these reasons that it is most like that the common language remained there where the first division of tongues was made namely in Babylon the Chalde therefore and Hebrew betweene the which there is great affinity are most like to be the most ancient as also for that this was the language of the East from whence they came which builded Babel It appeareth then that Philo is in an error that thinketh the Chalde tongue to be the most ancient true it is that Nahor Thare Abraham dwelt in Chaldea but yet they spake the Hebrew tongue and so in that respect it may be called the Chaldean tongue because some Chaldeans used that language like as the Syriake tongue which the Jewes used in our Saviour Christs time might bee called the Hebrew language because the Hebrewes used it Mercer QVEST. XIV Whether the Hebrew or Syriake be most ancient HEnce also it is evident that Theodoret was much deceived 1. He thinketh that the Syriacke tongue was the most ancient because those names Adam Cain Abel are Syriacke names Answ. The Syriake or Chaldaike and Arabike language were derived as Rivers out of the fountaine of the Hebrew and therefore it is no strange thing if some Hebrew words are retained in those languages 2. He thinketh that the Hebrew speech was not so called of Heber for then all the posterity of Heber as the Syrians Idumeans Ismaelites Ammonites should also speake that language Ans. Augustine giveth the reason hereof that they were called Hebrewes only among whom lingua prior pietas conservaretur where both the ancient tongue and religion were preserved although Heber was the father of many nations beside yet they beare his name that did heire his faith 3. Theodoret thinketh that the Hebrew tongue was brought in by Moses and was not the naturall speech of the Israelites but such as they learned for the Jewes at this day naturally speake the language of the Countrey where they are borne they doe learne the Hebrew by teaching Answ. 1. It is evident by those ancient Hebrew names of Adam Cain Abel that the Hebrew tongue was used before Moses time 2. While the Hebrewes lived in their owne nation and common-wealth they naturally from their mothers breasts speake that language but now being dispersed into divers nations not conversing together they are forced to use that Countrey speech where they dwell 3. Augustine thinketh that not onely the Hebrew tongue but the Hebrew letters were used and well knowne before Moses and he doth gather it from that place Deut. 31.28 where the Septuagint translate the word shoterim grammatâ—â— Isagogis the teachers instructers or beginners in letters But it is very like howsoever this place giveth no strength to it in that the people were commanded to write the Law upon the posts of their gates that the Hebrew letters were then very well knowne not as newly taken up but used of long time QVEST. XV. Of the number of languages COncerning the number of the tongues and languages which were divided in the building of the tower of Babel the common and received opinion is of Epiphanius Hierome Augustine that they were 72. according to the number of the families rehearsed chap. 10. Arnobius
obscuring of their sight concerning the object of the doore only as Perer. neither was it a blindnesse procured by any naturall meanes as by the obscuring the object darkning the aire or weakning the sight as Pererius imagineth but it was a miraculous and immediate worke they smote the men with blindnesse they smote not the medium or the object but their sight was generally blind that they had no discerning of one thing from another as the Aramites were blinded that they could neither discerne Elisha the prophet the way nor the City Calvin so that both their discerning and seeing faculty both inward and outward sense were dazled and therefore the word sanuere is put in the plurall number Sanâ—erim they were then as it were san blind which word may very well bee derived from the Hebrew so is the property of such not to discry or discerne things of any distance from them QVEST. IX Lot had only two daughters no other children Vers. 14. LOt went and spake to his sonnes in law c. 1. These were the men unto whom Lots daughters were espoused not already married as some of the Hebrewes thinke and Mercerus that Lot beside the two Virgins had two other daughters married but it may appeare that Lot had no more sonnes or daughters but only two because when the Angell had bid him bring out his sonnes in law his sons and daughters hee onely spake to his sonnes in law therefore sonnes he had none nor other daughters to speake unto but those two which were with him 2. It is evident also that only Lot his wife and two daughters were delivered out of the flames of Sodome 1. that it might appeare that there were no more righteous persons in Sodome so that the number of ten last mentioned by Abraham could not bee made up 2. If any other had escaped if men Lots daughters would rather have practised with them than their father if women they would have entised them to doe the like as they did As for the wine which they drunke they might either carry it themselves or upon beasts there was no such necessary use of servants in that behalfe or which is most like they brought it with them from Zoar. Mercer QVEST. X. Why Lot is willed to speake to those that would not heare him Vers. 14. HE seemed as though he had mocked It will be here questioned why the Lord willeth such to be warned whom hee knew would despise their calling The answer is ready God notwithstanding would have them to be called that they might be more inexcusable and his judgements appeare to be most just like as he hath appointed the Gospell to be preached to all the world yet many are called and few chosen as our Saviour saith Mat. 20.16 ex Calvin QVEST. XI Why Lot and the rest are forbidden to looke backe Vers. 17. LOoke not behind thee The Lord forbade Lot and likewise the rest with him to looke behind them not either because of the Angell that destroyed Sodome or for that it was dangerous to looke into the infected aire as the Hebr. but for these reasons 1. to try their obedience as hee did Adams in prohibiting the eating of an apple 2. to shew hereby the indignity of that place that was not worthy by any honest man to bee looked upon 3. to stay Lots curiosity that he should not too narrowly looke into Gods judgements or gaze upon his workes Perer. 4. as also for more speed sake as the Apostles were likewise forbidden to salute any by the way Iun. 5. that Lots desire and affection might bee sequestred from the pleasures and wealth of the City Calvin QVEST. XII How Lots wife looked behind him Vers. 26. HIs wife looked backe behind him 1. not behind her selfe as the Latine readeth 2. nether yet being behind Lot dragging after him did shee looke backe as Cajetane in c. 19. Genes Mercer 3. neither did she looke behind upon Lot that she might come after him Calvin for then she had not broken the Angels charge 4. but she looked toward Sodome behind and beyond her husband Iun. QVEST. XIII Why God so severely punished Lots wife SHe was turned into a pillar of Salt God shewed this example of severity upon Lots wife 1. for her disobedience 2. her incredulity in not giving credit to Gods word 3. her curiosity in desiring to see the City burning 4. her foolishnesse in pitying the ruine of her countrey kindred and people 5. her affection seemed yet to bee addicted to the pleasures of Sodome and therefore our Saviour giveth a caveat hereof Remember Lots wife Luke 17.32 that wee for saving and loving of this life lose not the next Perer. Calvin QVEST. XIV What pillar of Salt Lots wife was turned into PIllar of Salt 1. Not because Lots wife perished in the fire of brimstone mingled with salt as it is Deut. 29.23 as Aben Ezra for it might as well be said a pillar of brimstone 2. neither is it so called only because it was a durable pillar as an everlasting covenant is called a covenant of salt Numb 18.19 for salt hath a property to preserve things from corruption and decaying 3. Neither was she turned into a pillar of salt because she refused to bring the guests salt the day before as some of the Hebrewes dreame 4. Neither yet is it an allegory to signifie such to be as senslesse pillars which divert their affections from spirituall to earthly and sensuall things as Philo applieth it 5. But hereby is signified that she both was turned into a pillar of materiall salt and that also durable and of long continuance which Iosephus saith remained to be seene in his time Bâ—rchardus long after maketh mention of it in his description of the holy land and the Thargum Hierosolymit saith that it is duratura usque ad tempus resurrectionis to continue till the resurrection but God would have that monument ut praestet fidelibus condimentum c. that it might be a seasoning to faithfull men to take heed of backsliding as Augustine noteth QVEST. XV. What became of Lots wife FUrther 1. Neither must it bee supposed that her soule but her body onely was turned into a pillar of salt Calvin 2. And the Lord might have mercy upon her soule though this chastisement was shewed upon her body 3. And it is most like that this miracle was done before Lot came to Zoar neither is it to be thought that Lot and his two daughters went before and his wife staid behind in the field to looke backe as Cajetane thinketh but it was done in Lots sight and presence for the better example sake before they entred into Zoar for when Lot departed out of Zoar mention is made only of him and his two daughters And they which have travelled that countrey doe testifie that this pillar was to be seene betweene Segor and the dead Sea where Sodome and Gomorrha stood Perer. ex Borchard QVEST. XVI
Ambrose lib. 1. de Abraham c. 6. 3. Others thnke that indeed Lots daughters did thus ignorantly perswade themselves but so as that present arguments were offered to cause them to thinke otherwise and therefore their ignorance was not invincible as the view of the Countrey the preservation of Zoar which upon their fathers feare they might imagine also to bee destroyed the remembrance that Sodome was punished for their particular sinnes they knew also that their father had a godly uncle and a great kindred at the least they might before this attempt have consulted with their father Cajetan Perer. 4. But I rather subscribe to Calvin that they doe not so speake as though all men of the world were perished which they did know upon the former reasons but onely the men of that place as Iunius well translateth In tera hac In this Countrey and they being shut up in the Cave could have no accesse unto others Mercer Though that other conjecture of Calvins that there might be beside some of their servants be not so probable for they would not then have practised with their father QUEST XVIII Lots drunkennesse whether to be excused Vers. 32. WE will make our father dâ—unke with wine c. 1. Some doe altogether excuse Lot in that he was dâ—unken bâ—cause he did it not of intemperancie but onely to mitigate and allay his griefe and heavinesse Chrysostom hom 44. in Gen. And Thomas saith that Lot totaliter excusatur à culpa that Lot is wholly to be excused and his reason is because Actus praecedens talis fuit ut ex eo sequeretur ebrietas sine peccato The preceding act was such that drunkennesse followed without sinne which is not true for wine cannot be taken with excesse without sinne as Saint Paul saith Ephes. 5.18 Be not drunke with wine wherein is excesse the very excesse is sinfull howsoever taken 2. Theodoret will not wholly excuse Lot Ebrietas Lot nonnullam habet râ—prehensionem venia tamen temperatam Lots drunkennâ—sse hath some reprehension buâ— worthy of pardon because Vino animi aegritudinem solabatur He did allay his sorrow with wine 3. But Augustine doth wholly condemne it thinking that it became not a just man Talem adhibere consala â—â—nem â—o use such a kinde of consolation And indeed in this case though Lot might have more freely used wine in this forlorn estate yet to use it in excesse to drunkennesse and lust can have no excuse Muscul. QUEST XXIX The incest of Lots daughters no wayes excusable Vers. 32. THat we may preserve seed of our father 1. Some doe excuse this fact of Lots daughters first Irenaeus saith ipsae excusabiles arbitrantes se solas relictas ad conservationem generis humani They are excusable thinking they were onely left for the preservation of mankinde Answ. 1. A good intention maketh not a good action it is not enough to propound a good end but the meanes also must be good their desire to preserve mankinde was commendable but the means to compasse it by incest with their father was not justifiable 2. It seemeth also that they sinned against their conscience knowing that their father would never have assented to them if he had not beene made drunken first to forget himselfe Secondly Chrysostome before alleaged faith it is extreme madnesse to condemne those Quos Scriptura ab omni liberat crimine Whom the Scripture freeth from all blame Answ. The Scripture setteth downe only a plaine narration of the fact without either praise or dispraise according to the holy manner thereof leaving the consideration thereof to the godly wise Reader It sheweth that they committed this fact of ignorance and love of posterity rather than of intemperancie which is not enough for the approbation of their fact though it be somewhat for the qualification thereof Thirdly Irenaeus useth another reason of excuse because of the mysticall signification he would have Lot signifie Christ his daughters the two synagogues c. Answ. 1. This mysticall application hath no warrant in Scripture but is onely devised by man 2. Though it were yet the argument followeth not for the Scripture borroweth similitudes and allegories from things which are not allowed as from the enchanter or charmer Psal. 58.5 Christs suddaine comming is compared to the theefe 1 Thess. 5.2 2. Wherefore this attempt of Lots daughters is no way excusable 1. Because incest with the father is a sinne against the law of nature and no wayes tolerable 2. They could not be ignorant that although those few Cities were desolate the whole world was not emptied of people 3. Their owne conscience gave them that they did not well because they did intoxicate their father with drinke thinking that if he were in his perfect memory he would not consent unto them 4. Though procreation of children and the propagation of man-kinde be a thing to be desired yet was it not lawfull by unlawfull meanes to compasse it in this case the Apostles rule must stand not to doe evill that good may come thereof Rom. 3.8 5. The resolution then is this first that the sinne of Lots daughters was greater than their fathers for his chiefe fault was his drunkennesse but they committed a double fault in making him drunke and committing incest with him therefore Augustine saith well Culpandus est Lot non quantum ille incestus sed quantum illa ebrietas merebatur Lot was to be blamed not as much as this incest but his drunkennesse deserved for the one was voluntary the other involuntary Secondly his daughters sinned the lesse because they desired their fathers company not for lust but for procreation as both their words shew and for that they did it but once Calvin yet was their offence very great being against the law of nature and therefore Augustine saith well Potius nunquam esse matres quam sic uti patre debuerunt ibid. It had beene better for them never to have beene moâ—hers than to have used their father so QVEST. XXX The copulation of the father and daughter in no necessity lawfull or tolerable FUrther if this question be moved whether in this case if there had beene no more men in the world left but Lot it had beene lawfull for his daughters to have conceived by him 1. Ambrose affirmeth it by the example of Adam and Eva which was taken out of Adam and yet carnally knowne by him But this example is not proper for Eve cannot be said to be Adams daughter seeing the beginning of such kindreds is by carnall copulation and commixtion neither will God ever suffer in his providence such necessicie to fall out that none but the father and daughter should be lest for procreation which necessity if ever it were likely to be had bin seene in Noahs floud when notwithstanding God would rather preserve wicked Cham for the generation of the world than bring in any such necessity of unnaturall copulation 2. Therefore Augustine thinketh
shabangh signifieth both seven and with some little alteration of the points to sweare but here Moses deriveth the word from the oath which was taken betweene them although not without relation to the seven lambes given in exchange Vatab. 2. Moses called the place Beersheba that is the well of the oath before v. 14. but that is by anticipation 3. Of this well the City next adioyning was so called Beersheba which was the utmost bound of the land of promise toward the South as Dan was on the north side 4. This Beersheba was one of those Cities that belonged to Simeons lot Iosua 19.2 but because Simeon had their inheritance in the middest of the inheritance of Iudah Iosu. 19.1 Beersheba also is numbred among the Cities of Iudah Iosu. 15.28 QVEST. XIII Why Abraham made a groave Vers. 33. ANd Abraham planted a groave c. 1. To let passe Rupertus allegory who by this groave planted by Abraham in a strange countrey understandeth the Church planted among the Gentiles professing Abrahams faith 2. Abraham planted this groave that it might bee a quiet and solitary place to the which he might betake himselfe for prayer and contemplation Cajetan 3. Some think that this groave was set with all manner of fruitfull trees whither Abraham did use to carry his guests and by the sight thereof to stirre them up to praise God the giver of all good things Tostat. ex Targ. Hierosol 4. It should seeme that the heathen from this godly use of Abraham derived by a corrupt imitation their consecrating of woods and groaves to their Idols and therefore the Israelites were forbidden afterward to doe the like and that this was the fashion of the heathen Pliny testifieth how that severall trees were proper to severall Idols the escule or oake tree to Iupiter the lawrel to Apollo olive to Minerva myrtle tree to Venus poplar to Hercules which abuse was taken up by the idolatrous Israelites they offered incense under the oakes the poplar trees the olive Hosh. 4.13 5. This superstitious use was afterward forbidden the Israelites not for those reasons alleaged by Philo 1. because the temple of God amoenitates non postulat must not be a place of pleasure 2. or because dung and other filth is applyed to the trees to make them grow 3. God will be worshipped in pateâ—â— and open places not in secret and obscure corners For then Abraham would not have worshipped God in a groave if upon these grounds it were unlawfull 4. But the cause of the prohibition was the superstitious practice of the heathen that had abused these things to Idolatry to whom the Lord would not have his people conforme themselves Deut. 12.3 You shall breake downe their pillars and burne downe their groaves with fire c. you shall not so doe unto the Lord your God QVEST. XIV How long Abraham sojourned in the land of the Philistims Vers. 34. ABraham was a stranger in the Philistims land a long season c. 1. Lyranus thinketh with other Hebrewes that Abraham sojourned in this countrey 25. yeares for so old Isaack is supposed to be when Abraham was bid to offer him up in sacrifice for then Abraham dwelt still in Beersheba and somewhat after 2. It is also not unlike that Abrahams time of abode was longer in Beersheba than it was in Hebron in the plaine of Mamre for it was but 25. yeares from Abrahams first comming into Canaan in the 75. yeare of his age to the birth of Isaack in his 100. yeare Lyran. 3. From this time of Isaacks birth beginneth the account of the 400. yeares mentioned Gen. 15.13 Calvin Now whereas S. Paul doth draw this history of Sarah and Hagar Isaack and Ismael to an allegory this place giveth occasion to intreat of and handle the Apostles words and to gather the summe of Pererius and others commentaries upon that Scripture as it is set forth Galat. 4. v. 21. to v. 27. QVEST. XV. How diversly the word Law is taken in the Scripture Vers. 21. TEll me c. doe ye not heare the Law c. 1. Sometime the law is taken for the Scriptures of the old Testament as Ioh. 15.25 a testimony alleaged out of the Psalmes is said to be written in their law 2. Sometime the old Testament is divided into the law and the Prophets Matth. 7.12 3. Sometime the law is taken for all the bookes beside the Prophets and the Psalmes Luk. 24.44 4. The law is taken for the five bookes of Moses as here for Genesis the first booke Perer. QVEST. XVI What it is to be borne after the flesh Vers. 23. HE which was of the servant was borne after the flesh 1. Sometime flesh is taken for the corruptible and mortall state of man in this life so the Apostle saith flesh and bloud cannot inherit the kingdome of God and expounding himselfe hee addeth neither doth corruption inherit incorruption 1 Cor. 15.50 2. It is taken for the sinfull state and condition of the flesh as Rom. 8.8 They that are in the flesh cannot please God 3. It signifieth the nature and state of the flesh Matth 16.17 Flesh and bloud hath not revealed this unto thee that is nothing in the nature of man so in this place Ismael is said to be borne after the flesh that is after the common order and course of humane birth Isaack also was borne by promise that is beside the usuall strength and course of nature he was borne by the power of Gods word and promise of one whose wombe was in a manner dead in respect of her yeares Beza QVEST. XVII Of divers kinds of allegories Vers. 24. WHich things are spokeÌ„ by way of allegory There are three sorts of allegories parables some are altogether feined applied to the matter in hand such are those parables in the Gospel as Luk 10. of the wise steward Matth. 25. of the ten Virgins some allegories consist altogether in borrowed phrases and metaphoricall speeches such as often doe occurre in the reading of the Prophets A third sort there is which are not in words but in the things as the serpent in the wildernesse set up signified Christ Ioh. 3.14 and here Abrahams family is a figure of the Church QVEST. XVIII How the testaments are said to be two THese are the two Testaments c. 1. That is Sarai and Hagar signifie two Testaments as the rocke is said to be Christ 1 Cor. 10.4 2. They are called two Testaments in respect of the divers times and the divers dispensation which in effect and substance were not two for the law was a schoolemaster to bring unto Christ saving that the false teachers that did strive for the ceremonies of the law against the liberty of the Gospell did make them not only divers but contrary Beza 3. A Testament is properly taken for the will of the dead but here in a more generall sense it signifieth a covenant and so is the Greeke word
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used Perer. QVEST. XIX How the law held men in Servitude and bondage ONe which is Agar from mount Sinai which gendreth unto bondage 1. The one Testament which was given in Sinai is signified by Hagar which Sinai is out of the limits of the promised land and so are they strangers from the true Jerusalem that are not the children of Abrahams faith Calvin 2. The law is said to beget unto bondage not so much for that under the law all things were wrapped up in mystery and not revealed in such manifest sort as under the Gospel for so they are called servants that know not their masters will Ioh. 15.15 neither for that they were nourished with temporall promises as Abraham sent away the sonnes of Keturah but reserved the inheritance for Isaack But because the law held them in bondage under the hard yoke of ceremonies Act. 15.10 and they were kept in feare by reason of the curse and severe sentence of the law which they transgressed through the weaknesse of the flesh Perer. 3. Yet the law wrought not this effect upon all that lived under the law but only upon those that knew not the right use of the law which was to bring them unto Christ for many were in those times as Augustine saith Ministri veteris Testamenti haeredes novi though Ministers of the old Testament yet heires of the new QVEST. XX. How Agar is said to be mount Sinai Vers. 15. AGar is Sinati a mountaine in Arabia which is the better reading than to say Agar or mount Sinai for here Hagar is the type and mount Sinai which is taken for the law which was there given is that which answereth to the type 1. both because of the name which signifieth as they say the same thing in the Arabian tongue which Sinai doth 2. and the word Arabia signifieth also affliction humility 3. Sinai in respect of the site is without the land of promise 4. And Arabia with the inhabitants therefore lived in a servile state and condition and in this respect chiefly doth Sinai represent the law which bringeth a spirituall bondage Pererius QVEST. XXI How the mount Sinai is said to answer to Ierusalem Which answereth to Ierusalem that now is 1. not bordereth upon or is joyned to Jerusalem as the vulgar Latin and the B translation readeth for the contrarie is evident to him that beholdeth the situation of the countrey 2. neither because the way or journey is continued from Sinai to Jerusalem Aquinas 3. but in respect of the correspondency and similitude because the terrene and earthly Jerusalem retaining still the ceremoniall yoke of the legall ceremonies was held in spirituall bondage and servitude Beza Perer. QVEST. XXII Of Ierusalem that is from above Vers. 26. IErusalem which is above is free the mother of us all c. S. Paul setteth against the old testament and terrene Jerusalem the new testament and heavenly Jerusalem which is described by foure epithites 1. it is said to be from above because Christ the head thereof came from above Iohn 16.28 I came out from the father and because wee must have our conversation in heaven Philip. 3.20 2. It is called Jerusalem which signifieth the vision of peace It is free not with civill and outward freedome for many may be called being servants 1 Cor. 7.21 but it is free both morally in not being a servant or slave to the affections and desires of the flesh and spiritually in casting off all servile feare and celestiall liberty it hath in hope which shall bee an everlasting freedome both of body and soule 4. It is now the mother of us all and fruitfull of many children as Sarah at the first was barren but at the last brought forth Isaack whose seed was promised should be as the sand of the sea so she that was fruitfull the old Synagogue is now barren she that was barren the Church of God is now fruitful among the Gentiles according to that saying of Anna 1 Sam. 2.5 The barren hath borne many and she that had many children is feeble QVEST. XXIII Wherein Ismael resembleth carnall professors Vers. 28. THerefore brethren wee are after the manner of Isaack This then is the application which the Apostle maketh of this allegory 1. they which make account to be justified by the ceremonies or workes of the law are like unto Ismael borne of the bond-woman after the flesh they which belonged unto the faith of Christ are the childreÌ„ of promise by grace 2. As Ismael born of the bond woman persecuted Isaack so they which either live or teach after the flesh doe now persecute the servants of God as the Pharisies did the Apostles the Pseudocatholikes the professors of the Gospell 3. As the servant with her sonne were cast out for mocking of Isaack so the Jewes for deriding of Christ are cast out of the land of promise and so many as beleeve not in Christ whom they crucified are deprived also of the celestiall Canaan Perer. 4. Augustine further fitly expresseth this comparison betweene the carnall and spirituall Israelites by the history of Ionah resembling the Jewes envying the calling of the Gentiles to Ionah angry for the saving of Ninivie the ceremonies and carnall rites to the gourd that shadowed but for a time Christ to the worme that smote the gourd and removed the ceremonies bringing in true righteousnesse and everlasting comfort and refreshing 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Christians may have their plentifull feasts so they take heed of excesse Vers. 8. ABraham made a great feast This feast was more than ordinary at the which some say Sem and Heber and King Abimelech were present but of the first two guests no likelihood because no mention is made of them afterward of Abimelechs presence there is more probability Muscul. Howsoever in that Abraham maketh such great preparation for this feast we learne that it is lawfull for Christians to have their solemne and joyfull feasts and meetings so that they take heed of excesse and that the creatures of God may not only be used for necessity but in plenty and alacrity so there be no sâ—perfluity Calvin For as bread was given for mans sustenance so wine is ordained to make the heart cheerfull Psal. 104.14 2. Doct. God is otherwise with his elect otherwise with men of the world Vers. 20. GOd was with the child and he grew God was with Ismael by his generall providence 〈◊〉 care in that he grew up thrived in the world and prospered but there is a more 〈◊〉 grace and favour toward the elect as our Saviour promiseth to be with his till the end of the world Matth. 28.20 and in this sense S. Paul saith God is the Saviour of all men but especially of them which beleeve 1 Tim. 4.10 3. Doct. Children ought not to contract marriage without the consent of their parents Vers. 21. HIs mother tooke him a wife out of the land of Aegypt This
with espousals contract consent of friends as Iacob tooke Lea and Rachel so did he not Zilphah and Bilhah the wife was taken into the house to be the mother of the family and governesse of the house the concubine was a servant still of the family as Hagar was to Sarah the wife was taken as an inseparable companion to the husband during his life the concubine might bee put away as Hagar was from Abraham the wife was chosen whose issue should onely be heires of the house but the sonnes of the concubine inherited not as the sonnes of Gilead said to Iephtah Thou shalt not inherit in our fathers house for thou art the sonne of a strange woman Iud. 12.2 2. Now where all these properties concurred she was properly and truly a concubine such an one was Hagar who was neither contracted to Abraham by any solemne espousals nor yet had the government of the house but was at Sarahs checke neither continued shee all her daies with Abraham nor her sonne admitted to be heire 3. But where all these properties are not seene together but some one of them there sometimes shee that is the wife by a certaine abuse of the word â—s called a concubine as the Levites wife before shee was yet solemnly espoused unto him with consent of her parents is called his concubine Iud. 19.1 for as yet she did commit fornication with him but afterward having her fathers consent he is called his father in law vers 4. so here in this place Keturah is called Abrahams concubine for that her children were not admitted to be heires with Isaack but otherwise she was Abrahams lawfull wife And for the same reason sometimes a concubine is called a wife as Zilpah and Bilhah are said to be Iacobs wives Genesis 37.2 because their children were coheires with the rest and fathers of the tribes 4. There appeareth then great difference betweene Hagar and Keturah Hagar was neither solemnly taken to be Abrahams wife but given him onely for procreation and while Sarah Abrahams lawfull wife was yet living shee remained a bond-woman still and was not made free she was cast out of the house But Keturah was solemnly taken to be Abrahams wife she was a free woman Sarah was now dead she left not Abraham while she lived wherefore Keturah was not properly Abrahams concubine but for that reason onely before alleaged But Hagar was verily his concubine as Leo well determineth Aliud est uxor aliud concubina sicut aliud ancilla aliud libera propter quod Apostolus ad manifestandum haruÌ„ personarum diseretionem testimonium ponit ex Genes c. A wife is one thing a concubine another a free woman is one thing a bond another and therefore the Apostle to shew the difference of these persons doth alleage a testimony out of Genesis where it is said to Abraham Cast out the bond-woman and her sonne for the sonne of the bond-woman shall not be heire with my sonne Isaack Leo epist. 90. c. 4. citatur par 2. c. 32. q. 2. c. 12. concil Triburiens c. 38. QUEST IX Why Abraham sent away the sonnes of Keturah ABraham gave them gifts and sent them away from Isaack c. The reasons of Abrahams so doing are these 1. because that countrey was not like to hold them Abraham knowing that his seed should exceedingly multiply Perer. 2. Abraham did it to take away all occasion of strife that might fall out betweene brethren as for that cause before Abraham and Lot were separated Calvin 3. lest that Isaack and his seed might have beene corrupted by their evill manners and false worship whom Abraham did foresee not to belong to the people of God Perer. 4. The greatest reason of all was because the inheritance of that land was promised to Isaacks seed which he would not have disturbed by his other sonnes Muscul. Mercer QUEST X. What East countrey Abraham sent Keturahs sonnes into SEnt them Eastward to the East countrey c. 1. Not Eastward in respect of Isaacks dwelling for some part of the land of Canaan was so towards the East 2. nor yet Eastward in respect of the situation of the world for so India is counted in the East whither indeed Hierome thinketh that they were sent but it is not like that Abraham would send his sonnes so farre off 3. They were then sent into the East countrey in respect of Palestina as into Syria Arabia where the Ismaelites Idumeans and Midianites inhabited which countries in the Scripture are usually called by the name of the East as Iacob going into Mesopotamia is said to goe into the East country Gen. 29.1 Balaam came from Aram out of the mountaines of the East Num. 23.7 Iob also is said to have beene the greatest of all the men of the East Iob 1.3 4. Into these East countries they were sent not because the people there were addicted to art magicke whereunto Abraham saw his sonnes inclined as the Cabalists coniecture but it is like that those countries to the which he sent them were as yet vacant and unpeopled Mercer QUEST XI Of the computation of the yeares of Abrahams life Vers. 7. THis is the age of Abrahams life 175. yeares Pererius upon this place gathering into a summe the storie of Abrahams life falleth into many apparent errours in Chronology which briefly shall be noted 1. He saith that Abraham was borne in the seventy yeares of his father Terahs age whereas it is cleare seeing Araham in his fathers two hundred and five yeare was seventy five yeares old Gen. 11.32 12.4 that he was borne in the hundred and thirty yeare of his fathers age 2. As one absurdity being granted many follow and one errour breedeth many so upon this false ground he buildeth other uncertaine conclusions as that Abraham was borne after the flood 292. yeares whereas he was borne 60. yeares after an 352. after the flood for so long after is the 130. yeare of Terahs age 3. He saith that Noah died in the 58. yeare of Abrahams age whereas Noah died 2. yeares before Abraham was borne 4. Further he affirmeth Terah Abrahams father to have died in the 135. yeare of Abrahams life whereas he must end his life sixty yeares before in the seventy five of Abrahams age for so old was Abraham when he went out of Charran whence he departed not till the death of Terah Act. 7.4 5. He proceedeth further in this his new coyned Chronologie that Abraham died in the 467. yeare after the flood and 2123. yeares after the creation whereas it was the 527. yeare after the flood and 2183 yeares from the beginning of the world wherein Abraham left his life 6. Further he saith that Abraham left Sâ—m alive behinde him whereas it is certainly gathered that Sâ—m died 25. yeares before in the 15â— yeare of Abrahams life and 502. yeares after the flood Genes 11.11 QUEST XII How Abraham yeelded up his Spirit Vers. 8. HE yeelded up the
now dead otherwise he should have beene constrained also to have sojourned for the famine and Isaack was now toward an hundred yeare old seeing he was 60. at Esaus birth who in the end of this chapter at forty taketh a wife Perer. 4. Isaack went to Gerar thinking not there to stay but to goe downe to Aegypt if the Lord had not otherwise charged him for Egypt by reason of the over-flowing of Nilus which made the ground both fat and moist was very fruitfull and fertile Pererius QVEST. II. How and when God appeared to Isaack Vers. 2. FOr the Lord appeared unto him c. 1. Some think that God appeared unto him not by dreame because it is not expressed but by open vision as Cajetan but it skilleth not how God appeared certaine it is that he had a vision 2. The Lord appeared not so often to Isaack as to Abraham because the promises were to be but renewed and confirmed to him Mercer 3. It seemeth that this vision was shewed to Isaack before he tooke his journey and purposed to goe into Aegypt and that the Lord at the first named not the place where he would have him stay but onely in generall abide in the land which I shall shew thee as the Lord said to Abraham Genes 12.1 and that herein he had some particular direction afterward so that the first verse is set downe by way of anticipation Mercer QUEST III. Why the Lord would not have Abraham goe downe into Aegypt Vers. 2. GOe not downe to Aegypt 1. Isaack is forbidden to goe downe to Aegypt not because he was consecrate unto God and therefore was not to goe out of Palestina as the Hebrews for Canaan being now pestered with such wicked inhabitants was no holier than other Countries 2. But either the Lord did keepe him from Aegypt lest he might have beene intangled with the pleasures of that countrey Calvin 3. Or corrupted with the vices of the inhabitants Mercer 4. Or rather because the Lord had purposed that Iacob and his seed should goe downe to Aegypt and there be kept in servitude the Lord would not have Isaack prevent that determined captivity for when Abraham sojourned in Aegypt God had not yet revealed so much to Abraham concerning the hard entertainment of his seed which followeth afterward chap. 15. QUEST IV. Of Abrahams obedience and whether it were greater than Isaacks Vers. 5. BEcause that Abraham obeyed my voyce c. 1. Augustine concludeth from hence that Abrahams faith and obedience was greater than Isaacks because all is granted for Abrahams sake lib. 16. de civitat Dei c. 36. Abraham indeed had the priority of faith and obedience and therefore is called the father of the faithfull but to make an unequall comparison of these three Patriarkes whom the Scripture doth consort together Exod. 32.13 remember Abraham Isaack and Iacob thy servants we have no warrant they might be all excellent in their kinde 2. Neither doe wee approve here the Hebrewes collection that Abraham kept all the rites and ceremonies of Moses law before it was given many we grant he observed as the Sabbath offering of sacrifices the difference of cleane and uncleane beasts but not all Mercer 3. The Cabalists curious observations are not here worth the rehearsing who by the ten words of this verse understand the decalogue and by the first word of the verse guechebh which noteth 172. they insinuate the yeares of Abrahams life who all this time from three yeares of his infancy knew and worshipped God and beside they say there are just 172. words in the decalogue 4. Abrahams obedience is expressed in these particulars 1. In keeping Gods ordinances that is his specâ—all Commandements as in leaving his countrey in casting out the bond-woman in sacrificing his sonne 2. By Commandements are understood the precepts of the morall law 3. By statutes or ceremonies circumcision sacrifices and such other rites 4. By lawes the documents of faith and religion wherein he exercised and trained up his houshold Mercerus QUEST V. Why Isaack stayeth in Gerar. Vers. 6. SO Isaack dwelt in Gerar. 1. Though Gerar were a more barâ—en countrey than Egypt and it is not unlike but that the famine raigned and raged there also yet God stayeth him there that Isaack might have experience of Gods providence who was able even in a land of want to provide for him 2. It is fit also he should stay in Gerar which belonged unto the land of Canaan promised Mercer 3. This verse is one of the 14. that consisteth only of three words QUEST VI. Isaacks infirmity in causing his wife to dissemble Vers. 7. SHe is my sister c. Isaack falleth into the same infirmity which Abraham twice before committed in giving counsell to his wife to dissemble 1. Neither Abraham nor Isaack can bee excused because they were Prophets and did fore-see what should ensue for all the actions of the Prophets were not propheticall and this had beene to presume of Gods power to faile in the meanes and to trust for deliverance from God 2. Neither doth this excuse Abraham and Isaack here that he would specially provide for his life because of the promised seed for as he beleeved Gods promise so hee needed not to have doubted but that God by lawfull meanes would have preserved his life 3. Neither as Lyranus because the Kings did not take their wives till they had beene a yeare before prepared as we read of the Kings of Persia did Abraham thinke that within a yeares space God would provide for this pompous custome of Kings came in afterward 4. Neither can Isaack be excused as Augustine thinketh because Rebecca was indeed his sister that is his cousen German for in saying she was his sister he denieth her to be his wife 5. Wherefore it must needs be confessed that this was Isaacks weaknesse as Abrahams before not only in his dissimulation which was the more tolerable it tending not to the hurt of any other though not justifiable Mercer But chiefly because he doth as much as in him lieth prostitute his wives chastity and bring her into danger and so Ramban confesseth that Abraham before herein grievously offended But Isaacks offence is greater for that he could not take heed or be warned by domesticall examples Muscul. QUEST VII How Isaack sported with Rebeccah Vers. 1. HE saw Isaack sporting or playing 1. The Hebrewes thinke that Abimelech saw Isaack carnally knowing his wife and so they expound that of Ismael Gen. 21.8 where the same word metsachek is used that Ismael sported that is lay with other women thus thinketh Lyranus 2. But it is more like that Isaack used some familiar gesture and signe of love which was comely with his wife but not with his sister and thus Augustine saith that holy men may sometime descend ad foeminei sexus infirmitatem to the infirmity of that sex and hee compareth it to the fathers playing with children as Aelianus maketh mention
and fruitfulnesse of corne wine oyle to the taste who knoweth not the pleasant savour of the fields in the spring of the corne in harvest and of a vineyard in the time of vintage Perer. 3. Gregorie by the smell of a field garnished with divers flowers understandeth the variety of gifts and the graces of Gods spirit in the Church Ambrose maketh Iacob this field replenished with divers vertues 4. Some thinke that these garments kept this savour which they had in paradise being supposed to be the same that Adam did weare but these are but Jewish fables they were either perfumed garments or Rebeckah might of purpose make them sweet or it is most like they savoured of the fresh springs and flowers it being now Spring time as Aben Ezra thinketh thorow the which Esau was accustomed to walke QUEST XIV The meaning of Isaacks blessing upon Iacob Vers. 28. GOd give thee of the dew of heaven 1. Isaack doth not only pray as Iosephus setteth it downe or wish well to his sonne as R. Levi but this speech is a certaine prophecie and declaration of the blessing which should fall upon Iacob and his posterity Luther Mercer 2. Here are foure blessings contained 1. Of abundance 2. Of victory 3. Of domesticall preeminence 4. Of outward prosperity Cursed be he that curseth c. Perer. 3. He maketh mention of the dew of heaven especially in regard of the drie and thirsty Countrey of Canaan where they have no raine but twice in the yeare in seed time in the moneth of October and in May which is called the latter raine and therefore the earth was chiefly moystened with dewes Perer. By his brethren and sonnes of his mother the posterity of Esau is understood which Isaack unwittingly pronounceth of Esau for Iacob whom he blesseth was yet unmaried 4. But this blessing was not fulfilled in Iacobs time who rather was subject to his brother Esau yet in his posterity to the which Iacobs faith looked it came to passe for the Idumeans were servants to the Israelites 5. This benediction is diversly allegorized Gregory by the dew of heaven understandeth the contemplative life by the fatnesse of the earth the active Theodoret the divinity and humanity of Christ Rupertus by the dew interpreteth the grace of Gods spirit by the fatnesse of the earth the opening of the heart QUEST XV. Of the cause of Isaacks feare Vers. 33. ISaack was stricken with a marvellous great feare 1. Not as the Hebrewes fable because hee saw Esau accursed for ever seeing hell wide open to receive him 2. Neither as Cajetane did it proceed of a strife in Isaacks minde betweene his love toward Esau and Gods will revealed concerning Iacob for Isaack is resolved the blessing shall stand 3. And it is more than to marvell as the Latine text addeth Vltra quam credi potest admirans Marvelling beyond measure 4. But Isaack feared and was troubled being as in a trance and ecstasie as the Septuagint and Augustine read wherein the will of God was revealed to him because he had beene so grossely deceived in not remembring how the Lord had chosen Iacob before Esau Calvin And this feare was as a stay and bridle to Isaack not to reverse the blessing pronounced Iun. QUEST XVI How Isaack saith Iacob came with subtilty Vers. 35. THy brother came with subtilty c. 1. We need neither with Tostatus to excuse Iacobs fraud and craft that herein he offended not at all 2. Nor with Lippomanus to justifie Iacobs deceit who maketh three kinds of fraud one eruditionis of instruction as was the thrusting of Iosephs cup into Benjamins sacke another noxiae deceptionis of hurtfull deceit as the Prophet of Bethel deceived the man of God 1 King 13. The third inspirationis divinae by divine inspiration as this of Iacobs was so he maketh foure kinds of simulation or dissembling una providentiae one of providence which Iosua used against Hâ—i altera doctrinae the other of doctrine as Christ made as though he would have gone further tertia calliditatis the third of deceit as the devill can transforme himselfe into an Angell of light quarta significationis the fourth of signification as this was of Iacob for as is shewed before Iacobs infirmity in this dissimulation though it pleased God to use the same to effect his purpose cannot be wholly defended 3. Nor yet will we strive about the word as Lyranus saith mirmah sometime signifieth prudence wisdome as the Chaldee translateth and in the civill law there is a title de dolo malâ— of evill craft whereby it may bee gathered that all deceit is not evill 4. Neither yet will wee aggravate Iacobs oversight with some who thinke that for this lie made to Isaack his sonnes lyed unto him concerning Ioseph which they note as a punishment 5. But we take the word as it properly signifieth for deceit and fraud though Isaack to please his sonne committeth some oversight in transferring the fault upon Iacob Iunius 6. And yet though there were a fraud and error personae errour of the person which is sufficient to disanull other civill contracts yet for as much as God ratified the blessing thus pronounced ignorantly by Isaack the sentence was to stand Perer. QUEST XVI Esau falsly chargeth Iacob Vers. 36. WAs he not justly called Iacob 1. Esau doth cavill at Iacobs name which was not given him in respect of any such supplanting but because he held Esau by the heele 2. Hee lyeth in saying he tooke away my birth-right for Esau sold it unto him and confirmed it with an oath Mercer 3. Neither did hee take away his blessing for having the birth-right the blessing did justly belong unto him for the birth-right and blessing could not be divided and separated Mercer Iun. QUEST XVII Why Isaack had but one blessing Vers. 38. HAst thou but one blessing 1. True it is that principall blessing which carried with it the spirituall promises in Christ was but one because Christ is one Esau by joyning himselfe to Iacob might have beâ—ne partaker of this blessing but apart by himselfe hee could not because without the Church there is no salvation Mercer 2. For this causâ— Ismael was excluded Abrahams house that the blessing might remaine in Isaack so Esau is excluded and Iacob made the heire of blessing But Iacob gave a blessing to all his children because they all belonged to the visible Church yet the more principall blessing was promised unto Iudah of whom the Messiah should come 3. Though there be no speciall mention of any such blessing given by Abraham to Isaack yet it is not like that Abraham was wanting therein and the manifest promises so often renewed concerning Isaack the ejection of Ismael and sending away of all the rest of Abrahams children might stand in stead thereof 4. Though the blessing of all parents specially such as feare God be effectuall toward their children yet the ancient Patriarks and Prophets that were the founders of
borne Benjamin was younger than Ioseph but then not above foure or five yeares old and therefore not so capable of his fathers love as Ioseph who began now to shew his vertue and good disposition the rest also of Iacobs sonnes were borne in his old age all within the compasse of seven yeares and he was 84. yeare old when he began to have children â— yet Ioseph was the youngest of them and the first borne of his beloved Rachel much desired and longed for on both sides before he was borne and therefore best beloved when he came 4. Now the reasonâ— why children borne in old age are best beloved of their parents are these 1. Because they are the last borne and the aged parents looke for none after-sembling his mother Rachel Iosephus his heroicall and princely mind which appeared in his dreames a ward Phil. 2. And are most likely to be the longest livers and so to continue their fathers name Cajetan 3. Or for that the aged parents are delighted with the pratling and sport of young children Oleaster 4. Or they are alwayes at hand and in their fathers eye Ramban 5. Or the parents doe it in wisdome to make most of the youngest because they are least able to shift for themselves Other causes there might bee of Iacobs affection to Ioseph as the comelinesse of his body resembling his mother Rachel Iosephus his heroicall and princely minde which appeared in his dreames a prophecie of his honourable estate afterward Philo. His vertuous and godly disposition but these causes are concealed lest they might have increased the envy of his brethren Chrysost. QUEST VII Of Iosephs particoloured coat Vers. 3. HE made him a coat of divers colours the word is passim peeces 1. Some doe read a side gowne or coat as Aquila and Gregory doth thereby understand his constancy and perseverance 2. Some reade tunicam manicatam a sleeved coat Symmach but the word will beare neither of these interpretations 3. Neither yet was it made of divers kinds of threads for that was forbidden by the law Levit. 19.19 whereas in Davids time Thamar did weare such a garment of the same name passim 4. Neither yet was it a white silke garment representing the Priesthood as some thinke 5. Nor yet of divers peeces put together for that had beene no such precious garment 6. But it was a coat of divers colours as the Septuag translate poikâ—lon which seemed as though it had beene of divers parts and peeces Mercer Iun. QUEST VIII The difference betweene envy and hatred Vers. 4. THey hated him 1. There is great difference betweene hatred and envy 1. Men are hated for evill they are envied for some good thing as prosperity riches wisdome 2. Hatred is of some particular matter envy hath a generall object for any thing that happeneth well to a man 3. Hatred may sometime be just as to hate the wicked envy is never just 4. Hatred may be conceived against bruit beasts as a man hateth a serpent or a tode but envy is only against men 5. Envy ceaseth when men from a prosperous state fall into misery but even men in misery may bee hated 6. Hatred is where wee have received hurt but they are often envied of some whom they never hurt 7. Whom men hate they will harme if they can but sometime a mans gifts are envied against whom no hurt is intended 2. Beside these differences betweene envy and hatred envy hath these peculiar properties 1. Envy rejoyceth in another mans fall 2. He that is envied many times fareth the better as Ioseph did 3. An envious man huâ—teth himselfe most and him nothing that is envied 4. An envious man dissembleth in his outward behaviour making outwardly a shew of friendship bearing malice in his heart such was Ioaâ— toward Abner while he embraced him with the one hand he killed him with the other 5. An envious man as Gregory noteth sheweth himselfe to be of a base mind for in that he envieth another he bewrayeth his owne wants not having that which hee envieth in another 3. The remedy against this devouring sinne of envy Basil prescribeth Si nihil rerâ—m humanâ—rum magnum aut vehementer expetâ—â—dum putemus to thinke no humane thing to be of any great reckoning or much to be desired and then shall wee neither envy the rich for his riches nor the honourable person for his honour nor any other for any worldly gift Againe the wise man saith Ne comedas cum homine invido eat not with an envious man or a man that hath an evill eye Prov. 23.6 lest that by conversing with such we learne of their qualities Perer. QUEST IX Of Iosephs dreame why doubled Vers. 6. HEare the dreame which I have dreamed c. 1. Ioseph hath two dreames shewed him both tending to the same end to declare the certainty of his exaltation above his brethren as Ioseph afterward saith to Pharao that had two dreames likewise foreshewing the same thing Gen. 41.32 The dreame was doubled the second time to Pharao because the thing is established with God 2. Iosephus is deceived that â—aith Iosephs brethren found no fault at the telling of the first dreame whereas the text is otherwise they said nothing at the rehearsing of the second referring it to the judgement of their father to whom Ioseph told it againe whom his father rebuked in the presence of their brethren and therefore they spared their reprehension or Moses thought good to omit it Mercer 3. Some doe apply those parables to Christ making him the sheafe of corne to whom all the Patriarks and Prophets do stoope Rupert some also further make Ioseph a type of Christ 1. In that hee uttered dreames as the other parables 2. Christ spake of his exaltation as Ioseph of his 3. Christ was hated for his parables â—s Ioseph for his dreames Perer. QUEST X. Of the divers kinds of dreames FUrther it is to be considered that dreames are divers waies caused 1. Some dreames arise of the fulnesse of the bellie and excesse of drinke such are the dreames of Epicures and drunken persons 2. Some come of emptinesse and want as when an hungrie or thirstie man dreameth of meat or drinke Isay 29.8 3. Some are wrought by the illusion of Sathan 4. Some partly by the illusion of Sathan partly by mans owne imagination Eccles. 5.3 A dreame commeth by the multitude of businesse 5. Some dreames are sent by divine revelation such were those of Ioseph 6. Some proceed partly of our owne serious cogitation partly of divine revelation such were Nebuchadnezars dreames as Daniel saith to him O king when thâ—â— wast in thy bed thoughts came upon thee c. Dan. 2.29 Perer. ex Gregor QUEST XI Ioseph not worthy of rebuke Vers. 10. HIs father rebuked him c. 1. Ioseph did herein nothing worthy of reprehension the neither told these dreames of any vanitie of minde nor of childish simplicitie but as the dreames were
Secondly Iacob putteth on sackcloth which was a ceremonie used in the East Countreyes to testifie their humility as Benhadads servants presented themselves before the King of Israel with sackcloth about their loines and ropes about their necks suing for pardon 1 King 20. Perer. QUEST XXVIII Who were those sonnes and daughters that comforted Iacob Vers. 35. THen all his sonnes and daughters rose up c. 1. These were not properly Iacobs daughters as the Hebrewes imagine that with every sonne Iacob had a daughter borne which they afterward married for such marriages the world being now multiplied were not in use among the faithfull Mercer 2. Neither could Iacobs sonnes the eldest not exceeding twenty foure or twenty five yeares not above seven yeares elder than Ioseph have daughters of that age able to comfort their father as Musculus thinketh they were therefore Iacobs sonnes wives that were his daughters in law 3. Neither did Iacob refuse to bee comforted because as the Hebrewes thinke where wee know certainly of the death of our friend we cease mourning but not where it is uncertaine whether they be dead or no for Iacob did perswade himselfe here that some wilde beast had devoured Ioseph but the greatnesse of his griefe would admit no consolation Mercer 4. We see the hard and cruell hearts of Iacobs sonnes that willingly did suffer their father to continue in this griefe and that with fained words they seemed to comfort him concealing the truth Luther 5. So it is added his father wept for him not Isaack who indeed was yet living as some thinke Aben Ezra Iun. But Iacob mourned for Ioseph his brethren mourned not but the father sorroweth for his sonne Muscul. QUEST XXIX Potiphar how he is said to be an Eunuch Vers. 36. TO Potiphar an Eunuch of Pharaohs 1. This Potiphar was not indeed an Eunuch or gelded man as the Septuag reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he had a wife and a daughter married afterward to Ioseph 2. Neither for the same cause can that conceit of R. David have any likelihood that Potiphar was an Eunuch in part as retaining still the nerve or sinew though not the other instruments of generation 3. Neither is there any ground of that tradition of the Hebrewes that God caused Potiphars privie parts to wither and drie up because he thought to abuse faire Ioseph to his filthy lust 4. But whereas Eunuches were at the first used by Kings and Princes to wait upon their Queenes Esther 2.14 and so were as the Chamberlaines and neare unto their persons as Harbonah was to King Assuerus Esther 7.9 Hence the name of Eunuch was taken generally to signifie a Courtier Prince or great man toward the King as the word is used 2 King 8.6 The King commanded an Eunuch or one of his Princes to restore unto the Shunamite her lands and in this sense is Potiphar called an Eunuch that is one of Pharaos princes or courtiers as the word Saras signifieth sic Chal. Mercer Iun. with others QUEST XXX What officer Potiphar was to Pharao PHaraos chiefe Steward or master of the guard 1. For we neither reade with the Septuag Pharaos chiefe cooke although the word tabach be sometime used in that sense 1 Sam. 9.23 which reading Iosephus Philo and Ambrose follow 2. Neither yet was he Pharaos chiefe steward as some reade B.G. 3. Nor the chiefe captaine of his souldiers as both the Chalde and Hierome translate 4. But seeing the word tabach signifieth to kill and so the word is indifferently applyed both to Cookes and Butchers that are the slaughter men of beasts and to souldiers that kill men in battell and executioners that put men to death that are condemned by the law It appeareth that this Potiphar had the chiefe charge of those that were adjudged to imprisonment or death as Pharaos two officers his chiefe Baker and Butler were committed to his charge Gen. 40.3 and so may be well thought to be the chiefe Marshall or Captaine of the Guard unto Pharaoh Iunius Mercerus 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. The father is as the Sunne and chiefe in the house Vers. 9. THe Sunne Moone and Stars did reverence unto me c. Ioseph by the Sunne and Moone understandeth his father and mother The father then of the house by Gods ordinance as the Sun from whom the wife as the Moone the children as Stars must receive their light and direction in every family Muscul. for the Apostle saith concerning wives If they will learne any thing let them aske of their husbands at home 1 Cor. 14.35 and concerning the rest the same Apostle saith Having children under obedience with all honesty 1 Timoth. 3.4 2. Doct. The Prophets did not forsee all things but what was revealed unto them AGaine he dreamed c. Ioseph as Bernard well noteth did by the spirit of prophecie foresee his exaltation yet his humiliation and captivity was not declared unto him though this was nearer than the other tractat de gradib humilitat Whereby we see that the Prophets did not foresee all things neither had they a propheticall spirit residing with them whereby to foretell what they would but they onely knew those things which it pleased God to reveale unto them as the Prophet Ieremie at the first did not perceive the falshood of the Prophet Hananie that prophesied of their returne from captivity after two years but wished that it might fall out even so till the word of God came unto him Ier. 28.6.12 3. Doct. True obedience followeth not the words but the minde of the commander Vers. 7. IOseph went after his brethren and found them in Dothan c. Yet his father sent him onely to seeke them in Sechem vers 12. Ioseph sheweth his prompt obedience in not strictly tying himselfe to his fathers words but fulfilling his minde Iacob spake but of Sechem to Ioseph but he knowing that it was his meaning that hee should seeke out his brethren followeth after them to Dothan that hee might finde them out Muscul. by which example we are taught what kinde of obedience is most accepted with God not to keepe onely the letter of the law as the Scribes did whose corrupt glosses our Saviour confuteth Matth. 5. but to observe the true meaning and sense thereof 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. The Latine text corrupt and not justifiable Vers. 2. WHen Ioseph was seventeene yeares old The Latine text readeth most corruptly When Ioseph was sixteene yeare old which reading Perer. would justifie by these reasons 1. The Latine text understandeth sixteene yeares complete the Hebrewes seventeene yeares now but begun 2. He thinketh that the Latine translator set downe divers things whereof no reason can bee given not without the secret instinct of the spirit Pererius disput 1. in Gen. cap. 37. Contra. 1. It is the manner of the Hebrewes when they set downe a number of yeares to make the account by full and complete yeares as is manifest by the phrase here used
Covagnan sometime be used appellatively for a merchant Prov. 31.24 But he was a Canaanite as we reade the like of Simeon that he had his sonne Saul by a Canaanitish woman Gen. 46.10 Mercer 3. No marvell then if Iudah matching into the cursed stocke of Canaan whose land was promised to Abraham and his seed which Iudah could not be ignorant of had no good successe in his children the fruits of this marriage who also were accursed of God Calvin 4. Iudah saw this woman he tooke her and went in to her all was done in haste so that his affection carried him headlong his judgement did not guide him Muscul. QUEST V. Er and Onan whence and upon what occasion so called Vers. 6. IVdah tooke a wife to Er his first-borne 1. Though Iudah tooke him a wife without the consent of his father yet he will not have his sonne so to doe Muscul. 2. Whence he is called Er it is not certaine some will have it to signifie watchfull Augustine doth interpret it pelliceus to have his name of skinne or leather such as Adam was cloathed with in token of his transgression lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 84. Isaack Carus will have all these three sonnes to be named from Iosephs calamity Er because Ioseph was in a manner desolate or destroyed of gnariri Onan of the griefe of their father Shelah of the errour which Iudah committed in selling of Ioseph Ramban thinketh Onan to be so called of the paine of his mother in travell as Rachel called Benjamin Ben-oni and Shelah of his mothers errour in ceasiâ—g to beare afterward But if it bee lawfull to use conjectures I thinke upon what occasion soever they had these names given at the first that the event answered their names for Er was solitary without children Onan had a lamentable end and about Shelah Iudah committed a great errour with Thamar 3. Iudah gave Er his name the mother named the other two not that as the Hebrewes note the father did alwayes name the first-borne the mother the rest for as we saw before in Iacobs sonnes sometime the father sometime the mother indifferently gave the name but not without the consent of the father Mercer 4. Concerning Thamar some Hebrewes would have her the daughter of Seâ— the high Priest Melchisedeck because Iudah judgeth her to be burned according to the law of the Priests daughter committing fornication Levit. 21.8 but seeing Sem died ten yeare before Iacob he lived not to the 50. yeare of Iacobs as Mercerus it cannot be that Thamar a childe-bearing woman should bee his daughter Iacob being at the least an hundred yeare old It is like she was a Canaanitish woman Luther and a vertuous woman that did leave and forsake the idolatry of her Countrey to worship the true God Perer. ex Philone QUEST VI. Of the sinne of Er what it was Vers. 7. NOw Er was wicked in the sight of the Lord. 1. The wickednesse of Er was not as Augustine supposeth in being given to oppression or cruelty lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 34. but it is like to be the same sinne of unnaturall lust which Onan committed as may be gathered both by the likenesse of the punishment as by the phrase that he was wicked in the sight of God as it is said of the Sodomites Gen. 13.13 his sinne was not secret as Tostatus but it was a sinne very hainous and grievous against the order of nature and institution of God for he abused himselfe and spoiled his seed not because he would not have any issue by a Canaanitish woman as Mercer for then he needed not to have maried her but rather as the Hebrewes conjecture that hee might long enjoy the beauty and favour of Thamar which would be impaired by bearing of children or some such like cause 2. So then this sinne was against nature which is diversly commited either alone when men doe vitiously procure and provoke their seed or with others either of a divers kinde as with bruit beasts or with the same kinde but not the right sex as with the male or with the right sex that is the female but not in due manner which was the sinne of Er and Onan 3. This sinne of Er was against the order of nature using the act of generation for pleasure onely and not for generation it was against God whose institution he brake against his wife whom he defrauded of the fruit of her wombe against himselfe in preventing his issue against mankinde which should have beene increased and propagated Perer. 4. Yet Onans sinne was not lesse than Ers as Augustine thinketh who maketh Er of that sort of wicked men that doe evill to others Onan of that kinde that doe no good to others but herein Onan exceedeth the wickednesse of Er both because he was not warned by his brothers example as Daniel reproveth Belthasar because his heart was not humbled by the fall of Nebuchadnezer his father Dan. 5.22 As also for that Onan committed this sinne of envie against his brother to whom hee should have raised seed whereas Er did it not of envie but of an immoderate desire of pleasure Perer. QUEST VII Whether in any case it were lawfull by Moses law for one to marry his brothers wife Vers. 8. IVdah said c. goe in to thy brothers wife Here a question is moved whether it were lawfull by Moses law for the brother to marry his brothers widow to raise up seed to his brother 1. Philo thinketh that it was not onely lawfull among the Israelites but that it was the custome so to doe among the Canaanites and that the Judges of the Countrey did give Thamar to Onan after the death of his brother Er but the contrary is evident out of the text for Iudah and not the Judges of the Countrey gave Thamâ—r to Onan And I thinke rather that it was a custome received among the fathers and afterward confirmed by Moses law than any usage learned of the Canaanites whose fashions they were not to imitate 2. Neither doe I thinke with the Hebrewes that Iudah was the first that brought in this kinde of marriage though hee be first mentioned but that he had received that custome from other of the fathers 3. Wherefore it seemeth that Moses gave liberty to the next brother to take the wife of his brother that departed without issue and not to the next removed kinsman onely that was without the compasse of the Leviticall degrees and so some expound that law Deut. 25.5 sic Genevens upon that place D. Fulk in 6. Mark annot 2. But the other sense approved by Mercerus Calvin Iunius which understand it of the naturall brother seemeth more probable for these reasons 1. Because the first president of such marriages is taken from this place where one naturall brother succeedeth another in taking his wife 2. The word used in the law Deut. 25.5 jabam signifieth not to doe the office of a kinsman but
of a brother for the word is used first in this place where it so signifieth from hence then the originall sense of the word must be taken 3. The words of the law are If brethren dwell together now naturall brethren and such as are properly so called are more like to dwell together than kinsmen removed who in a large sense are so called brethren 4. This law is so interpreted in the Gospell where it appeareth by the Sadduces question of seven brethren that successively tooke the one the others wife Matth. 22. that it was so practised 5. It is the opinion of Philo and the Hebrewes as we heard before who are best acquainted with their owne lawes that naturall brethren used so to doe 4. Now the objections on the contrary part are easily answered 1. It is objected that Levit. 18.16 the brother is forbidden to marry his brothers wife Answ. This is a particular exception from that generall law that unlesse in this case onely to raise seed to the brother it was utterly unlawfull to take the brothers widow which was not to uncover her shame but rather to take away her shame in that shee remained childlesse by his brother and it was honourable to the dead in reviving his memory So wee see in other cases that the Lord made some particular exception from his generall lawes As the making of the Cherubims over the Arke was an instance against the second commandement the Israelites robbing of the Egyptians against the eighth commandement Phinehes killing of the adulterer and adulteresse against the sixth commandement 2. Ob. The practice of this law as appeareth Ruth 4. where Boaz not a brother but a kinsman taketh the wife of the dead sheweth the meaning thereof Answ. We deny not but where there was no brother nearer there the next kinsman further off did the duty of the brother and so was it practised upon Ruth 3. Ob. Iohn Baptist simply reproveth Herod because he tooke his brothers wife It is not lawfull for thee saith Iohn to have thy brothers wife Mark 6.18 Answ. It is certaine that Herods brother had issue by his wife Herodias whose daughter danced before Herod and therefore in this case it was not lawfull so that Herod tooke not Herodias for any such purpose to raise seed to his brother but of an immoderate lust 4. Ob. Why then should it not be lawfull still in this case to marry the brothers wife dying without issue Answ. This law of Moses was partly ceremoniall and typicall in preserving the right of the first-borne whereby was prefigured the spirituall birth-right in the Messiah which never should have end partly politicall in maintaining the distinction of families in their tribes whereof the ceremonie is now abolished which onely concerned that people Iun. in Deut. 25. vers 5. QUEST VIII Whether Thamar or Iudahs sinne was greater COncerning this act of incontinencie which Iudah committed with Thamar 1. We refuse the opinion of Rab. Simeon who altogether exempteth Thamar from any fault because she onely desired issue for the hope of the Messiah to be borne of Iudah for this mystery was not as yet revealed Perer. 2. It is certaine that Iudahs sinne was greater than Thamars both in that he brake promise with her concerning Selah as also in that he companied with her not for any issue but carnall lust though he were afterward preferred before his brethren this no more excuseth his fault than if Davids adultery joyned with murther should bee defended because hee was preferred before his brethren of whose seed the Messiah should come 3. Thamars sinne was lesse than Iudahs yet a sinne as Augustine noteth Non eam justificatam sed magis quam se justificatam dicens Iudah saith She was not righteous but more righteous than he lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 62. Yet her fault is extenuated by these circumstances as Ambrose noteth Non alienum praeripuit thorum She did not usurpe upon anothers bed she stayed till Iudah was a widower she did it not of an inordinate lust Sed successionis gratia concupivit She onely desired to have issue Et ex ea familia quam delegerat And by that family which she had chosen and further after she knew her selfe to be conceived with childe she put on her widowes garments againe and so continued 4. Yet Thamars sin in some respect was greater than Iudahs because she wittingly committed incest with her father in law but Iudah ignorantly Luther Notwithstanding all circumstances considered Iudahs fault was the greater and so he doth justifie her in respect of himselfe 5. But whereas Ambrose further noteth that shee stayed till Selah to whom she was espoused was dead therein is an errour for vers 14. it is given as a reason why Thamar attempted this thing because Selah was now growne and of age and she yet not given unto him he was then at this time alive Beside Selah is numbred among those sons of Iudah that went downe with Iacob into Egypt and onely Er and Onan of Iacobs sonnes are said to have died in the land of Canaan Gen. 46.12 ex Perer. QUEST IX How it came to passe that Iudah discerned not Thamar by her voice Vers. 15. HE judged her to be an whore for she had covered her face c. 1. Not as some reade she had coloured or painted her face whom Aben Ezra doth not without cause reprove 2. Neither is this a reason why Iudah did thinke she was an harlot because she was vailed as Iunius Calvin for harlots use not to be so modest but it is given as a reason why Iudah did not know her Mercer 3. And whereas it may seeme strange that Iudah did not know her by her voice the reason is that being wholly given over to lust and intending no other thing he greatly regarded not the sight of his eyes or hearing of his eares Luther As also it was a just judgement of God upon him to strike him with such a stupidity as not to discerne her Mercer Geneven QUEST X. Whether Iudâ—h were a Iudge Vers. 24. BRing her forth and let her be burnt c. 1. Iudah giveth not sentence against Thamar either as being appointed a Prince and Judge among the Canaanites as Tostatus Cajetanus for it is not like they would suffer a stranger to be a Judge and ruler among them as the Sodomites answer Lot Gen. 19.9 neither as chiefe in the familie had he power of life and death over those of his charge as some thinke for neither doe we reade that any father of families did execute any such justice in their families and Iacob was the chiefe father of these families and therefore it is most like that Iudah giveth advice that Thamar should be brought forth to the place of justice and proceeded against according to the custome and law of that Country Mercer Iun. 2. But whereas she is adjudged to the fire this was not because she was Melchisedecks daughter the Lords
at that time in great want but there is no necessitie to live ex Perer. QUEST IX Why Ioseph advised to have the fift part taken Vers. 34. TAke up the fift part of the land c. 1. Hee meaneth the fift part of the fruits of the land which was done at the Kings charge for it is not like that he tooke away the fift part from the owners though afterward it was made a law but it was bought with the Kings money Mercer Iun. 2. Raâ—i following Oukelos readeth let them defend the land of Egypt against the famine by setting the people a worke to gather the corne because the word is so taken Exod. 13.18 where it is said the Israelites came up armed girt under the fift rib but this reading is improper and that the fift part is understood appeareth by the law of the fift part reserved to Pharaoh Gen. 47.24 3. The fift part was thought sufficient for it is like beside that other rich men following the Kings president laid up some what in store also and in the yeare of famine somewhat might grow though not much and they made greater spare in the time of scarcitie Perer. Mercer 4. Iosephs prudence appeareth in preserving the corne so long for seven yeares which was not done by using sand and quicksilver as Ramban supposeth but as Philo well conjectureth by laying up the corne in the straw for by this meanes it would keepe long sweet and the poore might be imployed in threshing of it out as also they had straw for their cattell Perer. ex Philon. QUEST X. Of the ring fine linnen and other ensignes of Iosephs honour Vers. 42. PHaraoh tooke off his ring c. 1. Plinie is here in an errour that the use of rings came not up before the Trojane warre whereas Ioseph was honoured of Pharaoh with a ring who was six hundred yeare before the ruine of Troy Likewise the same author saith that the Egyptians used no rings to seale with lib. 33. c. 1. Whereas it is most like that Pharaoh gave this ring to Ioseph for that use as Assuerus gave Haman his ring to seale letters in the Kings name Esther 3.9 2. It is like that Ioseph went apart till Pharaoh had consulted with his Nobles who all by their silence gave consent that Ioseph was the fittest man 3. These then were the ensignes of Iosephs honour the King giveth him a ring then he is araied with fine linen or white silke whereof there was great store in Egypt which was made of certaine cotten or bombasine that came of the Gosipon tree called Xilinon Iun. Perer. The third signe of honour was a golden chaine which was in great request afterward among the Romans the fourth was Iosephs riding in the second chariot appointed for him that was the Viceroy next in authoritie to the King Assuerus caused Mordechai in token of honour of the Kings favour to ride upon his horse Esther 6. And in the same place Mordechai is adorned with the like ornaments as with royall apparell and a princely diadem and proclamation to be made before him as was here before Ioseph So King Balthazar promiseth the like reward to him that could interpret the writing that he should be clothed with purple and should have a chaine of gold about his necke and be the third ruler in the kingdome Dan. 5.7 QUEST X. The great authoritie committed to Ioseph Vers. 44. I Am Pharaoh c. 1. This is not an oath as some think that Pharaoh sweareth by his honour but he onely reserveth unto himselfe the Kingly name and majestie as before vers 40. onely in this throne will I be above thee 2. In that he saith none shall lift up his hand without thee it is to be understood not of private but of the publike affaires of the kingdome Mercer 3. The Hebrewes here note that as Ioseph before humbled himselfe and said without me shall God make answer to Pharaoh so now he is exalted and Pharaoh saith without thee shall no man lift up his hand c. QUEST XI Of the change of Iosephs name and the signification of it Vers. 45. PHaraoh called Iosephs name Zaphnath-paaneah c. 1. These are neither Hebrew words as Ramban thinketh for although the first may be derived from tsaphan which signifieth to hide yet the originall of the other in the Hebrew tongue cannot be found Mercer Hierome thinketh it signifieth Saviour of the world in the Egyptian tongue whom Eugubinus followeth but it is most like that it signifieth the revealer of secrets as Iosephus Oukelos the Septuag Some thinke he was a Prince rather as the Chalde translateth than Priest of On because the priests of all other were most superstitious Iun. This On was not the Citie No mentioned Ezech. 30.16 which is Alexandria but rather Heliopolis as Hierome the chiefe Citie of the regiment of Heliopolis Ptolemie calleth Onium 4. Asenath cannot be the daughter of Dina Iacobs daughter as the Hebrewes dreame being an Egyptian woman Ioseph marieth the daughter of an Idolater because he could not take a wife of his fathers kindred being in a strange countrey so also did Iacob marrie Labans daughter that was an Idolater and Moses a Madianitish woman whom afterward they converted to the true worship of God as Ioseph did his wife and this might well be a type and figure of the calling of the Idolatrous Gentiles Mercer QUEST XII Potiphars Whether two of that name THe daughter of Potipherah 1. We refuse here the opinion of Hierome that thinketh this Potiphar to have beene the same whom Ioseph before served and we hold that to be one of the fables of the Hebrewes that this Potiphar Iosephs master having a purpose to use Ioseph to incontinencie was stricken of God with drinesse and withering in his secret parts and afterward became a Priest 2. I rather preferre Augustines judgement who upon these reasons rather thinketh that this was a divers Potiphar from the other 1. Because it had beene much for Iosephs honour that his master whose servant he was did now bestow upon him his daughter and therefore Moses would not have concealed it 2. The other Potiphar is the Captaine of Pharaohs souldiers this Priest of On two offices much unlike 3. This On or Heliopolis was about twentie miles distant from Memphis the Kings Citie but the other Potiphar was a continuall officer in Pharaohs house thus Augustine qu. 136. in Gen. 3. Chrysostome thinketh that they were two divers men but of one name hom 63. in Gen. But it is evident that their names also differ for the first is called Potiphar the second with the letter ain in the end Potipherang besides it is not like that Ioseph would marrie the daughter of that adulteresse and wanton woman whose evill manners hee had experience of Mercer Muscul. QUEST XIII To what end mention was made of Iosephs are Vers. 46. IOseph was thirty yeares old c. Mention is made of
chapter to Benjamin when hee should have stayed for Iosephs cup yet Ioseph keepeth the same proportion in giving to Benjamin five suits of raiment Gen. 45.22 3. Neither with Ambrose need we make this a type and figure of Pauls excellencie in gifts who was of the tribe of Benjamin before the rest of the Apostles 4. But Ioseph did this to shew his love to Benjamin being his onely brother by the mothers side as Elkanah gave unto Anna his best beloved wife a more worthy portion 1 Sam. 1.5 Iun. Mercer 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. God the disposer of mens hearts Vers. 14. GOd give you mercie in the sight of the man Iacob acknowledgeth that God is the disposer of mens hearts and affections as the Wise man saith The Kings heart is in the hand of the Lord c. he turneth it whethersoever it pleaseth him Prov. 21.1 2. Doct. We must rest in Gods providence and carefully use the meanes Vers. 11. TAke of the best fruits c. Iacob though his trust were in God that he would incline the rulers heart toward his sonnes yet he refuseth not to use all meanes whereby they might insinuate themselves as he adviseth them to take double money with them and to carry a present Wee are therefore so to depend upon Gods providence as that we use all meanes which God hath appointed Calvin Like as though the Lord gave to Paul all the soules in the ship yet by swimming and using the boords and broken peeces of the ship they came to land Act. 27.24 44. 3. Doct. Restitution is to be made where any errour or oversight is committed Vers. 12. LEst it were some oversight Iacob would have the money restored which they found in their sacks mouthes thinking that the seller might forget himselfe Iacobs justice herein sheweth that in buying and selling where any oversight is committed restitution and satisfaction should be made Muscul. Not like as now a dayes the buyer and seller thinke it well gained when they can one deceive another which abuse the Wise man reproveth It is naught it is naught saith the buyer but when he is gone apart he boasteth Prov. 20.4 4. Doct. The creatures of God may be used not onely for necessity but delight Vers. 34. THey were made merry or drunke their fill with him That is they did eat and drinke liberally and plentifully so that it is not onely lawfull to use the creatures of God for necessitie onely but we may goe further to receive them with delight and chearefullnesse so that we 〈◊〉 of surfetting and drunkennesse As we reade of Abraham that made a great feast when Isaack was weaned Gen. 21.8 that is a plentifull and liberall banket As God hath made bread to strengthen man so he hath given wine to cheare his heart Psal. 104.15 But men must take heed lest in exceeding they fall to riot and distemper themselves with supâ—rfluous abundance Philo well observeth that of ancient time they used after their sacrifices to make their feasts and in the Temples that the place and action might put them in minde of sobriety whereupon some derive the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bee drunke of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after sacrificing So wee reade that the Elders of Israel did eat bread with Moses father in law before God Exod. 18.12 in that place where they had sacrificed Wee should therefore thinke of God in the middest of our feasts and not be like to those of whom Saint Iude speaketh of Without all feare feeding themselves Iud. 12. 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Monkes despised of the Iewes Vers. 30. HIs afflictions were inflamed The word is camar whereof the Idoll Priests were called chemarim of their blacke garments as of a burnt colour The Jewes give that name to the blacke Monkes Mercer who by their superstitious apparell make themselves ridiculous to the blinde Jewes and by such foolish toyes hinder their conversion to the faith 2. Confut. Against the pride of superstitious Papists Vers. 32. THat was an abomination to the Egyptians The Egyptians being a superstitious people despised the true Church of God and counted them prophane in respect of themselves which the Prophet noteth to be the guise of hypocrites Stand apart come not neare me I am holier than thâ—â— Isay 65.5 Even so the Pseudocatholike Papists despise the professors of the Gospell of Christ counting them heretikes refusing to come into their holy assemblies Calvin 6. Places of morall use 1. Morall To commit our counsell to God Vers. 7. COuld we know certainly that he would say so Iacobs sons in making mention of their father and youngest brother thought to have excused themselves but thereby they came into greater danger whereby we see that God doth many times frustrate our counsels and maketh them to fall out farre otherwise than we imagined Mercer as Peter also intrapped Ananias by the words of his owne mouth Act. 5. therefore we must commit our counsels to God that he would both direct the thoughts of our heart and words of our mouth 2. Morall A bad conscience full of suspition Vers. 18. BEcause of the money in our sacks mouth are we brought Thus a guilty conscience is alwayes suspitious and disquieted upon every occasion as appeareth in these men that are fearfull without cause and interpret every thing against themselves Thus Moses describeth the fearfulnesse of men that are punished for their sinnes The sound of a leafe shaken shall chase them Levit. 27.36 3. Morall We must be carefull to instruct our families Vers. 23. YOur God and the God of your fathers This steward of Iosephs house would never have spoken so reverently of the God of the Hebrewes but that he was so taught of Ioseph who had a great care to instruct his family in the right faith in the middest of that idolatrous nation this was Abrahams commendation Gen. 18.18 and Iacobs practice Gen. 35.4 4. Morall Iustice to be tempered with mercy Vers. 29. GOd be mercifull to thee my sonne Ioseph which hitherto had shewed himselfe severe and rigorous towards his brethren beginneth now to use them kindly whose example teacheth that prudent governours should qualifie and temper justice with mercy and severity with clemencie Grâ—gor as Saint Paul did towards the incestuous young man 2 Corinth 2. CHAP. XLIV 1. The Method or Argument FIrst in this chapter is declared the practice of Ioseph in laying theft to Benjamins charge 1. The device by Ioseph vers 1 2. 2. The execution by his servant in accusing them vers 4. to 6. 3. Their defence and agreement for the punishment vers 9 10. 4. The deprehension of the pretended theft with Benjamin vers 11. to vers 14. Secondly the conventing of them before Ioseph with their submission and Iosephs mitigation of the punishment vers 15. to vers 18. Thirdly Iudah interposeth himselfe and maketh intercession for Benjamin where is set downe 1. The narration both of their first speech had with Ioseph
tenth verse Vers. 10. THe scepter shall not depart 1. The word is shebet which is sometime taken for a tribe Psal. 78.68 and so Iunius readeth here it signifieth also a scepter Hierom Mercer Pagnin agreeable whereunto the Septuagint and Chalde read the Prince shall not faile c. and the next word giveth it because it belongeth to the Prince to make lawes 2. The word mechochech doth not here properly signifie a Captaine as H.S. translate nor a Scribe C. but a Law-giver as it is taken Psal. 60.7 Iudah is my Law-giver Iun. Mercer 3. From betweene his feet not because Kings or Judges use to have Scribes sitting at their feet as the phrase is taken Deut. 33.3 Vaâ—ablus Calvin but the meaning is that Iudah should alwaies have a Law-giver borne of his posterity so is the phrase used Deut. 28.50 and brought up as upon his knees Gen. 50.23 Iun. The Latine and Greeke Translator keeping the same sense read a Captaine out of his thigh the Chalde from among his sonnes which in effect is the same Mercer 4. Shiloh some derive of shalah which is to be peaceable Mercer Some of shalach to send reading cheth for he Hierome Some read shiloh making it two words which signifieth which to him supplying are due or laid up which is the meaning of the Septuagint Oleaster But it is most like to come of shil which is a son and he is put for van shiloh then is his son and it seemeth to be derived of shiliah which signifieth the burthen or after-birth and is taken for the childe contained therein Deut. 28.57 but is more specially understood of Christ who proceeded from the womb of a virgin 5. The people shall be obedient unto him rather than shall be gathered or he shall be the expectation of the Gentiles as Hierome as is shewed before in the divers readings and therefore we need not busie our selves with Pererius to search how Christ should be said to be the expectation of the Gentiles either with Augustine to understand it of the expectation of his second comming or that the Gentiles stood in need of Christ and therefore ought to expect him or to understand it of the converted Gentiles that looked for Christ Perer. for the true reading of these words will ease us of this labour though I deny not but that Christ was also the expectation of the Gentiles as he is called the desire of the nations Hagg. 2.8 so called of the effect that considering the great salvation which Christ brought to the Gentiles he ought to be desired of all and was desired after the light began to appeare unto them QUEST XII Against the Iewes who deny the prophecie of the comming of the Messiah to be fulfilled Vers. 10. THe scepter shall not depart 1. The Hebrewes doe but câ—vill that by shebeth which signifieth a scepter or rod doe understand affliction for neither is it true that affliction departed not from Iudah till Messiah came and the next words nor a Law-giver from betweene his feet doe shew that it is here taken for a scepter rather than a rod or scourge and Iacob prophesieth all happie and prosperous things to Iudah 2. Neither is this the sense that after Messiah is come who should restore the kingdome of Iudah the scepter should never depart for beside that Iacob speaketh not of the spirituall but temporall regiment of Iudah the words will not beare that sense which are guad che untill not after Messiah is come 3. Rab. Salomons conceit is without shew of reason who holdeth that the scepter is not yet departed from Iudah and therefore concludeth that the Messiah is not yet come for it is notoriously evident to all the world that the Jewes have no common-wealth at this day or regiment but are tributaries and subjects to other Kings as to the Persian the great Turke and others 4. Some Hebrewes take Shiloh for the proper name of that Citie where the Arke of God continued a long time as though the meaning should be this that Iudah should not lose his dominion till a King came that should be annoynted in Shiloh which they tooke to be Saul Contra. 1. Saul was not elected King in Shiloh but in Mizpeh 1 Sam. 10.17 Shiloh was then forsaken and became desolate the comming of Shiloh is then improperly taken for the desolation and ruine thereof 3. After this Iudah began to have thescepter in David and therefore it is an impudent and shamelesse glosse to make the regiment of Iudah then to have an end when it tooke beginning 5. And it is absurd to make this Shiloh Nabuchadnezzer who should be the man sent of God to punish Israel and by whom the scepter was taken from Iudah which is the opinion of some Hebrews for after the captivitie Zerubbabel the sonne of Selathiel was the Prince of Iudah and a Captaine and lawgiver to the people Ezra 2.2 Hagg. 1.1 6. Some say that this promise for the continuance of the regall authoritie in Iudah untill the Messiah came was only conditional if their sinnes did not deserve otherwise Contra. 1. No such condition in Scripture is expressed not here inserted by Iacob 2. It is to be observed that the promises concerning the Messiah are absolute and not conditionall as that he should come of the seed of Abraham and of the root or stock of David and that he should be born of a virgin and that in Bethlehem as these prophecies had no condition annexed no more hath this ex Perer. QUEST XIII How this prophecie of Iudah was accomplished WHerefore the Jews doe but cavill and in vaine seeke to obscure this prophecie of Iacob concerning the Messiah But a greater question ariseth among our selves how and when this prophecie tooke place for seeing the Israelites had foure kinde of governments 1. They were governed by Captaines Moses and Iosua 2. By Judges 3. By Kings till the captivitie 4. By the high priests that were as Kings untill Herod in all these changes unlesse onely under the Kings the government was least of all exercised by the tribe of Iudah for Moses was of Levi Iosuah of Ephraim two onely of the Judges Othâ—niel and Ibzah were of Iudah and from the returne out of the Captivitie the high Priests were the chiefe commanders and many of them crowned Kings how then can it be justified that the scepter did not depart from Iudah till the Messiah came 1. Some thinke that the scepter and kingdome is not strictly tyed unto Iudah but onely a principalitie in respect of other tribes which might be though other tribes had the regall authoritie Euseb. lib. 8. de prapar Contra. 1. But Iacob directly saith the scepter shall not depart from Iudah the S. and C. reade the prince shall not faile from Iudah 2. How could Iudah have the principalitie when another tribe had the imperiall authoritie there is no question but that after the Captivitie the tribe of Levi having the crowne had
that can save and destroy Iam 4.12 Onely God that gave unto man his life hath power to take it away and therefore otherwise than God hath given direction either by particular precept or generall rule the life of man is not to bee taken away 3. And seeing Magistrates are but Gods Ministers Rom. 13.4 they must execute justice according to his will for it is required of a disposer that he bee found faithfull 1. Cor. 4.2 but Gods will otherwise appeareth not than in his word 4. And seeing whatsoever is not of faith that is firme perswasion is sinne Rom. 14.23 and faith must be grounded upon the word as being wrought by the word Rom 10.17 how can the Magistrate approve his acts of justice as in the sight of God unlesse hee can warrant the same by the word 2. Neither yet can I consent with those which thinke that the punishment inflicted by Moses for the breach of the morall law together with the morall law is imposed upon Christian Magistrates as it is not lawfull to punish adulterie otherwise than by death nor simple theft by death but by restitution Piscator praefation in Exod. for if this were so then the Gospell should overthrow the policie and institution of divers Common-wealths which of a long time have continued but God is the author of peace not of confusion 1. Cor. 14.33 2. Mardoche and Daniel having place of government under the Persian Kings did no doubt minister justice according to the lawes of that countrey 3. Our Saviour Christ commanding to give tribute to Caesar and injoyning obedience to the higher powers which did beare the sword and that for conscience sake Rom. 13. seeme to give approbation to the lawes of nations maintaining right and tending to equity 4. Our Saviour himselfe observed not the judicials belonging to the morall law for whereas he that gathered stickes upon the Sabbath was stoned to death by Moses yet out Saviour excuseth and defendeth his Apostles who did as much as the other in rubbing the eares of corne for their necessity Matth. 12. yea hee giveth a rule that for fornication onely and adulterie it was lawfull for a man to put away his wife Matth. 19. which exception needed not if either in fact then or in right afterward adulterers and adulteresses were to bee punished by death If it be answered that Christ tooke not upon him the office of the Civill Magistrate to impose corporall punishment yet would not our Saviour have defended his Apostles nor yet by silence have left them unreproved for neglect of the law 3. Wherefore the best resolution is that the morall judicials of Moses do partly bind and partly are left free they do not hold affirmatively that we are tied to the same severity of punishment now which was inflicted then but negatively they doe hold that now the punishment of death should not be adjudged where sentence of death is not given by Moses Christian Magistrates ruling now under Christ the Prince of peace Isai. 9. that is of clemencie mercie may abate of the severitie of Moses law mitigate the punishment of death but they cannot adde unto it to make the burthen more heavie to shew more rigour than Moses becommeth not the Gospell to extend more favour is not unbeseeming of these two assertions my reasons are as followeth 1. That which Ambrose urgeth out of the mouth of Luke how our Saviour reproveth his Disciples because they would have had fire come downe upon the Samaritanes upon the which example hee thus inferreth Ostenditur nobis non semper in eos qui peecaverunt vindicandum quia nonnunquam amplius prodest clementia tibi ad patientiam lapso ad correctionem It is shewed us that alwayes vengeance is not to bee taken of those that offend because oftentimes clemencie is more profitable for patience in thee and amendement in the offender And this collection is ratified by the answer of our Saviour in that place The Sonne of man is not come to destroy mens lives but to sâ—ve them Luk. 9.55 2. Augustine urgeth the example of Christ who suffered the woman taken in adâ—â—tery to escape without punishment of death Ioh. 8. Whereupon hee inferreth that the adulter◠〈◊〉 not now to bee put to death but to live rather to be reconciled to her husband or to come 〈…〉 the usuall answer is that our Saviour doth not here abrogate the Law against adultery 〈◊〉 only to meddle with the Magistrates office Piscator Ans. Neither doe wee say that Christ abrogateth that law but leaveth it free and taketh away the necessitie of it And though Christ exercised not the Magistrates office in his owne person yet in this case it had not beene impertinent to have given direction to have her before the Magistrate as in another case he sendeth the leper to the Priest Matth. 8.4 if it had pleased him to impose still the severitie of the law yea our Saviour sheweth by his answer Let him that is amongst you without sinne cast the first stone at her Ioh. 8.7 that hee would not have them such strait executors of the rigour of Moses law upon others but rather to bee severe judges of themselves and with charitable affection to support the frailty of others to the which themselves were subject 3. Further the difference betweene the times of the Law and of the Gospell must be considered then they received the spirit of bondage to feare but now the spirit of adoption Rom. 8.15 then they which came neere the mount where the morall Law was given were stone or stricken thorow with darts whether man or beast Heb. 12.20 but it is not so now then the bloud of Abel cryed for vengeance but the bloud of Christ now calleth for mercie and so speaketh better things than that of Abel Heb. 12.24 Therefore to mitigate the severitie of Moses Law in some cases yet not leaving sinne unpunished nor by connivence cherishing the same it is more sutable to the profession of the Gospell of peace and mercie Wherefore I here say with Chrysostome Vbi paterfamilias largus est dispensator non debet esse tenax Where the master of the house is bountifull the steward must not be sparing Melius est propter misericordiam rationem reddere quà m propter crudelitatem It is better to be called to account for too much pitie than for cruelty 4. The continuall practice of the Church sheweth as much that the rigour of Moses judicials is mitigated S. Paul willeth the incestuous man only to be excommunicate 1. Cor. 5. it seemeth then there was no law in force to put such to death nor in Cyprians time who thus writeth Quidam episcopi in nostro provincia c. Some Bishops in our province have altogether shut up penance against adulterie Nor after that in the time of the Eliberin Councell which was held under the reigne of Constantine where it was decreed can 9. Moechatus
last appearing before Pharaoh to vers 9. then a conclusion of the whole historie of these plagues 1. In the continuation there is set forth first the Lords speech with Moses both revealing unto him that one plague was behind vers 1. and repeating the first promise of inriching the Israelites by the Egyptians vers 2. where Moses inserteth the reason why this should bee effected because both the people in generall and Moses specially should bee gratious in the sight of Pharaoh and his people vers 3. And all this the Lord spake unto Moses before his last entrance to Pharaoh for after that hee saw not his face Then followeth the speech that Moses had with Pharaoh vers 4. to vers 9. where Moses in the name of God foretelleth first the last plague of the death of the first borne expressing the time about midnight and of whom the destruction shall bee of all the first borne of men from the highest to the lowest and of beasts and by whom The Lord shall goe out c. vers 4.5 Secondly the events are three first the lamentation and sorrow of the Egyptians vers 6. then the privilege and immunitie of the Israelites vers 7. and the entreatie and supplication of the Egyptians to Moses to be gone with his people vers 8. 2. In the conclusion of this historie there is first a repetition of that which God foretold Moses that Pharaoh would not heare him with the end thereof that Gods wonders might bee multiplied in Egypt vers 9. then the declaration of Moses obedience vers 10. and of the event that Pharaohs heart was hardned as the Lord had said and of the effects and fruits thereof the not letting of the people goe vers 10. 2. The divers readings Vers. 1. When he sendeth you away he will at once speedily drive you hence I. altogether drive you hence G.S.V. or at once drive you hence G But this expresseth not the emphasis of the Hebrew phrase in driving drive you out that is speedily when he shall let you go quite he shall utterly drive you hence B. but the word Calah altogether belongeth to the latter clause as may appeare by the distinction Vers. 2. That every man require of his companion A. P. or neighbour L. S. V. B. G. rather than friend I. the word reaâ— signifieth both but because the Egyptians were neighbours rather than friends and an other word is used chap. 3.22 shechenoth which signifieth a neighbour or neere dweller I preferre the first Vers. 3. Also the man Moses was very great A. P. C. S. V. I. better than Moses was a very great man L.B. for the word ish man is set before Moses or also Moses was very great G. for here man is altogether omitted Vers. 5. From the first borne of Pharaoh that should sit upon his throne I.C. rather than which sitteth upon his throne cater for he was the heire onely of the Kingdome he did not yet sit upon the throne Pharaoh bâ—ing living the word is iosheb sitting a participle of the present tense which hath also the signification of the future as Gen. 19.14 Lot spake to his sonnes in law which were marrying his daughters that is were to marrie them 3. The explanation of difficult questions QUEST I. When the Lord spake these words to Moses Vers. 1. NOw the Lord had said to Moses yet will I bring c. 1. Some referre this to the first vision which Moses saw in the bush but that cannot be for when the Lord thus spake to Moses nine plagues were past and there was but one to come 2. Neither did the Lord thus speake to Moses after he was come out from Pharaoh for after that he saw Pharaohs face no more chap. 10.29 and yet here vers 8. it is said he went from Pharaoh very angry 3. Therefore the message which Moses delivereth in this Chapter to Pharaoh concerning the destruction of the first borne was done at his last appearing before Pharaoh when he sent for him after the darknesse and immediatly before his going to Pharaoh the Lord thus said to Moses Iunius QUEST II. Why the overthrow of Pharaoh in the red sea was counted none of the plagues I Will bring one plague more c. 1. Thus the Lord doth all things in number weight and measure the Lord sendeth tenne plagues upon Egypt not fewer because he would shew his power nor more for these were sufficient Ferus 2. Beside this last plague of the first borne there followed the overthrow of Pharaoh and his host in the red sea but this is counted none of the plagues of Egypt because it was done after the Israelites were gone out of Egypt Simler As also these plagues were not a finall destruction of the Egyptians as the other was but probations and temptations Pellican Of the tenth plague QUEST III. Whether God used the ministry of good or bad Angels in the slaughter of the first borne Vers. 4. ABout midnight will I goe out into the middest of Egypt That God was the author of this plague in the slaughter of the first borne it is no question but the doubt is whether the Angels good or bad were the Lords ministers in it 1. In this life it is certaine that God sometime useth the good Angels to punish the wicked as in the destruction of Sodome and the evill Angels some time to chastise his owne children as Satan tempted and afflicted Iob. 2. In the next world who shall be the ministers of the torments in hell it is not so certaine Pererius thinketh that the evill Angels shall be the executioners of those torments because of that text goe into everlasting fire which is prepared for the devill and his Angels But the contrarie rather may bee inferred out of this text that because the Devill and his Angels also are ordained for torment it seemeth that he shall not be a tormenter of others who is to be tormented himselfe Therefore it is rather to be thought that seeing the chiefe use of the ministrie of Angels is for the benefit and comfort of the elect in this world till they be gathered together in the Kingdome of God Heb. 1.14 that in the next world there shall not be such imployment of the ministring spirits especially of the reprobate Angels And how the torments of hell shall be continued the Prophet Isay sheweth Tophet is prepared of old c. the burning thereof is fire and much wood the breath of the Lord like a river of brimstone doth kindle it chap. 30.33 The Lord of himselfe by his owne power in shewing the severitie of his justice shall hold the wicked in everlasting torment 3. But concerning this judgement in smiting the first borne some thinke that the evill Angels were used in this service Thostatus Lyran. Because it is said Psalm 78.49 Hee cast upon them the fiercenesse of his wrath by sending of evill Angels But this place is answered before quest 30. in
And so Augustine giveth the solution of this place Non itaque quod ajit in servitutem redigent eos c. ad quadringentos annos referendum est c. In that it is said they shall hold them in servitude it must not bee referred to the foure hundred yeeres as though they kept them in servitude so many yeeres but the foure hundred yeeres must bee referred to that which is said thy seede shall be a stranger in a land not theirs August quaest 47. in Exod. QUEST LVI That the Israelites dwelt not 430. yeeres in Egypt only SEcondly it is not to be supposed that the Israelites dwelt in Egypt all this space of 430. yeeres which is the opinion of Genebrard who thinketh that this terme taketh beginning from the comming of Iacob into Egypt and expireth with the time of their deliverance and departure thence his reasons are these 1. Because in this place it is so affirmed that the Israelites dwelt so long in Egypt 2. As also that it is not like that in the space of 215. yeeres which is the time according to the common opinion of their abode in Egypt of seventy persons they could increase into so great a multitude Contra. 1. In this place a figurative speech must needes be admitted for wee must understand not only the time of Israels sojourning in Egypt but of their fathers also in the land of Canaan as Augustine saith these words must be expounded Manifestum est computandum esse tempus Patriarcharum Abrahâ— c. It is manifest that the time of the Patriarks Abraham Izhak Iakob must bee accounted when they began to sojourne in the land of Canaan quaest 47. in Exod. But of this more afterward 2. Neither is it impossible or improbable even without a miracle for so many thousands in the space of 215. yeeres to bee multiplied as is shewed before at large quest 5. in chap. 1. And Augustine giveth two reasons thereof Si fâ—cunditas hominis consideretur adjuvante illo qui illos valde voluit multiplicari reperietur non esse mirum The fecundity of men considered God also helping who would have them exceedingly to increase it will bee found not to be strange Now that the Israelites could not continue 430. yeeres in Egypt these two arguments doe evidently convince 1. Whereas Caath was one of those which came with Iacob into Egypt who lived 133. yeeres and his sonne Amram 137. yeeres and Moses his sonne was 80. yeere old at the departure of Israel out of Egypt all these yeeres put together make but 350. from which summe must bee deducted the yeeres wherein they lived together Genebrard answeres that their yeeres are only reckoned after they begat children and that some may be omitted that came betweene as S. Matthew leaveth out in his genealogy three Kings Ahaziah Ioas and Amasiah This answer of Genebrard may easily be taken away for neither is it the use of Scripture when it setteth downe the yeeres of a mans life to name onely the yeeres when he begate children and seeing in that line from Levi to Moses no other persons are elsewhere named that came betweene beside Caath and Amram it is a conjecture without ground to imagine any other But the omission of these three in S. Matthewes genealogy is evident because wee finde them elsewhere in the stories of the Kings to be set downe Perer. 2. S. Paul beginneth these 430. yeeres from the promise and covenant that was made to Abraham Galath 3.17 Therefore Israel stayed not all those yeeres in Egypt Genebrard here answereth that where the Apostle saith the law which was 430. yeeres after this word after is not referred to the covenant but to the law that came 430. yeeres after that is from the departure of the Israelites Contra. But this is a manifest wresting of the Apostles words who of purpose maketh a comparison betweene the law and the covenant of grace shewing that salvation dependeth not of the law but of the grace and promise of God which came 430. yeeres before And whereas the Apostles words in that order which hee set them downe are these This I say that the covenant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confirmed afore of God the Law made after foure hundred and thirty yeeres could not disanull what other sense can be made of these words but that the law was given so many yeeres after the promise for after must of necessity have relation to that which is said to have beene before which was not the departure of the Israelites not here so much as mentioned but the covenant said to be before ratified and confirmed of God Pererius QUEST LVII The Israelites dwelt in Egypt 215. yeeres only FUrther that the Israelites neither stayed in Egypt under 200. yeeres as Chrysostome thinketh nor yet 210. only as the Hebrewes to whom Lyranus and Cajetanus give consent nor yet 230. yeeres as Calvin but 215. yeeres only it may be thus made to appeare First from the first promise made to Abraham unto the going of Israel out of Egypt are 430. yeeres according to the Apostles account of this summe there were 215. yeeres gone before Iacob descended into Egypt Abraham at 75. received the promise 25. yeeres after when Abraham was 100. yeere old was Isaack borne he at 60. begate Iacob Iacob at 130. went downe into Egypt these yeeres put together 25.60.130 make in all 215. yeeres there remaineth then the other halfe of the summe 215. yeeres more for the sojourning of Israel in Egypt Thus Augustine reckoneth approving Eusebius account quaest 47. in Exod. Secondly whereas the yeeres of Coath Amram and Moses when Israel came out of Egypt doe make as is before shewed all together 350. yeeres but from this summe must be subtracted the yeeres wherein they lived together as from Coaths age of 133. yeeres who at 65. yeeres begate Amram as Epiphanius thinketh the residue wherein he lived together with Amram that is 68. yeeres must bee deducted and from Amrams age of 137. who at 70. yeeres begat Moses as Epiphanius the residue must likewise bee defaulked which are 67. yeeres adde unto these yeeres 65. of Coath and 70. yeeres of Amram 80. yeeres of Moses life and wee shall have the said summe of 215. yeeres all the time of the sojourning of Israel in Egypt QUEST LVIII That the Israelites were not in bondage and servitude in Egypt all the foresaid terme of 215. yeeres THis being then made plaine that the Israelites after Iacobs comming downe thither continued in Egypt 215. yeeres yet were they not so long in servitude and bondage 1. Augustine thinketh that they served in Egypt 144. or 145. yeeres for from the whole summe of 215. yeeres hee onely deducteth 71. yeeres of Iosephs life after Israel came into Egypt after whose death hee thinketh their bondage immediately began But that cannot bee for not onely Ioseph but all his brethren also were first dead Exod. 1.6 of the which Levi being about foure yeere elder than
yeere when they had gathered in the fruits of the yeere Simler And this moneth when all things began to revive and spring was answerable unto the state of the Israelites who now were revived by their joyfull deliverance from the winter and boistrous stormes of Egypt Borrh. QUEST V. Why the Israelites are charged to keepe the Passeover in the land of Canaan and not before Vers. 5. NOw when the Lord hath brought thee into the land of the Cananites 1. Hence it is evident that the Israelites were not bound to keepe the passeover in the wildernesse neither do we reade that they kept it more than once there in the second yeere Numb 9. and the next passeover was kept under Iosuah Ios. 5. eight and thirty yeeres after Simler The reason whereof might be this because they were not circumcised after they came out of Egypt for the space of 40. yeeres and the law was that no uncircumcised person should eat of the passeover this also signifieth that we shall not keepe our full and perfect passeover till we come into our heavenly Canaan Pellican 2. The reasons why they are charged to keepe the passeover in that plentifull land that abounded with milke and hony was partly to stirre them up to be thankfull unto God for his benefits and abundant liberality Calvin As also to admonish them that they should remember God in their prosperity and take heed that their full estate did not make them forget him 3. But now in that so fruitfull and pleasant a country as Palestina was is become barren and desolate this judgement hath befallen the Jewes and their country for their sinnes Pellican 4. Five nations only are here named that inhabited Canaan the Cananites Hittites Amorites Hivites Jebusites but the rest also are understood Iun. QUEST VI. Whether the keeping of the passeover was the cause of their deliverance or that the cause of the other Vers. 8. BEcause of that which the Lord did unto me 1. Some doe make this the sense of the place and read thus For this did the Lord doe so unto mee Septuagint Chalde Iun. Vatab. and would have this to be the meaning that God did shew all these wonders in Egypt and deliver them from thence to the end that they should keepe a memoriall of them 2. Others doe reade thus as is set downe supplying the word which and make this the reason of keeping the passeover because the Lord delivered them out of Egypt Simler Calvin Latine Genevens Pagine Montan. And this seemeth to be the more agreeable exposition both for that the cause of a thing goeth before the use thereof the wonders which the Lord did were first done and then the passeover commanded in remembrance thereof this was because of the other rather than the other because of this And againe the children aske not a reason of those things which the Lord did for them but they demand the cause of their service which they performe unto God as is shewed chap. 12.26 and chap. 13.14 Piscator QUEST VII How these things should be as signets upon their hands Vers. 9. IT shall be for a signe upon thine hand c. 1. This phrase is not only used as a similitude that they should alway have the benefits of the Lord in remembrance as a thing alwayes in their sight and that the passeover should as a signet on their head and as a frontlet betweene their eyes call to their remembrance their deliverance out of Egypt Sic Simler Pellic. though in the Proverbs this phrase is used in that sense by way of similitude as Prov. 1.9 They shall be as ornaments to thy head and as chaines to thy necke and chap. 6.21 Bind them to thy heart and tye them to thy necke And by these three to put it on the hands and forehead and to have it in the mouth are signified the faith in the heart the confession in the mouth and the operation of the hands whereby we expresse our thankfulnesse unto God Borrh. 2. Yet this is not all the meaning of this place but it is like also that they used some externall signe as in wearing signets upon their hands and frontlets upon their browes to put them in minde of the Law of God as for the same cause they were commanded to make fringes upon their garments Numb 15.38 And as they were commanded to write the Law upon the postes of their doores so also to binde them 〈◊〉 signets to their hands Deut. 6.6 for like as the Idolatrous nations did weare earings and frontlets in honour of their Idols as the Romane Gentrie were knowne by their rings and their Priests and their wives by their tutuli their foretops so the Lord would have the Israelites to use these ornaments as ensignes of their profession Simler Thus M. Calvin approving the first exposition yet assenteth also unto this if any man thinke that Moses alludeth unto those Qui tarditatis suae conscii subsidia memoriae sibi conficiunt non repugno Which because of their dulnesse doe use these things as helpes to their memory I will not gainsay Iunius also giveth this note Deut. 6.8 upon these words Thou shalt bind them as a signe to thine hand Typus accurata observationis atque perpetuae This was a type of the exact and continuall keeping of the Law Therefore there is no inconvenience to thinke that as they used fringes upon their garments so also frontlets and signets that should be alwayes in their eyes to put them in minde of the Law of God as reverend Beza very well noteth also Erat hic ritus quem postea Iudaei suis superstitionibus contaminarunt a Domino constitutus ut esset veluti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legis beneficiorum This rite which afterward the Iewes corrupted with their superstitions was appointed of God that it should be as a remembrance and monument of the Law and of the benefits which the Lord had bestowed upon them Annot. in Matth. 23.5 3. Yet this being admitted I cannot see how the Jewes out of this place can prove that use and custome of writing some part of the law in scroules of parchment and so binding them to their foreheads and to the wrests of their hands as they doe at this day Simler For whereas they write in those parchments certaine sacred lections which they call parashoth Beza which are the foure places where mention is made of these signes upon their hands and frontlets betweene their eyes two out of this Chapter vers 9. and 16. two out of Deut. chap. 6.8 and chap. 11.18 what warrant can they shew for the excerpting of these foure texts rather than any other this seemeth then to be a tradition of their owne without any ground in Scripture 4. But that superstitious use of the Jewes who doe place the greatest part of their religion in carrying about with them their tephillim and zizim their frontlets and fringes as they call them thinking that thereby they
of Israel Hierome numbreth them to have beene ten the first for want of water Exod. 17. the second likewise for water Numb 20. the third Exod. 14. when the Egyptians pursued them the fourth and fifth about Manna when they kept it till the morning and gathered it upon the Sabbath Exod. 16. The sixth murmuring was for flesh Exod. 16. and the seventh for flesh likewise Numb 11.4 The eighth for Moses absence when they made the golden Calfe the ninth when they tempted God in fighting against the Amalckites being forbidden Numb 14. The tenth upon the returne of the Spies which were sent to search the Land of Canaan Hieron dâ— 10. tentationib But if all the murmurings of the Israelites be summed together they will bee found more than ten not fewer than twenty And they were of three sorts either generall of the whole congregation or speciall of some few or particular of some principall persons 1. Their generall murmurings were upon these occasions first for things which they endured as the increasing of their bondage in Egypt at the first comming of Moses Exod. 5.21 their feare to be all destroyed of the Egyptians chap. 14.11 their wearinesse of the way Numb 11.1 their biting by Serpents Numb 21. Secondly for things which they wanted as for sweet and potable water Exod. 15.24 for bread chap. 16.3 for water in Rephidim Exod. 17. for flesh Numb 11. for water againe when Moses also offended Numb 20. Thirdly they murmured and disobeyed when any thing was imposed them which they liked not as twiâ—e they were disobedient about Manna in reserving it till the morning chap. 16.19 and in gathering it upon the Sabbath chap. 16.28 where although their murmuring be not expressed yet this their refractary disobedience could not bee without murmuring So they rebelled in fighting against the Amalekites and Canaanites being forbidden Numb 14.41 Fourthly they murmured when their expectation was deceived as upon Moses long absence Exod. 32.1 when they heard a false report of Canaan that the inhabitants thereof were invincible Numb 14. when Core Dathan and Abiram with their adherents were suddenly destroyed Numb 16.41 These murmurings in all were sixteene 2. The second kind of murmuring was of some speciall men as Core Dathan and Abirain with two hundred and 50. persons murmured against Moses and Aaron Numb 16.3 The third kind was of some principall persons as of Aaron and Miriam against Moses Numb 12. Of Moses himselfe at the waters of strife Numb 20. of Aaron being discontent and so negligent in his office because of the death of his two sonnes Nadab and Abihu Levit. 10.19 Here are foure more and unto these others by diligent observations may be added QUEST XXXIX Whether the wood had any vertue in it that Moses cast â—nto the water 25. ANd he cried unto the Lord and the Lord shewed him a tree 1. The Hebrewes thinke that this tree had no vertue at all in it to make the waters sweet but rather the contrary but that God would therein shew his power in healing one contrary by another as Elizeus did heale the waters by casting in of salt which was more like to have made them more bitter and our Saviour anointed the eyes of the blinde with clay and spittle which was an unlike thing to heale them 2. But it is more probable that there was some vertue in this wood to season and relish the water because it is said that the Lord shewed him or as the Hebrew word signifieth taught him the tree Tanquam tale jam liguâ—â—â—oc esseâ— quo posset hoc fieri As though it were such a kinde of wood as could doe this thing So Augustine reasoneth quaest 57. in Exod. to whom Calvinus and Simlerus consent for to what end else did the Lord direct Moses to that speciall tree more than to others unlesse we say that there were no trees there at all in the desert But the words will inferre another sense that seeing the Lord shewed him a tree there was a tree to be shewed as the Lord caused Hagar to see a fountaine not which newly sprung out of the ground but which was there before though she saw it not Gen. 21. The author of Ecclesiasticus chap. 38.5 affirmeth that there was vertue in the wood 3. But Iosephus is deceived who saith Moses fructum ligni accepit forte ibi jacens That Moses tooke a peece of wood lying there by chance whereas the Lord shewed it him and he further addeth that Moses did not cast in the wood because the people asked what it should doe but caused a great part of the water to bee drawne out of the fountaine and so the residue became sweet but this is also directly contrary to the text QUEST XL. Wherein the miracle consisted of healing the waters NOw although there were some vertue in this wood to heale the waters yet it was done not without a great mâ—racle 1. Which consisted not herein because the Lord Ostendit et lignum ubi nullum erat Shewed him a tree where none was for this is confuted before 2. Neither Quâ—a in tali natura ligni Creator demonstrator lâ—â—dandus est Because the Creator and shewer is to be praised in giving such a nature to the wood as Augustine in the same place for if the nature of the wood had done it it had not beene miraculous 3. But herein was the miracle that by the meanes of so small a peece of wood such a deale of water was changed as served such a great multitude Calvin And that it was suddenly and presently changed Simler And the waters were but made sweet only for that time and afterward returned to their bitter nature againe as Pliny before alleaged maketh mention of bitter waters there Iun. QUEST XLI Why the Lord used this meane in healing of the waters GOd could have healed the waters if it had pleased him without this tree But it pleased him to use this meanes for these causes 1. To teach us that we should not neglect the meanes which God appointed So the Lord divided the red sea and dried the way by a strong East winde Ezechias was healed by a lumpe of figges So God instructeth men and begetteth them to the faith by the ministery of men Simler 2. God hereby also reproveth their distrust and diffidence shewing Multa sibi in promptu esse remedia quibusque malis That he hath many remedies in store for whatsoever evils Calvin 3. Hoc medio uti voluit propter mysterium He would use this meane because of the mystery Ferus QUEST XLII Of the mysticall signification of this tree NOw what mystery is signified in this tree that sweetned the waters shall bee shewed in a word 1. Some by the bitter waters doe understand the killing letter of the Law which is impotable and unpleasant but being qualified by the Gospell Iam dulcâ—â— erit litera The letter of the Law becommeth pleasant Ferus 2. This tree was a figure of that rod
which should come of the stocke of Iesse and of the graft that should grow out of his root Isay 11.1 who should make our bitter waters sweet as he saith Come unto me all that labour and I will refresh you Borrh. 3. It signifieth also that our bitter afflictions by faith are made easie and pleasant which remaine bitter sowre and tart Nisi fide adhibeamus ad lignum crucis Christi Vnlesse we doe apply by faith the wood of Christs crosse that iâ— beleeve in his death Osiander So also Augustine Praefigurans gloriam gratiam crucis It prefigured the glory and grace of the crosse 4. This further sheweth what wee are by nature and what by grace by these bitter waters the Lord would bring to light Amaritudinem quae in eorum cordibus latebat the bitternesse which lay hid in their hearts Calvin By nature therefore our waters that is our thoughts and all our actions are bitter but they are washed and purified by grace and faith in Christ. QUEST XLIII What law and ordinances the Lord here gave his people Vers. 25. THere he made them an ordinance and a Law 1. The Hebrewes thinke that this Law here given them was concerning the Sabbath which in the next Chapter is confirmed and established where they are forbidden to gather Manna upon the Sabbath But the law of the Sabbath was more ancient for immediately after the creation the Lord sanctified the seventh day of rest to bee perpetually observed and kept of his Church And it is not to be doubted of but that the Israelites kept the Sabbath in Egypt as may appeare by the institution of the Passeover wherein both in respect of the number of the seventh day prescribed to be an holy convocation and by the manner of keeping the same in resting from all servile worke Exod. 12.16 there seemeth to be relation to the rest of the Sabbath and seventh day which they were already acquainted with after the ensample whereof they should keepe the seventh day of unleavened bread 2. Lyranus thinketh that these were certaine ceremoniall Lawes as of the red cow prescribed afterward at large Num. 19. and other rites of legall purifyings as also some judicials But this is only his conjecture without any ground the first Law that was given the people after they came out of Egypt was the morall Law and before this it is evident that there were certaine ceremoniall rites and judiciall equities kept by the Fathers so that this was not the first time and place that they received such things 3. Simlerus is of opinion therefore that such ceremonies and rites as were preserved and continued by tradition from the Fathers were here by the authority of God confirmed that they should not take them as grounded upon custome only but warranted and commanded by God But it seemeth by the phrase He set them an ordinance that they received an ordinance not given them before and seeing that the Lord intended shortly within the space of little more than a moneth as may be gathered chap. 16.1 and chap. 19.1 to give them Lawes and ordinances in mount Sinai there appeared no such necessity to prevent that time and place 4. Pellican understandeth the Lawes and ceremonies which were given afterward in mount Sinai Eo loci sed non jam tunc About that place but not at that time But neither about that place were the Lawes given which were delivered in mount Sinai for betweene Marah and the desert of Sinai they had six stations or mansions as they are numbred Num. 33. from verse 9. to vers 16. And this Law here mentioned was given at this time while they stayed in Marah where they proved and tried their faith and obedience as the next words shew 5. Some thinke that the Lord here gave them Lawes Non scriptura sed ore ut justè viverent not in writing but by word of mouth that they should live uprightly Ferus And what Lawes they were is not here expressed Osiander But to what purpose should a Law be given not written that the people might alwayes have it in remembrance 6. Therefore what this Law and ordinance was is here in the next verse expressed where the Lord moveth the people to the obedience of his Lawes with promise to bee their protector in keeping them from the plagues and diseases of Egypt Iun. So that the Lord in this place dealeth two wayes with his people Postquam aqua penuria illos examinavit verbo etiam admonuit After he had tried and examined them with the want and penury of water hee doth also by his Word admonish them to be more obedient Calvin QUEST XLIV Why the Lord at this time gave his people a Law NOw why the Lord gave them this Law and ordinance in Marah the reasons may be these 1. Because the people a long time having beene in bondage were not used to the Lords yoke they might have said then with the Prophet Isai. 26.13 Other Lords beside thee have ruled us therefore Hoc populo longa servitute oppresso forte iâ— dissuetudinem venerant Because the people by their long servitude might perhaps have growne to a disuse the Lord giveth them a Law Simler 2. The Lord in thus doing Pactum cum patribus factum renovat Doth renne the covenant made with their Fathers Pellican Hee doth give them a Law to put them in mind of the ancient covenant made with their forefathers 3. The Lord taketh occasion by this present benefit in providing of them water in their distresse to take triall of their obedience Postquam aquae penuria examinavit populum After he had examined them with the penury of water Calvin Which might serve as a preparative to move them to obedience 4. Because they were a carnall and disobedient people they had need of a Law to bind them Carnales enim cancello legis indigent For carnall men had need to be held in by a Law Ferus As the Apostle saith The Law is not given to a righteous man but to the lawlesse and disobedient 1. Tim. 19. 5. The Lord here giveth them a Law to shew what was the end of their deliverance and redemption out of Egypt not to live as they list but to walke in obedience before God Populum docet ne ex servitute liberati ad carnis libidinem deflectat He teacheth the people lest they being delivered out of bondage should turne unto the lust of the flesh Pellican 6. And beside the Lord would by this meanes Paulatim populum jugo legis adsuefacere By little and little acquaint his people with the yoke of his Law which he was purposed to deliver more fully in mount Sinai Osiander So also Simler and Borrh. QUEST XLV Who is said here to tempt him ANd there he â—â—oved him 1. Some doe understand this of the people that they should tempt God and in that sense it is understood two wayes either that they tempted God after he had given
them a Law which sheweth the great perversenesse of the people that notwithstanding the Law given them ceased not to sinne against God or it is a reason why the Lord gave them a Law because they there tempted him this latteâ— sense Calvin preferreth Quod Deus populi malitiam castigaverit à quo tentatuâ— fuerat The Lord correcteth the malice of the people of whom he was tempted But if it were understood of the people the verbe would have beene put in the plurall number They tempted him as vers 23. When they came to Marah and vers 24. jilâ—â—â— hagâ—am the people murmured where people is in the singular but murmured in the plurall And againe the coherence of the sentence beareth not this sense There he set them that is the people a law and there he proved him the same him then he proved unto the which he set a law 2. Some thinke that Moses in Gods name proved the people Genevens But the same that is said before to set them a law doth also prove them that is God and not Moses 3. Therefore the meaning is that God tried here the faith and obedience of his people and this best agreeth both with the words before going that he which gave a law unto them is said also to prove them and with the words following And he said if thou wilt diligently harken c. As God thus said to his people so hee it was that proved them Simler QUEST XLVI Of the divers kinds of temptations Vers. 25. ANd there he proved him 1. There are three kinds of temptations God tempteth man and man tempteth God and the Devill is the tempter of man 1. God is said to tempt two kind of wayes either directly and immediately by himselfe or mediately by other By himselfe sometime he proveth and tempteth by blessings to see if the people will be thereby perswaded to obedience as he did by giving them Manna Exod. 16.5 and Deut. 8.16 sometime by afflictions to see if they will be faithfull as he proved the Israelites in the desert 40. yeeres Deut. 8.3 The Lord is said to tempt mediately when others are the instruments and agents but God the disposer as hee is said by false Prophets to prove his people whether they love the Lord with all their heart Deut. 13.3 2. Man also is said to tempt God as the Israelites did in the wildernesse provoke the Lord by their tentations 40. yeeres Heb. 3.10 And these tentations are of three sorts 1. By despairing and distrusting in the power and assistance of God as Psalm 78.41 They tempted God and limited the holy one of Israel they did limite and tye God unto meanes that when they saw no ordinary meanes to be provided for they despaired as they spake against God saying Can God prepare a table in the wildernesse Psal. 78.19 2. They are said to tempt and provoke God which presume upon God neglecting or refusing the meanes As our Saviour answered the Devill that would have tempted him to cast himselfe downe from the top of the pinacle and to trust in Gods assistance Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God to have presumed upon Gods helpe where there was no cause or necessity had beene a tempting of God So the Prophet saith that the King of Judah in refusing to aske a signe for the confirmation of their hope in God provoked God Isay 7.13 3. Men also tempt God by their curiosity where as they aske things of God which are not necessary as the King of Judah would not aske a signe because it was to tempt God Isay 7.12 which is generally true that he which beleeveth not Gods word without a signe tempteth him but hee was deceived in the particular for it is no tempting of God to aske a signe where the Lord doth offer it as in that place he did So the Sadduces and Pharisies are said to tempt Christ when they asked a signe for men doe as well tempt God of curiosity as of infidelity of this sort was the temptation of the Israelites When they tempted God in their hearts requiring meat for their lust Psalm 78.14 They did of wantonnesse and curiosity for their bellies as the other curiosity is for the mind lust for flesh when they needed not having Manna to content them 3. The Devill is said to be the tempter of man that is a seducer and leader of them into evill and therefore he is simply without any other addition called the Tempter Matth. 4.4 Here then Augustines distinction may well be received Vnam tentationem intelligimus quae decipit sic Deus non tentat alteraâ— qua probat sic tentamur à Deo Wee understand one temptation which deceiveth so God tempteth none one that proveth so we are tempted of God The temptation of Satan hath a double act one toward God when hee tempteth and urgeth God against the Saints and therefore is called the accuser of the brethren the other toward men and so he is the deceiver of the world Revel 12.9 10. And in these temptations unto evill there is a principall tempter and chiefe egger unto evill which is the Devill and ministring and underserving tempters as the concupiscence of our owne nature So the Apostle saith every man is tempted When he is drawne away by his owne concupiscence and is entised Iam. 1.14 As Bernard also well saith Diabolus proprio baculo nos caedit manus nostras proprio cingulo ligat ut caro quae nobis data est in adjutorium fiat nobis in ruinam The Devill doth beat us with our owne staffe and bindeth our hands with our owne girdle that our flesh which was given for our helpe should bee unto our ruine Bernard meditat cap. 15. QUEST XLVII Of the difference betweene good and evill tentations IT shall not bee amisse here to shew the differences betweene good and evill tentations 1. They differ in the efficient cause God is the author of the one as God tempted Abraham the Devill of the other as hee entred into Iudas heart and tempted him to betray Christ. 2. The end is divers Deuâ— tentat ut doceat Diabolus ut decipiat God tempteth to teach us the Devill to deceive us August de tempore serm 72. Abrahams temptation sheweth the one and Iobs the other Deus tentat ut corâ—â—et Diabolus tentat ut subruat God tempteth to crowne us the Devill tempteth to confound us Ambros. lib. 1. dâ— Abraham cap. 8. 3. The manner also is divers the Devill promiseth faire and performeth foule he maketh himselfe a friend but in the end turneth a foe hee beginneth like a Lambe but endeth like a Lion Vt spirituales defraâ—det transfigurat se in angelum lucis ut fortes comprimat apparet agâ—us To deceive those that are spirituall he transfigureth himselfe into an Angell of light to overcome the strong hee sheweth himselfe as a Lambe Augustin soliloq cap. 17. Hee inveigleth Judas with hope of gaine when hee betrayed
Observations 1. Observ. That one affliction followeth another as long as we are in this life Vers. 1. WHere was no water for the people to drinke God doth divers wayes exercise his children and trie their faith as before with want of food so now with penury of water and presently after with warre Piscator And thus it falleth out in the desert and wildernesse of this life that one temptation followeth another till we come to the celestiall Canaan and so as the Scripture saith We must through many afflictions enter into the Kingdome of heaven Act. 14.22 2. Observ. Ministers must not intermit their dutie though it be evill accepted Vers. 4. ANd Moses cried to the Lord. Moses is not discouraged by the ingratitude and murmuring of the people to forsake his calling hee intermitteth not his dutie nor ceaseth to pray for them whereby the Ministers of Jesus Christ are taught that notwithstanding the evill acceptance with the world of their painfull and godly labours they should persever and continue still in discharging their dutie Marbach As Samuel saith God forbid that I should sinne against the Lord and cease praying for you â— Sam. 12.23 3. Observ. We must still goe forward and hold out to the end Vers. 1. THey departed by their journey As the Israelites stayed not in one place but still went forward approaching still nearer to the promised land so we must still goe forward in the pilgrimage of this life and hold out to the end of our journey till we have attained to our celestiall inheritance as the Apostle saith Let us studie to enter into that rest lest any man fall away after the same example of disobedience Heb. 4.11 Ferus 4. Observ. Prayer is not effectuall unlesse it be fervent Vers. 11. WHen he let his hands downe Amalek prevailed While Moses prayer was fervent it was effectuall but when his zeale abated which is signified by the letting downe of his hands he failed of the effect which teacheth us that so long as we lift up hearts and hands unto God by a lively faith we overcome our spirituall enemies but when our zeale waxeth cold and our faith faint they are superiour Piscator Therefore the Apostle having said The prayer of a righteous man availeth much addeth if it be fervent Iames 5.16 5. Observ. The punishment of the wicked though it be deferred will most certainly come Vers. 14. I Will utterly put out the remembrance of Amalek This was not presently accomplished but the judgements of God were suspended above 400. yeares untill the reigne of Saul which sheweth that the judgements of God though they bee deferred a long time yet in the end will most certainly come Marbach As the Apostle saith Whose judgement long agone is not farre off and their damnation sleepeth not 2. Pet. 23. CHAP. XVIII 1. The method and Argument THe summe of this Chapter is to shew the politike order of government instituted in Israel 1. By whom it was brought in 2. By what occasion 3. And the manner thereof First as touching the Author and adviser it was Iethro Moses father in law of whom three things are declared 1. His comming unto Moses both upon what occasion vers 1. whom he bringeth with him Moses wife and his two sons who are described by their names vers 3.4 whether he commeth vers 5. 2. His manner of entertainment when shee was come where these things are expressed 1. His message to Moses 2. Moses greeting vers 7. and narration of such things as the Lord had done for them vers 8. 3. Iethro his congratulation vers 9.10 and confession of God vers 11. 4. His solemne admittance and joyning to the people of God vers 12. Secondly the occasion followeth wherein is shewed the fact vers 13. and thereupon the conference betweene Iethro and Moses consisting of his demand vers 14. and Moses answer vers 15.16 Thirdly in the manner and matter of this forme of government 1. There is Iethro his reprehension of Moses order with his reasons vers 17.18 2. His advice and counsell is propounded what course should be taken in the greater and weightier causes which hee would have reserved to Moses owne hearing vers 19.20 what provision should bee made in chusing officers and governours for the rest vers 21.22 with the reasons of his counsell vers 23. 3. Then followeth the putting in practice of this counsell first by Moses vers 24.25 in chusing of such officers as Iethro prescribed then by the officers and Judges themselves vers 26. And so Iethro is dismissed vers 27. 2. The divers readings Vers. 1. The Prince of Midian I. C. rather than Priest B. G. cum cater cohen doth not onely signifie a Priest but Princeâ— as Davids sonnes are called cohanim not Priests but chiefe rulers for they being of the tribe of Iudah could not be Priests Tostatus Oleaster Vers. 1. The father in law I. V. cum caeter cognatur the kinsman L. but chothen signifieth rather a father in law as it is taken Exod 3.1 Vers. 2. Then Iethro Moses father in law tooke I.B.G. cum caeter then he tooke L. here the former part of the clause is clipped off Vers. 11. For in that thing wherein they were proud he is above them that is superiour unto them Iun. Better than because they dealt proudly against them L.S.P. for here these words in the thing which are omitted or wherein he dealt proudly against them did they perish V. or were destroyed themselves B. or were recompensed G. All these words are added by way of explanation But after the first reading ghalehem is better translated above them than against them and it is referred rather to the Lord than to the Egyptians and so the sense is full without any addition Vers. 23. If thou doe this thing and God commande thee both thou shalt be able to endure G.I.B.A.P. better than in these things which God commandeth thee thou mayst stand V. Here these things is added or if thou doe this thing thou shalt fulfill the commandement of God L. fulfill is added or God shall strengthen thee S. But the word tsavah signifieth to command See the meaning of these words afterward quest 23. 3. The Explanation of doubtfull and difficult questions QUEST I. Whether Iethro and Rohuel or Râ—ghuel were the same man Vers. 1. WHen Iethro the Priest or Prince of Midian 1. Some thinke that Reguel mentioned Exod. 2. Iethro here named and chap. 3.1 and Hobab Numb 10. were all one Sic Lyran Tostat. Pelarg. So also the Latine translator readeth Exod. 2. for Reguel Iethro Lyranus from the Hebrewes giveth this reason from the notation of the name Iethro and Hobab the first signifieth adjâ—ciens adding for he added unto other ordinances of Moses that of appointing officers and the other word signifieth diligens loving because hee loved the law of God and was converted to Judaisme But that Hobab Iethro and Reguel are not the same is evident
Lyranus yet it followeth not but that in resâ—ect of the knowledge which we shall have in the life to come we see now but darkly and as in a cloud And to this purpose he alleageth that saying of the Apostle Now we see thorow a glasse darkly but then shall we see face to face now I know in part but then shall I know even as I am knowne 1 Cor. 13.12 Lyranus annotation therefore being so evidently grounded upon the Apostles direct words they had small reason thus to carpe at him QUEST XXXIV Of the blowing of the trumpet at the giving of the law what it signifieth ANd the sound of the trumpet exceeding loud 1. There was not there any such materiall trumpet as the Jewes imagine that it was an horne made of the Rammes hornes which was sacrificed in stead of Izbak Lyran. But such a sound was made by the ministry of Angels as if it had beene the blowing of a trumpet Tostat. for as S. Stephen sheweth they received the law by ordinance of Angels Act. 7.53 The Angels attended upon the Lord as Ministers when the law was given Simler 2. This sounding of the trumpet was a signe of the presence of God tanquam imperatore praesente as if a great Emperour were comming before whom they use to blow trumpets Chrysost. 3. Sonitus â—â—ba significat gravitatem praeceptorum c. The sound of the trumpet betokened the heavinesse of the commandements quibus indicebatur bellum homini contra seipsum by the which warre is proclaimed to man against himselfe Thomas 4. As the sounding of this trumpet made a terrible and fearefull noise Sic lex tumultum excitat in conscientia peccatorum So the law raiseth a tumult in the conscience of sinners Lippoman Tales terrores in conscientia peccatoris lex Dei operatur Such terrors the law of God stirreth in the conscience of the sinner Osiand 5. Hereby also was prefigured the office of the Levites that sounded afterward with silver trumpets which also was a figure of the silver sound which the living trumpets of the Prophets and Apostles should give in gathering together the faithfull by the preaching of the Gospell as Isaias was bidden to lift up his voyce like a trumpet Isai. 58.1 Simler Herein also is set forth the forme of Christs comming to judgement when the trump shall blow and summon all both the living and dead to give account how they have kept this law which was first given with the sound of a trumpet of the blowing of this last dolefull and dreadfull trumpet speaketh the Apostle 1 Cor. 15.52 1 Thess. 4.16 6. Oleaster thinketh that the sounding of this trumpet was a signe of the departing of the Lord from the mount and of the libertie of the people to come up but it shewed the contrary that God was then come downe upon the mount and therefore Moses bringeth the people out of their tents to meet God in the next verse Hereof see more before quest 26. QUEST XXXV Of the different manner of the delivering the law and the Gospell Vers. 16. ANd all the people that was in the campe was afraid 1. By this terrible apparition which wrought in the people such terror and feare the nature of the law is expressed which as it was delivered with feare and trembling so it worketh terror in the conscience for divine apparitions are made agreeable to the thing for the which they are shewed so the Angels appeared to Abraham in humane shape because they came to tell Abraham that he should have a sonne When the Israelites were in the fierie fornace of affliction in Egypt the Lord appeared in a flame of fire in a bush When Ioshua was to warre against the Cananites an Angell appeared with a naked sword so because a law here is given which should reveale sinne and the wrath of God against the transgressors thereof it is delivered with feare and terror Ferus 2. Herein then appeareth a manifest difference betweene the Law and the Gospell 1. In the Law-giver then the Lord appeared in fire and smoake and terrible manner but Christ came lowly and meeke to preach the Gospell 2. In the place the Law was delivered in Sinai a place of servitude the Gospel began to be preached in Jerusalem which was a figure of the new Jerusalem which is above which is free Galath 4.26 3. In the Law it selfe which is a killing letter threatning curses and damnation to all the disobedient but spirit and life is given by the faith of the Gospell of Christ. 4. In the people which received it they were then rude and ignorant as children under tutors and governours they could not see the brightnesse of Moses face but under a vaile we now under the Gospell are as the heire which is come to age and now the vaile is removed and we see the glory of the Lord with open face Simler 5. Augustine therefore well saith Brevis differentia legis Evangelii timor amor There is a short difference of the Law and Gospell feare and love for Christ did teach the Gospell in great tranquillitie Incepit sedens dulciter tradere documenta legis novae He began being set to deliver sweetly the precepts of the new law Tostat. saying Blessed are the poore in spirit c. blessed are the meeke Ita lex vetus data est cum terroribus So the old law was given with terrors Lyranus 6. Yet we are not so to conceive as though the Gospell were altogether void of feare or the Law of comfort Hic timor Evangelio quoque fuit communis This feare was also common to the Gospell as the Apostle sheweth Whose voyce then shooke the earth and now hath declared saying Yet once more will I shake not the earth onely but also heaven Heb. 12.26 Calvin And againe If the word spoken by Angels was stedfast and every transgression and disobedience received a just recompence of reward how shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation Heb. 2.2 Neither was the law altogether void of comfort for in that the people are not fraied away by these fearefull signes but are brought by Moses to meet the Lord it sheweth Foedus Dei tam amabile fuisse quam metuendum That the covenant of God was as amiable as it was terrible and fearefull Calvin But here is the difference The law of it selfe and properly wrought feare and terror and the Gospell peace but accidentally also there was comfort in the law as it was a School-master to bring us to Christ and terror in the Gospell to them which contemned and refused it 7. Some thinke that in this generall and great feare of the whole campe yet that Moses feared not and was therein a type and figure of such as are perfect Pellican But the Apostle sheweth the contrary that even Moses also trembled and quaked Heb. 12.21 But yet Moses was not afraid as the people were Timuit Moses sed non timore servili
signifieth as well to as in as the preposition in is taken in the Latine And the circumstance of the place sheweth it to be so for the Angell of Iehovah which spake to Zacharie was the man that stood among the myrrhe trees called the Angell of Iehovah that stood among the myrrhe trees v 10.11 If he were among the myrrhe trees then was he not in Zacharie to speak within him and if Angels could speake to the heart it must needs follow that they know the heart which is contrary to the Scriptures for God onely knoweth the hearts of all men 1 King 8.39 And whereas the Lord himselfe speaketh to the heart herein the ministry of Angels should be superfluous Further also if the other reading be admitted that the Angell spake in the Prophet it was no created Angell but the great Angell of Iehovah the Mediatour of the covenant Christ Jesus who maketh intercession for his people as here in this place this Angell saith unto the Lord O Lord of hostes how long wilt thou be unmercifull to Ierusalem c. vers 12. and then it followeth in the next verse The Lord answered the Angell that talked with me with good and comfortable words Beside that it was the great Angell of Iehovah the Mediatour the commander of other Angels it appeareth vers 12. The other Angels which were sent abroad into the world returne their message unto him They answered the Angell of Iehovah and said c. We have gone thorow the world c. This Angell of Iehovah could talke within and to the heart of the Prophet as in the dayes of his flesh he could descrie the very inward thoughts and reasoning in the mind Mark 2.8 3. But that God himselfe Iehovah Christ the Mediatour both of the old and new Testament was the giver of the Law and that it was he himselfe that talked with Moses by these reasons it is made plaine 1. Because he is called Iehovah vers 2. Iehovah came downe upon mount Sinai which is proprium essentiale nomen Dei nunquam ad creaturas transfertur c. which is the proper and essentiall name of God and is never transferred to any creature Calvin in 3. ad Galat. Tostatus thinketh otherwise that an Angell sometime in the old Testament appearing in the person of God is not onely called God but Dominus Lord also quaest 6. in Exod. But herein he is deceived the Angels indeed are called Elohim God which title is sometime given unto men and excellent persons here as Judges are called Elohim Gods Exod. 22.28 And as Dominus Lord is the interpretation of Adonai so also it is given unto Angels and unto men as Abrahams servant calleth him Adonai his Lord or master Gen. 24. But as Iehovah is translated Dominus the Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as both the Latine and Septuagint interpret so it is not competible to any but unto God The Lord saith it shall be his name for ever Exod. 3.15 Neither can it be shewed thorowout the whole bodie of Scripture that the name Iehovah was ever given unto any but unto God onely 2. Moses himselfe saith that Iehovah spake unto you out of the middest of the fire Deut. 4.11 It was the voyce then of God himselfe Deut. 4.12 Simler 3. Another reason may be taken from the office of Christ who was the Mediatour both of the old and new Testament as the Law is said to bee ordained by Angels in the hand of a Mediatour Galath 3.19 which though Beza contend to be understood of Moses yet the exposition of Chrysostome and Calvine upon that place is to bee preferred which interpret it of Christ both because of the words following A Mediatour is not of one that is but both of Jewes and Gentiles But Moses was not the Mediatour of the Gentiles as also the title of Mediatour betweene God and man in the new Testament is given onely unto Christ 1 Tim. 2.5 So Chrysostome Mediatorem hic appellat Christum declarans quod ipse ante legem fuerit legem tulerit He calleth Christ the Mediator declaring that he was before the law and that he gave the law And Origen thus expoundeth the same place In fine seculorum homo factus est Iesus Christus sed ante hunc manifestum â—n carâ—e adventum mediatour quidem erat hominum sed nondum erat homo In the end of the world Iesus Christ became man but before his manifestation in the flesh he was the mediatour of men though yet he was not man Wherefore that is a sound assertion of master Calvine Nullam abusque mundi initio Dei fuisse communicationem cum hominibus c. That there was not from the beginning of the world any entercourse betweene God man but by the intercession of the eternall wisdome of God the Son of God That as he is now the Mediatour of intercession reconciliation so he was alwayes of instruction and doctrine And so that saying of Ambrose may conclude this point Quis tantus esset dux qui prodesset omnibus nisi ille qui supra omnes est quis me supra mundum constituereâ— nisi qui major est mundo Who is so great a Captaine to profit and do good to all but he which is above all who should set me above the world but he that is greater than the world Lib. 4. in Luc. Seeing then the morall law was given to profit all people and not the Jewes onely and to remaine as a rule of righteousnes as long as God hath his Church upon earth Moses could not be that mediatour of the law which was but the Captaine of that one people but he which is the Prince and Captaine of the whole Church of God forever 4. But that place will be objected Heb. 2.2 If the word spoken by Angels was stedfast c. In which words the Apostle seemeth to affirme that the law was uttered and delivered by the Angels This place is diversly expounded 1. Some by Angels understand the Priests Prophets and other Ministers of the old Testament as Chrysostome toucheth this exposition upon the like place Galath 3.19 that the law was ordained by Angels But this interpretation cannot stand for the Apostle sheweth afterward what Angels he speaketh of He hath not put in subjection unto the Angels the world to come vers 5. 2. Some by Angell understand Christ Simler But the Apostle speaketh of Angels in the plurall And the Apostle compareth together the word spoken by Angels and the word preached by the Lord himselfe which comparison will not hold if the Lord Christ should be understood to be the Angell by whom the law was spoken 3. Some thinke that the thunder and lightning and voyce of the trumpet were caused by the ministerie of Angels but the voyce which delivered the law was from God himselfe Simler But the Apostle saith more that the word was spoken by the Angels 4. Some applie this text to the
whole ministration of the old Testament and not to the law onely Quis dubitat per Angelos ministratam fuisse omnem veteris Testamenti dispensationem Who doubteth but that all the dispensation of the old Testament was ministred by the Angels Marlorat in 3. Galath v. 19. and Iunius in his Parallels upon that place Act. 7.53 saith to this effect that the Angels were ministri postea sermonis ad populum non authores legis that the Angels were ministers of the word afterward to the people but not authors of the law But this place being compared with Act. 7.53 and Galath 3.19 where it is said that the law was ordained by Angels it will draw also the word here said to be spoken by the Angels to be understood of the law 5. Iunius hath another exposition that the law was ordained inter Angelos among the Angels Annot Galath 3.19 and in his Parallels he saith the law was exhibited onely by Christ inter ordines Angelorum among the orders of the Angels but the phrase it selfe spoken by the Angels giveth more to be understood than among the Angels 6. Wherefore I preferre Chrysostoms exposition upon that place Galath 3.19 Sentit ipsos Angelos subministrasse ferenda legi He meaneth that the Angels did minister at the giving of the Law It is one thing for the Angels as Gods deputies to deliver the Law another as ministers and instruments As sometime the Prince may send Commissioners to execute his Edicts who doe supplie his person and authoritie sometime he being present in Majestie may by the mouth of another proclaime his Edict So at other times the Angels did speake in the name and person of God as the Angell did call to Abraham Genes 22. sometime they did attend as ministring spirits upon the Majestie of God as his Criers and Proclaimers So the law was delivered in mount Sinai by the authoritie of God himselfe appearing in Majestie who endited and framed the law but it might be proclaimed by the Angels concurring by their ministrie in the framing of that audible voyce and sound which was heard QUEST XXXVIII Why Moses is commanded to charge the people againe Vers. 21. GOe downe charge the people 1. Though this charge was given before yet the Lord commandeth it to be done againe Imminente jam hora ad majorem certitudinem The very houre being now instant for more certaintie Lyran. For they would the rather take heed Cum recentius in Dei prasentia mandarentur Being charged afresh and in the presence of God Tostat. 2. Another reason of renuing this charge was the stubborne nature of the people who had need often to be admonished and although Moses thought it not needfull againe to charge them as it appeareth by his answer and in a manner refusall vers 23. yet the Lord Sciebat sibi cum prafractis esse negotium Knew that he had to deale with such as were stubborne Calvin 3. And further though they had beene straitly charged before not to exceed their prefixed limits and bounds yet they would have adventured Ipso absente mora tamdiu curiâ—sâ— appetitu victi In Moses absence partly not enduring longer delay partly of a curious desire to have gone beyond their marks Galas 4. As also the charge is iterated in respect of the speciall interdict of the Priests who might have presumed being not before specially and in particular named the charge being given to the people in generall Simler QUEST XXXIX What Priests are here understood Vers. 21. ANd let the Priests also 1. Because the order of Priests was not yet instituted some thinke that is spoken by anticipation and prevention that afterward when the Priests should be ordained and consecrated they should be sanctified when they came into the presence of God Ex Lyran. But it seemeth by the sending downe of Moses that this charge was presently to be given by Moses and by the other to be executed And further it is said Let the Priests which come to the Lord be sanctified The Lord then speaketh of those Priests which already had accesse unto God not of those which should be assigned afterward Tostat. 2. Some thinke that by this word cohanim which signifieth as well Princes as Priests are understood the Tribunes Officers and Judges of the people which were before appointed by the counsell and advice of Iethro Lippom. Genevens But their office was to judge the people and heare their controversies the office of those Priests was to have accesse unto the presence of God in offering of sacrifices 3. Some thinke that the Priests were consecrated now but that it is set downe afterward Oleaster But this were without any necessitie to disturbe and transpose the order of the storie 4. Therefore their opinion is most probable who thinke that these Priests were the first borne to whom the prerogative of the Priesthood belonged till it was by Gods appointment setled in the Tribe of Levi But neither all the first borne in Israel that were consectated unto God were Priests as Iun. Borrh. For it is not probable in so great a multitude Singulis domibus proprios fuisse Sacerdotes That every house had his peculiar and proper Priest Calvin Neither were they onely Primogeniti Principum duodecim tribuum c. The first borne of the Princes of the twelve Tribes which offered sacrifice chap. 24.5 As R. Salomon Lyran. For so small a number of Priests sufficed not for the whole multitude They were then as well Filii primogeniti aliorum magnorum virorum The first borne sonnes of other great men which were the Princes of the families as the first borne of the Princes of the Tribes Tostat. quaest 12. 5. And by drawing neere unto God is not here meant that speciall kind of accesse to enquire of God which Moses did onely then and the high Priest afterward by his Vrim and Thummim but the comming unto God to minister as the Chalde interpreteth Tostat. Lippom. QUEST XL. Why Moses replieth as unwilling to goe downe Vers. 23. ANd Moses said unto the Lord. 1. Some thinke that Moses thus replied Quod non videbatur necessarium ut ista contestatio fierat As though it seemed not necessarie that this contestation should be made Tostat. But it is not to be thought that Moses would so contradict the Lord having beene of late in so great feare that the Lord spake unto him to comfort him 2. Some say that Moses thus spake not as though he tooke this charge to be superfluous but to shew his faithfulnesse that he had carefully before intimated to the people the will and pleasure of God therein Simler But the Lord was not ignorant what Moses had done that he needed to make repetition of his service 3. Some thinke that Moses Andiendo populo mandatum refricat That Moses thus answereth that hee might in hearing of the people rubbe their memorie lest they might forget any thing of the charge Pellican But Moses was
prayer therefore we should alwayes fast so from abstinence from the marriage bed to conclude perpetuall forbearance is absurd Ferus one of their owne writers is more equall who writeth thus Non est malum matrimonium sed tamen accessuri ad Deum etiam à licitis temperare debent Matrimonie is not evill yet they which come unto God ought to abstaine even from things lawfull Which kind of abstinence is by the Apostle required not onely of Ministers but of all in generall in the foresaid place 1 Cor. 7.5 5. Cont. Against the distinction of counsels and precepts RVpertus further hath this note upon this text Ad sanctificationem non satis est fecisse praceptum nisi adjicias facere consilium To sanctification it is not enough to fulfill the precept unlesse you adde to performe the counsels also And in that place he sheweth what a precept is to abstaine from things unlawfull and what a counsell is abstinere à licitis to abstaine from things lawfull Lib. 3. in Exod. cap. 26. Contra. 1. Though the use of the wife were in it selfe lawfull yet upon this prohibition it was unlawfull therefore it was no counsell now but a precept 2. That distinction of precepts and counsels is not sound nor consonant with the Scriptures as they call those precepts which are commanded of God and which to leave undone is sinne The counsels are not enjoyned and to leave them undone is no sinne but in keeping of them there is greater reward For whatsoever we doe or can doe it is but our dutie to doe Luk. 17.10 and if we come short in doing those things which are commanded it is not possible for any to doe more than is required And seeing our Saviour biddeth us to be perfect as his heavenly father is perfect and we are commanded to love the Lord with all our heart and all our soule then the counsels which they call of perfection if they proceed from the love of God are commanded also 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. We must be as ready to performe as promise obedience Vers. 8. ALl that the Lord hath commanded will wee doe The people are ready to promise obedience and that without any limitation to all that God commanded but they soone forgat their promise and they were afterward as slow to performe as here they are ready to vow obedience whereby we learne Nullius momenti esse subitum affectum nisi accedat perseverandi constantia That a sudden affection is of no moment unlesse constancie in persevering be added Calvin to the same purpose Oleaster As in the parable the sonne that said to his father when he was bid to worke in his vineyard and made answer hee would not yet after repented and went is commended before him that gave faire words and said he would but went not Matth. 21.29 2. Observ. Due preparation must goe before the hearing of the word Vers. 10. LEt them wash their cloaths Hereupon Origene thus noteth Nemo potest audire verbum nisi sanctificatus id est sanctus corpore mente None can heare the word of God unlesse they bee sanctified that is holy in minde and bodie If any come with unwashen garments that is unprepared it will be said unto him as in the parable to him that had not his wedding garment Friend how camest thou in hither The word of God is not to be handled with uncleane hands neither will enter into uncleane hearts B. Babingt 3. Observ. Our sanctification is not perfected all at once Vers. 10. SAnctifie them to day and to morrow Non enim una die perficitur sanctificatio c. For our sanctification cannot be perfited in one day We must labour and study for it all the dayes of our life Ferus As the Apostle compareth Christians to men set in a race So run that ye may obtaine 2 Cor. 9.24 It is in vaine for a man to set forward in the beginning of his race if hee hold not out to the end so our regeneration is not perfited all at once in the beginning we must goe on still untill the Lord have perfited his worke in us 4. Observ. Against curiositie in divine things Vers. 12. THou shalt set marks unto the people Docet hic locus ne in rebus divinis simus curiosi This place sheweth that we ought not to be curious in the searching out of divine things Ferus and to shew what an odious thing curiositie is in matters forbidden and that we should be content with that which it pleaseth God to vouchsafe to reveale unto us B. Babington As the holy Apostle saith that no man presume to understand above that which is meet to understand but that he understand according to sobrietie as God hath deal◠to every one the measure of faith Rom. 12.3 5. Observ. The word of God had need often to be inculcate Vers. 21. GOe downe charge the people Such is our dulnesse that we had need to have the word of God often inculcate and beaten upon us Men are marvellous apt to transgresse and therefore againe and againe they must bee admonished by Moses B. Babingt Therefore the Apostle saith It grieveth me not to write the same things unto you and for you it is a sure thing Philip. 3.1 As here Moses is commanded to iterate and renew the same charge that the people breake not their bounds CHAP. XX. 1. The method and Argument THis Chapter setteth forth the promulgation of the morall law with certaine effects that followed 1. In the promulgation first there is the preface shewing who was the author and proclaimer of the law God the Lord what hee spake all these words vers 1. and what the Lord had done for his people wherefore they should be willing to heare and receive his law he had brought them out of Egypt vers 2. Secondly the Commandements follow which concerne the worship of God in the first table containing foure Commandements and our dutie toward our neighbours in the six last to vers 18. which make the second table The first table prescribeth both the internall worship of God who is to be worshipped in the first commandement vers 3. and in what manner spiritually in the heart minde not by any Idolatrie or Imagerie where the matter of such images and Idols is rehearsed vers 4. the abuse forbidden vers 5. the reason added partly from a punishment threatned vers 5. partly from mercie promised vers 6. The externall worship of God is prescribed in the reverent profession of his name which is not to bee taken in vaine where there is to be considered first the prohibition then the penaltie in the third commandement vers 7. And in the keeping of the Sabbath in the fourth commandement which consisteth of the constitution thereof by an Antithesis or opposite comparison of the six dayes of labour vers 8 9. then of the prescription both in what manner and by what persons the Sabbath must be
usuall phrase in Scripture that the Lord speaketh of himselfe Tanquam de aliquo tertio As of some third person as chap. 19.11 The Lord himselfe saith to Moses The third day will the Lord come downe Lippom. 4. This further was admirable that all the whole host of Israel containing so many hundred thousand did at once heare and understand the voice wherein God spake unto them as Moses witnesseth Deut. 4.10 Iehovah spake unto you out of the middest of the fire and you heard the voice of the words I remember that Chrysostome in a certaine homily did gesse there were about 100. thousand that were then present to heare him but in the campe of Israel there being 600000. men of warre above twenty beside the young and old women and strangers which might well make five times so many toward 30. hundred thousand as Tostatus and others conjecture it was a wonderfull and strange thing that one voice should be heard of them all as Iosephus saith Omnes audiebant vocem sublimi descendentem ut nemo non intelligeret All heard the voice that came downe from above so that there was none which did not understand and as Cajetane saith Proportionata erat tam propinquis quà m distantebus auditoribus The voice was so proportioned that all heard both neere and further off And therefore it is called A great voice Deut. 5.22 5. And where it is said All these words the meaning is the ten Commandements only to the 18. verse of this twenty chapter for all the Judicials and Ceremonials following were not uttered by the voice of the trumpet but delivered to Moses Tostat. And these words were spoken in this order here set downe and as they were afterward graven in the two tables of stone Moses doth not set them downe altogether after the same manner Deut. 5. which hee doth as an interpreter and expounder of the law Iun. QUEST VIII Why it pleased God himselfe to speake to his people in the giving of the law NOw it pleased God himselfe to pronounce this law in the hearing of the people for these reasons 1. To win the more authority unto his Commandements that they should not contemne and despise them afterward Ferus As Moses afterward rendreth this reason vers 2. That his feare may bee before you that you sinne not Burgens 2. That they might afterward give more credit unto Moses the Lord speaking unto him in the hearing of the people So the Lord himselfe saith Loe I come unto thee in a thicke cloud that the people may heare whiles I talke with thee and that they may beleeve thee for ever chap. 19.9 3. That the people might know that the Lord was their Lawgiver that he and none other did prescribe them Lawes and that to him and none other they should yeeld obedience 4. The people hereby had experience of Gods mercy that vouchsafed to speake unto mortall men as they themselves confesse Wee have seene this day that God talketh with man and he liveth Deut. 5.24 Burgens QUEST IX Of the division of the Morall law NOw the Morall law is first divided according to the subject and matter into two tables the first comprehending those precepts which concerne the worship of God in the foure first Commandements the second those which command the duties to our neighbour This division is warranted by our blessed Saviour Matth. 22.37 dividing the law into two generall or great Commandements Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart c. This is the first and the great Commandement and the second is like unto it Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy selfe Simler And the reason of this division is that by this order in setting our duty toward God before our duty toward our neighbour the greatnesse and eminencie of the one over the other should be manifest according to the Apostles rule It is better to obey God than man Act. 4.19 And therefore our blessed Saviour calleth the first the great Commandement Vrsin Iosephus then is deceived who putteth five Commandements to the first table making the fift Commandement of honouring the parents one of them But beside the former reason that the precepts onely commanding our duty toward God belong to the first table S. Paul convinceth him who calleth the fift Commandement the first with promise Ephes. 6.2 meaning the first of the second table but in Iosepus opinion it should be the last of the first table Simler Another reason of this division of the tables in setting the precepts first which prescribe our duty toward God is to teach us that no morall or civill duties as of justice chastity sobriety are pleasing unto God if they do not proceed from faith and from an heart setled aright in the true worship of God And therefore those glorious outward workes among the Heathen of justice fortitude temperance were not true vertues before God because they proceeded not from the knowledge and feare of God 2. Another division of the law is into the severall particular parts whereof it consisteth that is ten Commandements therefore called ten words Exod. 34.28 and Deut. 4.13 which are so many not because God delighteth in that number but because of the summe and argument of the things therein contained which are necessarily drawne to so many heads nothing being either omitted or superfluously added Vrsin 3. The law further in respect of the matter of the particular precepts is divided thus that generally in the morall law is contained the worship of God and the same either immediate or mediate The immediate which directly concerneth God is either internall both who is to bee worshipped prescribed in the first Commandement and after what manner with spirituall worship in the second or externall which is either private in not prophaning Gods name precept 3. or publike in the sanctifying of the Sabbath precept 4. The mediate service of God which indirectly is referred to him but directly and properly concerneth our neighbour is likewise either externall which consisteth either in speciâ—ll offices as of the mutuall duties betweene superiours and inferiours precept 5. or generall toward all sorts of men as in the preserving of our neighbours life precept 6. of his chastity precept 7. of his goods precept 8. of the truth precept 9. The internall is in the rectifying our very desires and inward affections toward our neighbours precept 10. Vrsin Which subdivision is very apt and fit saâ—ing that hee maketh all the law but one great Commandement the worship of God whereas our Saviour divideth it into two which division of necessity must be received Some concurring with Vrsinus in the subdivision of the first table doe otherwise distribute the second in this manner it commandeth either speciall duties of some certaine callings in the 5. or generall in the rest and that either in respect of our neighbour in the 6 7 8 9. or of God who knoweth the heart and so the very inward concupiscence is forbidden in
the 10. So Pelacherus Pelargus Iunius in his Analysis somewhat differeth the first table he subdivideth thus that it prescribeth first the worship of God who is to be worshipped in the first and after what manner in the second 2. The profession of this worship in the third 3. The meanes belonging to the worship of God in the sanctifying of the Sabbath and the religious exercises thereof The second table he likewise divideth thus into speciall duties in the 5. common duties in the 6 7 8 9. and into the roote and spring of all the concupiscence of the heart in the 10. Now of all these divisions I have made choice to follow Vrsinus and Pelatherus in the first and Iunius in the second table as is set downe before in the method and argument of the chapter QUEST X. Whether foure Commandements or three only belong to the first table IT followeth as we have seene the division of the whole law and of the number of the precepts in generall so to consider of the number of the particular commandements to be assigned unto each table The opinion of the Romanists is that there are but three Commandements to the first table putting the two first into one and seven to the second dividing the last Thou shalt not covet into two So Tostat. quaest 2. Ferus with others and of this opinion is Augustine quaest 71. in Exod. Some other doe make five Commandements in each table as Iosephus lib. 3. de Antiquit. cap. 6. But this opinion is confuted before And beside Iosephus reason is nothing for he thinketh that the two tables being written both within and without that two Commandements and an halfe were written of a side for the foure first Commandements will take up more roome and space in writing than all the six of the second table This opinion is ascribed to Hesychius in his Commentary upon Leviticus that rejecting the fourth Commandement of the Sabbath yet he maketh foure in the first table and six in the second but if the fourth Commandement be excepted there will bee but nine in all for these Commandements as they were delivered here by the Lord himselfe are called the ten words Exod. 32.28 The common and received opinion is that foure Commandements teaching our duty toward God are to be referred to the first table and six to the last So Origen hom 8. in Exod. Nazianzen in Carmin Chrys. hom 49. in Matth. Oper. imperfect Zonaras tom 1. Hieron in cap. 6. ad Ephes. And Ambrose upon the same place Sulpitius Severus lib. 1. histor sacra Ex Simler Vrsin Procopius also holdeth this precept Thou shalt make to thy selfe no graven image to be the second So also Rupertus lib. 3. cap. 32. Now the reasons to strengthen this opinion against the first which the Romanists follow are these 1. Because those precepts which differ in sense and matter are divers and not one such are the first Thou shalt have no other Gods c. and the second Thou shalt make no graven image for one may offend in the first as they which worship the Sunne and Moone and yet make no graven image and some may transgresse in the second and not in the first as the Romanists themselves which worship graven images and yet we will not thinke so hardly of them that professedly they would make other Gods So then the matter of these two Commandements being divers as the first shewing who and none other is to be worshipped the second in what manner they must be two precepts and not one 2. The distinction which Moses maketh is to be observed the last Commandement of not coveting the neighbours house and wife are joyned in one verse as shewing but one Commandement but these two are severed in two verses which sheweth a division and distinction of the precepts the matter also differing for otherwise in the fourth Commandement there are divers verses but the agreement in the matter sheweth that they all belong unto one precept 3. The last Commandement which they divide into two shall be proved afterward when we come to that place to be but one whole and entire Commandement and this one reason shall suffice in this place because Moses repeating this last precept Deut. 5.21 doth put in the first place Thou shalt we covet thy neighbours wife which is here placed in the second so that if they were not all one Commandement it would be uncertaine which should goe before the other As for the reasons of the contrary opinion they are of no value Augustine would have but three precepts in the first table to expresse the Trinity but the beleefe of the Trinity is commanded in the first precept directly and therefore need not bee insinuated in the number Another reason is because man oweth three things unto God fidelitatem reverentiam cultum fidelity reverence worship Lyraâ— As though worship also includeth not reverence Ferus maketh other three the first precept requireth us to worship God in heart the second to confesse him with the mouth the third to acknowledge him in our workes All this being acknowledged that this must bee yeelded unto God yet another precept must of necessity goe before as the foundation of the rest that wee must acknowledge but one onely true God QUEST XI Whether all Morall precepts as of loving of God and our neighbour be reduced to the Decalogue NExt followeth to bee considered whether all Morall duties may bee reduced unto these ten Commandements 1. It will be objected that they are not because there is no mention made in the Decalogue of the love of God and our neighbour therefore all Morall precepts are not thither referred To this 1. Thomas answereth that these precepts are written in the heart by the law of nature that God and our neighbour are to bee loved and therefore they needed not to bee given in precept Contra. By the same reason then they needed not to be mentioned in Scripture at all if they were so manifest by the law of nature yea the grounds of all the Morall precepts are printed in our nature and yet the Lord thought it necessary to write them in his law 2. Burgensis answereth thus that like as in speculative artes and sciences they use to proceed from knowne and manifest conclusions and principles to those which are more obscure So the Lord propoundeth his law in the easiest and plainest precepts as in the second Commandement It is easier to abstaine from idolatry than from other kindes of superstition and in the sixth a man will abhor murder which cannot so soone decline all other wrongs and injuries These precepts of loving God above all and our neighbour as our selfe because they were hard and difficult the Lord would not propound them at the first to a rude and ignorant people but reserved them till another time when the people were growne more able and strong as in that 40. yeere in the wildernesse then Moses beginneth to explaine this law
offend against this precept Qui Christi cognitione carent quae cognitio non alia re quà m fide in Christum constet Which want the knowledge of Christ which knowledge consisteth in nothing else than in faith in Christ. Marbach Commentar in hunc locum Against this opinion that faith in Christ is not commanded in the Morall law the reasons follow afterward but first the question must further be explaned 1. First then we are to distinguish of faith which is of foure kindes or sorts 1. There is fides initialis or fundamentalis the faith of beginnings or the fundamentall faith whereof the Apostle speaketh Hebr. 11.6 That he which commeth unto God must beleeve that God is c. And this kinde of faith toward God the Apostle referreth to the doctrine of beginnings Heb. 6. 1. This faith apprehendeth onely the being and essence of God to know him to be the only Lord. 2. There is another faith called fides miraculorum the faith of miracles touched by the Apostle 1. Cor 13.2 If I had all faith so that I could remove mountaines 3. There is fides historica an historicall faith which beleeveth all things to bee true that are written in the Scriptures in which sense S Iames saith The Devils beleeve and tremble they beleeve there is a God and that all is true which the Scripture speaketh of God of his justice power punishing of sinners rewarding of the righteous 4. There is beside these a justifying faith whereof S. Paul maketh mention In that I now live in the flesh I live by faith in the Sonne of God who hath loved me and given himselfe for me Galath 2.20 This faith is the life of the soule whereby hee which beleeveth is able in particular to apply unto himselfe the merits of Christs death Now this is the difference betweene these foure kindes of faith the first apprehendeth the essence and being of God the second the faith of miracles his power the third which is the historicall faith his truth the fourth namely the justifying faith his mercie The three first to beleeve God to be to beleeve him to bee omnipotent to beleeve him to be just and true are included in the first precept Thou shalt have no other Gods c. but not the last wherein is the errour of the Romanists that make all these kindes of faith the same in substance differing only in property which if it were true then it were possible for them that have the one faith to have the other and so Devils also which in some sort doe beleeve should also be capable of justifying faith But this matter that all these kindes of faith are not the same in substance nor of like nature with the justifying faith is shewed elsewhere whither I referre the Reader 2. Further we are to distinguish of the law for it is taken sometime more largely either for all the Scriptures of the old Testament as Luk 16.17 It is more easie that heaven and earth should passe away than that one title of the law should fall So Ioh. 15.25 It is written in their law they have hated mee without a cause which testimony is found in the Psalmes Psal. 35.19 or else the law is taken for all the bookes of Moses and so the Law and Prophets are named together Matth. 7.12 This is the Law and the Prophets But the law is sometime taken more strictly for the Morall law whereof the Apostle speaketh Rom. 7. I knew not sinne but by the law and so S. Paul opposeth the law of workes to the law of faith Rom. 3.27 Now as the law is taken generally either for all the old Scriptures written by the Prophets or for the writings of Moses it cannot be denied but that faith in Jesus Christ is in this sense both contained and commanded in the law for of Christ the Lord spake by the mouth of his Prophets Luk. 1.70 And Moses wrote of Christ as our Saviour saith Had yee beleeved Moses yee would have beleeved me for Moses wrote of mee Ioh. 5.45 But as the law is taken strictly for the Morall law the law of workes which containeth only the ten words or Commandements so we deny this justifying faith to bee commanded in the law 3. Indirectly or by way of consequent it will not bee denied but that this faith also is implied in the law because we are bound by the law to beleeve the Scriptures and the whole word of God for this is a part of Gods worship to beleeve his word to be true and so some define faith Est certa persuafio qua assentimur omni verbo Dei nobis tradita It is a certaine perswasion whereby wee give assent to all the word of God Vrsin And so by this precept wee are bound to receive all the promises and doctrines concerning Christ delivered in the old and new Testament But directly as a part and branch and so a worke of the law wee deny justifying faith to be in this precept or any other prescribed or commanded The reasons are these 1. The Morall law and the Gospell differ in the very nature and substance for the one is naturally imprinted in the heart of man the other is revealed and wrought by grace The first the Apostle testifieth where he saith The Gentiles which have not the law do by nature the things contained in the law Rom. 2.14 The other also is witnessed by the same Apostle Rom. 2.24 We are justified freely by his grace The argument then may be framed thus The morall law is graft in the heart of man by nature but faith in Christ is not by nature but by grace above nature for if it were naturall all men should have faith which the Apostle denieth 2. Thessal 3.2 Faith then in Christ belongeth not to the law Therefore it is strange that Bellarmine confessing in another place that pracepta decalogi sunt explicationes juris natura that the precepts of the decalogue are the explications of the law of nature Lib. 2. de Imaginib Sanctor cap. 7. could not inferre hereupon that the precepts of faith and of the Gospell are no explications of the law of nature and therefore have no dependance of the morall law Ambrose useth this very argument Nemo sub lâ—ge fidem constituat lex enim intra mensuram ultra mensuram gratia Let no man place faith in the law for the law is within the measure and compasse of nature but grace is beyond measure Ambros. in 12. Luc. 2. The effects of the law of works and the law of faith are divers for the one worketh feare the other love and peace as the Apostle saith Ye have not received the spirit of bondage to feare againe but yee have received the spirit of adoption whereby we crie Abba Father Rom. 8.17 Againe the Apostle saith The letter killeth the Spirit giveth life 2 Cor. 2.6 Thus then the argument standeth the same thing cannot bee the instrument of
dishonour offered to the Image of God is a dishonour to God himselfe therefore the honour thereof redoundeth also unto God Answ. If any with a despiteful intention against Christ doe deface his Image or picture it is contumelious against Christ because of the evill intention of his heart but if any doe it of a zealous mind against Idolatry and superstition it is no dishonour unto Christ as Epiphanius did rend a certaine picture of Christ in a cloath which he found in a Church Epist. ad Ioan. Hierosol and therefore the argument followeth not Vrsin 4. Object Some say that the second precept against the making of Images was only temporall and concerned the Jewes Ambros. Catharinus in opuscâ—l de imaginib Answ. The condemning of Idolatrie in the new Testament as in the places before recited 1. Cor. 6. 1. Ioh. 5. Revel 21. sheweth that the precept is morall and so perpetuall 5. Object The Idols of the Gentiles are condemned because they represented those which were no Gods Answ. The Gentiles in their Idols also had a relation to God they were instituted as Maximuâ— Tyrius saith Vt admoneamur Divinae naturae to admonish us of the Divine nature 6. Object The Lord saith by his Prophet Zephanie 2.11 He will consume all the Gods of the earth but Popish Images Images are not yet destroyed therefore they are not the Idols condemned in Scripture Answ. This Prophesie was fulfilled under the reigne of Constantinus and Theodosius when Idols were every where destroyed And this Prophesie concerneth the true Church of Christ that all Idols should be taken away and therefore the Romanists shew themselves not to bee the true Church of Christ because Idols are not removed from among them Simler Of humane precepts and traditions 8. Controv. Against humane traditions IT hath beene briefely touched before that among other transgressions of the first Commandement this is one the bringing in of superstitious inventions and usages into the service of God without the warrant of his Word See before Doct 1. transgress 5. Here then exception is to be taken against the Romanists for their presumption herein But first let us see the divers kindes of those things which are commanded by men which are of foure sorts 1. The Governours Civill and Ecclesiasticall doe sometime command such things as are injoyned by the Lord and prescribed by the Word as such are the Christian lawes of Princes inflicting punishment upon the offenders against the Morall law concerning our duty toward God or our neighbour such are the exhortations and admonitions of the Ministers of God out of the Word these Commandements all men are bound in conscience absolutely to obey Of this kinde of precepts is that place to be understood Deut. 17.12 That man that will doe presumptuously not harkening unto the Priest that standeth before the Lord or unto the Iudge that man shall dye 2. There are also politicke constitutions of the Magistrate which determine of circumstances concerning the better keeping of the duties of the second Table such are the positive lawes of Princes as when to beare armes to appoint law dayes to prescribe orders and rules for apparell and such like wherein wee are commanded to yeeld obedience to our superiours As the Apostle teacheth Rom. 13.1 Let every soule be subject to the higher powers and vers 7. Give to all men their duty tribute to whom tribute custome to whom custome feare to whom feare c. And these precepts doe not simply binde in conscience in respect of the matter commanded but in regard of the generall band whereby wee are bound to obey the Magistrate in all lawfull things and to avoid offence 3. There are also Ecclesiasticall precepts which concerne ceremonies and other Ecclesiasticall orders belonging to the duties of the first Table which concerneth the worship of God as to appoint times and houres of prayer to prescribe a forme of prayer and what gesture is meet to be used therein as to kneele to stand in what order the Scriptures should bee read these and such other Ecclesiasticall constitutions being appointed according to the generall rules of the Word that all things be done to edifying in order and without offence are obediently to be received in such things men should not bee contentious but willingly yeeld their obedience as the Apostle saith If any man lust to bee contentious wee have no such custome nor the Churches of God And these ordinances of the Church doe not binde in conscience otherwise then in regard of offence and scandall and as wee are generally bound in conscience in all lawfull things to obey our superiours 4. The fourth sort of humane precepts are those which are superstitious and command things not agreeable to the Word but rather contrary unto it Such are the seven Popish Sacraments the multitude of ceremonies which they have brought into the Church their superstitious fastes their pilgrimages to Saints processions with the crosse and such like Such were the traditions of the Pharisies which our blessed Saviour speaketh against Mark 7. Such precepts are not to be obeyed but herein we must follow the Apostles resolution It is better to obey God than man Ex Vrsin These foure kindes of precepts are thus distinguished the first doe absolutely binde in conscience as a part of Gods worship directly the second doe binde in conscience not in respect of the matter commanded but of our obedience which we owe unto the Magistrate in all lawfull things the third for avoiding of scandall and offence the fourth sort doe not binde at all as being unlawfull and contrary to the Word of God But for the traditions of the Church that they are a part of the worship of God it will be thus objected 1. Object God commandeth obedience unto our Superiours Answ. No otherwise than they command such things as are agreeable unto his will either directly which are prescribed in the Word or by way of consequent that are consonant to the rules of the same 2. Object Such things as are done to the glory of God are a part of his worship such are the determinations of the Church Answ. Those things which of themselves serve to the glory of God as being by the Lord himselfe commanded belong unto his worship not all those things which accidentally onely serve to that end and as secondary meanes attend upon the service of God 3. Object Some of the Saints did worship God after a manner not prescribed so also may the Church now so Samuel sacrificed at Ramah and Elias in Carmel Answ. 1. To sacrifice unto God was a thing commanded though the place were indifferent before the building of the Temple 2. These were Prophets and had the extraordinary direction of the spirit Vrsin 4. Morall observations upon the second Commandement 1. Observ. God is full of long suffering Vers. 4. VIsiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the third and fourth generation c. Hierom out of these words well observeth the lenity
Ionathan to David and David to him all these when they tooke these oathes did sweare privately and as private men Simler 2. And seeing an oath serveth for the evidence of the truth and for the ending of strife and controversies in this behalfe there may bee as lawfull and as necessary an use of an oath privately as publikely not upon every occasion but when the matter is urgent and the case so requireth Vrsin 4. Morall observations upon the third Commandement 1. Observ. Against common and rash swearing THou shalt not take c. Here that common and notorious abuse of rash swearing in common and ordinary talke is reproved when the name of God is taken up prophanely and scoffingly without any kinde of reverence at all Chrysostome in his time finding fault with this abuse thus writeth Among the Iewes the name of God was so reverenced that being written in plates it was lawfull for none to carry it but for the high Priest but now Velut quiddam vulgare sic ipsius nomen circumfecimus We beare about every where the name of God as a common thing Chrysost. ad popul Antioch homil 26. Theodoret useth this fit resemblance Si vestem paulò pretiosiorem in dies festos multi adservare consuerunt c. If many use to keepe their better garment for holy dayes how much more should the name of God bee consecrated unto prayer and other holy exercises Ex Lippom. It was an use among the Heathen to keepe secret such names as they would have had in reverence there was a certaine hid and secret name of the City of Rome which is not now knowne which they say by the decree of the Gods was kept secret and one Marenus Soranus for naming the same but once in publike was adjudged to death Solinus in polyhistor cap. 1. de Roma The name also Demogorgon which the Gentiles held to bee the first God was not to bee uttered they thought when he was named the earth would tremble and Lucanus lib. 6. de bell civil writeth how Eritâ— the Sorceresse would thus adjure the Furies that if they did not consent shee would name Demogorgon Tostat. qu. 3. If the Gentiles were thus curious in not prophaning the names of their Idols it teacheth Christians that it is a shame for them so irreverently to use the name of the great God of heaven and earth whom they doe not only name but sweare by without any feare or reverence 2. Observ. Of the fearefull judgement of God threatning against blasphemers THe Lord will not hold him guiltlesse Though blasphemers and common swearers may escape the consure of men yet the Lord will not surely suffer them to goe unpunished If railers upon men are excluded the kingdome of God 1. Cor. 6.10 much more they which blaspheme the name of the living God If Gods hand should not be upon them here yet in the next world they are to expect nothing but everlasting horror unlesse they doe repent These that make a jest of religion and doe scoffe at the name of God are those abominable persons spoken of Revel 21.8 which shall have their part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone Cajetane here noteth well Quoniam futurum hoc judicium divinum raro impletum videmus in hac vita c. Because wee see this divine judgement seldome to be fulfilled in this life it followeth that it is to be referred to the judgement following after this life Therefore let men stand in awe of this fearefull judgement that is threatned against all prophane swearers and blasphemers 3. Observ. Against breakers of their oath and perjured persons FUrther as rash swearing is condemned so it is a most horrible and fearefull sinne for one to take a false oath and not to doe and performe as he hath sworne a righteous man and such an one as shall dwell in Gods Tabernacle is described that hee sweareth to his owne hinderance and changeth not Psal. 15.4 All such therefore are condemned which make shipwracke of a good conscience herein Such are our knights of the post that will be hired to take false oathes like unto the Turkish Sâ—iâ—i and Chagi who for a Ducket will take a thousand false oathes Oleaster useth this comparison If a man had given in pawne his sonne or any other precious thing for the performing of his oath he would labour by all meanes to redeeme it how much more when men have as it were pawned the name of their God Upon the fourth Commandement 1. Questions discussed QUEST I. Of the order of the fourth Commandement why it is put after the other 8. REmember the Sabbath day c. 1. Remotis impedimentis vèra religionis c. The impediments of religion being removed in the former Commandements as idolatry and prophanenesse or irreverence of the name of God this precept followeth Per quod homines in vera religione fundarâ—â—tur By which men should be grounded in true religion Thom. 2.2 quaest 122. art 4. in Cor. Prius enim sunt removenda impedimenta alicujus rei instituendae c. For first the impediments of a thing to be instituted must be removed before the thing can be instituted Lyran. 2. And this is the cause as Cyril noteth why the other Commandements before going are propounded negatively but this affirmatively Quia ad actâ—m statim eos impellâ—â— Because he presently draweth them here unto the act and execution Cyril lib. 4. in Ioah cap. 51. In the other Commandements first they are commanded to take away the impediments before the precept could be acted QUEST II. Why it is said only in this Commandement Remember c. 3. IN the other Commandements they were taught Deum primò venerari corde deinde ore First to worship God in heart then in mouth now it followeth here that we should worship him opere indeed Thom. Remember 1. Whereas Deut. 5. Moses rehearseth this Commandement thus Keepe the Sabbath day that thou sanctifie it but here he saith Remember the Sabbath day R. Salomon hath this conceit that both of these sentences were pronounced at once by a double sound of the trumpe which sounded forth the Commandements which is a fansie without any ground there Moses as the lawgiver doth not tie himselfe to the very same words keeping the sense Ex Tostat. 2. This memento remember some thinke is not referred to the Sabbath day but to the reason of the institution of the Sabbath taken from the creation this law therefore sendeth us backe to call to minde the creation of the world and how the Lord rested upon the seventh day after that in six dayes he had finished all the workes of the creation Tostat. So also Thomas Ponitur ut rememorationum beneficii praeteriti It is put as a remembrance of a benefit past But the connexion of the words sheweth that Remember is to be referred to the Sabbath day it selfe 3. Some will have this Remember to bee applied to the things to come
shadowed forth in the Sabbath Memento dicit de Sabbato quia quae umbra depingebantur ut futura speculari debebant He saith of the Sabbath remember because they ought to behold the things to come which were described under the shadow Cyril ibid. But this remembrance is to this end as the words of the law shew to sanctifie the Sabbath 4. R. Salomon thus understandeth it that if they had any precious garments or any other thing of price they should remember to keepe them till the Sabbath Lyran. But the Sabbath is not sanctified by the putting on of costly garments 5. Cajetanus giveth this interpretation Vt intelligamus rationem praeceptâ— esse recordationem c. that we should understand that in remembrance consisteth the reason of the precept that the rest from the outward workes is not pleasing to God Nisi ratione memoriae nisi ratione interni cultus But in regard of the memory and inward worship But although the sanctifying of the Sabbath specially consist in the internall worship yet it is not so well gathered out of this word 6. Therefore this rather is the meaning Remember that is Inprimis memoria tenendum esse the keeping of the Sabbath as a speciall thing is to bee remembred Galas And to this end is it so said because a man being hindered by the six dayes workes will hardly dispatch all to keepe the Sabbath unlesse he remember it and cast aforehand for it Oleaster As also they are bid to remember it because of old this day had beene sanctified before by the Lord and accordingly observed by the people of Goâ— QUEST III. Why the Lord thought good to appoint a day of rest and that upon the seventh day THe Sabbath day 1. Some Jewes are of opinion that the Sabbath being the seventh day was appointed to be kept holy because it is Saturnes day which is evill and unluckie to begin any worke in but this is a Heathenish superstition to seeme to worship those things for feare that are thought to hurt aâ— Tullius Hostilius the third King of the Romanes made the Quartane and Timâ—r Pallor Feare and Palenesse Goddesses The Lord taught his people otherwise that they should not be afraid of the starres of heaven nor to worship those things which God had given for the service of men Deut. 4.19 Tostat. 2. The speciall reason therefore why the seventh day was kept holy was grounded upon the Lords example that rested upon the seventh day after the works of the creation were finished 3. But that a day of rest was necessary to be appointed for the people of God divers reasons may be yeelded 1. This day was appointed and given ad destructionem erroris for the destruction of error because the Lord did foresee that divers in the world would make question of the beginning and creation thereof as they 2 Pet. 3. which say Where is the promise of his comming for convincing their error the Lord commanded this day to be kept as a monument of the creation 2. Datum fuit ad instructionem fidei redemptionis it was given to instruct in the faith of our redemption to signifie that Christs flesh should rest in the grave according to that saying in the 16. Psalme My flesh shall rest in hope 3. Datum fuit ad figurandum veritatem promissionis it was given to prefigure the truth of the promise both in our spirituall rest from sinne Corpus à peccatorum jugâ— requiescere facientis Causing our body to rest from the yoake and servitudâ— of sinne Damascen lib. 4. de orthodox fid cap. 24. as also in our everlasting rest in the Kingdome of God Futuram sanctorum requâ—em hinc significans Signifying hereby the rest of the Saints to come Cyril in Ioan. lib. 4. c. 51. And we looke for rest from three things A laboribus hujus vita à tentationum concussione à diaboli servitute From the labours of this life from the trouble of tentation from the service of the Devill Thomas 4. It was ordained ad inflammationem amoris to inflame our love that being free from worldly labours we might better attend upon God 5. Datum fuit ad opera pietatis it was given for the works of pietie for otherwise some would be so covetous that they would never leave working for gaine Thom. in opuscul 6. Vt quietâ— repararentur corpora That the bodies should be refreshed by this rest For some through their insatiable greedinesse could scarse have afforded any rest unto themselves especially unto them which were at the command of others as children and servants Simler QUEST IV. Whether the precept of keeping the Sabbath were altogether ceremoniall 1. SOme were of opinion that the Sabbath was onely temporary that did bind the Jewes for a time thinking that the ancient Patriarks as Adam Evah Noe kept no Sabbath Tertullian Which is not true of the observation of the Sabbath in generall seeing it was sanctified by the Lord himselfe immediately after the creation which the Patriarks were not ignorant of but onely of that strict exact and rigorous observing the Sabbath which indeed was onely enjoyned the Jewes Simler 2. Other seeme to be of opinion that the Sabbath was altogether ceremoniall and that Christians therefore are not now bound unto the observation of dayes as the Apostle for this rebuketh the Galathians Yee observe dayes and mâ—neths times and yeares Galath 4.10 Thus the Anabaptists object But if this precept were altogether ceremoniall it could be no part of the Morall law and seeing the Israelites were charged to keepe other festivals also as well as the Sabbath as the feast of the Passeover of Pentecost and of Tabernacles with others whereof no mention is made in the Morall law but onely of the Sabbath it is evident that the Lord himselfe did make a manifest difference betweene that and all other festivals neither is the keeping of the Lords day now an observing of dayes seeing Christians doe celebrate this day without any opinion of holinesse or necessitie tied unto the day as the Jewes kept their Sabbath But this error of the Anabaptists shall be confuted more at large afterward among the places of controversie 3. Wherefore this precept is partly morall partly ceremoniall as to have some set time to attend the service of God it is morall and naturall Secundùm dictamen rationis naturalis aliquod tempus deputat homo Man according to the device of naturall reason will appoint some time for Gods service Thomas For all nations in the world unlesse they bee these inhumane and savage people which inhabite in the extreme and remote parts of the world as the Garamants and Anthropophagi Men-eaters which dwell toward the South pole and they which inhabite the Islands Orcades and other remote regions toward the North all other nations of any humanitie and civilitie did spend much time in the worship of their gods Tostat. But it is legall or ceremoniall in that some speciall day is prescribed
1.19 And there be two reasons why anger should not be soone provoked because rage is a sinne before God and so deserveth punishment and for that every man desireth libertie but he that is given to anger is not Dominus sui ipsius Master of himselfe 2. He must take heed ut 〈◊〉 in ira permaneat that he continue not long in anger Psal. 4. Be angrie and sinne not Ephes. 4. Let not the Sunne goe downe upon your wrath 3. Men must bee carefull ne procedat primò in corde that anger proceed not first in the heart for then it turneth to hatred and he that hateth his brother is a manslayer for Se interficit spoliando se charitate alium He killeth himselfe by spoyling himselfe of charitie and another also 4. Ne procedat in verbo It must not proceed in word for he which calleth his brother foole is in danger of hell fire Matth. 5. 5. Ne procedat in opere It must not proceed unto the deed for in every worke wee must consider two things Facere justitiam misericordiam To doe justice and shew mercie but he which is angrie can doe neither For the first the Apostle saith that the wrath of 〈◊〉 doth not accomplish the righteousnesse of God Iam. 1.20 It is reported of Plato that hee should say to his servant that had offended him Punirem te nisi essem iratus I would punish thee if I were not angrie And he that is angrie can shew no mercie as it is said of Simeon and Levi in their rage they killed a man Gen. 49. Thom. in opuscul QUEST VIII Of rayling and reviling NExt unto the inward rage and heat of the affections followeth the outward indignation expressed by words gesture and other signes and the third degree is when men fall to plaine railing backbiting slandering threatning as these three are thus expressed by our blessed Saviour Whosoever is angrie with his brother unadvisedly shall be culpable of judgement and whosoever saith unto his brother racha shall be worthie to be punished by a counsell and whosoever shall say thou foole shall be worthie to be punished with hell fire Matth. 5.22 1. Here our Saviour maketh three degrees of anger or rage the one in the sudden heat and boyling of the affection inwardly without cause the second in the shewing of this indignation outwardly by any disdainfull words as in calling one racha that is idle head light braine for so rik in the Hebrew to the which this Syrian word agreeth both in sound and sense signifieth light value Iun. Matth. 5.22 As also this indignation may bee expressed by other signes as by grinning frowning spitting and such like Simler Then the third degree followeth in open railing as calling one foole with other termes of reviling 2. As our Saviour maketh difference of the sins so also he sheweth divers degrees of punishment alluding unto the politike forme of judgement for first there was the session or judgement of three who judged of small causes then of 23. who determined more waightie matters then of 71. before whom the high Priest or a false Prophet and sometime a whole tribe was convented and judged Beza So he that is angrie shall be censured in the secret judgement of God he that sheweth his indignation by opprobrious words shall be held guiltie before all the assemblie of the heavenly Angels and Saints he that raileth and revileth shall bee judged worthie of hell fire that is of the greatest punishment Marlorat For they used foure kinds of punishments among the Jewes whereby they put malefactors to death strangling the sword stoning and fire of the which the last was the worst Beza 3. For he that raileth and revileth tres quasi uno ictu occidit killeth three as it were with one blow himselfe him that giveth credit and the third whom he slandereth and revileth Basting QUEST IX Whether beating and wounding though there be no killing be not forbidden here THe externall act followeth not only of killing but in offering any other violence with the hand in beating wounding striking and such like 1. Here commeth to be examined the opinion of R. Salomon that in this precept only murther is forbidden but other violent wrongs in maimes wounds shedding of bloud beatings and such like hee thinketh onely afterward to bee restrained in the Judicials 2. Against this opinion these reasons are enforced 1. The Judicials only concerned the Israelites and did not bind the Gentiles but even among them these kind of violent assaults were unlawfull therefore they are forbidden not by the Judicials only but by the Morall law Tostat. qu. 21. He also urgeth this reason The things which were forbidden by the Judicials of Moses only it was no sinne for the Israelites to doe before those Lawes were given them that is before they came to Mount Sinai but it was unlawful before for them one to smite another as for the same cause Moses reproved an Hebrew that did his brother wrong and smote him Exod. 2.13 therefore these wrongs were not only prohibited by the Judiciall law 3. Burgensis giveth this reason Quia facit contra charitatem Because he that smiteth or woundeth though he kill not doth against charity as he also doth which killeth though in an higher degree So also Lippoman 4. Tostatus further giveth this rule Omnia quae pertinent ad idem genus reducuntur ad idem prâ—ceptuum All that belongeth to the same kinde is to be referred to the same Commandement as all wounding beating smiting tendeth to the hurt of our brother in his body as killing likewise doth QUEST X. Why actuall murder is such an hainous sinne before God NOw followeth the greatest transgression among the rest which is the taking away of a mans life 1. For if hatred envy railing wounding and the like are counted murder before God in respect of the will and purpose much more murder it selfe which is the scope and end whereat all the former wrongs and injuries drive for if those things are displeasing unto God because they often bring forth murder the effect it selfe must needs bee more hainous Basting 2. Another reason which amplifieth the sinne of murder is because the Lord by this meanes seeth Imaginem suam violari that his image is violated which is given as a reason of this precept Gen. 9.6 Calvin 3. And againe it is an unnaturall sinne because man is as our owne flesh as the Prophet saith Isai. 58.7 Hide not thy selfe from thine owne flesh but no man ever hated his owne flesh as the Apostle saith Calvin Yea the murderer herein is crudelier Lupâ— more cruell than the Wolfe for as Aristotle writeth 4. Animalium Give unto a Wolfe the flesh of another Wolfe and he will not eat it yet one man preyeth upon another and devoureth another Thomas 4. Hominum societas violatur by this meanes the societie of man is violated which that it may be preserved the Lord forbiddeth all shedding of
bloud Galas 5. Polluitur foedatur terra yea the land it selfe is polluted and defiled with bloud Numb 35.36 Galas 6. Mans bodie is the temple of the holy Ghost 1 Cor. 6.16 If any then destroy the temple of God him will God destroy 1 Cor. 3.17 7. The murtherer also sinneth against Christ whose member his neighbour is whose life hee hath sought So reasoneth the Apostle but in a divers case that he which causeth the weake brother to perish for whom Christ died sinneth against Christ himselfe 1 Cor. 8.11 QUEST XI How diversly murder is committed THis kinde of externall and actuall murther is committed two wayes either by a man himselfe or by another 1. The first is done two wayes either by the cruell shedding of mans bloud which is the most grievous sinne of all or by neglecting the meanes and not preserving our neighbours life either by helpe or counsell when it is in our power as the rich man suffered Lazarus for want of reliefe to perish at his gate Luk. 16. So the Priest and Levite passed by the man that had beene wounded of the theeves and was left for halfe dead and had no compassion of him Luk. 10. So the Wise-man saith in the Proverbs chap. 24.11 Deliver them that are drawne to death and wilt thou not preserve them that are led to bee slaine Isidore saith Qui incurrit in nudum esurientem c. He that meeteth with a man readie to perish for hunger and cold if he doe not give him meat and raiment homicida tenebitur shall be counted a murtherer So Gloss. interlinear A man committeth murther manu vel mente vel subtrahendo auxilium aut consilium c. with his hand with his heart and when he withdraweth his helpe and counsell 2. A man killeth by another two wayes consensu by giving consent as Saul did when Stephen was put to death keeping their garments that stoned him Act. 7.58 And the people crucified Christ calling unto Pilate Crucifie him Mandato voluntate By willing and commanding ones death as David did contrive Vrias death and Iezabel Naboths Bastingius QUEST XII Of the divers kinds of murder THere are divers kinds of killing 1. There is a lawfull killing or taking away of the life by the Magistrate as either in putting malefactors to death or in just warre where much bloud is shed 2. There is another kinde altogether unlawfull and inexcusable which is called wilfull murther when any of hatred smiteth a man that he die or of purpose lie in wait for him Numb 35.20 So Ioab wilfully killed Abner and Amasa 3. There is a third kinde of involuntarie murther when a man lieth not in wait but God offereth him unto him Exod. 21.13 For though such things seeme to us to fall out by chance yet all things are ordered and disposed by Gods providence and with him nothing happeneth by chance of this kinde there are three sorts 1. When two doe of a sudden having no purpose before fight together and the one killeth the other as striving upon the way or falling out upon any other sudden and unthought of occasion this is called manslaughter as Abner killed Asahel that met him and pursued him in battell this kinde is not so hainous as wilfull murther yet it far exceedeth these other kinds that follow 2. Sometime one is killed by chance which is of two sorts either a chance which falleth out by meere oversight and negligence as if a Physitian through carelesnesse mistake the medicine and so kill his patient which might by his care have beene prevented or it falleth out by meere chance which could not be helped as when one heweth wood and the axe-head flieth off and killeth one that standeth by 3. But that kinde which deserveth most favour and may best be excused is when one is forced to kill another se defendendo by defending of himselfe which was the womans case that with a milstone pashed out cruell Abimelechs braines when he attempted to set fire upon the tower and to burne the woman and all the rest of the people there Iudg. 9. QUEST XIII Magistrates are not guiltie of murder in putting malefactors to death ALl kinde of killing is not then unlawfull whereof there are three sorts there is divina vindicta heroica ordinata divine revenge heroicall ordinarie 1. The divine is which is directly and immediatly commanded by God as Abraham at the Lords bidding would have sacrificed his sonne Abraham non solum non est culpatus crudâ—litatis crimine sed laudatus est pietatis nomine Abraham was not onely 〈◊〉 blamed for his crueltie but commended for his pietie therein So Ioshua had commandement from the Lord to destroy the Canaanites 2. The heroicall kinde of killing is when any being inflamed with the zeale of Gods glorie and extraordinarily stirred by his spirit doe take revenge of the Lords enemies as Sampson upon the Philistims in his death Phineas in zeale killed the adulterer and adulteresse and Samuel hewed Agag the King of Amalek in peeces Marbach 3. The ordinarie killing is by the Magistrate who by direction of the word of God and according to wholesome lawes grounded upon the same doth give sentence of death against malefactors or wageth just battell upon these occasions the Magistrate sinneth not in shedding of bloud The reasons are these 1. Hierome saith Homicidas punire non est sanguinis effusio sed legis ministerium To punish murtherers and other malefactors it is no effusion of bloud but the execution of the law in Ieremiam c. 22. So Gloss. interlinear Index non occidit reum sed lex quae jubet The Judge killeth not the guiltie partie but the law which commandeth 2. Thomas saith Id quod licitum est Deo licitum est ministro ipsius per mandatum ejus That which is lawfull unto God the author of the law is lawfull unto Gods Minister by his Commandement But the Magistrate is Gods Minister Rom. 13.4 2. Places of Doctrine upon the sixth Commandement 1. Doct. Of the generall contents of this Commandement THou shalt not kill This Commandement consisteth 1. Partly in prohibiting all kinde of hurt or wrong to our neighbour either in leaving or forsaking him or in doing him hurt either outwardly by murder rayling reviling or by any injurie whatsoever or inwardly by anger hatred desire of revenge 2. Partly in commanding the preservation of our neighbours life either in not hurting whether provoked or not provoked or in helping either by the depulsion of wrongs and injuries offred or by the collation of benefits 2. Doct. The particular vertues here commanded THe vertues then prescribed in this Commandement are of two sorts either such as doe not hurt or such as are beside helping also Of the first kinde are 1. A particular justice and equitie in all our acts and doings not to hurt or molest any in word or deed by violence fraud or negligence or by any other meanes such an one
Sodomitrie and abusing of the male or with the same sex but in degrees forbidden such is incest with those that are neerely joyned in affinitie and consanguinitie and though none of these fall out yet if by violence any be forced to uncleannesse as in the ravishing and deflowring of wives or Virgins all these are more odious than adulterie and therefore they are likewise forbidden 2. Vrsinus thus reasoneth The end and scope of this precept is to be considered which is to preserve chastitie and to maintaine matrimonie whatsoever then is contrarie hereunto is forbidden and therefore all acts of uncleannesse as well adulterie as others which are against chastitie and matrimoniall sanctitie are here restrained 3. Calvin addeth further Lex est juste vivendi perfecta regala The law is a perfect rule of righteous living therefore not one kinde of uncleannesse but all whatsoever are in this precept restrained which are against righteous and upright living as all unnaturall uncleannesse incest fornication all pollutions wherewith the bodie is defiled QUEST IV. Of the sinnes of unnaturall lust THe unnaturall sinnes of uncleannesse are of three sorts 1. Those which are committed with another kinde as with brute beasts Levit. 18.23 Thou shalt not lie with any beast to be defiled therewith which enormous and monstrous sinne doth violate the law of nature and bringeth a great infamie upon mankinde in that any should bee found among them of such beastly and vile inclination Tostat. qu. 23. And herein is discovered the wickednesse and corruption of mans nature which without Gods grace is prone even unto the most vile monstrous and ugly sinnes 2. Another kinde of unnaturall lust is that which is committed with that sex which is not for that naturall use which was the sinne of the Heathen When man with man wrought filthinesse Rom. 1.27 Such were the Sodomites which with one consent came from all quarters of the Citie and beset Lots house and would have offred villanie unto the two young men which were indeed two Angels whom Lot had received into his house Genes 19. These whom the Apostle calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 liers with men with others there named are without their great repentance excluded the Kingdome of heaven and inheritance of God 1 Cor. 6.9 3. The Apostle in the same place nameth also the third unnaturall sinne of lust of those whom the Apostle calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 effeminate wanton and lascivious persons molles as the Latine Interpreter translateth who doe commit uncleannesse with the same kinde with the same sex and with the same person that is with themselves in the voluntarie emission of their nature such as was in part the sinne of Er and Onan the sonnes of Iudah whom the Lord destroyed for their wickednesse Gen. 38. these are so called molles tender delicate effeminate Quia nullam tristitiam tolerare possunt because they can endure no griefe in resisting of carnall concupiscence Tostat. quast 22. QUEST V. Why some kinde of uncleannesse is not forbidden by humane lawes BUt here the question will bee demanded what the reason is seeing this kinde of filthinesse is odious before God and man and by the Word of God condemned yet the lawes of men make no provision against it Hereof two reasons may be rendred 1. Because this kinde is committed secretly so that it cannot bee proved by witnesse and so by due proofe be censured such sinnes the lawes of men specially provide for as may be by witnesse or other evidence manifested now this uncleannesse can hardly be brought to light but by the parties themselves who are not so impudent as to act any such thing in open view as the Priest of Priapus standing aloft upon the staires used to shew his privie parts unto the people to provoke their beastly lust So also other secret sinnes as the adulterie and murther of the heart mens lawes cannot meet with unlesse they be such as are against the state of the Prince and Commonwealth for then even such thoughts and purposes though they take no effect yet if they can be discovered as by the confession of the parties or by their fellow conspirators are worthily punished Tostat. quaest 22. 2. Another reason is because Solos actus justitiae mandat humana lex humane lawes onely command the acts of justice and forbid all such acts whereby one hurteth another and so humane societie is hindred hereof it is that intemperance prodigalitie pride cowardlinesse and such like are not censured by humane lawes because they are no acts of injustice tending to the hurt of others So other acts of uncleannesse as of adulterie incest rape are by law restrained because the hurt and disgrace of others is thereby procured but this mollicies licet sit actus intemperantia non est tamen actus injustitia c. This effeminate pollution of the body by it selfe though it be an act of intemperancy yet it is no act of injustice because none other is hurt thereby which thing humane lawes especially provide for Tostâ— quâ—st 22. QUEST VI. Of the greatnesse of the sinne of adulterie THou shalt not commit adulterie Here by the very letter of the law that grievous and hainous sinne of adulterie is forbidden the greatnesse of which sinne is thus amplified and set forth 1. Ambrose thus describeth the sinne of adulterie God made two in the beginning and commanded that they two should be as one flesh Quod unum separas corpus c. naturae adulterium est In that thou doest separate one bodie c. thou doest adulterate nature c. First therefore by adulterie the holy institution of God is violated which maketh man and wife but one flesh Ambros. Hexemer lib. 5. cap. 7. 2. Chrysostome multiplieth many reasons together Qui capta uxore post hoc carnis remedium alieâ—â— injuriatur nullam veniam consequitur hoc jam lascivia est c. He that having taken a wife wrongeth another woman shall hardly finde pardon for this is a sinne of wantonnesse 3. Si suam repudiare alii vacare non licet c. If it be unlawfull for a man to put away his wife and use another which is a kinde of adulterie how much more is he to be blamed qui suae aliam addit which joyneth another to his wife 4. Againe the greatnesse of the sinne of adulterie appeareth by comparing it with other great sinnes it is so hainous before God Vt si â—xor ab Idolatra viro ipso nolâ—nte discedat puâ—â—atur sin ab adultero minimè That if the wife depart from an husband that is an Idolater against his will shee is punished if from an adulterâ—â— she is not the first the Apostle sheweth that it is unlawfull for a woman to depart from an unbeleeving husband being willing to dwell with her 1 Cor. 7.13 but for adulterie the wife may be dismissed Matt. 5.32 5. Further by comparing of the effects together this sinne appeareth what it is
sin neither is it a sinfull act but yet there may bee some blemish and imperfection in the manner seeing our best actions are stained as the Prophet saith All our righteousnesse is 〈◊〉 filthie clouts Isai. 64.4 3. If veniall sin be taken for a small offence wee denie not but that such blemishes are found in matrimoniall duties which are tolerated and covered in mariage according to that excellent saying of Augustine Libidinis voluptas non propter nuptias cadit in culpam sed propter nuptias accipit veniam The pleasure of lusts doth not take blame because of mariage but for mariage sake doth receive pardon Lib. 1. de concupis cap. 15. 4. But mortall or deadly sin in mariage there is none that is in his sense haynous and grievous for if his meaning be that the fleshly desire would extend it selfe to another that is coveteth strange flesh this is not incident unto any act of mariage but is a violating of mariage by adulterous and unchaste thoughts And if there could be any sâ—ch mortall and deadly sin in the duties of mariage what is become of that saying of the Apostle concerning the giving in mariage Hee sinneth not 1 Cor. 7.36 which also may bee understood of the duties of mariage Augustine hath this worthie saying Sicut bono uti malè malum est ita maleâ—ti bene bonum est benè utitur bono continentiam dedicans Deo bono utitur malè continentiam dedicons idolo malo utitur male concupiscentiam relaxans adulteriâ— bene utitur malo concupiscentiam restringâ—â—s connubio As it is evill to use a good thing evill so it is good to use an evill thing well as hee useth a good thing well that dedicateth his continencie unto God hee useth a good thing evill that dedicateth his continencie to an Idoll hee useth an evill thing evill that doth loose the reines of his concupiscence to adulterie he useth an evill thing evill who restraineth his concupiscence to matrimonie August cont Pelag. 1.19 If he doe an evill thing well that limiteth and keepeth his concupiscence within the bounds of mariage hee then cannot sinne mortally V. Confut. Against Tostatus that would not have simple fornication punished by humane lawes AGainst Tostatus here also worthily exception is taken who justifieth this defect and imperfection in humane lawes he meaneth such as are practised among the Romanists which doe not punish simple fornication these are his words Injustissima civilis lex esset qua â—eretrices tolleret That should be a most unjust Civill law which should take away strumpets and punish simple fornication c. Wee will see and examine his reasons 1. Civill lawes are only to restraine such sins whereby justice is violated and injurie done unto another but in fornication there is no act of injustice Non est ibi aliqua persona cui inferatur injuria There is no person there to whom any injurie can bee done Contra. There is a manifold wrong committed in single fornication 1. They offer wrong and dishonour unto Christ in making the members of Christ the members of an harlot 1 Cor. 6.15 2. They injurie themselves in sinning against their owne bodies in defiling and polluting them ibid. vers 18. 3. They doe wrong unto their posteritie bringing upon them the shame of bastardie making them illegitimate and disenabling them to inherit 2. If humane lawes should punish fornication it would give occasion unto adulterie incest Sodomitrie seeing the most in a common-wealth are weake and imperfect and if they were restrained from this smaller vice they would fall into greater enormitieâ— Contra. 1. As though God hath not appointed a remedie against fornication and all other uncleannesse by lawfull matrimonie shall men make themselves wiser than God and seeke to cure one evill by another 2. And thus the divine order is perverted among the Romanists for they restraine mariage and give way unto fornication and therefore it is no marvell if among them such unnaturall lusts doe reigne Bernard well sheweth the reason thereof Tolle de Ecclesia honorabile conjugâ—um c. Take away from the Church honorable matrimonie he saith not take away harlots and brothel houses as Tostatus doth shal ye not replenish it with incestuous persons with concubinaries Sodomiticall vices c. supeâ— Cant. serm 66. 3. Humane lawes are not to forbid all sinnes because Homo legem ponens non potest dare gratiam praeservativam c. because man making a law cannot give preseruing grace to keepe it and this was the cause why Lex Mosis non prohibâ—bat omnia vitia Moses law did not forbid all vices because therein was no grace given or helpe ministred to avoid them therefore some things were permitted among them as to take usurie of the Gentiles to give a bill of divorcement and such like So Tostatus quaest 23. Contra. 1. By this reason humane lawes should forbid no sins because Gods word not mans law giveth grace to abstaine from any sin 2. Neither is there any sin forbidden in the new Testament against the morall law which is not prohibited in the old as it may appeare by our blessed Saviours interpretation of the law Mat. 5. wherein he giveth no new law but only expoundeth the old 3. Though Moses law gave no grace to keepe it yet because it was a Schoolemaster to bring us unto Christ Gal. 3.19 it was fit it should be a perfect law and containe a strict rule of all righteousnesse that men the rather should bee driven unto Christ seeing themselves to come so farre short 4. The toleration of some things among the Israelites for their hardnesse of heart sheweth not a defect in the law but an imperfection in them that could not bee subject to the perfect rule of the law 5. And concerning the punishment of fornication it was not omitted in Moses law for although fornication with one were recompenced with marriage and paying of the dowrie Deut. 22.24 yet if a daughter in Israel did play the whore she was stoned to death ibid. vers 21. And seeing the law saith There shall not bee a whore of the daughters of Israel Deut. 23.17 how dare any defend the tolerating and suffering of whores in a Christian Common-wealth 4. Morall observations 1. Obser. Against shamelesse adulterers that thrust themselves into the Congregation of the Lords people THou shalt not commit adulterie This sin being so haynous in the sight of God whereby both the ordinance of God is perverted and matrimoniall faith mutually given violated and the Temples of the holy Ghost defiled hereby their impudencie unshamefastnesse and profanenesse is evident that being guiltie of this sin dare presume to come into the Lords house to offer themselves to heare the Word to receive the Sacraments or communicate in any other exercise of religion against whom the Prophet thus enveigheth Will you steale murther commit adulterie c. and come and stand before me in this house whereupon my name is called and
herein he must acknowledge his corrupt nature but if he either give a simple assent or be as it were tickled with a full desire or doe deliberately purpose of any evill thing then he sinneth So then all those sinnes wherein there is either a full assent or action are forbidden in the former precepts the very first desire and appetite is forbidden here These three degrees then are to be made of sinne appetitus assensio actio the appetite or first desire the perfect assent and the action the first the evill appetite is restrained here Galas Quamvis non plane acquiescamus desiderio si tamen nos titillat sufficit ad reâ—sper agendos Although we doe not yeeld unto the desire if it doe but tickle us with delight it is sufficient to make us guilty Calvin Here then such concupiscence is forbidden as hath some inclination of the will though no full consent Concupiscentiâ— enim nunquam est sine affectu licet non plane succumbat voluntas This concupiscence is not without some affection or desire though the will doe not plainely yeeld So is Chrysostome to bee understood Aliud est concupiscere aliud velle concupiscere passionis est velle arbitrii frequenter enim concâ—piscimuâ— quod nolumus It is one thing to desire another thing to will to desire or covet is of passion to will is of the disposition for we often covet that which we would not c. In Matth. homil 52. He speaketh of a full assent and purpose for otherwise with concupiscence here prohibited there doth alwayes concurre some affection and desire So then it is evident that even those first motions of concupiscence wherein any taketh delight though there be no full purpose are sinne before God and forbidden by this precept for even the Heathen did condemne impiam voluntatem the wicked will and purpose of any as to kill commit adultery and such like but the Law of God is more perfect and spirituall than any humane Law Againe it is not like that S. Paul was so ignorant as to thinke at any time that it was no sinne velle occidere hominem to have a purpose to kill a man or to commit adultery therefore by concupiscence he understandeth some more inward and secret disease which he tooke not to be sinne before it was revealed unto him by the Law Calvin QUEST III. Whether involuntary concupiscence having no consent of the will is here forbidden BUt here it will further be enquired whether even those first evill thoughts which arise in the minde without any inclination of the will at all are counted as sinne before God and so forbidden in this precept Here first wee are to distinguish of concupiscence and desire which is either a good concupiscence or bad the good is of two sorts either perfectly good such as was given unto man in his creation when he should have coveted nothing but that which was good or imperfectly good such as now is in men mixed with many infirmities and inperfections which is either naturall in man as the coveting of meat and drinke and other things necessary for the life of man Basting Or supernaturall wrought in man by grace as is the love and desire of vertue or it is mixt partly naturall partly supernaturall as matrimoniall concupiscence for procreation which both hath a naturall cause or beginning and is likewise guided by grace unto the right end none of these kindes of good and commendable concupiscence are forbidden by this precept The evill concupiscence as Bernard doth well distinguish it is of three sorts 1. Sunt cogitationes â—tiosa ad rem non pertinentes c. There are idle roving and impertinent thoughts which the minde may easily reject 2. Sunt aliae cogitationes violentae magis fortius adharentes There are other violent cogitations which sticke more nearely as the immoderate cogitation of meat and drinke and such things as belong to the necessity of nature 3. Sunt cogitationes fâ—â—tidae immundae quae ad luxuriam invidiam pertinent c. There are filthy and uncleane cogitations which concerne lasciviousnesse envy vaine glory and such like the first kinde is lutum simplex as simple or thin clay that cleaveth not the second is limum viscosum as a tough clay that sticketh fast the third is tanquam immundissimum coenum as most uncleane filthy and stinking mire and mud Bernard serm de tri ge cog na Seneca maketh this distinction of the motions of the minde not much unlike to the former 1. Primus motus non voluntarius c. The first motion is not voluntary as a certaine preparation of the affections 2. Alter cum voluntaâ—e non contumaci another kinde is with the will but the same not obstinate as when it commeth into ones minde to revenge himselfe when he is hurt 3. Tertius motus est impotens c. The third kinde is so impotent and outragious that it will not be ruled by reason as when a man is carried to revenge himselfe out of measure the first of these can be no more ruled by reason than such things as happen to the body as when one yawneth when he seeth another yawne or suddenly winketh when one putteth the fingers toward the eyes Thus Seneca lib. 2. de ira cap. 4. Now the question is whether these motions which Bernard calleth idle and wandring Seneca involuntary are forbidden in this precept Hereof there are three opinions 1. Some thinke that even these first infused motions Etiam citra rationem ullius objecti even without respect had to any certaine object are forbidden here Iun. But it seemeth by the words of the Law Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house that the concupiscence here prohibited aimeth at a certaine object and is not without some inclination of the affection 2. Others are of the contrary opinion that if a man doe at the very first reject these evill cogitations nullius culpa reus erit he shall be guilty of no fault Galas But seeing that Infants which have no such evill thoughts yet are not cleane before God being conceived and borne in sinne it cannot be but that these evill wandring and idle thoughts should carry some guiltinesse in them 3. Therefore the best solution is that these cogitations which doe vanish â—â—tequam animos afficiant before the minde bee affected be not comprehended in this precept as actuall sinnes for untill the will of man in some degree give assent sinne is in the conception onely not in the birth as S. Iames saith chap. 1. When lust hath conceived it bringeth forth sinne but as the first fruits of originall sinne together with that native corruption they are contrary to this precept wherein I finde also some difference of opinion Iunius seemeth to thinke that not originall sinne it selfe is here understood by concupiscence which is as the habit but only those involuntary motions which are the first act of this evill habit Iun. in
knowne as that none could doubt of them as are the first rules of direction there needed not be any law given of them but they are of the second sort so knowne by the law of nature as that many doe doubt of them and doe erre about them 2 The old law was the ministration of death not of it selfe but occasionaliteâ— by occasion because it commanded such things as were not in mans power to keepe and so the morall precepâ—s also did mortifie and kill Quia importabant difficultatem ad conservandum ea Because they did bring in a difficultie or rather impossibilitie to keepe them therefore in this respect there was no difference betweene the old law and the Morall law Tostat. quast 32. QUEST VIII Of the perfection and sufficiencie of the morall law BEside it will be thus objected against the sufficiencie of the morall law 1. Because the law prescribeth onely duties concerning God and our neighbour it speaketh nothing of the sinnes of man toward himselfe 2. It forbiddeth perjurie whereas blasphemie and heresie were as needfull to be forbidden 3. The precept of the Sabbath is expressed whereas there were many other festivities as of the Passeover Pentecost and others which the Israelites were bound to keepe 4. The dutie toward parents is commanded but not the love of parents againe to their children 5. The inward act of murther is not forbidden as the inward act of adulterie namely concupiscence therefore there is not a sufficient enumeration in the morall law of all morall duties Contra. 1. That the Morall law is perfect and every way sufficient it appeareth first by the generall contents thereof in prescribing all kinde of duties both toward God and man For first as three things are to bee performed to terrene governours namely fidelitie reverence and obedience so likewise the like duties but in an higher nature and degree are required toward God 1. Fidelitie in acknowledging him our onely God which is commanded in the first and second precept 2. Reverence in the third not to prophane his glorious name 3. Obedience and service which is performed in consecrating the seventh day wholly unto Gods worship Toward our neighbour our duties are either speciall toward those to whom we are bound by any speciall kinde of benefit as we are to our parents and superiours which is required in the fift precept or generally toward all in forbearing to doe them any hurt first either in deed as in their single person concerning their life or their coupled person touching their wife or in their goods we must not steale either in word where false witnesse bearing is forbidden either in heart as in the tenth Commandement There can be no dutie rehearsed appertaining to God or man which is not comprehended under some of these therefore the Decalogue containeth a perfect law 2. Now for answer to the objections in particular 1. It was not necessarie that any particular precept should bee given as touching the duties of man toward himselfe both because nature is not so corrupted in such duties but that a man still retaineth love to himselfe as it is in our love toward God and our neighbour 〈◊〉 also for that the rule of our love toward another is taken from a mans love toward himselfe he shall love his neighbour as himselfe therefore this is presupposed as granted of all and as a ground of the rest that a man loveth himselfe 2. The law giveth instance of the more generall and notorious transgressions such as at the first would be acknowledged of all and therefore because perjurie is more generall and more easily discerned than blasphemie or heresie under that the rest are understood 3. The other festivals were memorials of particular benefits which concerned the Israelites onely as the passeover and feast of Tabernacles of their deliverance out of Egypt but the Sabbath is a memoriall of the generall benefit of the creation which concerneth all nations therefore this precept concerning the Sabbath onely of all other festivals was onely to be inserted in the morall law 4. The love of parents toward their children though it be naturall yet the dutie of children toward their parents is more agreeable to the law of nature and the contrary namely their disobedience more unnaturall and therefore instance was to bee given in this rather than in the other and beside the names of father and sonne being Relatives the duties of each toward other are reciprocall and one may bee inferred upon the other 5. The concupiscence is expressely forbidden rather than the first motion of anger and revenge 1. Because it is harder to resist the motion of concupiscence than of rage and revenge and wee are more apt to sinne by that than this 2. Because the inward wrath and purpose of revenge Nâ—scitur ex concupiscibili beginneth with a desire for there are two things in revenge ipsa persequntiâ— id quod persequimur that which we pursue and pursuit it selfe that which we pursue we judge to be evill and so hate it but the action of pursuit we thinke to be good namely to seeke revenge and so we thinke it good and desire it Seeing then all kinde of coveting and desire is forbidden even that also is included from the which rage and revenge taketh beginning but in the other kinde of coveting when wee propound unto our selves an object of some delectable or profitable good both the thing which is pursued with desire is judged good and the action it selfe of pursuing it with desire Sic fere Tostat. quast 24. But the better answer is why the first motion of anger is not expressely forbidden as of concupiscence because anger never riseth but with the consent of the will and therefore being a voluntarie motion it belongeth to the other precept Thou shalt not kill but concupiscence which is involuntarie and hath not the full consent of the will is forbidden in the tenth precept See more of this difference before quâ—st 1. QUEST IX Of the abrogation of the law NExt unto this question of the perfection of the law it followeth to consider of the perpetuitie and continuance of it for in some places the Scripture testifieth that Christ came to fulfill the law not to destroy it Matth. 1.17 and some where againe it so speaketh as though the law were abrogated aâ— Rom. 6.14 Yee are not under the law but under grace Heb. 7.12 If the priesthood be changed there must of necessitie be a change of the law For the solution hereof thus much is to be added here though this question partly be touched before 1. First then concerning the ceremoniall law which was prescribed unto the Jewes to be observed in the worship of God it is wholly abrogated 1. Because the bodie being come the shadow must give place but all those ceremonies in their sacrifices purifications festivals and the rest were shadowes the bodie is Christ Coloss. 2.17 Ergo. 2. Those ceremoniall observations were tied unto a
visus plures rerum differentias nobis ostendit c. Because the sense of the sight doth more distinguish things than any other sense for other senses doe shew but the differences of their owne objects as the hearing the distinction of sounds but the sight sheweth how one thing is discerned from another whether by colour quantitie number fashion and divers other wayes Tostat. Therefore the sense of seeing is taken in generall for the rest but not in particular for any one sense but as sensus conjuncti sunt in communi sensu as the senses are joyned togeâ—her in the common sense Borrhaius And so here to see is taken for percipere to perceive Iun. The people saw these voyces that is perceived them So also Cajetane Videre pro certa nâ—titia ad sensum quocunque sensu saepe ponitur To see is often put for that knowledge which commeth by any of the senses So also Simlerus 6. The Interlinearie Glosse hereupon giveth this note Nos doctorum â—â—â—es audientes oculum mentis dirigere debemus We also when we heare the voyce of the learned must also direct the eye of the minde as here the people are said to have seene these voyces QUEST II. What is meant here by voices whether the thunder or other voices THe thunder and the lightning The word is koloth voices 1. which some doe take for those voices and words which were uttered and framed by the Angels and hereupon Tostatus taketh occasion to shew at large how the Angels are said to speake and expresse the voice as of man which sometime they doe by assuming humane shape sometime by framing other organes and instruments in the aire apt to make sounds but neither of these wayes doe the Angels expresse conceptiones su as modo naturali sed per modum artis their conceits by any naturall meane but as it were after the manner of art as men doe use organes and instruments of musicke Tostat. quaest 36. All this discourse of Tostatus here is superfluous for by voyces here are understood the thunders as the word koloth is taken chap. 19.16 and because of the other word which is adjoyned lamps or lightnings and so read here and understand Vataâ— Iun. Montan. Cajetan Lippoman Simler 2. Basil understandeth this of the voice of God Quae non per aures verberato extrinsecus acre apprehenditur c. sed arcano modo insonante voluntate divina Which is not apprehended by the outward beating of the aire on the eares but by the secret sounding and intimating of the will of God in Psal. 28. But it is evident by the storie that this was a sensible sound which all the people heard and were astonied at it as the Apostle sheweth Hebr. 12.19 which they that heard excused themselves 3. Moses here setteth not downe all which the people saw for there were foure terrible things beside fire which burned up to the middest of heaven darknesse clouds and mist Deut. 4.11 The thicke clouds were above the mountaine from whence might proceed the thunder and lightning and upon the mountaine it selfe was seene the fire mixed with smoake and darknesse thorow the which the fire shined Cajetan QUEST III. Whether there were a sound of the trumpet beside the voices ANd the sound of a trumpet 1. Tostatus thinketh that the voices before spoken of and the sound of the trumpet were not two distinct things but one and the same for otherwise the trumpet would have hindred the people from hearing the voices if they had come together they are therefore called voices and a sound of a trumpet because the Angels by the sound of a trumpet did expresse words and voices Tostat. qu. 37. 2. But that there were words uttered beside the sound of a trumpet it is evident c. 19.16 where the sound of a trumpet was heard before the Lord began to deliver the law and vers 19. When the sound of the trumpet blew long c. Moses spake and God answered him by voice Likewise the Apostle maketh mention of them as of two distinct things Heb. 12.19 Ye are not come c. unto the sound of the trumpâ—â— and the voice of words And yet the voice was uttered in a loud sound as of a trumpet as Iohn saith hee heard a great voice as if it had beene of a trumpet Revel 1.10 There might bee then a double kinde of sounding the trumpet one without any expressing of voice which sounded before the Lord spake and ceased all the while the Law was uttered and after began againe the other sound of the trumpet was that whereby the Lords voice was sounded out when he delivered the Law It is like also that some of these ceased while the Lord was in speaking as the thunder and the loud sound of the trumpet for otherwise it might have beene a lot to the peoples hearing and after the Lord had finished and made an end then the thunder begun to be heard againe with the sound of the trumpet like as it is the manner of Princes to have a trumpet blowne before their edictâ— are proclaimed and afterwardâ— to cause it to be sounded againe Simler QUEST IV. Of the feare of the people and their going backe Vers. 18. ANd they fled or moved themselves and stood afarre off 1. The Latine readeth 〈…〉 timore percussi they were terrified and smitten with feare the Septuagint read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they feared Chal. they trembled Vatab. vacillabant they waved whereupon Tostatus maketh thesâ— degrees of feare that first the minde doth timere is said to feare when any evill is expected then terrâ—râ— it beginneth to be terrified cum conturbatur when it is troubled with the expectation of any evill but then we are said â—â—mâ—re to tremble when totus corporis status vacillaâ— when the body it selfe and all the joynts doe shake for feare But this distinction of feare is here our of his place for though this giving backe of the people proceeded from feare yet the word â—â—â—gh here signifieth to move they moved then and fled from their place and the next words doe confirme this sense They stood afarre off 2. Here wee see two operations of the Law the one terrorem incutâ—t it striketh feare because of sinne then hominem retrocedere cogit propter â—am Iudicis it maketh man to give backe because of the wrath of the Judge Ferus 3. Some Hebrewes thinke that the Israelites were backe certaine miles Ex Simler But the people goe backe Non per modum fâ—â—ga sed per modum retrocessionis Not by way of flight but by way of recoiling neither herein did they breake the commandement of God for they were set certaine bounds forward which they were not to passe but backward they might goe Tostat. quaest 37. 4. Neither is it to be thought that the people went backe while the Lord was speaking unto them but after the promulgation of the Law there being some pause made then the people
so it is as the fountaine and beginning whence good Lawes proceed Lex enim per judicium facta est for the Law is made out of judgement Secondly it is taken pro ipsa exhibitione justitiae for the very exhibiting and administration of justice which is the execution of the Lawes Thirdly it is taken pro lege secundùm quam judicandum est for the Law it selfe according to the which judgement is given and in this signification is the word used here Tostat. qu. 3. QUEST VI. How Moses propounded these Lawes by speaking or by writing Vers. 1. WHich thou shalt set before them or propound unto them 1. Augustine saith Notanda est hic locutio c. The manner of speech is here to be observed this is said to Moses Thou shalt propound c. but the rest that followeth If thou shalt buy c. vers 2. is spoken to the people as unto Moses Locut 91. in Exod. 2. These Lawes Ab. Ezra saith might be propounded two wayes unto the people either by pronouncing them or by writing of them But it is evident chap. 24.3 that first Moses told all these Lawes by word of mouth before he writ them and he had first the peoples consent unto them for they were no Lawes till the people had received them and submitted themselves unto them And therefore as soone as Moses had propounded them the people answered with one voice All the things which the Lord hath said will we doe chap. 24.3 Tostat. qu. 3. QUEST VII Why the Israelites were called Hebrewes Vers. 2. IF thou buy an Hebrew servant c. This was a peculiar name to the Israelites to be called Hebrewes 1. which name is not derived of Abraham as some thinke for the name Hebrew beginneth with the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ain the name of Abraham with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aleph and beside there were other nations that came of Abraham as the Edomites Ismaelites Amalekites Midianites which should also by that reason have beene called Hebrewes 2. Neither is this name derived of the signification thereof which signifieth to passe over that therefore they should be so called because sometime they dwelt beyond the river in Mesopotamia and came over the river for Lot came over as well as Abraham and yet his posterity the Moabites and Ammonites were not called Hebrewes 3. Therefore they are so called of Heber not only because they were of him descended for other nations which came of Ioktan the second sonne of Heber descended of him yet were not called Hebrewes neither was this name given them in respect of the holinesse and true worship of God which Heber professed for in that sense they might rather have beene called by Abrahams name who is famous in Scripture for his faith and obedience but the reason of this name is because the Hebrew language which was peculiar and proper to the Israelites was preserved in the family of Heber when the tongues were divided at the destruction of Babel and so although many other nations did spring out of Hebers family yet it was so disposed by Gods providence that the true worship of God together with the Hebrew tongue should be preserved only among the righteous seed It is no other like but that in Abrahams house Ismael as well as Isaack◠and in Isaacks house Esau as well as Iacob spake Hebrew while they lived together but afterward when Ismael and Esau were departed from their fathers house they spake the tongue and language of those nations to whom they joyned themselves Tostat. qu. 4. QUEST VIII How the Hebrewes became servants AN Hebrew servant 1. The Israelites had two kindes of servants some were of other nations as most of the servants which the Romans had were such and these servants they might keepe a longer time than for six yeeres their servitude was perpetuall and hereditary both of themselves and their children the other kinde of servants was of their owne nation for whose benefit this Law is made Tostat. Oleaster 2. Some thinke that this Law is made concerning such servants being Hebrewes which were bought of the Gentiles but R. Salomon thinketh better that it is a generall Law concerning all servants that were Hebrewes howsoever they came to be servants Ex Lyrano 3. The Hebrewes became servants by these wayes 1. If any man did steale and had not wherewithall to make satisfaction hee was to be sold by the Judges and so the theft to be made good Exod. 22.3 2. If any did sell himselfe through poverty Deut. 15.12 or a man sell his sonne or daughter chap. 21.7 or when any were taken to be servants and bondmen for debt as 2 King 4.2 Simler 3. Or when any having a servant and being decayed had no longer any use or service for him he might sell him over unto another Lyran. 4. There might bee also a fourth occasion of servitude namely when in the civill warres which were among the Israelites as when the kingdome was divided after Salomons dayes they did take any Hebrewes captives or prisoners they afterwards became their servants Simler QUEST IX The difference betweene Hebrew servants and strangers NOw the condition of an Hebrew servant was more tolerable than of other servants which were of strange nations in these two respects 1. Their service was not so hard nor so cruell Levit. 25.43 Thou shalt not rule over him cruelly And before vers 39. Thou shalt not compell him to serve as a bond servant but as an hired servant and as a sojourner he shall be with thee that is his service should bee easie and gentle and their entertainment good as when one is hired yet herein the condition of such servants differed from an hireling the servant was bound generally during his service to doe any worke which his master enjoyned him but the hireling was onely to doe that worke for the which he was hired the hireling was free and at his owne disposition he could not be set over to another but so might the servant be sold over during the time of his service being not his owne man but to be disposed of at the will of his master Tostat. quaest 5. 2. The Hebrew servants differed from others in the time of their service which was not to exceed six yeeres whereas the bondage and servitude of strangers was perpetuall Simler Such as they were commanded by the Law to have Levit. 25.44 Thy bond servant and thy bond-maid which thou shalt have shall be of the Heathen which are around about you as were the 〈…〉 upon whom was laid the curse of perpetuall bondage or servitude Gen. 9.25 Cursed be Canaan 〈…〉 of servants shall he be to his brethren QUEST X. Of three kindes of liberty and how servitude is agreeable to the Law of Nature BUt here it will further be demanded whether servitude be agreeable to the Law of nature and how it commeth to passe that the Lord suffred the Israelites being a free people to
master because she must so liberally be provided for But the reason thereof is because shee was sold upon hope of marriage which hope because shee is frustrate of this provision must be made by way of recompense But this maid is not like to have beene abused for then it had not beene enough to let her goe out free but he should endow her also according to the Law chap 23.16 3. Oleaster thus resolveth this text This maid either her master had company with or had not if the first either she displeased afterward and then he was to redeeme her that is to set her free or shee pleased then the father either tooke her to wife and so he was to use her as his wife on his sonne then hee should use her as his daughter or if he tooke another wife he was to provide all necessary things for her Now if her master had not knowne her she was to serve him to the yeere of Jubile unlesse shee before redeemed her selfe Contra. Oleaster faileth here in these points 1. Hee taketh redeeming for setting her free without money whereas redemption of a servant was not without money 2. If he had defiled her he was not only to set her free but to endow her as before is shewed 3. If â—he maid was to serve him to the yeere of Jubile the maid servants should have lesse privilege than the Hebrew men servants that were to serve but six yeeres whereas this Law intendeth them greater favour 4. This then is the summe of the Law A man buyeth a maid servant an Hebrewesse he was either to suffer her friends to redeeme her or to marry her himselfe or give her to his sonne if none of these he was either to keepe her still providing all things necessary for her or to let her goe out free for nothing Iun. QUEST XXXIV Of the end scope and intent of this Law NOw concerning the end of this Law it is to be considered 1. That the father which should either of any unnaturall affection or compelled by necessity sell his daughter might by this meanes be punished by losing all his right and interest in his daughter who did now being sold out of her fathers power in familiam Domini transire passe and was as incorporate into her masters family Iun. And so the father should be as it were bridled hereby from selling of his daughter 2. Beside this Law imposing such hard conditions upon the master in such liberall sort to provide for his servant so bought thereby also provideth ut aut non emerentur ancillae that either maids should not be bought at all though their fathers were so hard hearted to sell them aut meliore conditione servirent or they should serve with better condition otherwise than as common servants Osiand Marbach And so this Law taketh order ut nunquam capite vacent that maids should never be without an head Iun. And so taketh care for them as the weaker sex 3. Further in that the master was permitted to take his maid to his wife though he had another before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 temporis licitum erat that was lawfull by the sufferance and toleration of those times Pelarg 4. Againe though it were simply unlawfull for the parents to sell their children sed ne progrediatur impietat ad intolerabilem iniquitatem c. but lest such impiety should proceed to intolerable iniquity and injury this Law provideth for such as were oppressed pro tanto sed non in totum though not wholly and totally yet to keepe them within some measure Lippom. 5. But this Law was much more equall than that Law of the ancient Romans in the 12. Tables which permitted fathers to sell their sonnes not once but againe and the third time only he was excepted which had married a wife with his fathers consent which was afterward forbidden C. de lib. posth or then that Law of Constantine that one might sell his sonne for extreme need and poverty though the sonne might afterward redeeme himselfe for the condition of children so sold was more tolerable among the Hebrewes their service being but for a time Simler This Law also is more reasonable than that constitution of Iustinian tit 6. de manumission that unlesse the maid servant were married within six moneths ab hero non dimittebatur shee was not at all to be dismissed from her master Pelarg. QUEST XXXV What kinde of smiting is here meant Vers. 12. HE that smiteth a man that hee dye 1. Here percussio accipitur pro occisione smiting is taken for killing Lyran. For if a man were smitten and died not of it there was another punishment than by death vers 19. Tostat. 2. Quamvis aliquo pòst tempore meriatur c. Although he dye not presently but some while after that is so smitten he shall suffer death for it Galas 3. The words are generall He that smiteth a man whether he were an Hebrew or no Hebrew his enemy or friend ex re percussa intquitas percutientis manifestatur the iniquity of the smiter appeareth by the thing that is smitten Cajetan 4. The Latine reads he that smiteth a man volens occidere having a purpose to kill him shall dye But two exceptions are taken to this reading for if a man did smite one non animo occidendi sed animo percutiendi not with a minde to kill him but to smite him only he should dye for it Cajetane And againe if a man intended to kill and did not he was not to dye for it for although before God he be a murtherer that intendeth it in his heart yet the Law of Moses doth not punish the intent only of murther but the effect Simler QUEST XXXVI Why the murtherer was to dye the death SHall dye the death c. 1. That is shall surely dye for this doubling of the word importat majorem certitudinem importeth greater certainty Tostat. The Interlinearie glosse expoundeth Morte spirituali vel corporali Death spirituall or bodily but I preferre the other sense 2. This Law is set downe in generall that whosoever smiteth so that death follow five intendat occidero sive non whether he purposed to kill or not should dye for it but afterward follow certaine exceptions from this Law Oleaster This then is a generall Law that he which killeth should be killed againe Lippom. 3. And this Law is grounded even upon the Law of nature for like as it is agreeable to nature Vt putridum membrum abscindatur ut reliqua conserventur that a rotten member should be cut off that the rest be preserved so a murtherer is to be killed ne plures occidentur lest more should be killed Lippom. This Law is given unto Noah Genes 9. when the world was restored and here it is but repeated and renued Pelarg. 4. The Lawes of other nations herein consent with Moses the Athenians did severely punish murther expelling the murtherer from the Temples of the gods and
any man there no word is expressed of the intention as here Contra. 1. By neighbour any man whosoever is understood 2. And expresse mention is made here of the will and intention because it is an explanation of the former law Simler 3. Iunius thinketh that not he onely which killeth sed qui conatus est occidere but went about to kill is comprehended in this law as Deut. 19.19 Ye shall doe unto him as he had thought to doe unto his brother Contra. 1. It seemeth by the generall law vers 12. that this constitution is onely for murther committed and not intended onely for such smiting the law speaketh of whereupon death followeth 2. That law given in instance Deut. 19. is touching false witnesses whose false testimonie breaketh out into action into false witnesse bearing so that there is not an intention onely for the false witnesse by his false testimonie acteth as much as in him lieth to take away the life of his brother that place therefore is impertinent to this purpose I approve here rather the judgement of Cajetane Nec describuntur haec intus in animo sed prodeuntia extra in actiones Neither are these things described onely in the minde but proceeding without into action QUEST XLI Of the difference betweene voluntarie and involuntarie murther and the divers kinds of each HEre then there is a manifest distinction of involuntarie and voluntarie murther or killing grounded upon the law of Moses· 1. Involuntarie killing is of two sorts there are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chances unlooked for and sudden events as when one shooteth an arrow and killeth one unawares as Peleus killed his sonne being in hunting with him There are beside these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 errors and oversights as the father beateth his childe purposing onely to chastise him and hee dieth of that beating a Physition ministreth physick to his patient intending to cure him and doe him good and he dieth of it Borrh. 2. There are likewise two kinds of voluntarie or wilfull murther ex proposito of purpose ex impetu animi in heat or rage These kinde of murthers are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iniquities one may be slaine ex proposito purposely either per insidias by lying in wait when one watcheth for the life of a man and taketh him at advantage as Ioab killed Abner and afterward Amasa they suspecting no such thing so Ismael killed Gedoliah Ierem. 41. Or els per industriam when one of set purpose picketh quarrels and seeketh occasions to provoke a man that he may kill him both these kinds are touched here Tostat. quaest 16. Then one may bee killed in heat and rage when there was no purpose before as Alexander the Great killed Clitus Pelarg. This kinde though not so grievous as the other yet is a kinde of voluntarie killing So there is extant a constitution of Hadrian the Emperour against him qui per lasciviam causam mortis praebuisset which was the cause of anothers death through wantonnesse and riot though there were no enmitie before that such an one should be banished five yeeres Simler QUEST XLII Why the wilfull murtherer was to be taken from the Altar Vers. 14. THou shalt take him from mine Altar 1. This may bee understood either of the Altar of incense which was in the holy place or of the Altar of burnt offring rather which was without the Tabernacle in the Court for thither every one might easily flee that had committed any such offence but to the Arke no escape could be made because there was no entrance thither 2. R. Salomon saith that this is meant even of the Priest that sacrificed at the Altar who after he had finished his service at the Altar might be taken thence and judged by the law as other malefactors and murtherers Which collection of his may be received saving that it is not like they would suffer a murtherous Priest to minister at the Altar 3. But that other conceit of R. Salomon whom Lyranus followeth hath no good ground that he that had killed an Hebrew wilfully might be taken from the Altar as Ioab was but if he had onely killed a Gentile as a Moabite or Ammonite though of set purpose he was not to be taken thence but was privileged by the Altar But the contrarie appeareth that this law forbiddeth all voluntarie and wilfull murther whether of Hebrew or Gentile for it was more to kill a Gentile being free then a Gentile that was a servant or bondman but the master was to die for it if he beat his servant to death so that he died under his hand vers 20. which law must be understood of strangers and aliens that were servants not of Hebrewes for they were not to deale so cruelly with them Levit. 25.38 Iun. much more therefore were they to die if they of purpose killed any free stranger Tostat. 4. If therefore the wilfull murther as well of strangers as Hebrewes be here forbidden then both for the one murther and for the other might they be taken even from the Altar 5. And the reason thereof was this because they which did flee to Gods Altar eum tanquam patronum judicem innocentiae suae implorabani did sue unto God as the patron and Judge of their innocency therefore they therein abusing Gods name were to be expelled thence Gallas QUEST XLIII What manner of smiting of parents is forbidden Vers. 15. HE that smiteth his father and mother c. 1. The very smiting of the father or mother deserveth death although they die not of such smiting Cajetan Iun. as may appeare vers 12. where is directly expressed concerning the smiting of another if hee die then the smiter shall bee put to death Piscator 2. R. Salomon understandeth that this is not meant of every smiting but when upon the smiting â—he effusion of bloud followeth or some scarre or wound is caused But the very smiting of either of the parents sheweth the malice and disobedience of the childe for the which he is worthie to die as Deut. 21.18 the sonne for his stubbornnesse and disobedience was to be stoned to death Indeed for every blow or smiting the childe was not to die if it were done unwittingly or unawares but if it were done of purpose he deserved death 3. And the reason is because of the authoritie of the parents which is the next unto God Simler Deo parentibus non possumus reddere aequalia c. Wee can never make amends unto God and our parents Cajetan As also they seeme not to be worthie of life which are injurious to those by whom they received their life Gallas QUEST XLIV Of the grievous sinne of paricide THough there be no expresse mention here of those that kill their parents yet it followeth necessarily that if it be a sinne worthie of death to smite them much more to kill them 1. This even among the Heathen was counted so hainous a sinne that they thought none
cursing to the face of the parents is judged worthie of death so also publike backbiting and detracting Publice enim detrahens perinde est ac si palam detraheret For he that openly backbiteth his parents is as if he did it to their face but it is otherwise in private backbiting and speaking evill of them for detractor reveretur eum cui detrahit c. the privie detractor doth feare and reverence him whom he speaketh evill of but he that curseth to the face is impudent and shamelesse c. QUEST XLVIII What manner of strife the law meaneth Vers. 18. WHen men strive together 1. As contention is in words so rixa strife properly is in deeds cum ex rixa invicem se percutiunt when striving they fall to blowes Thom. 2. The case is put of men but if either a woman should strike a man and wound him or one woman should hurt another they are subject to the same law Tostat. qu. 19. 3. And this law must be understood of those which strive and fight one with another each offending the other not when one defendeth himselfe one cannot offend another without mortall and grievous sinne but one may defend himselfe without sinne and yet notwithstanding he may sinne sometime more sometime lesse in defending himselfe if he onely seeke in his owne defence to repell the wrong that is offered it is no sinne si cum animo vindictae odii c. If with a minde of revenge and hatred he defend himselfe he sinneth either lesse when he findeth his anger kindled and his patience violated or more when he bindeth himselfe wholly to bee revenged Sic Thom. 2.2 qu. 41. art 1. 4. By smiting with stone or fist is understood all kinde of assaulting one either afarre off with stone arrow dart or such like or neere hand as with sword staffe in the hand Simler or all kinde of hurting either with weapon or instrument or without Tostat. 5. And the law meaneth such hurting where no member was perished for in that case they were to give eye for eye hand for hand foot for foot vers 24. Simler QUEST XLIX What punishment the smiter had if he which were smitten died Vers. 19. IF he rise againe c. then shall he that smote him goe quit 1. That is he shall be freed from the sentence of death though he be not innocent before God nor yet altogether free from all civill punishment for in this case he is to allow his charges for his resting and to pay for his healing 2. But here the doubt is what punishment he should have that in striving so smote his brother that he died of it Cajetane thinketh that in this case he should flie unto one of the Cities of refuge Quia non ex intentione sed ex repentina rixa percussio facta est Because the blow or stroke was given not of purpose but occasioned by a sudden brawle c. But if it had beene so as if death had followed upon such smiting the smiter should goe free so neither death not following but some other hurt that he is constrained to keepe his bed should he have beene taxed so much as with the charges if the taking away of the life in this case had not beene punishable much lesse any lesse hurt being not mortall 3. Therefore I preferre here the judgement of Tostatus that if he which was thus smitten in a fray or brawle died he that smote him was to die whether hee were Hebrew that was so killed or stranger whether bond or free for it was not lawfull for them to kill a Gentile or stranger sojourning among them and if a free man killed a free man or a servant a free man he was to die without all question and if a free man killed anothers servant hee was to die also for if a master killed his owne servant outright he was punished by death vers 20. much more if he killed anothers servant Tostat. quast 19. And that in this case they which in strife killed one another deserved to die it is evident both by the generall law before vers 12. He that smiteth a man that he die shall die the death and by a necessarie consequence here If he rise againe that is smitten and walke he that smote him shall goe quit that is from the punishment of death it followeth then if he doe not rise againe but die that he shall not goe quit QUEST L. What should become of the smiter if the other died after he walked upon his staffe Vers. 19. ANd walke without upon his staffe But what if he die after he hath risen and walked upon his staffe 1. R. Salomon thinketh that the smiter was to bee apprehended and kept till he that was smitten were perfectly recovered and if he did not the other was to die and by walking upon the staffe he saith is meant the perfect recovery of his health as Ezech. 4. the staffe of bread is taken for the vertue and fulnesse of bread by a metaphor But though such metaphoricall speeches are usuall in the Prophets yet in the setting downe of lawes words must be taken in their literall sense Tostat. 2. Therefore because the law saith If he walke without or abroad upon his staffe the other shall goe quit the meaning is though he lie downe upon his bed againe and afterward die yet the other shall goe quiâ— and the reason is because after hee sitteth up and walketh and seemeth to be past the danger and falleth downe againe Magis probabile est quod mortuus est â—x negligentia c. It is more probable that he died by his owne negligence and carelesnesse in keeping of himselfe or by some other occasion than of the smiting Lyran. 3. But if he did not rise at all from his bed and being risen walked but a little about the house upon his staffe and come not abroad and afterward died then the other should not goe quit Tostat. qu. 20. QUEST LI. Of the equetie of this law in bearing of the charges Vers. 19 HE shall beare his charges for his resting and pay for his healing c. 1. That is he shall pay all manner of charges which he was put unto about his healing as to the Physitians and for the physicke and medicines which he used and for his diet which upon this occasion was extraordinary and so more chargeable Tostat. qu. 22. Likewise he was to beare the charges of the ministers and keepers that attended upon him during the time of his lying Simler 2. The intendment of this law is that full recompence and satisfaction should be made for any dammage or losse which happened unto another and yet so as that such recompence being made the Lord would have one to forgive another that charitie should not be violated nor any grudge or purpose of revenge remaine Oleaster 3. This law was more equall indifferent than that law of the Romans contained in the 12. tables that
the law of retalion there is no respect whether one did the hurt voluntarily or involuntarily but onely ut tantum reddatur pro tanto that so much be rendred for so much but it is not just that if one did hurt another against his will that the like hurt of purpose should be done to him againe Tostat. 2. But these objections may easily bee removed For first this law of retalion must be understood with two reservations that it is given de nocumentis personalibus concerning hurt done unto mens persons but it is otherwise in nocumentis rerum in the damage of ones things or substance for in that case not like is to be rendred for like but at the least double for one sometime more chap. 22.4 The other exception is that these personall wrongs are understood to be personarum non qualificatarum of persons not qualified but of common and ordinarie persons as is evident by the former law vers 15. that he which did smite his father and mother should not be smitten againe but was to die for it Cajetan Secondly this law of retalion must necessarily bee expounded of voluntarie and wilfull hurts for if hee that killed a man against his will was not to bee killed againe vers 13. so neither was hee which had done any hurt unwittingly to his neighbour in any of his parts or members to receive the like againe 3. This law then whatsoever can be objected to the contrarie was most equall those times considered 1. Lex talionis permissa est duro populo c. This law of retalion was permitted unto that hard people Sed charitas fidelium mitigatrix est hujus legis The charitie of the faithfull and beleevers doth mitigate the severitie of this law which teacheth them not to seeke revenge Lippoman 2 And Augustine further sheweth the reason of this law that it was made to moderate the unreasonable desire of men in seeking revenge Nonne videmus homines leviter laesos moliri caedem c. for doe we not see men being but a little hurt to goe about to kill to thirst for bloud c. therefore this law An eye for an eye c. non â—omes sed limes furoris est c. is not the kindler but the limiter of rage and revenge Lib. 12. contr Faust. cap. 25. 4. But whereas our blessed Saviour Matth. 5.39 having repeated this law addeth But I say unto you resist not evill c. he doth not abrogate this law but onely freeth it from the corrupt interpretations of the Jewes who hereby tooke unto themselves great libertie in following and fostering private revenge Our blessed Saviour therefore sheweth that privat men should not seeke to revenge their owne wrongs noâ— arrogate unto themselves that power which belongeth to the Magistrate who if hee did not right their wrongs they ought with patience rather to beare them than to bee Judges and revengers in their owne case Marbach QUEST LXI Of the servants freedome for the losse of an eye or tooth Vers. 26. IF a man smite his servant c. 1. This law is to bee understood of such servants as were not Hebrewes as may appeare vâ—â—s 20. for they were not to use the Hebrew servants so cruelly Levit. 25.38 Tostatus thinketh that if an Hebrew servant received a maime hee was not onely to bee set at libertie for his maime but also some other recompence was to be made beside because hee was to goe out free simply in the seventh yeere But I rather herein subscribe to Lyranus that in this case the former law of retalion was to take place if an Hebrew servant lost either an eye or tooth at his masters hand So also Iunius 2. If either one servant did maime another or a free man anothers servant Tostatus thinketh that in this case the smiter was to buy out his service that was maimed and if he were not able then hee was to serve in his place and this generall rule hee giveth that a quocunque servus percutiatur debet effici liber of whomsoever the servant was smitten hee was to bee made free His reason is because another had not more privilege than the servants master if then he was to bee set at libertie if his master smote him and maimed him much more if another did it Contra. This law onely containeth an exception concerning the master in all other the former law was to stand in force an eye for an eye c. which was no privilege for the stranger more than for the master but a greater punishment the master is privileged and exempted from the law of retalion for if the master should have lost a limme or member for his servant there would never have beene any agreement or accord betweene them afterward Marbach And therefore the law provideth that which was lesse grievous to the master and more beneficiall for the servant that he should have his freedome for his maime Simler Privandi enim sunt dominatu tanquam indigni For they were to bee deprived of their mastership and government as unworthy that could use it no more moderatly Gallas 3. There are foure kinds of smiting 1. When death followed whereof the law is set downe before vers 20. 2. If any limme were perished 3. If a wound were made and bloud followed 4. When no skin was broken but onely the blewnesse of the stripe seene for these two last there was no punishment appointed for the master but onely for the two first the one is provided for before vers 20. the second here Tostat. 4. By these two parts of the eye and tooth here expressed all other parts which might be in like manner blemished are signified Simler Lyranus out of R. Salomon nameth these parts for the which if they were perished the servant was to goe out free the ten fingers the ten toes the eares eyes nose and secret parts And why not also the hands and armes feet and legges as before in part is set downe in the law of retalion vers 24. 5. Procopius and Rabanus doe make this mysticall sense of this law by the eye they understand the minde by the tooth discretionem per quam subtiliter sententias Scripturarum comminuit the discerning whereby one divideth the sentences of Scripture if any doe corrupt the judgement of his servant in matters of religion he must leave such a master and go where he may be better taught But where the literall meaning is plaine such mysticall applications are superfluous QUEST LXII What manner of smiting and goaring of a beast is here understood Vers. 28. IF an oxe goare c. 1. One kinde is put for all à parte totum intelligendum est One kinde of beast is named for the rest what beast soever is hurtfull unto man must thus bee served Augustin qu. 8. in Exod. So also Lyranus And this is agreeable to that law Gen. 9 5. At the hand of every beast will I require your bloud Gallas But
could not refuse but might be compelled to take it and so he taketh here si if for quia because Contra But the very letter of the law is against this exposition for it is expresly said The oxe shall be stoned and the owner shall die also But if the owner might at his libertie redeeme his life with money then he should never be put to death and so that clause of the law should be superfluous Tostat. quaest 29. 2. Neither yet is Tostatus opinion here to be received Quandoque posuit in electione cognatorum c. That the law doth put it in the choice of the kinsmen of the slaine when they would demand the owner to die and when they thought good to set him a summe of money and so hee maketh this a different case from that vers 22. where the Judges were to set the summe of money because it was no capitall offence but here he is to pay whatsoever is required by the adversarie part without any moderation or limitation of the Judges because the offence being capitall cannot be valued or esteemed by any certaine summe of money Tostat. quast 28. Contra. But this is not like that this was left to the choice of the adversaries for either they might set such an unreasonable summe which the owner was not able to pay or else might use partialitie that in the very like case some owner should die when another should escape with his life and so the law should not be equall and indifferent to all 3. Some thinke that it was in the Judges discretion to change the sentence of death into a pecuniary mulct concedit lâ—x quòd possit Iudex decernere c. The law alloweth the Judge to determine c. Cajetan Lippoman thinketh that the adversaries were to make the demand praevia tamen non iniqui Iudiciâ— moderatione c. yet by the moderation of an indifferent Judge going before But if it were altogether arbitrarie in the Judge when a man should die in this case when not to what end saith the law The owner shall die also In that case then there propounded he was certainly to die which sentence by the Judge could not be dispensed with 4. Therefore I thinke rather with Iunius that in this mitigation of the former sentence of death a divers case is put from the former that if the owner of the oxe non satis scivit did not sufficiently know it vel non satis cavit or did not take heed enough thinking he had sufficiently provided for his beast that in this case he might be excused Si simplick as vel incogitantiâ— hominem excusaâ—â—t if the mans simplicitie or forgetfulnesse did excuse him c. so that he were not found to be wilfully negligent and carelesse the Judge might set him at a summe of money Calvin QUEST LXVII What servants this law meaneth Hebrewes or strangers Vers. 32. IF the oxe goare a servant or maid 1. Some thinke this is generally meant of all servants among the Hebrewes where lesse respect is had unto servants than unto free men Vt cura libertatis major vigeret in populo Dei c. That there should be more care had of libertie among the people of God that they come not through their owne default into servitude and bondage Lippoman 2. But it is rather understood of such servants as were Gentiles and strangers and not Hebrewes as may appeare by the former lawes vers 20.26 which are onely referred unto that kinde of servants Iun. For in all kinde of percussions and wrongs offred to the bodie or life the Hebrew servants had the same privilege which free men had Againe Tostatus addeth this reason because if he were an Hebrew servant that was killed the money should not be given to his master but so much onely as his service remaining might be valued at the rest was to goe rather to his children or kindred as put the case that his service were esteemed at foure sicles yearly and there remained but one yeare of his service before the seventh yeare came then his master was to have but foure sicles of the thirtie sicles But because the Gentile servants were their masters perpetuall possession the whole summe which the servant was valued at that perished belonged unto them Tostat. quaest 3. QUEST LXVIII Why a certaine summe of money is set for all servants Vers. 32. HE shall give unto their masters thirtie sicles The common sicle weighed the fourth part of an ounce of silver so that thirtie sicles made seven ounces and an halfe that is so many dolleâ—â— seven crownes starling and an halfe Iun. which is about 37.s. 6.d. of our money Now although there was great difference in the price of servants for the men servants were more worth than the maids and the young and strong than the old and weake yet a certaine rate is set for these reasons 1. Some thinke this proportion and summe is named because out of Cham there issued thirtie generations Gen. 7. from whom servitude tooke beginning But this is but a figurative reason which rather belonged to the ceremoniall than to the politike lawes Tostat. quaest 29. 2. These reasons rather may bee yeelded 1. That whereas the summe for the death of a free man is arbitrarie vers 30. but the certaine quantitie is named for a servant slaine by a beast this was to shew a difference betweene servants and free men Cajetan 2. Quia caedes erat involuntaria c. Because this slaughter was involuntarie and the owners negligence onely is punished therefore one servant is not set at an higher rate than another Simler 3. And beside this moderate and indifferent price is taxed that the owner of the oxe and the master of the servant might as it were divide the losse betweene them that seeing it was done of negligence non multum gravaretur in solvendo Dominus bovis The owner of the oxe should not be burthened with over great payment Tostat. quaest 29. QUEST LXIX What kinde of wells this law meaneth where and by whom digged Vers. 33. WHen a man shall open a well or digge a pit c. 1. Here are two cases put when either one uncovereth a well digged alreadie or diggeth a new well and leaveth it uncovered then he is subject to this law Lyran. For if one made a well and left it covered and another commeth and uncovereth it though he made it not now he is in fault and not the other that made it quia causam immediatam tribuit malo because hee is the immediate cause of the evill or mischiefe that is done Tostat. qu. 30. 2. Rab. Salomon thinketh that if the master commanded another to make a well and leave it uncovered that in this case he is not to make good the losse but he that made it Contra. If he that made it were a servant who could not gainsay his masters commandement in this case the master was rather to be charged with the
they which fled thither might be preserved from the sword As Allaricus when Rome was taken gave commandement that all they which fled to the Churches of S. Paul and S. Peter should have their lives Simler 3. But on the contrary thus it is objected against such Sanctuary places 1. That by this meanes the â—ourse of Justice is hindred when malefactors are sheltred and rescued from the Magistrate by the immunity and privilege of the place 2. Servants are encouraged to be contemptuous and disobedient to their masters finding succour elsewhere 3. And anthrifty and carelesse debtorâ— by such devises will seeke to defraud their creditours 4. And herein was a great abuse committed in former times of superstition that their Sanctuary places were open to all kinde of malefactors As thus it standeth deciâ—ed Aâ—reâ—aneus 1. c. 3. Homicidas adulteros fures sive quoscunque reâ—â— c. Murtherers adulterers theeves or any other trespassers as the Ecclesiasticall Canons decret and the Romanâ— Law appointeth it is not lawfull to draw out of the Church or the Bishops house but upon oath first given 〈…〉 poenarum gâ—nere sint securi that the parties so taken out should be secure from all kinde of punishment 4. Now then to moderate the excesse and abuse herein neither is it fit that all such Sanctuaries should be stripped of their privileges as Tibeâ—iâ—â— the Emperour did as Sâ—â—â—onius and Tacitus doe write But such places of Gods service are meet still to be had in reverence according to that Law of Arcadius Irruens in Templum vel Menistros capite punitur c. That hee which did assault the Church or the Ministers should be capitally punished Cod. lib. 1. tit 6. leg 10. Yet the privilege of such places would thus be moderated and limited 1. That they should not bee open to all offenders but onely to such as trespassed of ignorance and sinned unwittingly and such as were empoverished by casualty rather thâ—◠〈◊〉 owne default 2. That the number of such privileged places should be restrained as it is already in the refoâ—â—ed Churches seeing to all the 12. Tribes of Israel there were allowed but six Cities of 〈◊〉 3. He which was rescued in the Cities of refuge was but there a while till his cause was tried 〈…〉 guilty he was delivered up so it is fit that such as sought the Sanctuary should notwithstanding ansâ—er the Law As it was decreed by the Imperiall Lawes as Cod. 1. l. 1. tit 15. leg 5. Iudaei confugieuâ—es ad Eâ—â—â—â—sias suscipi non debent c. Jewes fleeing to the Churches ought not to be received unlesse first they pay their debts Ibid. leg 5. maneri possunt vel citari in Ecclesia c. they may be summoned and cited in the Church and being so cited they are bound to make answer c. 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. Of the love which parents ought to beare toward their children Vers. 5. I Love my wife and my children c. Hence appeareth the great love which a man ought to beare toward his wife and children that he should endure much wrong yea and chuse rather to serve with them than to have his liberty and freedome without them Oleaster which condemneth the carelesnesse of such parents which preferre their owne case and pleasure before the safety of their children worse herein than the bruit beasts even then the savage and cruell Beare which rageth being robbed of her whelpes Prov. 17.12 2. Obser. Of the duty of children toward their parents Vers. 15. HE that smiteth his father or his mother vers 17. and he that curseth his father c. shall dye the death He that abused his parents in word or in deed that gave them but a tip or a reviling word was to be put to death which sheweth how much the Lord abhorreth stubbornnesse and disobedience to parents Little thought of by too many in our dayes and the rather because that continually in the Church there is not a beating of these points of Catechisme into childrens heads and hearts by carefull Ministers O that they would bee once drawne to doe this duty in their severall Churches soone should they find the fruit of it and the greatnesse of their sinne in so long neglecting it B. Babing 3. Observ. Masters not to be cruell toward their servants Vers. 20. IF a man smite his servant or his maid with a rod and he dye c. Upon this text Rabanus thus noteth Sicut disciplina opus est in eruditione subjectorum c. As discipline is needfull in the erudition of those that are in subjection Ita discretione opus est in exhibitione correpâ—â—onum c. So also discretion is needfull in the exhibiting of correction c. neither parents should provoke their children by too much rigour nor yet masters shew themselves cruell toward their servants as here the Law punisheth the immoderate severity of masters yea the Apostle would have masters put away threatning from their servants Ephes. 6.9 4. Observ. A wrong in deed must be recompenced in deed Vers. 26. HE shall let him goe free for his eye Chrysostome hereupon thus inferreth If thou hast chastised any beyond measure Injuriae peccatum beneficio est dissolvendum c. The sinne of wrong must be dissolved by a benefit Alioquin nisi quem factis laesisti factis placaveris siue causa eras 〈◊〉 Dominum Otherwise whom thou hast wronged in deed if thou doest not appease by thy deeds in vaine doest thou pray unto God c. Hom. 11. in Matth. As then the wrong is done so the amends or recompence must be made he that hath offended in word must by his words and confession acknowledge his fault but he which hath offred wrong in deed must also make some satisfaction for iâ— in deed as here the master for putting out his servants eye was to give him his liberty and freedome for it 5. Observ. Superiours are charged with the sinnes of inferiours committed by their negligence Vers. 29. IF the oxe were wâ—nt to push in time past c. As by this Law the owner of the oxe was to make good the hurt which was done by his oxe through his negligence because he kept him not so God imputeth the sinnes of the children to their fathers and of the subjects to the Magistrate si 〈◊〉 negligentia cessatum fuerit c. if through their negligence that is of the parents or governours the children or subjects faile in their duty as is set forth in the example of Holâ— 1 Sam. 2. who was punished for his remisnesse toward his children by which meanes he was made accessary to their sinne Lippoâ—â—â— CHAP. XXII 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter other politicke and civill Lawes are delivered which are of two sorts either concerning every ones private duty to vers 28. or the publike vers 27. to the end of the Chapter The private duties are of two sorts either touching prophane or sacred actions
publike peace and safety is violated as in the Campe among souldiers and robbing by the high way where ones life is put in danger All these kindes being more than simple thefts may receive the sentence of death by Moses Law and Magistrates herein may with a good conscience execute the rigour of the Law upon such violent outragious impudent wanton and incorrigible thefts But they are wisely to consider every circumstance and the occasion that draweth one to steale whether he doe it of necessity to releeve his hungry soule or of an evill custome and obstinate minde to maintaine his lewd and unthrifty life In the first case it seemeth to be too sharpe to take away ones life unlesse he be such an one as will take no warning but continueth hardened in his sinne And so for simple and single theft only except it be in stealing of men unlesse it be aggravated by other circumstances concurring 〈◊〉 violence rapine obstinacie custome in sinne and such like neither the Law of Moses prescribeth punishment of death nor yet is it practised by our Lawes which in such cases intend favour by allowing the privilege of the booke See before p. 6. QUEST IV. Why the theefe breaking up might be killed Vers. 6. IF a theefe be found breaking up c. 1. R. Salomon thinketh that this Law which alloweth the theefe found breaking up an house to be slaine is understood not only of theeves that breake in by night but by day also and that clause which followeth When the Sunne riseth upon him they interpret metaphorically that if it be evident and manifest as the light that the theefe came not only to steale but to kill that whether by day or night he may be killed So also the Chalde Interpreter seemeth to follow the same sense Si oculus testium vidit eum If the eye of witnesses saw him that is if it were evident that he came not only as a theefe but to assault Contra. Though this be true that a man might defend himselfe even by day against him that assaulted his life yet this is not the meaning here the words of the Law are literally not metaphorically to be understood 2. The reason of this difference betweene a night theefe and a day theefe is because in the night breaking in it is not knowne whether he came to steale only or to murther but in the day it may easily appeare by his armour and weapons Tostat. Simler Beside in the day he may call for helpe against the theefe which cannot be so well done in the night when he is left without all other remedy but his owne defence Galas Marbach And in the day he may have witnesses of his theft and so convent him before the Magistrate Lippom. 3. The Romane Lawes allow not onely to kill a night theefe but a day theefe also si se tel◠defenderit if he defend himselfe by a weapon Moses Law much disagreeth not for though he that commeth only as a theefe in the day time is not to be killed but to make restitution only yet if he come with weapons as having a murtherers intent now he may be repelled by force even as a night theefe may not now as a theefe but as one which commeth to assault and murther Iunius QUEST V. How it is made lawfull for a private man to kill a theefe Vers. 2. ANd be smitten that he dye no bloud shall be imputed 1. Cajetanus here observeth that this Law simply alloweth not to kill the theefe but if a man smite him in his owne defence not intending to kill him that in this case he shall be free Percussio fuit intenta mors autem per accidens sequnta c. He intended only to smite him but death followed accidentally upon such smiting so also Simler Non probat ut animo occidendi feriatur This Law alloweth not that he should be stricken with a minde to kill him sed indulget affectui c. but it beareth with a mans sudden passion if in defence of himselfe it so fall out that he be killed 2. But this Law seemeth not only to permit one to smite a night theefe but directly to kill him also so it be not with a desire to kill him where he may otherwise escape but to defend him and his from violence which he cannot doe unlesse the theefe be killed Borrh. 3. For seeing both the Law of nature and other Civill lawes doe allow a man to defend himselfe now when the Lawes doe arme a man they seeme publicam personam imponere to impose upon him a publike person so that now he smiteth not as a private man but by authority of the Law and in this case he is tanquam minister vindex Dei as the minister and revenger of God so that he doe it not of a lust and raging desire to be revenged but intending to use a lawfull defence in the safegard of his owne life Gallas And the case is here all one as if a man being set upon by the high way should kill him that maketh the assault upon him Marbach QUEST VI. After what manner the theefe was to be sold. Vers. 3. HE should be sold for his theft c. 1. So was also the Law among the Romans that the debter should be given up in bonds unto his creditor Whereupon Cato was wont to say Fures privates in nexu compedibus vivere publicos in aur◠purpura c. That private theeves lived in chaines and fetters but the publike in gold and purple c. But this custome because it seemed very hard was abrogated by the Law of Arcadius and Honorius Gallas 2. But here it must be considered whether the theefe were an Hebrew or a stranger if an Hebrew how great soever the debt were for his theft he could be but sold over for six yeeres for all Hebrew servants were to goe out free the seventh And as the theft was valued so should he serve more yeeres or fewer But if he were a stranger he might be sold over to serve all his life if the value of the theft were great if it were but small he was but to be sold to serve so many yeeres as might suffice to recompence the theft Tostat. QUEST VII Why the theefe is only punished double with whom the thing stollen is found Vers. 4. HE shall restore double 1. That is one beside that he stole because that is found in his hand which is stollen and so restored Iun. And so must the five oxen be taken which the theefe must make good five with that which was stollen Lippom. 2. Now the reasons why when the thing stollen is found only double must be restored and five or foure-fold when it was killed or sold are these 1. Because he seemeth to be the more cunning theefe when the thing stollen cannot be found 2. Adhuc difficilior ratio in investigando and it is harder to finde out the theft and therefore he is
he before defiled might according to the generall liberty then permitted Deut. 24.1 if there seemed unto him cause after put her away and the reason of this difference may be this he that taketh a wife willingly will not put her away without cause but he that taketh her against his minde never loved her and so upon every occasion would be ready to send her away whether there were cause or not if he were not by Law restrained of his liberty Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XXIV What was to be done if the fornicatour were not sufficient to pay the dowrie HE shall endow her c. But what if the man which had committed this wrong to a maid were not able to endow her the question is what course was then to be taken 1. If he were a free man and an Hebrew he was to be sold as in the case of theft vers 3. and to serve so many yeeres as might raise this stocke or dowry for the maid but longer than for six yeeres he could not be sold for all Hebrewes were to be set free in the seventh 2. If he were a free Gentile he might be sold for his life or for so many yeeres as sufficed to make up the dowry 3. If he were an Hebrew servant if his master refused to pay so much money as might serve for the dowry then he was to deliver up his servant to be sold over for so many yeeres as might recompence the dowry before the yeere of remission came and if the yeeres which remained were not sufficient he might be sold over againe 4. If he were a stranger or Gentile being a servant then he might be set over to serve his whole life Tostat. quaest 12. QUEST XXV What if the fornicatour refused to take the maid to wife BUt yet further it will be enquired what if the maids father would consent and yet the party will neither take her nor endow her 1. By the Civill lawes if he be a noble person he should be banished that had defloured a virgin if of base condition he should be whipped and if they ravished a maid against her will in that case they were to suffer death By the Canon lawes if one refused to marry her whom he had defiled he was to be throughly whipped and excommunicate and enjoyned penance till he had fully satisfied 2. And though this be omitted in Moses Law yet so much may be inferred and collected by the letter of the Law that as he was necessarily to endow her for the future of the Indicative moode semper inducit dispositionem necessariam doth alwayes imply a necessary disposition so he was of necessity to marry her like as in another case of forcing a maid he was to be compelled to take her to wife and never to put her away Deut. 22.30 Tostat. quaest 11. QUEST XXVI Whether this Law were generall without any exception NOw although this Law be propounded generally if a man entice a maid he was to endow her and marry her yet there were some exceptions to be made 1. For whereas the Israelites were charged to take them wives out of their owne tribe Numb 36. it is evident that if the maid were of another tribe then the man could not take her to wife but because this case was very rare and unusuall seeing the tribes after they were setled in Canaan when these Lawes were to take place dwelt every one apart by themselves and so there was no feare of such unlawfull entercourse and commixtion betweene a man and maid of divers tribes the Law therefore is silent in this point for ad ea qua raro accidunt jura non adaptantur lawes are not applied to those cases which fall out seldome 2. If he were a Gentile and a stranger of another religion which committed this sinne with a maid neither could she in this case bee given him to wife because they were forbidden to make marriages with such Deut. 7.3 And the Israelitish women were to match in their owne tribe and therefore not with strangers 3. If an Hebrew servant had trespassed herein neither could he have the maid to wife whom he had abused for he was first to endow her which a servant could not doe for either he had fold himselfe into servitude because he was poore or was sold by the Magistrate to make satisfaction for some offence which he had committed and therefore being poore he had not wherewithall to endow her and so could not take her to wife 4. Beside if it were the Priests daughter with whom he had wrought this folly she could not become his wife for she was in this case to be burned Levit. 21. And the man likewise by equity of the same Law being guilty of the same offence 5. Yea if the high Priest himselfe had defloured a maid he could not take her to wife because he was forbidden by the Law to marry any polluted or an harlot Levit. 21. vers 14. 6. If also one had defiled a maid neere of his kin being within the degrees of marriage forbidden they were both to suffer death for it Levit. 20. and therefore could not marry together This Law therefore being generally propounded must yet be interpreted and expounded according to other Lawes for they must all be made to agree together Tostat. qu. 12. QUEST XXVII How farre this positive Law against fornication doth binde Christians now ANd as this Law did not hold generally in the old Testament so neither is it now necessary that whosoever hath committed fornication should be compelled to marry the maid so abused 1. For though it were admitted that this Judiciall and positive Law of Moses were in force still yet some exceptions must needs be admitted as if they are to neere of kin for no such marriage can be allowed within the limited degrees As Saint Paul willed the young man that had committed fornication with his fathers wife to be excommunicate for that fact 1 Cor. 5. he was not suffered to marry her Againe if a Christian maid should commit fornication with an Infidell with a Turke Jew or Heretike in this case the rule of the Gospell will not allow marriage for Christians must marry only in the Lord 1 Cor. 7.39 therefore not with those which are blasphemers of God and enemies to true religion and the Apostle saith Be not unequally yoked with Infidels 2 Cor. 6.14 2. But Tostatus bringeth in two other exceptions as if the maid defiled be either a professed Nunne and so devoted to Monasticall and single life or the man entred into orders unto the which the vow of single life is annexed in neither of these cases can saith he marriage be admitted after fornication committed Tostat. quaest 12. Contra. But against both these exceptions I will oppose the holy judgement of the Apostle and touching the first I urge that Apostolicall saying It is better to marrie than to burne 1 Cor. 7.9 If then Nunnes are subject to
therefore the law here saith Thou shalt not be an usurer or exacter unto him that is as such an one which professeth himselfe to bee a banker and usurer 2. They to whom money may be lent upon usury must not be of the poorer sort for to such is simply forbidden to lend upon usury vers 25. To lend then unto the rich for some profit is not against this precept But here three kindes of persons are to bee considered to whom money is to bee lent some are so poore that they are not able to render againe that which they receive some are rich and have no need in regard of any necessity to have any thing given or lent some are betweene both who are able in time to repay that which they lend but yet upon some urgent occasion are driven to borow of these specially this law speaketh that unto such as are constrained to take money for their necessity as either to pay their rent or to save the forfeiture of a bond or to redeeme a morgage to such wee are bound to lend freely without any recompence To the first we ought to give rather than lend Deut. 15.11 Because there shall be ever some poore in the land therefore I command thee saying Thou shalt open thy hand to thy brother to thy needy and to thy poore in the land Vnto the third sort namely the rich wee are not bound to lend freely as unto the poorer sort neither is this against the rule of our blessed Saviour Lend looking for nothing againe Luke 6.35 For of the poore we should not expect any thing but lend freely yea if their necessity be urgent and our estate can beare it the case may be such as that wee ought to forgive them the principall and all Marbach So then of the first we must neither looke for increase nor principall but give unto them of almes of the second we may expect the principall but not any interest of the third wee may receive both And yet this properly is no usury but rather a gratuity that hee which hath gained by anothers mony should to shew his thankfull minde make him which was the occasion thereof a reasonable partaker of his gaine Gratitudo animi lege naturali mandatur This gratitude and thankfulnesse of minde is commanded even by the law of nature Borrhaius 3. The interest which is received must be moderate not excessive Yee shall not oppresse him with usury the word is neshech biting it must not bee a biting nipping or devouring usury The Imperiall lawes gave great liberty to take what usury soever was agreed upon as before is shewed quest 43. yea they allowed hemiola or sescupla to take halfe so much as the principall which are called sequialtera usura usury to the halfe part as for ten Bushels of corne to exact fifteene as may appeare by the law of Constantine But this kind of usury is directly forbidden in the Nicen Councell So the lawes of this land doe moderate excessive usury to take above two shillings in the pound and ten in the hundreth is a forfeiture both of the principall and interest 4. This consideration given for the loane of money must not be ex pacto it must not be agreed upon by any certaine compact and covenant as the words here are lotesimur non imponetis ei you shall not impose or lay upon him usury As it is not lawfull to covenant with a man certainly to pay so much he may lose by using the money hee may bee in hazard also of the principall for the lender then to receive a certaine gaine where the borrower is a certaine loser were not just Such indifferency must bee used as that the borrower be contented as to be made partaker of the gaine that commeth by his money so also proportionably to beare part of the losse These former rules observed and circumstances considered I see not why all receiving of increase by the use of money should bee condemned And herein I mislike not Calvins conclusion Vnde sequitur usuras hodie non esse illicitas nisi quatenus cum aquitate fraterna conjunctione pugnant Whence it followeth that usury now is not unlawfull but as it impugneth equitie and brotherly conjunction and society Likewise Gallasius Quare non vidâ—â— quare omne pecunia emâ—lumentum sive usuram sine ulla exceptione damnemus Wherefore I see not wherefore wee should condemne all profit or usury of mony without all exception Simlerus to the same effect Comrâ—ctus ubi frâ—â—r non lâ—ditur per mutuum charitati non repugnat Such contract where the brother is not hurt by lending is not against charity 5. But it will be thus objected on the contrarie against all kind of gaine and increase that commeth by money 1. In taking money for the use of money one selleth that which is not in his power for the use of money consisteth in him that receiveth it 2. It maintaineth idlenesse when men are suffered to live of their money without the sweat of their browes 3. It is against nature that money being not apt to increase should beget money 4. It was forbidden and prohibited to the Israelites to take usurie of their brethren saving onely of the Gentiles And Psal. 15.5 Ezech. 18.17 all kind of usurie and increase is condemned 5. Our blessed Saviour biddeth to lend looking for nothing againe Luke 6. Answ. 1. Though another man use the money which is lent yet the lender is the occasion thereof and in the meane time he wanteth the use of it himselfe therefore it is not unjust that a thankfulnesse be acknowledged for the use thereof which the other is the cause of 2. Such as live only of letting of money and make a trade of it are not to be suffered but such rather which by that meanes are relieved and cannot otherwise be conveniently maintained as orphanes strangers exiled persons as before is shewed 3. Money of it selfe begetteth not money but being employed by mans industrie it is a fit meanes to increase ones stocke so neither is a field fruitfull of it selfe unlesse it be tilled Ambrose indeed saith Vsurae arte nequissima ex auro aurum nascitur c. By the wicked skill of usurie gold is begotten of gold c. He speaketh of vnjust and insatiable usurie when as the usurer will extort his interest compounded for he careth not at whose hand rich or poore whether he gaine by it or not for so it followeth in the same place nec finis unquam nec satietas aderit cupiditati c. there will be no satietie or end of coueting c. 4. That was a politike law given unto the Israelites as it may appeare by that they were permitted to take usurie of the Gentiles that by this meanes they might grow rich and the other poore And the speciall intendment of the law is that they should not oppresse any especially the poore by usurie which is
is as it were the eighth day before the tribunall of Christ. 4. Lippoman doth thus morally applie it Nihil Deo offerendum nisi integrum perfectum Nothing must be offered unto God but that which is entire and perfect 5. But the end and use onely was historicall that the first borne should not bee presented unto God before the eighth day because they were yet unfit for any service Marbach Quia talia animalia erant quasi abortiva nondum plenae consistentiae propter teneritudinem Because such yong beasts were yet but as abortive fruit not well consisting or put together because of their tendernesse Thomas QUEST LX. Why they are forbidden to eat flesh torne of beasts Vers. 31. NEither shall yee eat any flesh that is torne c. 1. As well that which was rent and torne of any beast cleane or uncleane as if it were goared of an oxe was not to bee eaten because the bloud was in it as also that which was tasted before and eaten by any uncleane beast as the Latine readeth praegustata if it were tasted before because an uncleane beast had touched it and so made it uncleane Simler Tostatus 2. Not onely that part of the flesh which was so torne but all the whole carcase was to be refused Lyranus Such were fowles and beasts taken in hawking or hunting Tostatus 3. And not onely that which was torne and thereof died but if it after lived and were killed by themselves yet because it was torne of beasts it was uncleane unlesse the beast so torne lived to recover that hurt and and Anabaptists for although the Lord had chosen Israel out of all the nations of the world to bee an holy people to himselfe yet he did foresee that many would depart from his law and therefore appointeth divers kinds of punishment for the offenders Pelarg. 5. Places of controversie 1. Confut. Against the Anabaptisticall communitie Vers. 1. IF any man steale an oxe c. he shall restore five oxen c. This law doth evidently convince the Anabaptists of error who would bring in a communitie of goods for if it were Gods will that all things should be common among men then were it no sinne to steale nay there could be no theft at all committed seeing then no man could take any thing wherein he had not as good an interest as another Ostaâ—d Neither was this onely Moses law that they should not steale but the doctrine of the Gospell also forbiddeth all kinde of theft and stealing Ephes. 4.28 Let him that stole steale no more but 〈◊〉 labour c. 2. Confut. A theefe by his deserved death doth not satisfie for the punishment of his sinne Vers. 2. IF hee bee smitten that he die Lippoman speaking of the capitall punishment of theft that although it doe not satisfie for sinne before God yet expiat eo supplicio 〈◊〉 temporales quanmissa culpa reatâ—â— pâ—nae aeternae reâ—anent exâ—lvendae c. It doth expiate or redeeme those temporall paines which after the fault pardoned and the guilt of eternall death remaine in Gods justice to bee paid c. Contra. This his assertion is grounded upon an error for where God forgiveth sinne he perfitly forgiveth both the sinne and the punishment thereto belonging As he saith by his Prophet I will forgive their iniquitie and remember their sinnes no more Ierem. 31.34 But if there remaine any temporall punishment still after forgivenesse then are the sinnes yet remembred because they are punished Indeed after remission obtained some chastisements remaine But as Chrysostom well saith God doth it Non de peccato sumons supplicium sed ad facuranos corrigens not taking punishment for our sinne but correcting us for our amendment afterward c. The theefe then by his death doth not satisfie before God either for his sinne or the punishment thereof temporall or eternall but onely satisfieth the politike law and giveth satisfaction unto men by his evill example offended His sinne together with the punishment is not otherwise pardoned than by faith in Christ. 3. Confut. Against the Romanists that abridge the power and libertie of the parents in marriage of their children Vers. 17. IF her Father refuse to give her c. This law giveth absolute power unto the father to ratifie his daughters marriage by consenting unto it or by dissenting to breake it off which sheweth what injurie is offred unto this libertie and right of parents by the practice of the Romish Church quae conjugia sine ullo parentum consensu inita probet which ratifieth marriages contracted and begun without consent of parents Gallas And Oleaster a writer of their owne hereupon inferreth thus Est que hic non parvum argumentum ad probandum c. Here is no small argument to prove that libertie unto marriage doth not altogether by the law of nature agree unto the same nor yet to enter into religion c. But it is an ordinarie thing with the Romanists both to marrie children without consent of their parents and to thrust them into Monasteries See more hereof elsewhere 4. Confut. Against Idolatrie Vers. 20. HE that offreth unto any gods but unto the Lord onely c. This is an evident place to convince all Idolaters of great impietie for they in bowing and kneeling unto Idols censing before them and making their prayers looking toward them doe apparently offer unto others than unto God onely Tostatus one of their owne thus writeth upon this text Non solum si immolet eis sed etiam si faciat alia pertinentia ad cultum divinum ut si flectat genua coram eis c. Not onely he which sacrificeth unto Idols but doth other things belonging to the divine worship as if he bow the knee before them c. was to be slaine Cyprian hereof thus excellently writeth Quid ante inepta simulachra sigmeâ—â—taterrâ—nae captivum corpus incurvas rectum te Deus fecit c. Why doest thou bow thy captive bodie before foolish images and terrene fictions God hath made thee upright c. looke up to heaven Quid te in lapsum mortis cum Serpente quem colis sternis What doest thou prostrate thy selfe with the Serpent whom thou worshippest into this deadly fall c. More hereof see elsewhere 5. Confut. Against those which either hold tithes not to be due by the word of God or challenge them by the ceremoniall law Vers. 29 THine abundance and thy liâ—â—ur c. This may be understood as well of the tithes as first fruits which arise of the fruits and increase of the earth whether they be drie or moist Concerning then the law of tithes there was in the paiment thereof a treble right Partim erat morale it was partly morall and naturall for that the people should allow necessarie maintenance unto those qui divine cultu ad salutem populi ministrabant which ministred for the salvation of the people in the divine
worship even naturall reason teacheth As even among the Heathen the publike ministers were publikely maintained as souldiers and such like whereupon the Apostle saith Quie militat propriis stipendiâ— Who goeth a warfare of his owne charge Partim erat judiciale quantum ad determinationem decimae partis c. It was partly judiciall in the determination of the tenth part that whereas the tribe of Levi being the twelfth tribe was consecrated to the service of the Tabernacle who had no possessions as the other tribes it was thought reasonable that the other eleven tribes should give unto them the tenth part of their fruits and increase that there might be some equalitie that although the tribe of Levi were not the full tenth part of Israel yet the tenth of the profits was granted unto them ut honorabilius viverent that they might be maintained more honourably quia aliqui per negligentiam transgressores futuri erant and to make amends for them which should transgresse herein of negligence So Thomas There was beside a ceremoniall respect in the paiment of tithes because they were then due for the ceremoniall service and externall sacrifice of the Tabernacle and in respect of the necessitie of the law of tithes that the Levites were to be maintained thereby and by no other meanes or way In both which respects the law of tithes touching the ceremonie is not in force now nor yet as it was a judiciall constitution but in respect of the equitie thereof and morall part it ought still to remaine Here then we dissent first from them which thinke the law of tithes was altogether a ceremonie and so bindeth not now which seemeth to be the opinion of Gallasius Non jubemur jam fruges c. pastoribus pro munere offere Wee are not commanded now to offer our fruits to the Pastors for a gift c. for this is contrarie to the Apostle Galath 6.6 Let him that is taught in the word make him that hath taught him partaker of all his goods If of all his goods how is he not to yeeld unto him of his very fruits and increase Secondly the opinion of the Rhemists is likewise to be refused which hold the paiment of the very tenth a naturall dutie and so not to be altered for if this were so it were not lawfull by any other meanes equivalent to tithes by contribution or otherwise to provide for the maintenance of the Ministers for being a naturall dutie it ought not to bee changed But in S. Pauls time the Pastors and Churches were provided for otherwise than by tithes as by liberall benevolence and contribution for the which he commendeth the Macedonians for their bountie that wayes 2 Cor. 8.2 The Rhemists also have another assertion that tithes are due to the Priesthood of the new Testament whereas they are not now challenged in the right or respect of any externall sacrifice or sacrificing Priesthood which hath no institution in the new Testament which acknowledgeth Christ onely a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech but in regard of the word preached and other ministeriall duties and sowing of spirituall things 1 Cor. 9.11 Thirdly the opinion of the Canonists that the tithes are precisely due jure divino by the divine law is confuted by Bellarmine for then all those Churches should transgresse Godâ— ordinance which have brought in any other ordinance so it be equivalent to tithes for the maintenance of the Ministers of the Gospell otherwise than by tithes Fourthly neither yet can I altogether subscribe unto the opinion of Thomas that saith Determinatio decimae partis est solvenda authoritate Ecclesiae That the determinate tenth part is now in the time of the new law paiable by the authoritie of the Church c. But it may safely be affirmed that tithes are due jure divino by the divine law and by the word of God and not onely commanded by the constitution of the Church first negative negatively tithes are so due simply and absolutely that is that none have right unto tithes but the Pastors and Ministers of the Gospell but what is once consecrated truly to religious uses ought so to continue Secondly affirmatively also this assertion is true though primaria now directly and precisely the tenth part is not now exacted by the law of the Gospell yet secundaria c. ex consequenti secondarily and by good consequent tithes are now due by the word of God not onely in generall that Ministers should bee maintained but in regard of that particular proportion of the tenth at the least for the liberall and sufficient maintenance of the spirituall Ministers is grounded upon the law of God and nature and who can be a better Judge of this sufficiencie than God himselfe who first in his wisdome did set this proportion of the tenth in the fittest allowance for his Ministers so that whosoever should innovate this ordeâ— as thinking some other course to be more convenient should seeme therein to make himselfe wiser than God But for the further discussing of this matter I likewise referre the Reader to the former place 6. Controv. Of the Lenten fast ANd because mention is here made of tenths I will adde one word of that curious observation which Lippoman hath out of the collections of the Fathers concerning the Lenten fast which they would have warranted by this law of tithes because the whole yeare consisting of 365. dayes the full tenth hereof ariseth to 36. dayes the time of the Lenten fast So also Bellarmine maketh this one of the reasons of their Lenten fast Contra 1. But this account agreeth not with the time of Lent which continueth six weeks full and foure dayes beginning at Ash wednesday which is the first day of Lent which in all make 46. dayes if they abate the Lords dayes for the six weeks there yet remaine 40. dayes if they will have the saturdayes also abated there will bee then but 34. dayes left so no wayes can they make these accounts to agree 2. They would shew themselves herein wiser than God who did appoint his holy dayes by sevens not by tennes 3. The Lenten fast then 〈◊〉 now observed not as a spirituall tenth of time in respect of any religious use but as a politicall iâ—â—erdiction and time of restraint for the good of the Common-wealth 7. Controv. Against free will in good works Vers. 29. THe first borne of thy sonnes c. Isidore hath here a good observation Spiritualiter 〈◊〉 principia honorum operum ostendunt c. Spiritually the first borne doe shew the beginning of good works by this the Lord sheweth bonâ—â— voluntatem c. ad ipsius gratiam pertinere that a good will which goeth before the worke belongeth unto his grace against the Pelagians who ascribe the beginning of good works to their owne free will 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. To be faithfull in the graces and gifts of the spirit committed to
us Vers. 7. IF a man deliver to his neighbour money or stuffe to keepe c. As God would have his people to be faithfull in keeping and restoring such things as were committed to their trust so much more should we shew our faithfulnesse in these things quae ipse apud nos deponit which he committeth unto our trust and credence as in using well to his glorie the gifts and graces which we have received as S. Paul saith to Timothie That worthie thing which was committed unto thee keepe through the holy Ghost 2 Tim. 1.14 Marbach This also may be applied unto that care and faithfulnesse which Pastors ought to shew in diligent feeding of the Lords flocke committed unto them Simler 2. Observ. Experience of misery causeth us to pittie the miserable Vers. 21. FOr ye were strangers Optima pietatis magistra experta indigentia c. Our owne experience of want and necessitie is the best instructer and teacher of mercie Oleaster They then which have beene in miserie themselves and know not how to pitie others in the like case shew themselves to be of a vile nature and of an hard and cruell disposition the Scripture saith of Christ himselfe In that hee suffred and was tempted he is able to succour them that are tempted Heb. 2.18 3. Observ. Against cruell Creditors that keepe their debtors in prison Vers. 27. FOr it is his covering onely If the law judge it a cruell thing to take a mans covering for a pledge which should keepe him from the cold of the night how much doth their crueltie exceed which cast their poore debtors into prison there to lie in cold iron naked and hungrie without comfort Simler Which hard dealing is reproved in the parable in him that cast his fellow servant in prison for debt not to come out thence till he had paid it Matth. 18.30 CHAP. XXIII 1. The Method and Argument THere are two parts of this Chapter 1. Certaine lawes are propounded first Civill to vers 10. then Ecclesiasticall from thence to vers 19. 2. Then followeth a generall exhortation to obedience to Gods Commandements thence to the end of the Chapter The Civill lawes are of two sorts either generall concerning all sorts of men to vers 6. or speciall touching the office of Judges vers 6. to 10. The generall likewise are either of particular politicke duties namely these foure 1. Not to receive a false rumour 2. Not to be a false witnesse 3. Not to follow a multitude to pervert the truth 4. Not to be partiall in an unjust commiseration toward the poore in his cause vers 3. either of the generall duties of charitie as what is to be done toward ones enemies oxe or asse being found going astray or lying under his burthen vers 4 5. The speciall lawes concerning a Judge are these 1. Not to overthrow a poore mans right vers 6. 2. Not to heare a false matter 3. Not to condemne the innocent vers 7. 4. Not to receive rewards vers 8. nor to oppresse strangers vers 9. The Ecclesiasticall lawes follow of two sorts 1. Concerning the festivall times 1. Of the yeare of rest vers 10 1. 2. Of the day of rest vers 12. 3. Of the three feasts of the yeare to vers 17. 2. Then follow certaine lawes belonging to the service of God 1. Of their appearing before God 2. Of leavened bread 3. Of the fat of the sacrifices 4. Of the first fruits 5. Of not â—â—â—thing the kid in the dammes milke to vers 19. The second part containeth an exhortation to obedience 1. Concerning their state present that they should be obedient to the Angell which conducted them which was Christ Jesus with two reasons thereof 1. From the feare of those judgements and revenge which the Angell should otherwise take of them vers 21. 2. From the benefits which he should procure for them if they did obey vers 22.23 2. Then he sheweth how they should walke in the service of God afterward when they were come into the land of Canaan and root out all Idolatrie vers 24. which exhortation is strengthened with divers promises 1. Of plentie 2. Of health 3. Of fruitfull 〈◊〉 4. Of the casting out of their enemies before them with the meanes whereby vers 28. and the manner how by little and little vers 29 30. 5. Of the dilating of their borders vers 31. with removing two impediments thereof the making of covenant with the Canaanites and suffering of them to dwell among them 2. The divers readings Vers. 1. Thou shalt not carrie a false report I.A. better than thou shalt not receive L.S.V.G.P.G. nasha signifieth the first rather here because in that sense as well the author as reporter of a false tale is here reproved as Thou shalt not have to doe with any false report B. Vers. 2. Thou shalt not follow the mightie I. So Oleaster better than the many or the multitude B. G. cum caeter rabbius signifieth both the mightie and many the first rather because of the opposite part in the next verse dal the poore which is set against the mightie Vers. 5. Thou shalt put it downe with it I. better than wilt thou leave it with him V. A. with an interrogation for lawes use not to be set forth interrogatively or thou shalt helpe him up with it B. G. cum câ—ter the word ghazab signifieth to leave lay aside not to helpe so also Oleaster See the question following upon this verse Vers. 8. Gifts blind the seeing B.V.A.P.I.S. better than the wise L.C.G. the word is pikechim the seeing that is the wise that is the sense but not the interpretation Vers. 24. Thou shalt not bow thee downe to their gods I. A. P. better than bow downe to c. for the verbe is in hithpael or than thou shalt not worship their gods or idols V.L. cum cater for shacah signifieth to bow downe and the preposition â— lamed signifieth to 3. Questions discussed QUEST I. Of raysing or reporting false tales Vers. 1. THou shalt not report a false tale 1. Some doe read Thou shalt not receive because the word nasha doth as well signifie to beare and sustaine as raise and lift up So read the Chalde Septuagint Latine with others Oleaster Lyranus Calvin also and Simlerus doe preferre this sense But it is better translated Thou shalt not raise a false tale Iun. As the like law is given Levit. 19.16 Thou shalt not walke about with tales and this generally comprehendeth as well the first author of a false report as the bearer and carier and so Lippoman also interpreteth well Non siâ— author falsi rumeris aut fingas in cerdo c. Be not the author of a false report or faine it in thine heart c. 2. Some doe referre it to the person of the Judge that he should not punish any because of an evill report spread of him Osiander Or Vt non audiatur una pars in absentia
sermonibus propeneuda erat that the cause should be laid forth and opened in simple and plaine speeches not in eloquent passionate or affected words 2. And as passions may be procured in Judges by speech so also by the sight of the persons as if when the poore suiter lamenteth and complaineth and appeare to be very miserable though he say nothing Tostat. quaest 3. 3. The word dal signifieth not onely one which is poore in substance but any other kinde of way as they which are sicke and pined away are called dallim as Ammon was thus poore and pined with love toward Thamar 2 Sam. 13. Oleaster So not onely the poore but all other miserable and forlorne persons are here understood as the widow fatherlesse strangers and such like Tostat. quaest 3. 4. Simplie it is not forbidden to respect a poore man but in his cause in matter of judgement nothing must be done either for rich or poore praeter merita causae beside the merit and desert of the cause Tostat. Cum agitur paupertas sublevandus est When his povertie is pleaded the poore is to be helped Cum agiturjus publicum deponenda est persona pauperis When the publike right is in question the poore person must be laid aside Borrh. 5. And the reason is because it is better praehonorare veritatem to preferre and more honour the truth Lyranus 6. Although it be not often seene that a poore man is preferred before a rich in his cause yet sometime it falleth out ut ambitio impellat Iudicem c. that the Judge through ambition that he may be spoken of will respect the poore major interdum est pauperum aâ—dacia temeritas c. and sometime the poore are more bold rash and readie to move suits than the rich Calvin And therefore this law provideth for such clamorous poore QUEST VI. How persons are accepted in judgement and how farre the poore may be respected IN his cause c. 1. The person of the poore is not to be accepted in regard of his cause depending in judgement Persons are accepted two wayes in judgement 1. When as the Judge aliter distribuit quà m lex mandat doth determine otherwise than the law commandeth but where no certaine law is set prescribing the manner and forme which is to be followed in that behalfe there can bee no acception of persons And therefore though God in the beginning did elect some and not others quia non cogitur aliqualege because he had no law to compell him hee therein accepted no mans person as a man giving almes having no rule set him how much he shal give may distribute unto one more than unto another and yet be no accepter of persons 2. Another way ones person is accepted in judgement when more is given to one than to another either of a benefit or punishment otherwise than is due As if a man sue for an hundred pound wherein he can prove but 80. due of just debt if the Judge shall give him 90. pound he taketh ten from the one and giveth it to the other more than is due and so he is an accepter of the person of the one more than of the other And thus a poore man is not to be respected in judgement 2. Two waies is mercie shewed unto the poore in his cause when one facit illi bonum quod non habet doth for him or giveth him that good which he hath not or when the Judge so defendeth the poore ut nemoâ—ollat e◠〈◊〉 quod haber that no bodie take from him that good which he hath the first way the Judge cannot have respect unto the poore without partialitie and perverting of justice to give unto him that which of right doth not belong unto him but the other way he may to see that the poore be not oppressed in judgement as it followeth afterward vers â— Thou shalt not overthrow the right of the poore in his suit And unto this kinde of commisâ—ration it belongeth that the Judge is willing to heare the cause of the poore man and to receive his complaint for how otherwise should he doe him right and defend him from wrong if he should stop his eares against the crie of the poore Tostat. qu. 4. QUEST VII Why mercie is to be shewed toward the enemies oxe and asse Vers. 4. IF thou maâ—â— thine enemies oxe c. 1. Because civill suits and controversies for the most part proceed of evill will and enmitie therefore unto the former lawes are annexed these two caveats to cut off enmitie and to maintaine love and friendship Simler 2. Though an instance be onely given of the enemies oxe or asse yet it must be understood de omni domestico animali of every domesticall beast in like manner Lyran. And of whatsoever belongeth unto our neighbour Lippoman 3. Neither is this law made concerning oxen or asses as the Apostle saith in another case Doth God take care for oxen 1 Cor. 9. But the speciall intendment of this law is that there might be reconciliation among men It was some pleasure to the beast which might otherwise be devoured of some wilde beast if it were not brought home and to the owner which might also lose his beast Tostatus But the speciall scope of this law is First because the Jewes were cruell to teach them to shew and exercise mercie toward bruit beasts Vt eo facilius inducerentur c. That they might more easily bee induced to shew it toward men Lippoman Et ut hac ratione odientis animum sibi conciliet And that by this meanes hee might winne the heart of his enemie if he were not altogether implacable Isidor 4. There are two words here used aâ—ab which signifieth to be an enemie and shana to hate one may hate not being hated but an enemie is said to be where there is mutuall enmitie on both sides It is an easier matter to doe good to one that hateth where there is no hatred shewed againe than to an enemie that is hated againe therefore both words are used that wee should shew kindnesse as well where there is a mutuall and reciprocall hatred and enmitie as where one is hated and hateth not againe Tostat. quaest 3. 5. God by this law doth not either command or permit that men should bee enemies but being imperfect of themselves and subject to enmitie hee sheweth how they should become friends as when it is said in the Psalme Be angrie and sinne not we are not willed to be angrie but if we chance to be angrie we are taught how to moderate it that wee sinne not in our immoderate anger Tostatus quaest 3. 6. By this law we learne that there are two kinds of injustice one of them qui inferunt injuriam which offer wrong unto their neighbours the other of them qui non propulsant injuriam which doe not keepe wrong from them when it is in their power Borrh. 7. And further this law sheweth the agreement
For this cause many are weake and sick among you and many sleepâ— and that these corrections proceed of love he presently after sheweth But when wee are judged wee are chastened of the Lord because we should not be condemned with the world 4. Nec hoc fecerunt justi homines sine authoritate divina c. Neither did those just men doe this without the divine authoritie which sometime is manifested in Scripture sometime hid lest any should thinke it was permitted unto him to kill whom he would at his pleasure 5. De inimici dilectione c. in veteribus libris legitur c. And yet we reade in the old Testament of the loving of our enemy whereof David is an example who when Saul was offered unto his hand elegit parcere potius quà m occidere chose rather to spare him than kill him ubi ergo nec difficultas fuit occidendi nee timor dilectio profecit inimico c. where then there was neither difficulty nor feare to kill the enemy it was love that helped him c. Thus Augustine learnedly sheweth the old Testament not to be contrary to the new 4. Controv. That every mans terme of life is certaine with God Vers. 26. THe number of thy dayes will I fulfill c. Here are two errors to be taken heed of which through the mistaking of this text have deceived some The one was of Diodorus Tarseus whose opinion was that because the dayes of the wicked are often time shortned thought that the terme of every mans life is not prefixed and set downe certaine with God Ex Simlero So also Procopius Non ostendit singulis praefixum esse certum vita finem He sheweth not here that to every man is set a certaine end of his life seeing God according to his pleasure doth sometime shorten and sometime prolong it c. But this opinion seemeth evidently to contradict the Scripture which thus evidently testifieth Are not his dayes determined the number of his moneths are with thâ—â— thou hast appointed his bounds which he cannot passe As God then hath set downe with himselfe the certaine time of every ones comming into the world so also he hath appointed their time of departure and going out of the world which time in respect of Gods prescience is neither prevented nor deferred But to us it seemeth so to be when the naturall period of any mans life by some violent and accidentall meanes seemeth to be cut off Theodorus therefore here resolveth well Vnusquisquo nostrâm 〈◊〉 dios vivâ—â— quos Deus pranoscit c. Every one of us shall live out those dayes which the Lord hath foreseene and foreknowne The other error is of those which thinke Câ—rtum â—undem 〈…〉 That the same certaine terme of life is appointed to all whâ—â— Theodorâ—â— in the same place confuteth for if it were so â—â—que jâ—stus 〈…〉 neither the righteous should enjoy a longer nor the unrighteous a shorter life The 〈◊〉 whereof is also seâ—â—e by daily experience for wee see some infants to dye before they are a moneth old and some men to live above an hundred yeere 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. The vertues of an upright Iudge Vers. 1. THou shalt not receive a false tale c. In these three first verses are set forth three excellent vertues that ought to be in every Judge The first is truth which ought alwayes to be followed in judgement contrary whereunto are false reports and tales which a Judge is not to give â—are unto So the Wise-man saith He that heareth speaketh continually he that by patient hearing and wise examining fifteth a cause may speake without controlement The second vertue is constancie not to be swayed by the judgement of the multitude or by the power of the mighty to swarve from justice The third vertue is equality touched here in the third verse neither to esteeme the person of the rich or poore in judgement B. Babington 2. Observ. Not to use the names of the Gentile gods in poems and verses Vers. 13. YE shall make no mention of the name of other gods By this we may gather hand piè Christianè fieri ab â—is c. that it is no Christian or godly use in them which in their verses and poems do invocate the gods of the Gentiles as Apollo Iupiter Minerva Marbach But the Apostle saith If any man speake let him talke as the words of God 1 Pet. 4. vers 11. 3. Observ. God is to be praised both in the beginning and in the end Vers. 16. THe harvest of first fruits c. the feast of gathering fruits God would have them both first and last to acknowledge a benefit they must offer the first fruits as a signe of their thankfulnesse when their corne began to be ripe and keepe a feast also when they had gathered in all their fruits Men now adayes thinke it enough to make a shew of thansgiving when they begin to taste of a benefit and forget it afterward But we must in the beginning and in the end celebrate the praise of God Oleaâ—â— as the Apostle saith In all things give thankes 1 Thess. 5.18 CHAP. XXIV 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter there are two severall commandements given expresly by the Lord unto Moses with their severall executions the first to vers 12. the second thence to the end of the Chapter The first commandement 1. Is given vers 1 2. both who shall come up unto God vers 1. and in what order vers 2. Moses should come neere unto the Lord the rest should stand further off 2. In the execution first it is set downe how Moses delivered the Lawes which he had before received which are rehearsed in the former Chapters which he first delivered by word of mouth and the people obediently received them vers 3. then in fact where foure things are delivered which Moses did 1. He wrote the Law vers 4. 2. Set up an Altar 3. Sent young men to sacrifice 4. Sprinkled of the bloud part on the Altar part on the people so establishing and confirming the covenant vers 6 7 8. Secondly the execution of the commandement given vers 1 2. followeth in these three things 1. Their obedience in going up vers 9. 2. The effect that followed they saw God vers 10. 3. The event they did well after and no evill thing happened unto them The second commandement is propounded vers 12. with the end thereof wherefore Moses is bid to come up namely to receive the Tables of stone containing the Commandements then the execution is shewed in generall vers 13. how Moses and Ioshua went up and what charge Moses gave to the Elders before he went vers 14. Then in particular the manner of his going up into the mountaine is described where foure things are declared 1. How the mount was covered with a cloud vers 15. 2. When the Lord called to Moses on the seventh day 3.
charge and government with Moses Num. 11. of which number were Eldad and Medad Gloss. interlinear But this cannot be for those seventy Elders were appointed after the campe was removed from Sinai and pitched in Kibrath Hattavah which was the next station beyond Sinai Numb 33.16 But now the Israelites remained at mount Sinai 2. Some are of opinion that these seventy Elders were appointed when Iethro gave counsell to Moses that is six out of every tribe which make 72. but the even number is set downe Simler But those Captaines over the people which were chosen according to Iethro his direction were heads over thousands hundreds and fifties chap. 18.25 they were then more than seventy 3. Neither were these seventy such as before time the people had chosen out for their Rulers answerable unto the number of soules that went downe with Iacob into Egypt as Calviâ— seemeth to thinke for it seemeth that before Iethro gave that advice to Moses there were no such Governours and Rulers over the tribes because Moses then needed not to have wearied himselfe in hearing their causes himselfe alone 4. Wherefore these were no speciall Elders that before were elected and chosen out but such as Moses did single out upon this occasion out of the more honourable sort of the people and therefore they are called vers 11. eetzilee separated or selected And Tostatus holdeth this as a reason because the word Elders ziene in the Hebrew hath no article set before it as is usuall in that language when any speciall persons of note are named But though his reason doe not alwayes hold yet his opinion seemeth of the rest to be most probable Tostat. qu. 3. QUEST III. Why Moses went up into the mount alone Vers. 2. ANd Moses himselfe alone shall come neere to the Lord c. 1. Here are three degrees or orders appointed to be observed in their comming neere unto God the people stand farre off and come not neere at all Aaron and his two sonnes and the seventy Elders ascend with Moses to some part of the mountaine but Moses himselfe only goeth up unto God vers 12. Calvin Lippoman 2. Rabanus maketh this morall application of it that as the seventy Elders went not up with Moses so unusquisque perpendat discrete vires suaâ— ut ultra non praesumat that every one doe discreetly examine his strength and not presume beyond his knowledge 3. For the mysticall sense Procopius maketh Aaron here a type of Christ who stood aloofe off and contemned not our humane nature sed descendens ad nos inter nos moratur but descending dwelt among us c. But this application can in no wise be fit that Aaron should be here a type of Christ who went not up unto God but Moses did for who should have freer accesse unto God than our Mediatour and intercessor therefore Moses here rather signifieth the Law which is perfect and pure in it selfe yet is not able to bring us to God as these ascended not with Moses but were left behind Simler QUEST IV. Whether all the people in generall were assembled Vers. 3. ANd all the people answered c. 1. Sometime the whole congregation is understood to be the Elders only and principall men that stand for the rest of the people as chap. 12.3 the Lord biddeth Moses to speake to all the congregation and yet he onely spake unto the Elders vers 21. But here we rather understand that all the multitude was called together for as we reade that when the Law was confirmed and ratified the whole assembly came together not only the Elders and Officers but even their children and wives yea the strangers unto the hewer of wood and drawer of water Deut. 29.10 11. so was it requisite that at the first receiving of the Law all the whole multitude should come together to give their generall consent 2. If it be objected that it was not possible that so many hundred thousand as there were in Israel could assemble in such sort to heare the voice of one man we may either say that God might give an extraordinary strength unto Moses voice that it might be heard round about Tostatus Or though all the people were not within hearing themselves at once yet one might receive it from another and so give their consent or one company might succeed another to heare Oleaster QUEST V. Why the Lord requireth the peoples consent to his Lawes Vers. 3. ALL that the Lord hath said will we doe 1. Though God might by his soveraigne right impose what Lawes he thought good without the peoples consent because they were bound to obey whatsoever the Lord commanded yet the Lord thought good to require their consent because otherwise they might be lesse culpable if they had not obeyed those Lawes which were thrust upon them against their will 2. And although they had twice before chap. 19.8 and 20.19 promised their obedience yet that was but in generall before the Lawes were published and therefore it was necessarie that a particular consent should be had now unto the severall Lawes which were propounded 3. God knew before they would consent but that was not sufficient unlesse they also expressed it themselves that they might afterward be left without excuse Tostat. 4. The people are to be commended for their readinesse but yet they knew not how impossible it was to keepe the Law and therefore cannot be excused of rashnesse Iun. Of this sudden promise of obedience which the Israelites had soone forgot Hierome thus writeth Melius est non promittere quam promissa non facere c. It had beene better for them not to have promised at all than not to performe their promise And Gregorie herein compareth the Jewes unto Locusts Subiâ—o saltuâ— daâ—tes protiâ—â—s ad 〈◊〉 codemes c. Which doe of a sudden give a spring and forthwith fall upon the ground againe QUEST VI. What Lawes they were which Moses wrote in a booke Vers. 4. ANd Moses wrote all the words of the Lord. 1. R. Salomon thinketh that Moses first rehearsed and afterward wrote the whole booke of Genesis and all Exodus unto this place But this cannot be 1. The Rabbin himselfe thinketh that Moses rose the next day and built the Altar how could he then write these two bookes without a great miracle in one day which we are not without great necessity to bring in to make or devise miracles where no cause is were great presumption Lyran. 2. It is said he wrote all the words of God and so consequently only the words of God but the history of Genesis and Exodus containe many things beside the words of God therefore there was no cause either to rehearse or write all the contents of these two bookes Tostatus 2. Cajetanes opinion is with whom consenteth Osiander that Moses did write all the former Lawes contained in the 21 22 23. chapters and the ten Commandements beside with all those Lawes set
forth in the 12. and 13. chapters and his reason is because it is called the booke of the covenant but the covenant betweene God and his people pracipuâ— consistit in dâ—câ—m praceptis chiefly consisteth in the ten Commandements Contra. The covenant here made with the people was that speciall bond wherewith the Israelites were obliged and tied unto God more than any people beside and this was the bond of the Ceremoniall and Judiciall lawes for the Morall law is grounded upon the Law of Nature and all people are bound to obey it so that if the Israelites respâ—erent pracepta ceremonialiâ— judicialia nullum foedus magis cum eis esset quà m cum aliis gentibus should have refused the ceremoniall and judiciall precepts there had beene no more covenant made with them than with other nations Tostat. Therefore it is not necessary to comprehend in this place under this covenant the Morall law but such peculiar precepts as onely concerned Israel 3. Wherefore it is more probable that those words of God which Moses did write were only the Judiciall and Ceremoniall lawes rehearsed in the three former chapters and not the ten Commandements of the Morall law for these reasons 1. Moses writeth the same Lawes which he had rehearsed vers 3. But he rehearsed only the Judicials and Ceremonials which he had received of God and were not yet published he needed not rehearse the ten Commandements which the Lord had pronounced with his owne mouth therefore them he writ not Marbaâ—h 2. The ten Commandements were first written by the Lord himselfe in two tables of stone as the Lord himselfe telleth Moses vers 12. therefore seeing the Lord purposed to give the Morall law written with his owne hand it is not like that he would command Moses to write it before for Moses did not write this booke of his owne minde but by the Lords direction Lippom. Pellican Gloss. interlin and Augustine quaest 89. QUEST VII Whether Moses rose up the next morning Vers. 4. ANd he rose up early 1. Cajetane thinketh that this was not the next morning because it is not said the next morning and that some time came betweene the publishing of the lawes and this morning wherein Moses wrote the said Lawes But Cajetanes reason is but weake for Gen. 19.27 it is said Abraham rose up in the morning which was the next morning though it be not so expressed and the like may be found in other places And the Lawes which Moses did write might be finished in one day so that there is no necessity to imagine any longer time to come betweene 2. Rupertus thinketh that this morning was upon the 50. day when the Law was delivered But that is not like for that morning there was thunder and lightning and the sound of a trumpe chap. 19.16 so that all the people was afraid it was then no time to build an Altar or to doe those other things here described they were all attent then and prepared to heare the Lord. Beside Rupertus must hold this chapter wholly to be transposed to maintaine his opinion which is shewed before qu. 1. not to be so 3. Therefore this is like to have beene the very next morning as thinketh R. Salomon Lyranus and Tostatus and Gallasius useth this reason Verisimilius est Moseâ—â— haâ—d diâ— distulisse haue gratiarum actionem It is more like that Moses would not long deferre this thanksgiving c. QUEST VIII Whether there were 12. pillars beside the Altar Vers. 4. ANd set up an Altar and twelve pillars c. 1. Some thinke that Moses erected twelve Altars But beside that this is against the letter of the text which speaketh but of an Altar Lyranus It had beene dangerous to have made so many Altars to sacrifice upon which might have beene an occasion to draw the people to superstition as though they were not to sacrifice all to the same God Tostat. 2. Some thinke that this Altar was set up upon twelve stones which were taken according to the number of the twelve tribes Cajetan Ferus As Elias built an Altar of 12. stones representing the 12. tribes 1 King 18.20 Lyran. Osiander And Ioshua made an Altar of 12. stones which were brought out of Jordan Iosh. 4. And the signification hereof was this that the sacrifice made upon that Altar consisting of 12. stones was for the benefit of the 12. tribes and that as those 12. stones made but one Altar so the 12. tribes belonged unto one God Tostat. Contra. 1. The word used in those two places given in instance is abaâ—iâ—â— which signifieth stones which were gathered together to make one Altar or heape but here the word is mâ—â—zabah which is a pillar so called à standâ— because it standeth alone and is erected and set up as a monument neither is it said here that Moses made an Altar of these pillars as Elias did of those stones 2. And againe the signification is more full to erect an Altar by it selfe which was a type of Christ our true Altar and the pillars by themselves that so both the parties Christ on the one part and the people on the other here contracting and making a covenant might be the better thereby prefigured Iun. 3. Therefore because they are said to be 12. pillars not stones it is like they were set up apart as more conspicuous monuments representing the 12. Tribes And this is more consonant to the text that saith Moses set up an Altar and 12. pillars which the sense will give to be beside the Altar especially seeing the perfect distinction athuah commeth betweene and divideth the sentences Iun. Vátab 4. And there were foure kindes of these pillars 1. Some served as memorials of the death instead of their sepulchers as Iacob erected a pillar for Rachel Genes 35. 2. Some pillars served for Altars as Iacob set up such an one in Bethel and powred drinke offerings upon it Genes 35.16 3. Some were superstitious pillars consecrated to Idols such the Israelites were forbidden to make Levit. 26.1 4. Some pillars were used as monuments and remembrances of some notable thing done in that place where they were pitched as was the pillar which Iacob erected Genes 28.18 Tostat. quaest 5. And of this sort was this pillar QUEST IX Whether the names of the Tribes were written in these stones Vers. 4. TWelve pillars 1. Some thinke that the names of the 12. Tribes were graven in these pillars Borrh. And this opinion may be thought more probable both because a better remembrance might have beene kept by this meanes in the writing of their names than otherwise and afterward the names of the 12. Tribes were graven both in the two onyx-stones which the high Priest did beare in his Ephod upon his shoulder six in one stone and six in another and in the 12. precious stones inclosed in the breast plate Contra. 1. The memoriall of this solemne sacrifice might very well be kept only by the sight of
moved by so great a miracle should not contemne their doctrine Osiander Marbath 4. Cyprian also maketh this morall use hereby to shew the utilitie of fasting Quoties aliquid à Deo obtinere conati sunt jejuniis inâ—â—huere lachryâ—â—iâ— c. Holy men when they would obtaine any thing of God gave themselves to fasting 5. Curiously to search out any other cause of this fortie dayes fast were a vaine labour as Cajetane well saith Non est 〈…〉 quis divini miraculi opus fuit c. A reason must not bee sought of the number it being a worke of a divine miracle Cajetan QUEST XXV What Moses did in the mount these 40. dayes and 40. nights NOw if it be asked what Moses did in the mountaine these 40. dayes and 40. nights it may be answered 1. That the Lord did all this time instruct Moses concerning the Tabernacle and the things thereto belonging and touching the sacrifices and rites thereof as they are set forth in Leviticus And therefore Moses descending is not mentioned till the description of the Tabernacle and every part thereof is finished And Levit. 27.24 it is evidently expressed that the Lord taught Moses all those ordinances in mount Sinai 2. Now Moses fasted 40. dayes and nights the second time but then he was wholly occupied in humbling himselfe by prayer Deut. 9.25 thâ— first time of 40. dayes then was spent in Moses instruction rather than the other Tostat. cap. 25. qu. 1. 3. God could have dispatched Moses in a moment but this was 〈◊〉 give authoritie to him and his law B. Babingâ— 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the distinction of the persons of the Trinitie Vers. 1. HE said to Moses come up to the Lord. Both he that speaketh and he whereof he speaketh is the Lord. Hence appeareth the distinction of the persons in the Trinitie the like place wee reade Psal. 110.1 The Lord said unto my Lord c. Marbach 2. Doct. The word and Sacraments must goe together Vers. 7. HE tooke the booke and read it c. Before Moses sprinkled the people with bloud the signe of the covenant he first readeth the booke of the covenant whereby we are taught the right use of the Sacraments that the doctrine ought to goe before the signe Aliter insoria erunt signe c. Otherwise the signes are but trifling and vaine Calvin The word must be joyned with the element This course the Apostle taketh with the Corinthians teaching them the right use of the Sacrament that they might come together with profit and not with hurt 3. Doct. Nothing to be taught beside Gods word Vers. 12. THe law and commandements which I have written for to teach them This sheweth Nihil docendum praeter oracula Dei That nothing should be taught beside the word of God Borrh. Which Bedae before him noted well that no man must teach the people of God other precepts quam quae ipse Dominus docuit than those which the Lord himselfe hath taught as S. Paul saith I have received of the Lord that which I have delivered unto you 1 Cor. 11.23 5. Places of Controversie 1. Controv. Against the Romanists that the whole institution serveth to consecrate the Sacraments Vers. 7. HE read in the audience c. Moses first readeth the summe of the covenant before he addeth the signe of the covenant which was the sprinkling of bloud by the which we learne that the Sacraments are not consecrated by a certaine forme of words to bee used over them but by reading and rehearsing of the whole institution such a cleare and distinct voice must be used Quae ad homines dirigitur ad fidem gignendam valet Which is directed to men and is availeable to beget faith Calvin Contrarie to the doctrine and practice of the Romanists who denie the elements to be consecrated by all the words of institution but by a certaine forme of speech to be used over the Sacraments as in the Eucharist This is my bodie this is my bloud c. whereas the whole action of rehearsing the institution invocation receiving thanksgiving do helpe to consecrate the Sacrament See more hereof Synops. Centur. 2. err 90. pag. 454. 2. Controv. Against the reading of Scriptures in a strange tongue FUrther Oleaster here observeth beside Hominem paciscentaâ— debere cognoscere ea ad qua se obligat That a man making a covenant ought to know those things whereunto he hindeth himselfe c. which annotation doth evidently convince the Romanists of great error who doe not cause â—he people to understand those things which they binde themselves to keepe seeing neither the Scriptures are read nor the Sacraments administred in such a tongue as they doe understand for the Apostle saith If I come unto you speaking tongues what shall I profit you See more hereof also Synops. Centur. 1. err 3.4 3. Confut. Against Cajetan that this place is not misallâ—â—ged Heb. 9.19 Vers. 8. BEhold the bloud of the covenant Cajetane among other exceptions which he taketh to the authoritie of the Epistle to the Hebrewes urgeth this that the Author of that Epistle chap. 9.19 alluding unto this place translateth this word berith here used which signifieth a covenant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 testament now betweene a covenant and testament there is great difference Contra. The author in no other sense useth thâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than S. Paul elsewhere who by the same word expresseth the Hebrew berith 〈…〉 signifieth either covenant or a testament And Hierome testifieth that the 〈…〉 for the 〈◊〉 doe turne the word 〈◊〉 by that Greeke word But 〈…〉 signifie a testament shewing the true effect and substance of that ceremoniall covenant consumed by the sprinkling of the bloud of beasts in this covenant and testament made betweene God and us in Christ and ratified in his bloud 4. Controv. Whether the Divine substance of God can be seene Vers. 10. ANd they saw the God of Israel c. Here we must take heed of two errors one which Hierome imputeth to Origen who did thinke the Godhead of the. Father to bee so invisible as that it could not be comprehended of the Sonne the other was of the Anomeans whose heresie was this Naturam Dei non esse invisibilem That the nature of God was not invisible in this place they saw God not 〈…〉 Divine essence and substance which is invisible and incomprehensible but they saw some evident 〈◊〉 of his glorious presence and Majestie as Gregorie saith Vidiri 〈…〉 ipsam naturae suae speciem non potest God may be seene by certaine representations but according 〈…〉 shew of his nature he cannot c. The faithfull have both in this world a sight of God as our bleâ—â—â—â— saith Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see God and they shall see him more fully in 〈…〉 as the Apostle saith We know when he shall appeare we shall be like him for we shall see
and taketh care for us and as our Priest hee did once for all offer up himselfe in sacrifice for us and still continueth our Mediatour Borrh. 4. Now the inferiour Priests garments are fitly applied to set forth the qualities and conditions of the faithfull which are the members of Christ as the other did shadow forth Christ our head 1. Beda by the linen garment interpreteth decorem castitatis the comelinesse of chastitie by the girdle vigilantem mentis custodiam the diligent watchfulnesse of the minde to keepe the same by the bonnets visus anditus gustus custodiam the diligent keeping of the sight hearing taste and of all the senses 2. Thomas maketh a more generall use Castitas significatur per femoralia c. Chastitie is signified by the breeches Puritas vita per lineam tunicam Puritie of life by the linen garment Moderatio discretionis per cingulum Moderate discretion by the girdle Rectitudo intentionis pertiaram And a right intention by the bonnet 3. But this application is more fit The linen garment signifieth our innocencie and righteousnesse which we receive in the lavacre of regeneration being cloathed with Christs righteousnesse as the Apostle saith All yee that are baptized unto Christ have put on Christ the girdle signifieth constancie in the truth as S. Paul saith Stand therefore your loines girded about with veritie Tiara protectionis divinae signa erant The bonnets were signes of the divine protection the linen breeches shew what care should be had of comelinesse and what reverence is to be used in the service of God Pelarg. Marbach Who addeth this further that as we put more comelinesse upon our uncomely parts as the Apostle saith 1 Cor. 2.23 So our Saviour hath respect unto the vile and abject members of the Church such as are despised and counted base in the world 4. And like as we use three kinde of garments some for necessitie to cover our naked parts some for ornament and comelinesse and some for defence as militarie garments as here the Priests had their linen breeches of the first sort their linen coat of the second and their girdle of the third So unto a Christian are necessarie three kinde of spirituall garments the first is the garment of faith whereby our sins are covered secondly the ornaments of the soule are requisite whereby Christians must be adorned in the sanctitie and integritie of life thirdly they must put on their spirituall armour and take the sword of the Spirit the word of God whereby they may fight against Satan Simler Borrhaius 4. Places of Doctrine 1 Doct. None must intrude themselves into the callings of the Church Vers. 1. CAuse thou thy brother Aaron to come In that Aaron intruded not himselfe into the Priests office but was thereunto called Procopius giveth this note Qui temerario ansu ad se trahere sacerdotium c. He that will rashly draw unto himselfe the Priesthood shall suffer punishment So also Oleaster So the Apostle observeth upon this very example of Aaron No man taketh this honour to himselfe but he that is called of God as Aaron Heb. 5.4 2. Doct. The agreement which ought to be betweene the Civill and Ecclesiasticall state OLeaster noteth here further in that Moses who was the chiefe Magistrate called Aaron to the Priesthood the concord and amitie that ought to be betweene the Civill and Ecclesiasticall state is commended that as Ioash prospered while hee followed the direction of Iehoiadah so both the Ecclesiasticall state should imitate Iehoiadah to give holy counsell and direction unto the Magistrate and the Magistrate to be like Ioash in following the same 3. Doct. Profitable arts are the gift of God Vers. 3. SPeake unto all cunning men whom I have filled with the Spirit of wisdome c. Gallasius hereupon thus writeth Omnem artem industriam c. Dei donum agnosco Every art and industrie which bringeth utilitie unto man I acknowledge to be the gift of God as the Prophet Isaiah saith that God instructeth the husbandman to have discretion Isa. 28.26 Men therefore to whom God hath given the knowledge of profitable and commendable arts should have a care to employ them to Gods glorie and not to abuse them to wantonnesse 4. Doct. Whatsoever is instituted in Gods service must proceed from his wisdome Vers. 3. SPeake unto all cunning men in the Hebrew wise in heart Whatsoever is instituted in the service of God à sapientia Dei proficisci debet must proceed from the wisdome of God no humane device must have place or bee admitted there Simler Sauls policie in transgressing Gods Commandement in saving the best things of the Amalekites though hee thought hee did therein well and wisely yet was displeasing unto God 5. Doct. The sound of the Word in the Gospell exceedeth the sound of Aarons bels under the law Vers. 35. HIs sound shall be heard c. Herein as Lippoman well observeth appeareth the excellencie of the Gospell beyond the Law they heard then but the sound of Aarons bels Nunc audimus clarum sonitum Evangelii Now we heare the cleere sound of the Gospell c And as the understanding of a man exceedeth the capacitie of a childe and the cleere day the dawning so the cleere light of the Gospell excelleth the shadowes of the Law God providing better things for us as the Apostle saith that they without us should not be perfect Heb. 11.40 6. Doct. There ought to be order among the Ministers of the Church Vers. 40. THou shalt make for Aarons sons coats In that Aaron the high Priests coats were made more costly and glorious than his sons the inferiour Priests therein commendatur ordo inter Ecclesiae ministros is commended order among the Ministers of the Church that although Christ doe forbid bid his Disciples Luk. 22. to exercise dominion one over another as the Princes of the world doe Neutiquam tamen ordinem abrogat Yet he doth not abrogate order seeing he hath not onely distinguished them himselfe in gifts but in offices as the Apostle saith Ephes. 4. He hath given some to be Apostles some Prophets some Evangelists some Pastors and Doctors c. Marbach 5. Places of Controversie 1. Controv. Against the superstitious apparell of the Romish Priests Vers. 4. THou shalt make a breast-plate an Ephod and a robe and a broidered coat These Priestly garments being ceremoniall and typicall are now abolished Christ the true high Priest being come with his ornaments Therefore the Romanists doe plainly Iudaize in bringing againe into the Priestly order such varietie of garments as the Pall the Miter the Crozier staffe the Albe the Chimere the gray amice the Stoale with such like Their Priests come forth as though Aaron addressed himselfe with his attire to sacrifice at the Altar S. Paul hath given us a rule concerning these things which are but a shadow of things to come but the bodie is in Christ Coloss. 2.17 But it will
sanctification QUEST LIII How the Lord is said to dwell among them Vers. 45. ANd I will dwell among the children of Israel 1. We must make a difference betweene Gods generall presence every where and his gracious presence in his Church his presence of power is in all places but his presence of grace is only among his owne servants Simler So God is said sometime to be with his children when he blesseth and prospereth them as Potiphar saw that God was with Ioseph Gen. 39. and he is said not to be among them when hee withdraweth his favour and assistance as Moses saith unto the people Numb 14.42 The Lord is not among you and therfore they were in that place overthrowne of their enemies Thus also Thomas distinguisheth of Gods presence Est communis modus c. There is a common manner of Gods being every where and in all things per essentiam potentiam prâ—sentiam by his essence power and presence est alius modus specialis and there is another speciall way of Gods being present sicut amatum in amantâ— as that which is loved is present in him that loveth as our Saviour saith If any man love me c my father will love him and we will come unto him and we will dwell with him Ioh. 14.23 And so the Lord is said to dwell here among his people 2. And here also there is speciall relation to the situation of the Tabernacle which was set up in the middest of the tribes three of them pitching before three behind and three of each side and in that respect God also is said to dwell in the middest of them because his Tabernacle which the Lord made his habitation was in the middest of the host Tostat. qu. 21. 3. But this must be understood conditionally that the Lord would dwell among them so long as they worshipped him aright as hee commanded them Osiander 4 And so hee will not onely dwell among them but worke such wonders among them that they shall by experience knowe that God onely and none other delivered them out of Egypt to serve him Tostat. ibid. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. No perfection in the Priesthood of the law Vers. 1. TAke a young bullocke c. This first sacrifice being offered for the sin of the Priests that were to be consecrated ought to put them in mind that they themselves were sinners and had need of sacrifice Oleaster Which evidently proclaimed that there was no perfection in their Ministerie but that they were to looke for an high Priest so perfect that needed not first to offer sacrifice for his owne sinnes as the Priests of the law did Hebr. 7.27 2. Doct. Of dividing the Word aright Vers. 17. THou shalt cut the ramme in peeces To this usage of the law the holy Apostle seemeth to allude exhorting Timothie to divide the Word aright 2 Tim. 2.15 that as the Priest divided the sacrifice and laid every part in order and as hee in other sacrifices gave the Lord his part and tooke the Priests part and delivered the rest to the people so the Minister of God should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 divide the Word aright deliver the true sense thereof not wrest or deprave it with false glosses or fained allusions as the Valentinians abused the Scripture and Origen is found herein to have been in great fault Simlerus 3. Doct. Of the imposition of hands Vers. 21. THou shalt sprinkle it upon Aaron c. These ceremonies of washing anointing sprinkling which were used in the consecration of the Priests of the old Testament are not requisit now The Apostles in the new Testament used imposition of hands as the Deacons are ordained by imposition of hands Act. 7.8 So thy praied and laid their hands upon Saul and Barnabas and sent them forth for the worke of the Ministerie Act. 13.4 which externall observation is yet retained in the Church of God whereby 1. They which are ordained are confirmed in their calling 2. They are admonished that their abilitie and sufficiencie for that calling is not of themselves but from him in whose name hands are imposed upon them 3. It is a signe of Gods protection and assistance if they be diligent in their calling that his hand shall protect them 4. And if they be unfaithfull that his hand shall be upon them to judge them in this sense the Prophet David saith Thine hand is heavie upon me day and night Psal. 32.4 Marbach 5. Places of Controversie 1. Cont. Against the anointing of Priests with oyle in their consecration Vers. 7. THou shall take the anointing oyle This oyle was a signe of the graces of the Spirit which should be powred abundantly upon Christ the true high Priest as the Prophet David saith Psal. 45.7 Thy God hath anointed thee with the oyle of gladnesse above thy fellowes This ceremonie then of anointing being fulfilled in Christ it savoureth of Iudaisme to revive this ceremonie now as the Romanists doe in the consecration of their Bishops and Priests This were to be wiser than Christ who commanded no such thing to be done and than his Apostles who used no such ceremonie in the ordaining of Ministers Gallas 2. Cont. Against the anoynting of the fingers Vers. 20. ANd upon the thumbe of the right hand The Romanists retaine the like ceremonie in ordaining of their Priests for they anoint their thumbes and forefingers with oyle as Aarons thumbe was with bloud that those fingers may bee consecrated to handle the bread in the Eucharist which they call the Lords bodie But we reade not that either Christ himselfe or his Apostles anointed their fingers for the consecrating of the Sacrament these then the Apostle calleth the commandements of man touch not taste not handle not Colos. 2.21 Gallas 3. Cont. That the ramme signified not Peter Vers 19. ANd thou shalt take the other ramme These two rammes some would have signifie Peter and Paul the ramme of burnt offering which was wholly consumed they say signifieth Paul amore Christi totum incensum that was wholly set on fire with the love of Christ the other ram wherewith they anointed the eare thumbe and toe of the Priests did prefigure Peter Nam EcclesiaÌ„ Romanae obedieâ—dum est in his quae sunt fidei For the Church of Rome must bee obeyed in those things which belong unto faith which commeth by hearing and this is signified by touching the eare likewise in those things which concerne manners which is understood by anointing the hands and feet which are instruments of all actions Gloss. ordinar Moraliter Contra. 1. And was not Peter wholly ravished and set on fire also with the love of Christ as well as Paul If not why do you preferre him before Paul 2. If faith come by hearing how should the Pope be obeyed in doctrine seeing he useth not to preach to be heard 3. In matters of faith not onely the Romane Church but any other is to bee heard and followed but seeing
lye See more Synops. Câ—ntur 1. â—â—r 77. 7. Controv. That the wicked doe not eat the body of Christ. Vers. 33. A Stranger shall not eat thereof Like as none which were not of Aarons family were admitted to the eating of this holy meat so none but those which are of Christs family indeed and doe beleeve in him can be partakers of his body and bloud for whosoever eateth my flesh and drinketh my bloud saith our blessed Saviour hath everlasting life Ioh. 6.54 They therefore are grossely deceived who thinke that the wicked and unbeleevers doe eat the very flesh and drinke the very bloud of Christ in the Eucharist Simler for then it would follow upon our blessed Saviours words that they should have everlasting life also See more Synops. Câ—nt 3. â—rr 27. 8. Controv. Against the reservation of the Sacrament Vers. 34. IF ought of the flesh c. or of the bread remaine unto the morning thou shalt burne it with fire This was commanded lest that which remained of the holy flesh and bread might either bee prophaned or might bee superstitiously abused It therefore may seeme strange that the Romanists which are in other things so superstitiously addicted to the rites and usages of the Law doe not also follow the same herein but rather have taken up a contrary use in reserving the consecrate host hanging of it up in a pix and adoring it for this is a true position sacramenti ratiâ— non duraâ— extra usum that set apart the use and the sacramentall respect ceaseth Simler For as the water used in Baptisme is no more a sacrament extra usum out of the use but is as other common water so neither are the bread and wine in the Eucharist For the more full handling of this point I likewise referre the Reader to Synops Cent. 3. err 19. 9. Controv. Against the continuall sacrifice of the Masse Vers. 38. THis is that which thou shalt present upon the Altar c. two lambes c. day by day continually To this daily and continuall sacrifice the Romanists resemble and compare their continuall sacrifice of the Masse and they hold them as Antichrists that doe abolish it as Antiochus abolished the daily sacrifice Ex Simlero 1. There is no externall sacrifice now remaining under the Gospell daily to be iterated for Christ was once offered to take away the sinnes of many Heb. 9.28 he is not then to be often sacrificed 2. Antiochus was the forerunner of Antichrist because he abolished the daily sacrifice before the time which was to continue untill the Messiah came but Christ himselfe by the one oblation of himselfe once offered was at his comming to abolish the daily sacrifice as it is prophesied Dan. 9.27 He shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease not only for that he tooke away from the incredulous Jewes their City Temple and sacrifice but because he was the body and substance of those sacrifices which are not now to be iterated and repeated seeing as the Apostle saith With one offering he hath consecrated for ever them that are sanctified Heb. 10.14 which sacrifice of Christ is often to be celebrated by way of thankfull commemoration not to be iterated by any externall oblation 10. Controv. That doe this in the institution of the Eucharist signifieth not to sacrifice this Vers. 39. THou shalt present or make ready one lambe in the morning The word in the originall is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ghashah thou shalt make that is sacrifice or offer The Romanists would take advantage by this word because to make here signifieth to sacrifice that it should be so taken when Christ said in the institution of the Sacrament hoc facite doe this as if he should say sacrificate sacrifice ye this Gallasius here maketh mention how a certaine Sorbonist then a Popish Bishop but illius harae porâ—us a swine out of the same stie to use his owne words in a certaine booke written against the Protestants did make this word a chiefe foundation of the Missall sacrifice Contra. 1. But this will affoord them small helpe for this word ghashah to doe is of a generall signification and is applied to divers senses according to the circumstance of the place as Genes 11.4 faciamus nobis nomen let us make that is get us a name Gen. 18.7 fecit vitulum he made the calfe that is killed it or made it ready Likewise 2 Sam. 13.6 Faciat mihi cibum let her make me meat that is prepare it it doth not therefore alwayes signifie to sacrifice And our Saviour when he saith this doe c. hath relation to the former words take eat as S. Paul sheweth 1 Cor. 11.24 2. The sacrifices of the Law were types and figures of Christs sacrifice the shadow of the body they did not prefigure aliud umbratile sacrificium another shadowing sacrifice such as is the imaginary sacrifice of the Masse 3. And there remaineth now no externall ceremoniall sacrifice but only spirituall by us to be offered unto God as S. Peter sheweth Ye are an holy Priesthood to offer up spirituall sacrifices acceptable to God by Iesus Christ 1 Pet. 2.5 Marbach See further of this controversie Synops. Cent. 3. err 31. Vers. 44. I will sanctifie also Aaron c. Cajetane out of this place would prove the Sacrament of Orders in the new Testament calling them Heretikes that deny it thus inferring Si specialis divina actio sanctificans Aaron c. If there were present a divine action sanctifying Aaron to execute his office much more in the time of grace specialis divina actio concurrit ad sanctificandum aliquos c. a speciall divine action concurreth to sanctifie some ut sacerdotio fungantur to execute the Priesthood 11. Controv. That there is no Sacrament of Orders COntra 1. Cajetanes argument is not good that where there is a grace conferred by an outward signe there necessarily should bee a Sacrament for presently upon Davids anointing by Samuel the Spirit of the Lord came upon him 1 Sam. 16.13 yet I thinke he will not make it a Sacrament to be anointed King 2. It is likewise false that alwayes the inward grace concurreth with the outward signe for this were to tye Gods grace and Spirit to the element Nadab and Abihu were consecrated as well as the rest of Aarons sonnes but they were not sanctified the very next day after their consecration ended which was the eighth day they were destroyed for abusing their office in offering strange fire Levit. 10.1 3. Neither is there now any externall Priesthood in the new Testament to be exercised in the Church but the Priesthood of the new Testament resteth in the person of Christ Thou art a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedek Hebr. 7.21 See further Syn. Câ—ntur 3. â—ror 107. Controv. 12. Against Pythagoras concerning the lawfulnesse of the legall sacrifices NOw in the last place in that the Lord himselfe gave direction unto his people
said in that sense chap. 29.33 No stranger shall eat thereof that is none that is not of Aarons family 3. Tostatus giveth this solution That Kings are not here excluded because Kings when they were anointed did not use this ointment ad delectationem for delight which is here only forbidden sed ad cultum Dei but for the service and worship of God because as the Lord appointed Priests for his service so he ordained Kings in his stead to rule and governe his people Tostat. quaest 13. But it was not lawfull for any of the people to use this oile upon any occasion at all whether for delight or otherwise to consecrate any thing privatly nor upon any person not here excepted which are the Priests only for the words are generall 4. Wherefore the best answer is this God forbiddeth any other to be anointed with this ointment saving the Priests nisi scilicet aliter jusserit unlesse he otherwise command the Lord reserveth unto himselfe a liberty above his Law Simler As yet there were no Kings in Israel and therefore no mention is made of their anointing So that this ointment was afterward used to anoint both Kings and Priests sed non sine novo Dei mandato but not without a new commandement from God Pelarg. QUEST XXXVI What it is to be cut off from his people Vers. 33. HE shall be cut off from his people 1. Pellicane seemeth to understand this of the penalty of death to be publikely inflicted upon him that should prophane this holy ointment prohibetur profanus usus sub poena mortis the prophane use is forbidden under paine of death 2. Some of the separation of them de coetu sanctorum from the society and company of the faithfull Gloss. interl 3 Some of the punishment divinitus by God himselfe to be imposed upon them Osiander as Vzzah for the like transgression was smitten with sudden death 4. Tostatus both understandeth the extraordinary punishment by the Lords hand and the sentence of death to be denounced by the Magistrate if any did continue in this offence nec desistere vellet and would not cease or give over 5. Vatablus referreth it to the spirituall and everlasting punishment of the soule anima ejus peribit his soule shall perish 6. But all these three are better joyned together that both God shall cut off such an one by sudden and extraordinary death in this world and punish him eternally in the next as in this sense it is said that hee which was not circumcised should be cut off from his people because he had broken the Lords covenant Deut. 17.16 Iunius ibid. For as the faithfull are said to be gathered to their people when they died as Abraham Gen. 25.8 and Iacob Gen. 49.33 so the wicked and prophane shall be cut off from their people that is from the fellowship of the Saints in the next world Tostat. qu. 18. unlesse they doe repent Pelarg. Likewise if such prophane persons did obstinately persist in their sinne they were to die also by the hand of the Magistrate in which sense it is said that he that did sinne with an high hand that is presumptuously shall be cut off from among his people Numb 15.30 QUEST XXXVII The spirituall application of this holy ointment THis holy ointment made of these foure simples Myrrh Cinamom Calamus and Cassia 1. Some apply unto the senses by Cinamom understanding two of them the senses of seeing and hearing ut a sordibus repurgati that they should be purged from filthinesse c. Procop. 2. Some by these foure would have signified the foure morall vertues which must be tempered together Gloss. ordinar 3. Other by the Myrrh the mortification of the flesh by the Cinamom of ashy and earthly colour mortality by the Cassia growing in moist places Baptisme Gloss. interlinear 4. But these applications are too curious and impertinent therefore this holy ointment better setteth forth that holy ointment of the Spirit wherewith the Messiah was anointed who is said Psal. 45.8 to be anointed with the oile of gladnesse above his fellowes Thus Hierome applieth it in 3. cap. Hab. and Cyril lib. 12. in Levit. 5. But it signifieth not only the holy Ghost which was powred upon Christ without measure but that portion of grace wherewith every one of Christs members is anointed Osiander that as without this ointment neither the Tabernacle nor any part thereof was sanctified so without the operation of the holy Ghost all our labours and endevours are unprofitable Marbach 6. Pelargus more particularly applieth every one of these foure severall ingredients by the Myrrh which is good to joyne and as it were glue wounds together and helpeth a stinking breath and cleereth the voice he understandeth the merit of Christs death which healeth our wounds and cureth our evill thoughts and words by the Cinamom which is good against poisonfull beasts the spirituall force of Christs death which prevaileth against Satan by the sweet Calamus charity is signified which covereth a multitude of sinnes by the Cassia which healeth the biting of vipers the holy Sacrament of the Eucharist which is a spirituall medicine to the soule But we have no direction in Scripture for any such particular application It sufficeth that this ointment prefigured the spirit of grace wherewith the faithfull are anointed as the Apostle saith Yee have an ointment from that Holy one and know all things 1 Ioh. 2.20 QUEST XXXVIII Of the spices whereof the holy perfume was made Vers. 34. TAke these spices stacte c. Now followeth the composition of the perfume 1. The first is called in Hebrew nabaph which signifieth a drop distilling R. David Vatablus Oleaster take it for balm which distilleth from the tree some for storax liquida liquid storax But liquid things could not be beaten to powder as this was vers 36. Some interpret it pure myrrh Genevens But that was prescribed before for the oyntment called there mar Rab. Salomon thinketh it was a kinde of gum But there is great difference betweene stacte and gum it was therefore the distilling of myrrh indurata being hardned Lippom. Which the Septuagint called before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the flower of myrrh Simler 2. The next is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shâ—cheleth which Oleaster would derive of shachal a Lion or Cat a mountaine the sweat or ordure whereof is of great savour that which we call muske R. David and Papias take it for the root of a certaine odoriferous and fragrant herbe But the most thinke it to be a little shell like unto a small oyster or cockle of the bignesse and colour of ones naile which is found in India in the lakes where nardus groweth where the small shelfish doe feed of nardus and thereupon the shels become to be of an excellent sweet smell Dioscorides lib. 2. cap. 20. So Lyranus Tostat. Pelargus Some take it for cleare gum Genevens But that is not so apt to be beaten and
sacrificing and dancing before it some goe about to excuse 1. There are which doe thus qualifie the first petition of the people Make us gods that because the word Elohim gods is applied to Magistrates and great men as well as unto gods they say their meaning was to desire onely some guide and governour to bee given them in Moses place But this cannot be so for these reasons 1. Aaron could not make them a man to be a governour or guide but by generation which could not have beene done but in continuance of time 2. And if that had been their request to what purpose should Aaron have demanded their earings 3. And the golden calfe being made and set up why did they worship and dance before it if it were not their meaning to have such an one made Tostat. qu. 10. 2. Quidam ajunt hostiam non esse mactatam in honorem vituli c. Some thinke that the sacrifice was not slaine for the honour of the golden Calfe but to be an expiation of their sinne Ex Procâ—p But the contrary appeareth vers 8. the Lord himselfe saith they offered unto it and if they had sorrowed for their sinne they would not have leaped and danced as they did 3. Some Hebrewes say further that Aaron and the Israelites intended not to worship the Calfe but did keep that solemnity unto Iehovah as Aaron caused to be proclaimed God was offended with them because they offered sacrifices being not commanded to doe it c. Contra. 1. Though they had not worshipped the golden Calfe yet it was a great impiety in them to cause it to be made with any such intent to be a scandall and offence 2. They sinned concerning the Calfe in singing praises unto it and in sacrificing unto it saying These are thy gods c. And the Lord himselfe saith They offered unto it vers 8. 3. And Moses himselfe calleth the calfe their sinne and stamped it to powder Deut. 9.21 and made them drinke thereof all which sheweth that they sinned concerning the Calfe Tostatus qu. 14. QUEST XXIV Of the lawfulnesse of play and recreation and how it must be moderated Vers. 6. THey rose up to play By occasion of this word here it shall not be amisse to insert somewhat concerning play recreation and delight how farre it may be lawfull 1. Like as the body being wearied with labour had need of some rest so the minde being with much study and contemplation dulled requireth some refreshing quies animâ— est delectatio the rest of the minde is recreation and delight as it is reported of Iohn the Evangelist as Thom. Aquin. writeth that certaine were offended seeing him playing with some of his disciples then he bad one of them draw a bow and shoot an arrow and after that another asking him if he could doe so continually they answered No for then the bow would breake So saith he would the minde of man be broken Si nunquam ab intentione sua relaxaretur If it should never have intermission from serious studie 2. But here three things specially must bee observed concerning the moderation of delights and recreation 1. This delight must not be in operationibus vel verbis turpibus in unseemlie and uncleane words or actions for that were obscene scurrilitie 2. We must have a care that the minde be not wholly given over to sport and delight as Ambrose saith Caveamus ne dum animum relaxare volumus solvamus omnem harmoniam tanquam concentum honorum operum Let us take heed lest while we would recreate the minde wee doe not dissolve the harmonie and concent of profitable works 3. It must be carefully seene unto that our recreation congruat tempori personae loco doe agree unto the time person and place 3. Whereas then Chrysostom saith Non dat Deus ludere sed diabolus God is not the giver and author of play but the devill and thereupon he alleageth this text They sate downe to eat and drinke and rose up to play He must be understood to speake of those qui inordinatè ludis utuntur which use playes inordinately which abuse and excesse consisteth in two things 1. Ex ipsa specie actionum c. In the very kinde of actions wherein the delight consisteth if they be illiberall obscene and uncomely 2. Secundùm defectum debitarum circumstantiarum If there be a defect in the due circumstances of time person or place Sic Thomas QUEST XXV Why the Lord biddeth Moses get him downe Vers. 7. THen the Lord said to Moses Go get thee downe 1. Cajetan thinketh that Moses having received the tables of the law and the Lord having left talking with him that Moses was now going downe But it is not like that Moses would have departed before the Lord spake unto him to bid him goe The Lord had ended all his former communication Sed nondum dicitur discessisse à colloquio Dei but hee was not yet departed from the presence and speech of God Simler 2. Rab. Salomon thinketh that this is to be understood of the great dishonour which Moses sustained by the disobedience of the people as if the Lord should have said Descende de honore Descend from thine honour But it is evident in that Moses presently upon these words came downe from the mount that the Lord spake of his locall descending 3. Tostatus giveth this reason why he is bid to descend because it was not necessarie that Moses now should stay any longer to receive lawes and precepts for the people for they should be given in vaine to such a disobedient people But the Lord even at this instant had given Moses the tables of the law therefore that was not the reason 4. But he is willed to goe downe quickly Vt effraenem populi licentiam cohiberet That he might stay the unbridled licentiousnesse of the people and to chastise them for their disobedience Gallas He sendeth him downe Ad puniendum corum peccatum c. to punish their sinne Lyran. Ferus QUEST XXVI Why the Lord saith to Moses Thy people Vers. 7. FOr thy people which thou hast brought c. 1. Some doe expound it thus Tuus cognitione carnis vel affectu sollicitudinis Thy people in respect of the kindred of the flesh or loving care Interlinear But more is thereby signified 2. Some thinke by this which is added thy people Mosem quodammodo vocari in partem criminis c. That Moses here after a sort is brought into the crime to trie his patience Calvin He saith thy people ad cumulum criminis ut etiam ipsum Mosem peccasse significetur To accumulate the crime thereby to signifie that Moses in a manner had sinned in them Cajetan But Moses could no way be touched with their sinne being not at all accessarie unto it 3. The most doe make this collection that God who while they were obedient vouchsafed to call them his people now doth renounce them calling them not my people
all his courses shew the contrarie that hee sought still the good of the people and not his owne 2. Cajetan also hath the like note Dola tibi non mihi ego enim non indigeo tua dolatione Hew to thy selfe not for me for I need none of thy hewing nor yet any of these tables 3. But it is rather a phrase of speech in the Hebrew tongue as Vado tibi ibo mihi Goe thee or I will goe me wherein the English phrase is answerable unto the Hebrew manner of speech And this kinde of speech is often used when no profit is intended as Numb 13.3 the Lord saith to Moses shelach 〈◊〉 Mitte tibi Send thee men to search the land which was not to Moses benefit Oleast So here lecut◠thee is added ex superabundanti of abundance more than needeth Tostat. qu. 2. 4. Lyranus noteth further that because Moses had broken the first tables it was just and right that he should make new QUEST III. Whether the Lord or Moses wrote in these tables and why I Will write 1. God himselfe did write the same words in these tables the ten Commandements which was in the former though Moses prepared them and whereas it is said afterward vers 28. He wrote in the tables it must be referred unto God not unto Moses some make this answer that God did write them because it was done by his authoritie but Moses ministerialiter Moses ministerially But that is not like for whence should Moses have these instruments wherewith he should grave these letters seeing he carried none into the mount Lyranus But to this reason Tostatus who doth often without cause oppose himselfe to Lyranus taketh this exception that as Moses had instruments wherewith to hew out of the rocke the tables so he might have other to grave with Contra. But Moses hewed out the tables after he was gone downe from the Lord before he came up againe and brought them readie hewen and made Moses then had no reason to carry any instruments with him 2. The writing mentioned vers 27. where the Lord saith to Moses Write thou these words is understood of Moses writing not the ten Commandements but the other lawes given in this place in an authenticall booke not in the tables of stone Tostat. Iunius as further is declared in the questions upon the 31. chap. vers 18. 3. In that Moses himselfe hewed these tables Procopius would have Christ the true Lawgiver shadowed forth Qui ipse carnis suae lapicida Who was the preparer and hewer out as it were of his owne flesh But more properly herein Moses resembled Christ that as the first tables being broken the second were prepared by Moses so the law of nature being decaied in man it is repaired in us by Christ and the image of God renued in us Simler Ferus 4. R. Cahadiagon sheweth divers frivolous reasons why these second tables fuerunt digniores primis were more worthie than the first but he is convinced by this that the first were both of Gods making and writing but the latter were onely written by the Lord and prepared by Moses QUEST IV. Whether Moses was to be readie the next morning and why Vers. 2. BE readie in the morning c. 1. Cajetan thinketh that this was not the next morning because the tables could not be hewed and finished in one day but he thinketh onely the time of the day to be noted that he should come up in the morning But beside that the phrase Be readie in the morning or on the morrow alwayes includeth a signification of the next morning following Moses should have beene left in great doubt and suspense when to come up if the Lord had not assigned the time as for the finishing of the worke there is no question but that Moses being thereunto appointed and so enabled of God might dispatch it in a day 2. Therefore Iunius opinion is rather to be received who giveth this sense as though the Lord should thus say to Moses Hodie illas expedi Make them readie to day that you may come up in the morning so also Tostatus who thinketh that when the Lord had thus said to Moses he descended and made readie the tables against the next day 3. By this then it is evident that when the Lord had all that communication with Moses as is set downe chap. 33. that Moses was not gone up to the Lord to the mount the second solemne time as thinketh Tostatus where he continued fortie dayes more for all that while he came not downe See before chap. 33. qu. 55. 4. The morning is prescribed as Lyranus thinketh Quia talis hora est convenientier c. because that houre is more convenient to talke with God as also Quia Deus amat hilarem obedientem servum The Lord loveth cheerfull obedience Ferus and he is bid to come up betimes as Tostatus thinketh that the people should not see what he carried quest 4. But seeing that Moses spent most of the day in hewing the tables it is not like that the people were ignorant what he did and Simlerus thinketh rather that the people saw Moses bearing the tables QUEST V. Why none are suffered to come up now with Moses Vers. 3. LEt no man come up with thee 1. At the first time when Moses went up to receive the Law Aaron Nadab and Abihu went up with him and 70. of the Elders and Ioshua accompanied him still after he had left the other but now none is permitted to come up with him because the Lord intended to shew unto Moses a more glorious sight which he would have none else made partakers of but Moses 2. This was not onely done for more reverence sake because the Lord shewed himselfe there in some visible signe as Lyranus for the Lord at other times as when he gave the Law the first time did shew himselfe by visible signes when yet no such prohibition was given therefore Burgensis noteth that this apparition was majori◠solemnitatis of greater solemnitie than the former and that the Lord did now shew his secrets to Moses which it was not lawfull for any other to see whereupon Moses face shined at his comming downe now and not before therefore curiositatis cohibenda causa to stay their curiositie none are permitted to come up with Moses Simler 3. Here is no mention made of thunder or lightning as in the giving of the Law Hic omnia laet◠sunt All things here are cheerfull because this was a signe of the giving of the Gospell Ferus 4. Another reason hereof that none ascended with Moses was to get him more authoritie with the people when they see that he onely hath accesse unto Gods presence Simler 5. And if Moses had taken some witnesses with him as hee did when hee smote the rocke it had not beene so much an act of faith as an evidence of their sight to acknowledge thus he received the law of God
or uncleane which might either be redeemed by exchange as an asse by giving a lambe Exod. 13.18 or by that price which the Priest should value it at Levit. 27.12 or else were to be killed the reason whereof was this that the first borne not redeemed should be killed because they were holy unto God and it was not lawfull to convert them unto any private use Simler QUEST XL. Why mention is made only of asses of the uncleane beasts Vers. 20. THe first of an asse thou shalt buy out with a lambe 1. Tostatus thinketh that concerning other uncleane beasts as horses camels that the first borne were not required because the Hebrewes had none of them in Egypt and such things of theirs only which were preserved at their comming out of Egypt from the destruction of the first borne they were to pay the first of them unto God dogs and cats they had but they came not forth with them and yet they were saved alive as he would prove by that place chap. 11.7 that among the Israelites a dog should not so much as move his tongue which sheweth that they perished not Tostatus hath another answer beside concerning those base creatures which shall be remembred afterward quast 18. Contra. 1. It is not like that the Hebrewes had no horse or camels but only asses for carriage seeing Egypt so much abounded with horse being a plaine country and full of grâ—sse it cannot be thought but they had of those kinde for their necessary use 2. And for the other it is very like that no living thing among the Israelites miscarried though that place prove it not for the meaning is that a dog-shall not move his tongue lecol against any of the children of Israel not among them Iun. But it cannot be imagined that the dogs unlesse their masters killed them of purpose which is not to be thought would leave them when they went out of Egypt 2. Some Hebrewes are of opinion that the word behemah beast the firstlings whereof they were to give unto God doth signifie bestias comestibiles beasts which may be eaten and are not wilde as chajâ—th signifieth beasts as well not to be eaten as those that are wilde and therefore they thinke that under that word behemah only three kindes are signified bullocks sheepe and goats But if this were so then asses should be excluded out of the Law of the first borne which were not to be eaten though not wilde and Tostatus also giveth an instance of swine that they also should be included which might be eaten and yet they were not offered nor any thing for them because the Hebrewes brought none such out of Egypt But he faileth in this last instance for swine were neither beasts allowed to be eaten among the Hebrewes and though they were uncleane yet the first borne of them were to be redeemed as other uncleane beasts were Wherefore the word behemah rather signifieth all domesticall beasts whether cleane or uncleane the firstlings whereof were due unto God which is expressed here by another word miknah which signifieth a possession whatsoever beasts then were in ones possession he was to pay the first borne of them wild beasts then were excepted as not being in a mans possession And Calvin inferreth as much upon these words all the first borne among the children of Israel chap. 13.2 to make a difference betweene domesticall beasts which were among them and wild beasts 3. Simlerus thinketh that the firstlings of dogs were due unto the Lord but they were to be killed not to be redeemed at all because it is forbidden Deut. 23.18 that they should not bring the price of a dog into the house of God But it rather seemeth that God would not have such a vile creature to be counted as due unto him at all for then it had beene lawfull to redeeme it as they were to redeeme all uncleane beasts by the Law Numb 18.15 Therefore seeing it was not lawfull to redeeme the firstling of a dog it followeth that the Lord challenged no right in such 4. Wherefore concerning all uncleane beasts which were profitable as horse camels I agree with Iunius against Tostatus that the first borne of them were all due unto God and that by the asse all other like uncleane beasts must bee understood which Oleaster also concludeth out of those generall words Numb 18.15 The first borne of uncleane beasts shalt thou redeeme And concerning dogs and cats and other vile beasts I judge rather with Tostatus against Simlerus that they were not due at all because they were vile and of no account which is his other answer for whereas they were to exchange the foale of an asse with a lambe Non erat aliquod animal immolabile tam parvi valoris c. There was not any beast for sacrifice of so small value to be exchanged with any of those vile and contemptible creatures 5. Oleaster yeeldeth two reasons why the asse was to be redeemed either because it was a vile creature or for that it was not apt for food because the sacrifices were cibationes Domini as the Lords meat or food Pellican understandeth it mystically Quia Deus stoliditatem asininam abominatur God abhorreth asmine foolishnesse and blockishnesse So Isidore and the Interlinearie Gloss. give this sense that to change an asse with a sheepe Est immunda vitae primâ—rdia ad innocentia simplicitatem convertere Is to convert the beginnings of an uncleane life into innocent simplicity But the reason indeed is because such beasts were counted uncleane and so more vile whereas the Lord would have of the best and being uncleane and unapt for food they were consequently unfit for sacrifice because some part thereof unlesse only in burnt offerings was for the Priests food and in some sacrifices the owner and offerer also had part QUEST XLI Whether the Israelites were absolutely bound to keepe the rest of the Sabbath in earing time and harvest Vers. 21. BOth in earing and harvest time thou shalt rest c. 1. Like as before chap. 31. when mention was made of making the Tabernacle the observation of the Sabbath is urged lest they might thinke that the rest thereof upon that necessary occasion of working in the Tabernacle might be dispensed with Oleaster So here in this place it being required that the people should goe up thrice in the yeere to the three solemne feasts they might have thought it lawfull to travell upon the Sabbath when they went up to the Tabernacle and therefore is that precept of the Sabbath also mentioned here to take away all such scruple Tostat. quast 17. 2. Mention is made of resting in seed time and harvest as the most necessary workes not as giving them liberty at other times to breake the rest of the Sabbath but exclusis his videantur omnia alia exclusa that even these necessary times being excluded all other might seeme also to be excluded So also Augustin By this it is signified Omni
ne veri Dei cultus esset inferior gentilium cultu that the true service of God should not be inferiour unto the false worship of the Gentiles and involutum fuit Christi corpus Christs body was wrapped up in these ceremonies they were types and figures of things to come Simler 4. Now such sumptuous cost is not required in Gods service his worship being spirituall for the body being come the shadowes are ceased only a comelinesse and decencie is to be observed in the edifiers belonging to Gods service with seemely ornaments Simler QUEST IV. Whether one may offer himselfe to the calling of the Ministerie Vers. 10. ALL the wise hearted shall come c. Moses willeth such as God had endued with gifts to offer themselves to doe the service of the Tabernacle So it is not unlawfull for those which know themselves to be fitted and prepared with gifts to offer themselves in a modest and orderly sort unto the Ministery of the Gospell these conditions being observed 1. They must humbly acknowledge to have received all their gifts at Gods hands and that without his grace and helpe no vocation or calling can prosper as Iohn Baptist saith A man can receive nothing unlesse it be given him from heaven Iohn 3.27 and therefore their desire must be to referre all their gifts to Gods glory 2. They must submit themselves with lowlinesse to the judgement and triall of those penes quos est legitima vocatio unto whom belongeth the outward lawfull calling and approbation of men for the Apostle saith The spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets 1 Cor. 14.32 3. They must take heed they enter not by unlawfull meanes as by gifts and bribery to corrupt those to whom the allowance and approbation of them belongeth that are to enter In this manner for one to offer himselfe is not to be an intruder but such an one is rather to be held as called of God Marbach QUEST V. Of the liberall and franke offering of the people Vers. 21. THou all the Congregation of the children of Israel departed c. 1. In that they departed from Moses it sheweth their deliberation and consultation with themselves which commendeth their discreet liberality that they would doe nothing rashly for it falleth out oftentimes that hee qui subitâ— fervore beneficus est which is liberall upon a sudden heat doth afterward repent him 2. They came and offered willingly not of constraint Marbach Some thinke this is added Every one whose spirit made him willing came and brought to shew a difference betweene the willing and unwilling but it rather sheweth that there was none found but brought willingly according to their ability 3. As by the manner their liberality appeareth so by the persons that offered not onely men but women not the Princes only but the people and as well the poore as the rich Pelargus 4. So also it is made manifest by the gifts which they offered not onely silver gold but even the Jewels and ornaments of their bodies earings rings bracelets even the nice and dainty women were willing to forgoe such things Marbach 5. And herein their repentance did shew it selfe that quae luxui antea servierunt c. the things which before they abused to wantonnesse and superstition are now consecrated to the service of the Tabernacle Simler QUEST VI. Why the women offered by themselves Vers. 22. THe men came with the women 1. The word is ghal which signifieth upon which Oleaster understandeth thus that the women were most forward and came first and then the men came upon them that is after them 2. Or he thinketh mention is made of men and women to signifie the great throngs and companies that came men and women together 3. But direct mention is made of the women to shew their ardent affection in not sparing to give their owne jewels Marbach And herein also was signified Deum non aspernari operas mulâ—â—rum That God despised not the service of women toward the worke of the Tabernacle Lippom. 4. The women offered by themselves but not without their husbands consent for all things were done in order the superstitious women alleage Ierem. 44.19 That they did not powre out their drinke offerings to the Queene of heaven without their husbands much more would not these devout women offer to the Lords worke without their husbands consent And though the husbands onely should have offered for themselves and their wives by mutuall consent it had come to one effect and should have beene alike acceptable unto God yet it contenteth the devout women better that they offer with their owne hands As when a summe was taken of the people every one put in halfe a sicle for himselfe Tostat. quaest 2. QUEST VII Why the workmen are named Vers. 30. THe Lord hath called by name Bezaleel 1. Marbachius thinketh that this narration of the workmen went before the offering of the people that they knowing who should have the disposing of their gifts might be more incouraged to bring but it is like that as the Lord after the description of the Tabernacle and what every one should bring toward it last of all made mention of the workmen chap. 31. so Moses observeth the same order 2. Cajetane saith that Moses signifieth who should be the chiefe workmen ne â—riatur contentio inter artifices that there should be no contention among the workmen 3. But that other note of Cajetane is not so good that whereas it is said Hee hath filled him with the spirit Elohim of God he by elohim understandeth a Iudge that God had made him a Judge or Umpire relativè ad alios artifices in respect of other artificers 4. I preferre rather Osianders collection that out of these words Iehovah filleth him with the Spirit of God proveth the Trinâ—â—y for there is one person of Iehovah which filleth another of the Spirit wherewith he is filled and the third of the Sonne of God whose Spirit it is 4. Places of Doctrine 〈…〉 Law of the Sabbaticall rest how morall Vers. 3. 〈…〉 The Sabbath is taken two wayes either precisely for the seventh 〈…〉 of the Law and is abolished or simply for a day of rest set apart for the 〈…〉 there is no nation almost which had not some festivall dayes for the 〈…〉 wherein although they diversly erred yet it sheweth that it was 〈…〉 and consequently was morall that some time should be appointed 〈…〉 2. Doct. The libertie of Christians is greater in the Sabbaticall rest than of the Iewes BUt yet the rest of the Lords day is not so strictly now injoyned as under the Law sed nunc liberalius nobiscum agit but now under the new Testament God dealeth more liberally with us some works are such as doe hinder the service of God which are by no meanes now to be done nisi cogat necessitas unlesse necessity constraine other works there are which are not such an impediment unto Gods service
of Moses Questions upon the ninteenth Chapter 1. QUest Of what yeare this was the third moneth 2. qu. What day of the moneth the same day was 3. qu. VVhether this first day of the third moneth were the 47. day from the Passeover 4. qu. Of the place where they incamped 5. qu. VVhether the Israelites incamped on the East side of the mount Sinai 6. qu. How Moses is said to goe up unto God 7. qu. VVhy both these names of Jacob and Israel are joyned together 8. qu. How the Lord is said to carrie them upon Eagles wings 9. qu. How they are said to bee the Lords chiefe treasure 10. qu. How they are said to be a Kingdome of Priests 11. qu. By what reasons the Lord perswaded the people and why 12. qu. VVhether the people unfeinedly here promise obedience 13. qu. How the Lord is said to come in the thicke cloud when and in what thicke cloud it was 14. qu. VVhy the Lord talketh with Moses in the hearing of the people 15. qu. VVhy Moses is said twice to have reported the peoples words unto God 16. qu. Why they are bidden to wash their garments 17. qu. Whether this were the third day of the moneth when the law was given 18. qu. VVhether the fifteenth day of the moneth were one of the fiftie which went before the giving of the law 19. qu. VVhether our Saviour with his disciples and the Iewes kept the Passeover together 20. qu. How the Apostles Pentecost and the Iewes Pentecost fell out all upon one day 21. qu. How the Lord is said here to descend 22. qu. VVhether Jehovah Christ Iesus appeared not in the old Testament but onely or usually the Angels 23. qu. VVhether it were Jehovah the Lord Christ or an Angell that came downe upon mount Sinai 24. qu. VVhy the people are forbidden to come up into the mountaine 25. qu. VVhy hee shall bee killed that toucheth the mountaine 26. qu. VVhy no hand was to touch him that came neere the mountaine 27. qu. VVhy the beast that toucheth the mountaine is commanded to be slaine 28. qu. VVhether at any time it were lawfull for the people to goe up to the mountaine 29. qu. VVhy Moses is not set downe to have reported all to the people which was given him in charge 30. qu. VVith what water they washed their cloaths 31. qu. VVhy they are commanded not to come at their wives 32. qu. VVhy Moses maketh such an ample and full declaration and description of the Lords glorious appearing in mount Sinai 33. qu. VVhy it pleased the Lord in this trouble and fearefull manner to appeare with thunder and lightning 34. qu. VVhether this thunder and lightning were naturall 35. qu. VVhy the Lord appeared in a thicke cloud 36. qu. Of the blowing of the trumpet at the giving of the law what it signifieth 37. qu. Of the different manner of the delivering the law and the Gospell 38. qu. VVhat it was that Moses spake and the Lord answered 39. qu. VVhether God himselfe or an Angell spake to Moses in the mount 40. qu. VVhy Moses is commanded to charge the people againe 41. qu. VVhat Priests are here understood 42. qu. Why Moses replieth as unwilling to go downe 43. qu. VVhy the Lord not withstanding Moses answer still chargeth him to goe downe 44. qu. VVhy Aaron is bid to come up with Moses wherefore he went up and when Questions upon the twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Whether this be a Commandement I am the Lord. 2. qu. Of the distinction and difference of the lawes of Moses in generall 3. qu. Of the validitie of the lawes Morall Ceremoniall and Iudiciall which are abrogated which are not 4. qu. Of the difference betweene the Morall and Evangelicall law 5. qu. Of the manifold use of the law in the fourefold state of man 6. qu. Why it pleased God now and not before to give his written law to the world 7. qu. How the Lord spake all these words and why 8. qu. Why it pleased God himselfe to speake to his people in the giving of the Law 9. qu. Of the division of the Morall Law 10. qu. Whether foure Commandements or three onely belong to the first table 11. qu. Whether all morall precepts as of loving of God and our neighbour bee reduced to the Decalogue 12. qu. Of generall rules to be observed in expounding the Commandements 13. qu. Why the Commandements are propounded negatively 14. qu. Of the speciall manner of accenting and writing observed in the Decalogue more than in any part of the Scripture beside 15. qu. Why this preamble is set before I am Jehovah thy God 16. qu. Why their deliverance out of Egypt is here mentioned Questions upon the first Commandement 1. QUest Whether it is better read strange gods or other gods 2. qu. Why they are called strange gods 3. qu. Whether any kinde of externall idolatrie be forbidden in the first Commandement 4. qu. Of the meaning of these words Before me 5. qu. What reasons ought chiefely to move us to acknowledge the Lord onely to be our God Questions upon the second Commandement 1. QUest What a graven image is 2. qu. What things a similitude must not bee made of to worship 3. qu. Of the difference betweene bowing downe and serving 4. qu. In what sense the Lord is called a jealous God 5. qu. Of the titles which the Lord here giveth himselfe and wherefore 6. qu. Of the general commination promise annexed 7. qu. How it standeth with Gods Iustice to punish the children for the fathers sins 8. qu. Why mention is made of the third and fourth generation 9. qu. Why mercie is promised to be shewed to a thousand generations 10. qu. How men are said to hate God Questions upon the third Commandement 1. QUest What is signified by the name of God and how diversly it is taken 2. qu. That it is more to abuse the name of Iesus than simplie of God 3. qu. How many wayes the name of God is taken in vaine 4. qu. What is required in taking of a right oath 5. qu. Whether men be bound to sweare often 6. qu. Whether it be lawfull to use cursing 7. qu. For what things an oath is not to be taken 8. qu. Whether all kinde oaths are to be kept 9. qu. Of the commination added to the third Commandement Questions upon the fourth Commandement 1. QUest Of the order of the fourth Commandement why it is put after the other 2. qu. Why it is said onely in this Commandement Remember c. 3. qu. VVhy the Lord thought good to appoint a day of rest and that upon the seventh day 4. qu. VVhether the precept of keeping the Sabbath were altogether ceremoniall 5. qu. To observe one day of seven unto the Lord is morall 6. qu. VVhat things in the Sabbath were ceremoniall what morall 7. qu. VVhat it is to sanctifie the Sabbath day 8. qu. Of the labouring six dayes whether it bee a Commandement 9. qu.
cum caeter B.G.V. G.I.V. B.A.P. 2 King 3. Iudith 7.23 Ioseph lib. 3. bell Iudaic. cap. 12. Laert. lib. 1. c. 1. Ioan. Leo in descriptione Africa lib. 1. cap. 27. Plutarch in Lycurg Psal â—â— 34 Deut. â— 5 Aristot. lib. 8. cap. 14. Ierem. 26.14.15 Prâ—cop in cap. â—7 Exod. Lib. de cura mortuorum c. 5. â—â—pert lib. 3. 〈…〉 Rupert lib. 3. cap. 20. Ioseph lib. 3. antiq Iudâ—â— cap. 3. Lib. 3. in Exod. cap. 19. I.C. I. V. cum caeter I.B.G. cum caeter I. I.G.B. Lâ—ran in 2. Exod. August quast 67. in Exod. Quast 68. in Exod. Lib. 3. in Exod. cap. 22. Ecclesiastic cap. 7.6 Deut. 26.19 Other properties requisite in Magistrates Chrysost. serm de Evang. nuptia facta sunt 1. Cor. 7.5 Super Math. cap. 7. A defence of Queene Elizabeths government 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Matth. 6 Luke 14.14 Menideâ—uâ— Ex histor Nicolaâ— de mâ—rib Gentiaâ— A 9. â— Cor. 11. â— Ex Aâ—lii Donati praefâ—t in Terâ—ntium Oenopides so distinguisheth the bookes of the learned and unlearned Lima nunquam pulchriâ—r appareâ— quà m cum plena est Heb. 5.4 a Exod. 2.12 b Exod. 18.14 c Deut. 16.19 d Ibid. Exod. 1â— Hieron epitaph Paule 2. Cor. 12.14 Bernard de considerat lib. 3. Deut. 34.5 Ambr. de Cain Abel lib. 1. cap. 2. I. B.G.A. B. cum cat I. â— B.G. cum cater V.I.A.P. August quest 70. in Exod. 5. Sam. 8.7 Rupert lib. 3. in Exod. cap. 24. Whether our Saviour with his Disciples and the Iewes kept the Passeover together Synops. controv 13. qu. 4. Rupert lib. 3. in â—â—od cap. 28. Tostatus his reasons answered Rupert lib. 3. in Exod. cap. 28. Gregor 6. moral cap. 27. Thom. in Epist. ad Hebraeos cap. 12. lâ— 4. Lyranus deserded against Buâ—gens and Tostat. Chrysost. in Epist. ad Hebraos hom 32. Thom. in Epist. ad Hebraeos cap. 12. lâ— 4. Gregories opinion concerning the apparition and minystrie of Angels examined How Christ was the mediatour of the old Testament That place expounded Heb. 2.2 how the word and the law was spoken by Angels I.G.B. I.A.P.L. B.G.L. I.V.A. The difference of filiall and servile feare â—yrâ—l conera Iulian. l b. 8. Heresies concerning the Trinity 〈◊〉 the fiâ—st mandenâ— Of diversâ— kindes of faith James 2.19 Synops. pap pag. 879. Divers reasons shewing that justifying faith iâ— not commanded or contained in the Morall law Of the starres Of the Beasts Of Fishes Whether the waters be under or above the earth See more of this question Synops. pap pag. 400. Of oathes made to enemies Of oathes made to theeves Of unlawfull oathes Objections answered made in defences of swearing by Saints Lib. de artâ— amandi The difference betweene the Sabbath of the Jewes and Christians Chrysost. in serm ad popul Antioch pro gratiarum actione Thom. 1.2 q. 100. art 7. ad 2. distinct 37. art 2. q. 1. ad 3. Reconcil Upon what occasion some works are allowed to be done upon the Lords day Divers kinds of rests in the soule Gregor 〈◊〉 registrâ— lib. 11. Epist. â— Chrysost. concion de Lazaro Reconcil Thom. in opuscul Whether Naboth did well in not yeelding his vineyard to the Kings desire What it is to call the brother Racha It is proved lawfull by the Word of God for Christians to wage battell The conditions required in lawfull warre August in lib. de 10. chord cap. 9. Of slandering Of railing Of whispering and tale bearing Of flattery Of lying Confession of the truth To interpret things in the best part The difference of good and bad suspition A lye in the case is to be admitted Reasons shewing the last precept of coveting to be one and not two Of the degrees to be considered in sinne Difference betweene the full assent of the will and an inclination only The divers kindes of concupiscence Of the ceremoniall law Of the judiciall law How the Morall law bindeth How the law is possible to bee kept in the regenerate How it is impossible to be kept in the regenerate Difference betweene the sinnes of the regenerate and unregenerate Of the true end and use of the law a Juel defens Apolog. pag. 59. a Juel defens Apolog. pag. 59. a Juel defens Apolog. pag. 59. a Juel defens Apolog. pag. 59. How God himselfe neither can not will dispense with his owne law It is not in mans power to dispense with the Morall law though God may dispense A strange example of Gods judgement shewed upon three excessive drinkers in little Eason in Essex the 27. of December last Reconcil Of two kindes of high places Three kindes of wayes is the soule joyned to the body R. Parkes his strong positions of comprehending the Godhead Apolog. pag. 204.20 I. A. P. I.B.G. cum caeter I.V.A. I. I.A. I.A. I.B.V.G. Oblation of incense a meere ceremony of the old Law and therefore cannot be retained under the Gospell Moses Judicials rather to be imitated than any other humane constitutions What was to â—e done if a â—an should fall into the pit The oriâ—â—nall and beginning of Sanctuaries How Sanctuaries should be moderated I. I.L.C. I.C.S. I.V. A. V.I.A.P.B. Thom. 1.2 q. 105. art 2. ad Cod lib. 4. tit 34. leg 1. Cod. lib. 4. tit 34. c. 10. Diocletian Cod. lib. 4. tit 34. c. 11. Ibid. leg 7. Cod. lib. 4. tit 34 c. 3. Thom. 1.2 qu. 105. art 2. ad 3. The keeper in trust is not to answer for casualties Cod. lib. 4. tit 23. leg 1. Diocletiâ—â— Cod. lib. 4. tit 23. leg 1. 1.2 q. 105. art 2. ad 4. Cod. lib. 4. tit 23. d. 4. Institut de public judit § secundo Extra de adulter in capit perveâ—iâ—â— * qu. 8. in 7. â— p. 7â— Objections made in the excuse of witches answered Cod. lib. 9. tit 1â— leg 4. 2 King 1. Caus. 26. q. 5. c. 18. Caus. 26. q. 7. c. 15. Caus. 26. q. 2. c. 6. Ibid. c. 7. Ibid. q. 5. c. 4. Caus. 26. q. 5. c. 3. Reasons shewing the equity of this law against witches 4 D. 34. ad 3. in Ser. Cod. 〈◊〉 9. 〈◊〉 18. leg 2. Ibid. leg 3. Ibid. leg â— 2.2 q. 154. 〈◊〉 12. ad 4. Lib. 3. 〈◊〉 c. ◠〈◊〉 lib. de exhortat Martyr c. 5. cited in the Decrees Caus. 23. q. 5. c. 32. Epistol 40. ad Vincentâ—um cited C. 23. q. 4. c. 41. Plat. lib. â—5 de legib August in Psal. 36. cited C. 14. qu. 3. c. 1 sess 10. sub Leon. 10. a Cod. lib. 3. tit 32. log 12. super verb. centesimae b Lib. 7. tit 5â— leg 2. c Lib. 4. tit 32. leg 26. super verb. tertium d Ibid. e Lib. 6. tit 34. leg 1. super haeredes f Cod. lib. 3. tit 32. leg 12. in verb. centesimae g Concil Laodicen c. 5. Cod. lib. 7. tit 47. leg 1. super verb. cum prâ— eo c. Hom. 38. super Matth. Chrysost. ibid cited Decret 88. c. 11. Lib. de Tobiae C.
vestra quam privatim expertus sum ut liberiùs animi mei sensa palam expromerem vestrae enim humanitati sat sciâ— probatur Augustini consilium si quisquam est qui se non audet ingerere ad amicitiam faciendam cum aliquo nostro temporali honore aut dignitate revocetur offerendum est illi quadam commitate submissione animi quod petere per se ipse non audet desino jam plurib molestus esse excessi mensuram epistolae sed non excessi doloris modum ut ait Hieronym precor jam ut qua ipsi fratres conservos miseratione dignemini in terris ipsi abundè cumulatam apud misericordem patrem in coelis inveniatis Vestrae Reverentiae observantiss ANDREAS WILLETTVS THE FIRST BOOKE OF MOSES CALLED GENESIS CHAP. I. The Analysis or Logicall resolution IN this Chapter Moses treateth of the creation of the world first in generall how God created heaven and earth vers 1. then in particular in the rest of the Chapter where wee have the severall workes of God and their severall approbations that they seemed good unto the Makeâ— The severall workes are distinguished into six dayes and in every dayes worke there are foure things to bee observed the authority whereby they are made as v. 3. The Lord said Let there be light c. the obedience of the creature in being made and there was light thirdly the approbation of the Creator v. 4. God saw that the light was good fourthly the distinction of the worke vers 5. The evening and the morning were the first day and so of the rest of the dayes workes Againe the order of the particular creation is this God createth the workes and câ—eatures without sense afterward the sensitive and living creatures the first are either the superiour and celestiall as the light made the first day the firmament the second the contents of the firmament the Sunne Moone and Starres the fourth day or the inferiour creatures as the earth with the trees plants and herbs the third day The sensitive creatures are either unreasonable as the fishes and fowles made the fifth day v. 20. the beasts and cattell made the sixth day or the reasonable creatures man and woman made the sixth day In the framing and bringing forth of man there is set forth first the consultation of the Trinity v. 26. Let us make man c. then the creation wherein is to be considered the substance and forme of mans creation according to Gods owne image v. 27. the endowment of man created in his preheminence and domination over all other creatures vers 28. his increase and procreation bâ—ing forth fruit and multiply his maintenance and preservation vers 29. I have given unto you every herb c. that shall be to you for meat The Genesis or Grammaticall construction where the translations differ v. 1. God created b.g. T.H.p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made s bara created heb v. 2. was without forme b.g. T. empty H. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invisible s solitudo vast solitary p. tohu heb 3. moved upon the waters b.g. incubabat did sit upon T. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was carried upon c. s. motabat did flutter upon H. p. rachaph 6. the firmament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b.g. H.p.s. expansum the broad or spread heaven T. heb rachang to spread 11. bud and herb b. bud of the herb g. herbam virentem greene herb H. herbam teneram tender herb or grasse T. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the herb of grasse s. bud herb p. heb seeding seed g.s. T.p. heb making seed H. apt to seed b. 12. after his kinde and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to his likenesse This is added by the septuagint 18. to rule in the day g. to rule the day b. T.H.p. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to rule the day s.p. heb 20. let the waters bring forth b. H. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s. bring forth in abundance g. T. bring forth as wormes that is in abundance p. heb sharats 29. every tree b.g. T.p. heb gnets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lignum every kinde of wood bearing fruit s. H. 3. The Exegesis or Theologicall explication of doubtfull questions and obscure places QVEST. I. What the heaven and earth was created in the beginning vers 1. Vers. 1. IN the beginning God made heaven and earth c. 1. Moses here doth not onely generally or summarily set downe the creation of the world which afterward is described in particular which was the opinion of Chrysostome remembred by Augustine lib. 2. cont Manich. c. 3. 2. Nor yet doe we understand a certaine first matter whereof the heaven and earth were afterward made as Augustine seemeth to thinke lib. 1. Genes cont Manich. c. 7. and one Philastrius Bishop of Brixia doth affirme it to be heresie to say that this was the element of the earth afterward created but another earth as the matter whereof other things were made catalog haeres 3. Neither yet do we approve the opinion of the Schoolemen which by the heaven understand only Coelum empyreum the highest heaven above the starrie skie the seat of the Angels and blessed Spirits and by the earth a confused substance whereout other things were formed afterward of which opinion were Alcuinus Rabanus Lyranus Tostatus Catharinus with others for Moses specially intendeth to set downe the creation of things visible and David expounding Moses speaketh of these heavens here created which should perish Psal. 102.25 which are not those highest heavens subject to no change 4. Neither yet doe wee here exclude the creation of those invisible heavens with Mercerus but in this word comprehend as well the invisible as visible heavens Colos. 1.16 Iun. 5. This heaven and earth then here mentioned to bee created in the beginning are the same heaven and earth which are now comprehending the generall matter and seed whereout all other things in heaven and earth were made first created in the matter afterward perfected in forme and lastly beautified with their ornaments this then was the order of the creation First the same heaven and earth were created in a confused substance and unformed matter then the forme was added in the first and second dayes workes Lastly the ornaments produced as trees and plants and beasts in the earth starres in the skie fishes in the sea fowles in the aire Thus S. Paul expoundeth Moses that God made the heaven and earth Act. 14.15 God made the world Acts 17.24 so that this heaven and earth first made was no other than the world though not yet set in perfect order Of this opinion are Basil Ambrose Theodoret and most of the ancient Writers QVEST. II. What beginning Moses speaketh of Vers. 1. IN the beginning c. 1. This is neither to be understood as Iohn saith in the beginning was the word for there hee speaketh of a beginning without a beginning that is from everlasting but this was the
beginning of the creation or being of things 2. Neither is it to be understood causally in the beginning that is for the beginning as for Israels cause or for the law as the Hebrewes for God created all things for himselfe Prov. 16.4 It is also a forced exposition by this beginning to understand Christ although the doctrine bee most sound that all things were created by him 4. Nor yet as Abeâ— Ezra is this clause in the beginning used here syntactice in construction with the next word as though this should be the sense in the beginning of creating or when God created and so the sense should bee suspended till the second or third verse for then hee would have said barâ— in the infinite not bara in the praeâ—ertence as it is vsed Chap. 5.1 5. Wherefore Moses saith in the beginning in respect of the things created that in that beginning when God purposed to create the world hee made first heaven and earth of nothing Mercer Iunius QVEST. III. Hebrewes curious observations Vers. 1. GOd created heaven and earth c. 1. The Hebrewes have here many curious observations which I will not stand upon as 1. by the letters of the two first words bereshith bara they note the time from the beginning of the world untill the Messiah Aleph and beth signifie 3000. râ—sh shin tau 900. jod 10. that is â—910 which doth not much differ from the just time according to the computation of some from the creation to the Messiah 2. They note the duration or continuance of the world for 6000. yeeres because aleph is six times found in the first verse 3. By the 7. words of the first verse they would have signified the 7. dayes of the weeke and the 7. planets These observations are more curious than profitable 2. So is that question which is controversed among the Rabbins whether the heaven or earth were made first they thinke that heaven being first named was first made but that reason is not firme for the earth is named before the heavens Gen. 2.4 and the manner of the Scripture is to mention that last which is treated of first as in the second verse Moses beginneth againe to speake of the earth Paguin Wherefore it is most like that God made the heavens and earth together in their first matter as the cup and the cover as in an egge the yolke and the white as in a circle the center and circumference Mercer And this first creating of the heaven and earth was a part of the first dayes worke Luther For otherwise the Lord had not made all things in six dayes contrary to the Scripture Exod. 20.11 QVETS IIII. How the earth is said to be without forme and void Vers. 2. THe earth was without forme 1. The earth is here so called by way of preoccupation for it was not yet so called till the third dayes worke vers 10. Vatab. 2. The heaven was also without his forme though not altogether so confused as the earth for there being no light yet created both the heaven and earth were unformed and imperfect 3. The earth is said as yet to be tohu and bohu emptinesse and vacuity this tohu was not that materia prima which the Philosophers dreamed of and bohu to be the forme of things not yet applied to the matter as though the heavens and earth had beene made of some precedent matter whereas indeed God made the heaven and earth of nothing which long continued not in this imperfect estate the light being the same day created 4. The darknesse here spoken of was neither the element of fire as some Hebrewes imagine which if it bee is bright and transparent neither is it the same with tohu before mentioned as R. Levi neither was it any thing created and a farre greater darknesse than that which afterward was called the night wherein there is some light of the starres but it was a meere privation of light afterward created 5. The waters here mentioned which covered the deepe as a garment in the beginning Psal. 104. 6. were before comprehended vnder the name of earth as all the inferiour elements beside as the superiour parts of the world are insinuate by the heaven Mercer QVEST. V. What is meant by the Spirit moved upon the waters THe Spirit of God moved c. By the Spirit here 1. wee neither understand an Angell which is the dreame of Cajetanus for God needed not the ministery of Angels in making the world 2. Nor yet the wind as Tertullian lib. cont Hermog 3. Nor the aire as Theodoret. qu. 8. in Genes If God had no use of the Angels to make the world much lesse of inferiour creatures 4. But this was the Spirit of God whereby the creatures were fostered and formed Iob. 26.13 His Spirit hath garnished the heavens QVEST. VI. What was the light created the first day Vers. 2. GOd said let there be light c. Some doe thinke that this was a spirituall no naturall or corporall light August lib. 1. in Genes ad lit c. 3. Rupert 1. lib. de Trinitat c. 10. but that cannot be seeing this light made a visible and apparent difference betweene the day and night 2. Some thinke it was the perfect light of the Sunne which was created the first day but afterward rehearsed to bee made in the fourth Catharinus but this is contrarie to the text for the Sunne was made the fourth day 3. Others thinke that it was a bright and lightsome cloud which was carried about and gave light to the world as Beda Lyranus Magister Sentent c. 4. Others that it was a light without a subject afterward fastened to the body of the Sunne as Basil. homil in Genes 6.5 Others that it was an exceeding bright shining light such as no mortall nature could behold being whole and altogether and therefore it was afterward dispersed into divers bodies of the Sunne Moone and Starres so Nazianzene Theodoret qu. 14. in Genes 6. Some thinke it was the light of the Sunne yet imperfect afterward perfected inlarged and beautified Aquinas part 1. qu. 67. art 4. Thus we see how variable and inconstant mens opinions are when they search into curious matters and enquire after hid things but it sufficeth us to know that God made the light before the Sunne that we should not attribute that to the creature which was the worke only of the Creator what manner of light it was where placed how it moved how long it continued because in Scripture there is no certainty busily to search it were curiosity it is most like that it was a certaine light which was not extinguished when the Sunne was created but rather increased Vatab. Mercer And it is not unlike but that this light proceeded from the element of fire as thinketh Damascene lib. 2. de sid c. 7. and Iunius as an effect thereof and whereas it may be objected that this light was moveable from one hemispheare to another as causing
partly figurative of things to come and significative of some spirituall thing partly they had some other politick end and use which not in respect of the figure and type but in some other regard may upon a new institution be observed under the Gospell as the shew-bread or face-bread as it was a figure of Christ is now no more used but yet bread by Christs institution is still retained in the Eucharist as representative of the body of Christ. So they under the Law used washing with water to signifie the inward cleansing and now also in the new Testament upon a new ordinance it is used as the outward element in Baptisme So the observation of the Sabbath the paying of tithes Churches garments Church-musicke and the like were partly ceremoniall partly morall belonging to the service of God to the maintenance of Ministers to externall decencie and comelinesse in which respect though the ceremoniall use be ceased they may be retained still all things being done without offence and to edification according to the Apostles rule 4. But here I cannot let passe untouched an unsound assertion of Lyranus to whom consenteth Lippoman that thurificatio quae de ceremonialibus erat in nova lege remanet that censing and offering of incense being one of the ceremonials of the old Law yet remaineth in the new because it signified nothing to come but only shewed the devotion of the people in the worship of God which is greater in the new Testament than in the old Contra. 1. The offering of incense was a necessarie appertinance to the externall sacrifices of the Law it did continually wait and attend upon them and as the sacrifices did prefigure the holy sacrifice of attonement and passion of our blessed Saviour upon the crosse so the incense did betoken the sweet savour of that sacrifice and the acceptance thereof with Gold as Saint Paul sheweth that Christ hath given himselfe for us an offering and a sacrifice of a sweet smelling savour unto God Ephes. 5.2 Beside the oblation of incense did shadow forth the mediation of Christ in offering up the prayers of the Saints as Revel 8.3 Much odors were given to the Angel that had the golden censer to offer with the prayers of the Saints and hereunto alludeth the Prophet David when he saith Let my prayer be directed in thy sight as incense Psal. 141.2 It is evident then that the incense of the old Law was figurative and significative of things to come 2. And true it is that the inward and spirituall devotion is more and greater in the new Testament than it was in the old but not the externall for they had more outward ceremonies and rites prescribed as signes of their devotion than are now required under the Gospell for now they that worship God must worship him in spirit and truth Ioh. 4.24 QUEST IV. How farre the Iudicials are now to be retained FUrther concerning the Judicials of Moses 1. They doe much differ in respect of their observation from the Ceremonials for these are so abrogated as that now to observe the figures and types of the old Testament were great impiety for all such things were observed then vel expresè vel tacitè sub protestatione Messiae futuri c. either expresly or closely under protestation of the Messiah to come now therefore to observe them were to protest Christum nondum venisse that Christ were not yet come But it is not so with the Judicials for they being conclusions and rules of justice grounded upon the Law of nature and first given for the conservation of the peace and politike state of that Common-wealth and not prescribed for any signification or prefiguring of things to come they may now be so farre forth observed as they are found fitting and agreeable unto the state and condition of the people Sic fere Tostat. Lippom. 2. Two wayes is a precept said to be figurale figurative◠one way when it is principally instituted to figure somewhat such were the ceremoniall precepts another ex consequenti by a certaine consequent and so are the Judicials after a sort figurative because they belonged unto that people cujus status erat figuralis whose state was figurative Sic Thom. Lippom. To bee figurative in this sense letteth not but that the Judicials may be retained now seeing they were not appointed or ordained to prefigure any thing as the Ceremonials were 3. But here two strange positions come to be examined the one is of Lippoman That to observe the Judicials tanquam ex lege veteri obligatoria esset mortiferum as binding by force of the old Law were a deadly sinne Tostatus also saith We receive the judiciall precepts given of God tanquam dicta sapientis viri c. as the sayings of some wise man not as of a lawgiver binding us to the observation thereof like as the Romans borrowed their Lawes of the wise Grecians Tostat. qu. 1. Contra. 1. The old Law in the constituting of the Judicials was grounded upon the Law of equity which rule of equity it is no sinne to follow now therefore it is no sinne to follow the rules of the old law as they are grounded upon equity and justice nay therein to depart from them were rather transgression 2. S. Iames saith chap. 4.12 There is one Lawgiver which is able to save and destroy therefore to whom doth it rather belong to give direction for what offences mans life is to be saved and other punishment to be afflicted and for what his life is to bee taken away than unto that perfit and soveraigne Lawgiver who is the author and giver of life and at whose will and pleasure only mans life is taken away To say therefore that the Judicials appointed by God are to be observed now only as the sayings of a wise man not as of a Lawgiver is both to derogate from Gods authority who is the only sufficient Lawgiver and from the sufficiencie of his law which is more perfect than any humane constitutions whatsoever in making these Judicials but equall unto the sayings of other wise men But this question hath beene already handled at large before in the generall questions in chap. 1. Exod. QUEST V. Why these Lawes are called judgements THese are the judgements 1. He saith not Dei judicia sed absolut◠judicia the judgements of God but absolutely judgements for he which observed these was not yet just before God though hee were before men Lippoman 2. This word judgement in the singular signifieth not as judgements in the plurall for judgement in the singular for the most part signifieth condemnation but in the plurall it signifieth tam re◠vindictam quà m innocentis defensionem as well the revenge and punishment of the guilty as the defence of the innocent Rupertus 3. This word judgement is taken three wayes first it signifieth the act of the judgement and understanding which determineth what is meet and convenient to be done and
any other Priest or Levite to gaze or looke upon it Therefore this is no warrant for the setting up of Images in Churches in the open sight and view of the people who thereby are bewitched and withdrawne from the true spirituall worship Simler Gallas 6. Confut. Against the Iewes that they are cast off for crucifying of Christ. Vers. 22. THere will I appoint with thee or meet thee Chrysostome from hence doth notably convince the Jewes that God hath forsaken them and cast them off because now they have not the Arke nor Propitiatorie seat from whence the Lord used to speake And if the Jewes should hominibus imputare rerum suarum vastationâ—m impute unto men the ruine and destruction of their state hee thus answereth First that men could not have destroyed their Citie Nisi Deus permisisset unlesse the Lord had permitted it to be done Secondly he saith But be it granted that men pulled downe your walles Num ignem ex alto dâ—vehi vetuit homo Did man fâ—â—bid fire to be brought from heaven Num vocem ex propitiatorio audiri solitam inhibuit homo c. Did man forbid that a voice should be heard out of the Propitiatorie Did man take away the declaration of Gods will by the precious stones in the Priests breast-plate and the sacred unction c. An non Deus haec omniae submovit c. Did not God take all these away Thirdly if the Jewes shall answer Quoniam civitate â—aremus caremus istis c. Because we are without a Citie we want these things also c. He addeth further yet after the Temple was destroyed and the Altar broken downe there were Prophets in the captivitie Daniel and Ezechiel say then Quâ—m ob causam nunc non habetis Prophetas What is the cause that now ye have no Prophets Is it not evident by this Quòd Deus vos repulerit that God hath cast your off And why hath he cast you off Ob illum crucifixum impium illud facium because of that impious fact in the crucifying of Christ And whence doth this appeare because before when ye lived wickedly ye obtained many things now cum videamini modestiùs vivere when yee seeme to live more soberly yet ye suffer more grievous punishment noc quicquam eorum contigit habâ—re quae prius habebatis and ye enjoy none of those things which before ye had c. To this purpose Chrysost. 7. Confut. Against the Romanists concerning their niâ—â— orders of Angels NOw further whereas these winged pictures which were made upon the Mercie seat are called Cherâ—bim which is a name indifferently given to the blessed Angels in generall it is evident that it is no speciall order as the Romanists have curiously â—orted the Angels into nine orders whereof the Cherubim Seraphim and Thrones are the three highest And Tostatus one of their owne writers confesseth that in this place Aequaliter Cherubim ad omnes â—eatoâ— spiritus referantur That the Cherubim here equally may be referred to all the blessed Spirits c. And as in this place so in other also the Cherubim and Seraphim are names and titles given to the Angels in generall as Isai. 6. Ezech. 1. and 10. See more hereof elsewhere Synops. Câ—ntur 2. err 1. 8. Confut. Against the superstitious use of candles in Churches Vers. 37. THou shalt make thee seven lamps thereof c. to give light c. The use then of this candlesticke and the lamps thereof was to no other end than to give light in the Sanctuarie which was covered Tostatus addeth further Non solùm lumen candelarum est ad necessitatem toll â—idâ—â—um tenebrarum sed etiam ad honestatem cultum c. The light of candles is not onely for necessitie to remove the darknesse but for more comelinesse and it belongeth unto worship c. Which superstitious conceit is convinced in this place These lamps were ordained onely to give light therefore at noone day when there is no use of candle light to set up tapers and candles is a superfluous and a superstitious use 6. Morall Observations 1 Observ. God must be honoured with our riches Vers. 2. REceive an offering for me of every man c. Whereas God requireth an offering of the people out of their substance it sheweth that our goods are not ours to waste at our willes but God looketh to be honoured with them and to have them employed unto his glorie B. Babingt As the Wise-man saith Prov. 6.8 Honour the Lord with thy riches and with the first fruits of thine increase 2. Observ. We must give unto God with a willing heart WHose heart giveth it freely So also chap. 35.5 Whosoever is of a willing heart let him bâ—ing this offering unto the Lord which sheweth that what is bestowed upon Gods service should be given willingly and cheerefully as it is said in that great offering of David and the people toward the building of the Temple which Salomon made The people offered willingly unto the Lord with a perfit heart 1 Chron. 29.9 and David thus professeth vers 17. I have offered willingly in the uprightnesse of mine heart all these things So the Apostle saith The Lord loveth a cheerefull giver 2 Cor. 9.7 B. Babing 3. Observ. Of the diversitie of gifts which every man must employ accordingly as he hath received Vers. 3. TAke of them gold silver brasse c. This sheweth that in the Church there are diversities of gifts God hath endued some with gold and silver some with brasse all have not the like gifts as the Apostle saith There are diversities of gifts but the same spirit 1 Cor. 12.5 No man therefore can excuse himselfe that he hath nothing to offer if he have neither gold silver nor brasse yet heâ— may bring goats haire B. Babing He that hath neither gold silver nor brasse Osserat vel pilas capraruâ— munere suo defunctus est Let him but offer goats haire and he hath done his dutie Ferus 4. Observ. What desire we should have to the Lords house Vers. 8. THat I may dwell among them Seeing the house of God is the place of Gods habitation and there is his presence it sheweth with what delight and desire wee should come unto Gods house and with what reverence wee should behave our selves there as Iacob said How reverend iâ— this place this is no other but the house of God and the gate of heaven Gen. 28.17 So Chrysostome excellently saith Non est ecclesia tonstrina aut unguentaria tabâ—rna c. sed locus Angelorum regia coeli coelum ipsum c. The Church is no Barbers shop or Apothecaries house but a place of Angels the palace of heaven yea heaven it selfe 5. Observ. Gods law must be laid up in the heart Vers. 16. THou shalt put in the Arke the Testimonie As the tables of the Law were laid up in the Arke so the Law and Word of God must be
kept in a faithfull heart as the Prophet David saith I desired to doe thy good will O my God yea thy law is within my heart Psal. 40.8 Piscator 6. Observ. We must readily obey Gods will as the Angels Vers. 20. THe Cherubims shall stretch their wings on high The Angels have their wings readie spread to shew how serviceable they are at all appointments alwayes in a readinesse to do the will of God to teach us that we also should imitate this cheerfull and readie service of the Angels in our willing and prompt obedience in the earth as we are taught to pray in the Lords prayer Thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven B Babing 7. Observ. To use the creatures of God sobeâ—â—y Vers. 30. THou shalt set upon the table shew-bread Seeing the daily bread which they did eat was made of the same come whereof the shew-bread was which was alwayes in the presence of God it teacheth that we should soberly use the creatures of God as alwayes being in his sight as the Apostle saith Whether yee eat or drinks c. doe all to the glorie of God B. Babing 8. Observ. That nothing can escape Gods sight in whose house there is alwayes light Vers. 37. THou shalt make seven lamps c. to give light There is light in Gods house whatsoever is there done is soone espied nothing can escape Gods sight Ne putes te in domo Dei malè posse conversari occultari c. Thinke not that thou canst live wickedly in Gods house and bee hid Oleaster Therefore Christs eyes are said to be as a flame of fire which pearceth and searcheth all things Revel 1.14 CHAP. XXVI 1. The Method and Argument AS in the former Chapter such things are described as were to bee placed within the Tabernacle so now followeth the description of the Tabernacle it selfe in this Chapter whereof there are two parts the first containeth a declaration how the Tabernacle should be made with every part thereof to vers 31. the second in what order every thing should be disposed in the Tabernacle vers 31. to the end In the first 1. The curtaines are appointed to be made 1. Of what matter and how many v. 1. 2. Of what measure forme and fashion v. 2 3. 3. The things thereunto belonging are described the strings taches with the use of them v. 5 6. 2. The coverings are described first the curtaines of goates haire 1. The number of them vers 7. 2. The measure and scantling vers 8. 3. The necessarie appertenances thereunto the strings and taches vers 10 11. 4. The use vers 12 13. secondly the covering of rammes skinnes thirdly the covering of badgers skinnes is appointed to be made vers 14. 3. The boords are mentioned in the next place which should serve to hold and beare up the Tabernacle which are described first in generall their measure and fashion with tenons vers 16 17. secondly in particular 1. Both for the number of boords with their sockets on the South side vers 18 19. then on the North side vers 20.21 and on the West side vers 22 26. 2. As also for the forme and fashion they must have five bars of every side vers 26 27 28. and both the bars and boords must be covered with gold vers 29. In the second part which sheweth the disposition and order first the manner of disposing of the things belonging to the most holy place is described 1. Concerning the partition consisting of a vaile vers 31. pillars vers 32. and the sockets and hooks vers 32 33. 2. As touching the things to bee placed there the Arke vers 33. with the Mercie-seat vers 34. Secondly in the outward part of the Tabernacle without the vaile 1. The order is set downe how the things there placed should be disposed the table and the candlesticke 2. The vaile is described with the pillars their heads and sockets vers 36 37. 2. The divers readings Vers. 1. Of fine twined linen G. or èxyline â—ombaâ—iâ—e I. Iosephus thinketh they were contexta è 〈◊〉 woven of wooll or cotton better than è byssâ— of silke câ—ter for seeing the curtaines of the outward court were made of the same chap. 27.9 it is like that it was not silke shoâ— Vers. 4. Thou shalt make strings G.I. or loops B. laqueolos A.P. better than aâ—sâ—laâ— claspes L.S. cum cater they are described afterward vers 6. Iuleâ—th loops strings H. Vers. 5. In the edge of the first curtaine on the outside in the coupling I.A.P. better than in the edge of the one curtaine in the selvedge of the coupling B.G. For it is not here expressed with selvedge the word signifieth the extremitie or extreme part that is the further edge of the first curtaine where it was joyned to the second the other Interpreters S.L.G. are further off from the sense Vers. 5. The strings shall hold one curtaine to another I. not the strings shall be one right against another câ—ter See in the end of the 7. qu. more of the best reading here Vers. 24. Shall be as twinnes I. or doâ—ble or couples V.A.P. better than shall be joyned B. G. L. cum caeter tammin H. twinnes as Gen. 38.27 Vers. 28. The middle bar shall be in the middest of the boords going from end to end I. better than the middle bar in the middest of the boords shall goe from end to end B. G. V. cum câ—ter The place of the bar is described not the manner of going thorow which was common to them all Vers. 37. Their hooks of gold uncis I. knops or buttons uncinis B.V.A.P. not heads C.L.S. vaâ—im finiâ—ieth crooked hooks like the letter van See qu. 24. 3. The questions discussed and handled QUEST I. Of the name of the Tabernacle and which part of the Sanctuarie was properly so called Vers. 1. THou shalt make the Tabernacle 1. This word translated Tabernacle in the Hebrew miscaâ— which properly signifieth habâ—taculum an habitation is taken either generally and so it was divided into two parts in clausam apertam into that part which was covered which was properly called the Tabernacle or that which was open where they offered their burnt offerings which could not be made in the covered part because of the fire and smoake ascending or particularly the Tabernacle was taken for the speciall and principall part which was the curtaine made of blew and purple â—ilke Arias Montan. 2. The rest beside this were either apertoria Tabernaculi vel lateâ—a the coverings of the Tabernacle which were three of goates haire rams skins and badgers skins By looking then exactly into the text wee shall finde that the Tabernacle consisted substantially of those ten curtaines first described Cajetan 3. Tostatus giveth this annotation of this word Tabernacle which signifieth an house made ex tabulis of boords But howsoever the Latine word may be so derived the Hebrew word miscan signifieth