reerection of it where it s owne unsupportable weight hath caused it to fall As for the power of Princes the most of those this day who are Christians and especially our gracious Soveraigne are very well content to bee limited within the bounds of the lawes which themselves and their predecessors have setled in the Church and State of their dominions to make the preservation of those Lawes and of their subjects liberties Ecclesiastick and Civill according to them the greatest glory of their prerogative Royall To give assurance of their resolution never to abolish any old or bring in any new act either in church or state without the concurrence of Assemblies and Parliaments Neither to impose any taxation on their subjects goods without their free consent thereto given by their Commissioners in Parliament the extending of the prerogative to the making of new lawes or abolishing of old to the imposing of taxes by simple proclamation without Parliament our Prince doth so farre abhorre that he condemned a certaine writ for importing his Majesties entertainment of such motions yea his Majestie by his Attourney generall called the Earle of Bedford and other noble personages to censure for keeping such a writ wherein did lye so pernicious positions Where some Princes misled through passion and mis-information have deviat so far from the path of justice as to intend by violence and armes the overthrow of the true religion and ancient liberties of their subjects the opposition which the subjects are forced to make in this case against the oppression of their Prince our gracious Soveraigne hath been so farre ever from counting of it rebellion of which crime the greatest royalists in England wont alway to absolve it that his Majestie hath thought meet before all Europe after the example of his glorious Father and renowned predecesrix Elizabeth to give his countenance aid and powerfull assistance to them all when their just grievances and feares were laid out before his Throne If so be King Charles had esteemed the late wars in France of the protestants against their king the present wars of Holland and of the high Dutches against the Spaniard and Emperour an unlawfull defence let be a trayterous insurrection of Subjects against their Soveraignes Weepresuppone his Majesties justice would have beene loath ever to have defiled his Scepter by supporting them all with men and moneyes as oft he hath done and yet doth avow the deed While our gracious prince is so farre inflamed with hatred against all tyranny yet behold this wicked fiction how carefully they goe about by all the meanes they can to draw his royall mind to that which naturally it doth so much abhorre For they tell us first that the power of all true Kings is so simply absolute and illimitate that for any man to reason what they may not is a crime no lesse than treason that they are far above all Law 2. That the Oath which a Prince makes to keepe the Lawes is but a personall deed which cannot oblige his successor that his Oath and promise at his Coronation to keepe the Lawes is to be exponed of his resolution to make his lawes to be keeped by others That all the oathes and promises he makes at his coronation are but of his meere free-will and arbitrement that by them all no true covenant or paction can bee inferred betwixt the King and his subjects 3. That the prince alone is the Law-giver both in Church and State 4. That in matters Ecclesiasticall they themselves alone without the advice of any of the Clergie may lawfully make what Canons they please and compell their Clergie to embrace them 5. That it is a part of the Kings prerogative to have power to impose upon all his Subjects such Confessions of Faith such Liturgies such Canons as he thinks meetest without the advice of any Church Assembly 6. When it is his pleasure to call an Assembly the members of that Ecclesiastick Court are onely such as hee is pleased to call whether of the Clergie or of the Laity 7. That when they are called onely the Princes voyce is decisive the voyce of all the rest at most but consultive or if any of them become decisive it is by the Princes favour or at least permission 8. That Church Assemblies are onely politick Conventions not grounded upon any Divine right and so to bee used or disused as the prince shall thinke expedient 9. That it is in the power of all Soveraignes whether Monarchick Aristocratick or Democratick to appoynt for the government of the Church in their dominions such Officers and Spirituall Courts as they finde most meet and agreeable to their temporall estates to erect Bishops and put downe Presbyteries to erect Presbyteries and put downe Bishops 10. That all this power to conclude every ecclesiastick affaire which can bee subject to the jurisdiction of any ecclesiasticall Synod doth belong alike to all Soveraignes whether Turkish Iewish Pagan Hereticall or Christian and Orthodox Concerning the Kings power in matter of State they teach first that a Parliament is but his arbitrarie Councell which in making or annulling of his Lawes hee may use or not use as hee pleaseth 2. When hee is pleased to call a Parliament it is his due right by his letter to ordaine such Barons to be Commissioners for the Shires and such Citizens to bee Commissioners for Burrowes as hee shall bee pleased to name 3. That hee may lawsully exact when he hath to doe what portion of his subjects goods hee thinks meet and by himselfe alone may make such Lawes for exactions in times to come as seemes to him best 4. That no subject of his Kingdome can have any hereditarie jurisdiction but any jurisdiction that either any of the Nobilitie or any other Magistrate or Officer possesseth they have it alone during his pleasure that at his presence the power of all others must cease and at his death evanish and be quite extinguished till by his successors by new gift it bee renewed 5. That Scotland is a subdued Nation that Fergus our first King did conquer us by the sword and establish an absolute Monarchie for himselfe and his heires giving to us what Lawes he thought meetest 6. That all the Lands in Scotland were once the Kings propertie and what thereof hath beene given out for service yet remaines his owne by a manifold right 7. That to denie any of the named parts of this power to the King is to destroy his Monarchike government to dethrone him and make him no King to subject him to his people and make them his Masters or at least Collegues in the Empire But thankes be to God that our gracious prince hath so oft declared himselfe to bee farre from all such thoughts yea that my Lord of Canterburie himselfe is forced whiles to let drop from
heart to imploy it rather then to pull downe those tyrants who have shed rivers of Protestants bloud who have long troden on the persons of our nearest friends in the on our honour Is it now meet we should choose to goe kill one another alone for the bearing vp of Prelats tailes and that of Prelates as unworthy of respect as any that ever wore a Mytre Let our kindred let our friends let all the Protestant churches perish let our own lives estates run never so evident an hazard yet the 〈◊〉 pride must be borne vp their furious desire of 〈◊〉 must be satiate all their Mandamus in these dominiōs must be executed with greater severity rigour then those of their brethren are this day in Italy or Spaine or those of their grand-father at Rome To us surely it is a strange Paradox that a Parliament of England so wise grave equitable a Court as inall bygon times it hathever proved should be thought in danger at any time let be now to be induced by any allurement by any terrour to submit themselves as Vallets and pages to the execution of the lusts the furies and outragious counsels of Canterbury and his dependers for they know much better then we that the maine greevances both of their Church and state have no other originall no other fountaine on Earth but those men Who other but they have keeped our most gracious Prince at a distance from the countrey almost ever since he came to the Crowne For whose cause have Parliaments these many yeares bin hindred to meet and when they have met beene quickly raised to the unspeakable griefe and prejudice of the whole land of all our friends abroad By whose connivence is it that the idolatrous chappels of both the Queens in the most conspicuous places of the Court are so gorgeous much frequented Whose tolerance is it that at London three masse-priests are to be found for one Minister that three hundreth of them reside in the city in ordinar six thousand at least in the country If ye trust the Iesuits Catalogues to Rome Whence comes their immunity fro the laws who have set up cloisters for Monks and Nuns let be houses for open Masses in divers cities of the Kings dominions Why is our correspondence with the Pope no more secret but our Agents avowedly sent to Rome his holinesse Nuntioes received here in state that such ones as in publik writs have lately defamed with unspeakable reproaches the person and birth of that most sacred Q. Elizabeth Such actions or at least long permission of such abominations doe they flow from any other but his Grace the head and heart of the Cabbin Counsel Did any other but he and his creatures his legs and armes hinder alwayes our effectuall allyance with the Swedes French when their armies did most flourish in Germany for the relief of the oppressed churches Why was that poore Prince the King of Boheme to his dying day kept from any considerable helpe from Britaine How was these young princes the other year permitted to take the fields with so small forces that a very meanpower of a silly commander beat them both tooke the 〈◊〉 captive and put the other in his slight to an evide at hazard of his life Who moved that innocent Prince after his 〈◊〉 to take so strainge a 〈◊〉 as the world now speaks of and when he was engadged who did betray both his purpose and person to the French King could any without the Cabbine understand the convey of such matters and within that 〈◊〉 does any come without his graces permission Is not that man the evident author of all the Scotish broyles Are not his letters extant his holy hands 〈◊〉 of the Scotish service to be seen his other writtes also are in our hands making manifest that the beginning and continuance of that cursed worke hath no spring without his braine When the King himselfe after ripe advisement and all about him both English and Scots had returned in peace who incontinent did change the face of the Court and revive that fire which in the heart of the Prince and all his good Subjects was once closse dead That a 〈◊〉 of England will not only let such a man and his complices goe free but to serve his humour will be content to ingadge their lives and estates for the overthrow and inslaving of us their best neighbors that over our carcases a path-way may be made for Bishops now and at once for the Pope and Spaniard to tred on the neck both of their bodies souls we cannot beleeve Yet if any such things should be propounded for what darenot effronted impudence attempt we would require that sage Senat before they passe any bloudy sentence of war against us to consider a little the quality of that party for whose cause they take armes we offer to instruct to the full satisfaction of the whole world offree imprejudicate minds not by fleeing reports not by probable likelihoods not by the sentences of the gravest and most solemne judicatories of this land our two last generall assemblies late parliament who at far greater length with more mature advisement did cognosce of those causes then ever any Assembly or Parliament amongst us since the first founding of our Church and Kingdome did resolve upon any matter whatsoever All those means of probation we shall set aside and take us alone to the mouth of our very adversaries If by their owne testimony we make it evident that beside books ceremonies and Bishops which make the proper and particular quarrell of this nationall Kirk against them they are guilty of grosse Arminianisme plain Popery and of setting up of barbarous tyrannie which is the common quarrell of the Kirk of England of all the reformed Kirks and of all men who delite not to live and die in the fetters of slavery If we demonstrate not so much by their preachings and practises amongst us 〈◊〉 by their maximes printed with 〈◊〉 among your selves which to this day though oft pressed thereto they have never recanted If we shew that yet still they stifly avow all the articles of Arminius a number of the grossest abominations of Popery specially the authority of the sea of Rome that they vrge conclusions which will 〈◊〉 you without any 〈◊〉 so much as by a verball protestation not onely to give way unto any iniquitie whatsoever either in kirk or state whereto they can get stolen the pretext of the Kings name but also to lay downe your neck under the yoke of the King of Spaine if once he had any footting in this I le without any farther resistance though in your church by force that Tyrant should set up the Latine Messe in place of the Bible and in your state for your Magna Charta and acts of Parliament the lawes of Castile though in your eyes he should destroy the whole race of the royall
such a cause may be the more willing at this time to contribute for our assistance from God the helpe of their earnest Prayers and for ever hereafter to condole with the more hearty compassion any misery which possibly may befall us in such a quarrell Albeit truly our hopes are yet greater then our 〈◊〉 if we could become so happy as once to get our plea but entred before our Prince for wee can hardly conceive what in reason should hinder our full 〈◊〉 of a favourable decision from that Sacred mouth whose naturall equity the World knows in all causes whereof he is impartially informed since our whole action is nought but one formall argument whereof the Major is the verdict of our judge the Minor shall be the open and avowed Testimony of our party need wee feare that either our Judge or party will be so irrationall as to venture upon the deniall of a conclusion whereof both the premisses is their own open profession Our Major is this Who ever in the Kings Dominions spreads abroad Popery or any doctrine opposite to the Religion and Laws of the Land now established ought not to be countenanced but severely punished by the King This Major the King hath made certaine to us in his frequent most solemne asseverations not only at his Coronation both here and in England in his Proclamations both here and there but also in his late large Declaration oftimes giving out his resolution to live and die in the reformed Protestant Religion opposite to all Popery to maintaine his established Laws and in nothing to permit the enervating of them Yea this resolution of the King is so peremptory and publikely avowed that Canterbury himselfe dare not but applaud thereto in his Starre-chamber Speech who can see me more forward then hee for the great equity to punish condignely all who would but mint to bring in any popery in this Isle or assay to make any innovation in Religion or Lawes Wee believe indeed that the man doth but juggle with the World in his faire ambiguous generalities being content to inveigh as much against popery and innovation as we could wish upon hopes ever when it comes to any particular of the grossest popery wee can name by his subtile distinctions and disputations to slide out of our hands But wee are perswaded what ever may be the juggling of sophisticating Bishops yet the magnanimous ingenuity the Royall integrity of our gracious Soveraigne is not compatible with such fraudulent equivocations as to proclaime his detestation of popery in generals and not thereby to give us a full assurance of his abhorring every particular which all the orthodox Preachers of this Isle since the Reformation by Queene Elisabet and King James allowance have ever condemned as popish errours Our Major then wee trust may be past as unquestionable Wee subjoine our Minor But so it is that Canterbury and his dependars men raised and yet maintained by him have openly in their printed bookes without any recantation or punishment to this day spread abroad in all the Kings dominions doctrines opposite to our Religion and lawes especially the most points of the grossest poperie In reason all our bickering ought to be here alone This Minor I offer to instruct and that by no other middes then the testimony of their own pens If I doe so to the full satisfaction of all who know what are the particular heads of the reformed Religion and what the tenets of Popery opposite thereto what are the lawes standing in all the three dominions and what the contrary maximes of the Turkish empire where with Machiavelists this day every where are labouring to poyson the eares of all Christian Princes for enervating the laws and liberties of their Kinngdomes I hope that reason and justice which stand night and day attending on either side of King Charles throne will not fail to perswade the chearfull embracement of the conclusion which follows by a cleare and naturall necessity from the forenamed premisses to wit that Canterbury and his dependars in all the three dominions ought not to be countenanced by the King but severely punished Let be that for their pastime a bloody and hazardous war should be raised in so unseasonable a time for the undoing of that countrie and Church which God hath honoured with the birth and baptisme both of his Majesties owne person and of his renowmed father and to the which both of them as all their hundreth and six glorious Predecessors are endebted before God and the World all their Prerogatives both of nature 〈◊〉 and estate so much as any Princes were ever to their mother Church and native country CHAP. II. The Canterburians avowed Arminianisme ARminianisme how great and dangerous an innovation of the reformed Religion it is we may learne by the late experiences of our neighbours when that weed began to spread among them The States of Holland have declared in many passages of their Dordracen Synod that they found it a more ready meane to overthrow both their Church and State then all the engines policies armes which the Pope and Spaniard in any bygone time had used against them The Church of France the other yeare when Amirot and Testard and some few of their Divines were but surmised to incline a little towards some small twigs of one article of Arminius was so affrighted that they rested not till in a generall Assembly at Alenzon they did run together for the extinguishing of the first sparkes as it were of a common fire When P. Baro in Cambridge began to run a little on this rock how carefull was my Lord of Canterbury and the Bishops then in their meeting at Lambeth for the crushing of that Cockatrice in the 〈◊〉 when that serpent again in the same place began to set np the nose in the writtes of Thomson how carefull was the Bishops then by the hand of their brother of Salisbury Doctor Abbots to cut of the head of that monster But what speake wee of the Churches reformed The very Synagogue of Rome whose conscience is enlarged as the Hell to swallow downe the vilest morsels of the most lewd errours that Antichrist can present yet did they sticke much at this bone when the Jesuit Molina began to draw out these dregs of Pelagianisme from the long neglected pits of some obscure Schoolmen what clamours were raised there not only by Alvarez and his followers but also by numbers of Prelats and some great Princes till the credit of the Jesuits in the Court of Rome and the wisdome of the Consistory prognosticating a new rent in their Church did procure from the Pope a peremptory injunction of silence to both sides on all highest paines hoping if the Dominicans mouthes were once stopped that the Jesuits by their 〈◊〉 arts and silent policies would at last worke out their intended point which indeed since that time they have wel-neare fully gained But to King Charles eye no
of men yet for that veneration which their high and eminent place in the Church of God doth require all the stiles of Honour in Justice is due to them even holinesse it selfe in abstracto that to refuse them this or their other titles is but brain-sick puritanisme Sixthly That the dignity of the Episcopall office specially the Bishop of Rome his eminencie was as far above the dignitie of the Emperors and Kings as the soule is above the body or God above the creature yea that the stile of GOD was but the Popes due Seventhly that Emperours and Kings dld but their duety in giving reverence yea adoration unto the Pope with great summes of money by way of tribute Eighthly that the temporall Principalities which the Pope enjoyeth this Day in Italie or elsewhere are buthis just possessions which none ought to envy him Ninthly that the restitution of the Popes ancient authority in England and yeelding unto him all the power that this day he hath in Spaine or France would bee many wayes advantageous and in nothing prejudiciall to the King 10 The old constitution of the Emperour whereby all the westerne clergie is so farre subjected to the Bishop of Rome that without him they are disabled to make any Ecclesiasticall law and obliged to receive for lawes what hee doth enjoyne was very reasonable yea if the King would be pleased to command all the Church men in his dominions to be that far subject to the Pope they would be unreasonable to refuse present obedience Onely by all meanes my Lord of Canterburies prerogative behoved to bee secured his ancient right to the patriarchat of the whole Isle of Britaine behoved to be made cleare that to his rod the whole clergie of the Isle might submit their shoulders as to their spirituall head and Monarch from whom to Rome there could bee no appeale in any cause which concerned onely the Churches of the Kings dominions for in causes more universall of the whole Catholicke Church willingly they are contented that the Patriarch of Britaine and all others should submit to their grand Apostollcke father of Rome Every one of these pontificall positions since the midst of Henry the eights raigne would have beene counted in England great paradoxes yet now all of them are avowed by Canterburie himselfe in that very booke which the last 〈◊〉 at the Kings direction hee set 〈◊〉 for to satisfie the world anent their suspition of his Popery or else by D. Montagu in his bookes yet unrepealed and cleanged of all suspition of Poperie by M. Dow under the seale of his Graces licensing servant This much for the Pope About the Cardinalls they tell us that their office is an high and eminent dignity in the Church of God for the which their persons are to be handled with great reverence and honour that their office is a 〈◊〉 due to high graces and 〈◊〉 that some of them though the greatest enemies that ever the reformed Churches have felt such as 〈◊〉 that spent all his time in opposing the truth and advancing Antichristianisme and Barromaeus a bloudy persecutor of our religion and one of the fathers of Trent that even such men are so full of grace and piety that it is a great fault in any Protestant to break so much as a jest on their rid hattes Where the head and shoulders are so much affected it is hard to restraine charity from the 〈◊〉 of the body These good men vent their passion no lesse towards the body of the present Church of Rome then towards the Pope and the Cardinails For first his grace avowes over and over againe that the Papists and we are of one and the same religion that to speake otherwaies as the Liturgie of England did all King Iames dayes were a matter of very dangerous consequent and therefore he consesseth his helping that part of the liturgie which puts a note of infamy upon the Popish religion least that note should fall upon our owne religion which with the Popish is but all one 2. They will have us to understand though wee and the Papists differ in some things yet that this very day there is no schisme betwixt Papists and Protestants that Protestants keepe union and communion with the Church of Rome in all things required for the essence of a true Church and necessary for salvation that though they communicate not with some of her doctrines and practices yet this marres not the true union and communion of the two Churches both in faith and 〈◊〉 That these who passe harder censures upon Rome are but zelots in whom too much zeale hath burnt up all wisedome and charity 3. That the points wherein the two Churches doe differ are such as prejudge not the Salvation of either party that they are not foundamentall and albeit they were so yet the truths that the Papists doe maintaine are of force to hinder all the evill that can come from their errours 4. That the Popish errours let bee to bee fundamentall are of so small importance as they doe not prejudge either faith hope or charity let be salvation Fistly That a generall repentance for all unknowne sinnes is sufficient to secure the salvation not only of these who have lived and died in the Popish tenets before the Councell of Trent but even to this day not onely their people but their most learned Clergie Popes Cardinalls Jesuits living and dying in their bitter oppositions and persecutions of Protestants are in no hazard of damnation though they never come to any particular acknowledgement of their sinfull opinions or practises following thereupon Sixtly They teach us that Papists may not in reason bee stiled either idolaters or hereticks or shismaticks His grace in that great large folio set our the last yeare to declare to the world the farthest that his minde could bee drawen for to oppose Popery is not pleased to my memory in his most vehement oppositions to lay to then charge any of these three crimes neither doe I remember in all the search my poore lecture hath made that any of his favourits in their writtes these twelve yeares bygone hath layed to the charge of Rome in earnest either idolatry heresie or shisme but by the contrary hath absolved them clearly in formall tearmes all those three crimes Of idolatry because they teach not the giving of 〈◊〉 to any image or any creature Of heresie because their errours taketh no part of the foundation away but are onely excesses and additions consisting with all 〈◊〉 trueth Of shisme because they goe on in the practice of their forbeares without introducing any late novations 7. They declare it were very good wee had present peace with Rome as shee stands her errors being but in opinions which charity ought to tolerate that the Church of England would gladly embrace this peace that Cassander and the
his fingers cleane contrarie maximes Lastly they teach us in the matter of resistance first that doe the Prince what hee will he may never be resisted by any or all his Subjects that not onely a private man must give over all defence though most innocent of his owne life against the prince his unjust violence but the whole State can doe nought without rebellion against GOD but flee or suffer when the prince whether by himselfe or his Officers doth destroy the true religion established by all Lawes and the liberties of the Land deare bought of old and peaceably brooked in many ages also the lives of many thousands of the best Subjects without the pretence or colour of any just cause Againe that all this subjection must be used not onely to our native King but to any forraine usurper who can get footing among us and it were the Kings of Spaine as their predecessors the hereticall Gothish Kings got footing in the Roman Empire That even against them the States of a Land with a good conscience could use no defence though before their eyes they should see them execute the cruell tyrannies of Nebuchadnezzar put out the eyes of the King kill 〈◊〉 Children lead himselfe and his Nobles away to a far land in fetters Though with Nero for their mere pleasure they should set the royallcitie in a faire fire or execute the plot of 〈◊〉 by murthering all the seed of the Iewes all zealous protestants up and downe the land in one day Such maximes exceedingly opposite to the honour of God the safetie of the Kings person and Crowne the welfare of the people these men cause to bee printed and let them goe athort without any censure at these times when by royall decreets they have pulled into their hands the full commandement of all the presses and the absolute jurisdiction over all the Book-sellers shops in the Kingdome and 〈◊〉 frequently theirzeale against any bookes that give but the least touch to their mitres by inflicting no lesse censure than fire upon the books pilloring and nose-slitting on the Authors and whipping thorow the streets on the carriers All these extraordinarie prerogatives whereby the faction advanceth supreme Magistrates so neere unto God and their favourites so far above the skies seeme to flow not from any love they carrie either to their crowns or the royall heads that beare them but meerely out of their selfe-respect to their owne ambition and greed that Soveraignty being advanced to an unmeasurable height may be a statelier horse for them to ride upon in their glorious triumphings above all that is called God For otherwise yee may see how farre they depresse all Soveraignes when they are layed in the ballance with themselves they tell us that the King can bee no more the head of the Church than the boy that rubs their horse heeles 2. That the heart whence the native life and vigour of the Ecclesiastick Lawes doth flow is alone the Bishops and not the King 3. That Kings and Emperours ought to reverence yea to adore Bishops and to pay them tributes 4. That everie Bishop is a Prince and a Monarch as farre in dignitie above the greatest secular Prince as the soule above the body or God above man FINIS Revised according to the ordinance of the generall Assembly by me Mr. A. Jhonston Clerk thereto Edinb 1. of April 1640. Wee did expect nothing lesse then war Wee have committed no 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 with any goodly colour 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the late 〈◊〉 Compassion hope and all reason call now for peace at home 〈◊〉 at last we may get some order of our 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 The Canterburian faction 〈◊〉 veth not so well of England that armes in their favour ought to be taken against Scotland Wee 〈◊〉 to instruct by the 〈◊〉 of our partie their unsupportable crimes Arme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken in so evill a cause can not but end in an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In this 〈◊〉 of time very poore 〈◊〉 without presumption may venture to speake to Parliaments An offer de serving 〈◊〉 audience The silence of the 〈◊〉 Divines is 〈◊〉 Our adversaries de cline to answer ou greatest challenge The scope of the treatise All our 〈◊〉 but one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Major thereof a Neither shall We ever give way to the authorizing of any thing whereby any innovation may steale or 〈◊〉 into the Church 〈◊〉 shall preserve that unitie of doctrine and discipline established in Queen 〈◊〉 Reigne whereby the Church of England have stood and flourished since 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of England 1628. and therefore once for all we have thought sit to declare and hereby to assure all our good people that we neither were are nor ever by the grace of God shall be stained with Popish superstition 〈◊〉 by the contrary are resolved to maintain the true Protestant Religion already professed within this our ancient Kingdome We neither intend innovation in Religion or Laws Proclam 〈◊〉 8. 1638. 〈◊〉 all our good Subjects of the least suspition of any intention in us to innovate any thing either in Religion or Laws and to satisfie not only their desires but even their doubts Wee have discharged c. Proclam Septemb. 22. 1638. and to give all his Majesties people full assurance that hee never intended to admit any alteration or change in the true Religion professed within this Kingdome and that they may be truly and fully satisfied of the reality of his intentions and integrity of the same his Majesty hath been pleased to require and command all his good Subjects to subscribe the Confession of Faith formerly signed by his deare Father in Anno 1580 and it is his Majesties will that this be insert and registred in the Books of Assembly as a testimony to posterity not only of the sincerity of his intertions to the said true Religion but also of his resolution to mayntain and defend the same and his Subjects in the profession thereof Proclam Decemb. 13. 1638. b If any prelate would labour to bring in the superstitions of the Church of Rome I doe not only leave him to Gods iudgment but if his irreligious 〈◊〉 can be discovered also to shame and severe panishment from the State and in any just way no mans hands should be sooner against him then mine The Minor The conclusion 〈◊〉 a great and dangerous innovation of 〈◊〉 King James judgment of 〈◊〉 a Declarat contra 〈…〉 p. 15. 〈…〉 b Ibid. p. 12. 〈…〉 c Ibid. pag. 18 〈…〉 d Ibid. pag. 12. 〈…〉 e Ibid. pag. 14. 〈…〉 f Ibid. pag. 15. 〈…〉 The great increase of Arminians in Scotland by Canterburies mean The Kings name stolne by 〈◊〉 to the defence of 〈◊〉 g Large Declar. pag. 74. According to their weake and 〈◊〉 power they did determine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Predestination Universall Grace irresistibility of Grace concurrance of Free Will with Grace totall and finall perseverance in Grace and other
antiquity hath also taught us Let this therefore be acknowledged to be the doctrine of our Church White against the 〈◊〉 p. 95. avowes it as the doctrine of England that all infants baptised have the holy spirit are made the children of God by adoptiō pressing that of S. 〈◊〉 of all infants baptised Quid dicturus est de infantibus parvulis qui plerique accepto in illa aetate gratiae sacramento qut 〈◊〉 dubio pertinerent ad vitam aeternam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 si continuo ex hac vita 〈◊〉 sinuntur crescere nonnulli etiā apostatae sunt Albeit this same White makes this tenet in his conserence with Fisher to be the judgement only of Papists and Lutherans pag. 176. They differ from Lutherans and 〈◊〉 first in that they 〈◊〉 the grace of sanctification only to the elect 2. In that they deny externall baptisme to be alwayes effectuall at the very 〈◊〉 time when it is administrate w Cant. relat p. 56. That baptisme is necessary to the salva tion of infants in the ordinare way of the Church without binding GOD to the use and means of that Sacrament to which hee hath bound us it is expresse in Saint John Chap. 3. Except a man be born again by water he cannot enter no baptisme no entrance nor can infants creep in any other ordinare way And this is the 〈◊〉 opinion of all the ancient Church infants are to be baptised that their salvation may be certain for they which cannot helpe themselves must not be left only to extraordinare helps of which we have no assurance and for which we have no warrant at all in Seripture 〈◊〉 p. 66. I can shew you of none saved ordinarly without the sacraments in regard of our Saviours exception in the 3. of Iohn Except a man be born againe of the water and the spirit he cannot enter into the kingdome of heaven Montag orig p. 397. Adeo huic usui inserviunt aquae ut si tollatur lavacrū aquae alieni a Deo soedere promissionis aeternae excludantur illi in tenebras exteriores cum edicto divino 〈◊〉 sit nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua spiritu sancto non introibit in regnum coelorum 〈◊〉 hoc elusum a novatoribus sed Christi divinitatem ab haereticis negatam 〈◊〉 utrumque in contemptum Dei dispendium animarum x Samuel Hoards sermon supra puts crosse in baptisme and sindry other ceremonies of it among his rituall traditions Montag 〈◊〉 pag. 16. vestis alba oleum sal lac chrisma additamenta quaedam sunt ornatus causa Ib. p. 15. Cum concilio quodam nupero non veremur profiteri ceremonias à majoribus hominibus religiosissimis usurpatas quod ad varios pietatis usus valeant exercitia quaedam fint quibus mens externarū rerum sensu significatione ad divinum cultum 〈◊〉 Deum attrahitur in Ecclesia retinendas ubi abrogatae fuerant restituendas esse statuimus Andrews stricturae p. 13. Chrisme salt candles 〈◊〉 signe of the crosse 〈◊〉 and the consecration of the water those being all matter of ceremony are therefore in the Church power on good reasons either to retaine or to alter y Andrews 〈◊〉 p. 11. The whole matter about the five Sacraments is a meer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 z Pokling altare p. 65. And because the competents were persons of full age they received also confirmation by imposition of hands 〈◊〉 pleni 〈◊〉 inveniantar zz Andrewes 〈◊〉 pag. 12. The five orders is a point not 〈◊〉 the standing on while the revenues of the Church were able to maintaine so many degrees it cannot be denyed but that there were so many but by the Churches owne order neither by commandement nor example of Scripture but what is this to the present estate of the Church scarce able to maintaine two c. 〈◊〉 antid sect 3. p8 Let the Bishops stand alone on Apostolicall right and no more then so and doubt it not but some wil take it on your word then plead accordingly that thingsof Apostolicall institution may be laid aside When Bishop Andrews had learnedly asserted the 〈◊〉 order to be of Christs institutiō I have heard that some who were then in place did secretly interceed with King 〈◊〉 to have had it altered for feare forsooth of offending our neighbour Churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3. 〈◊〉 p. 195. Dixi abesse ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquid quod de jure divino sit culpa 〈◊〉 vestra non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 injuria temporum non enim tam propitios habuisse Reges Galliam vestram in Ecclesia reformanda quam habuit Britannia nostra Interim ubi dabit meliora Deus hoc quoque quod jam abest per Dei gratiam suppletum iri Relatum inter hereticos Aerium qui Epiphanio credat vel Augustino necesse est fateatur tu qui 〈◊〉 Aerium quo nomine damnas An quod se 〈◊〉 consensui universalis Ecclesiae Idem qui sentit an non itidem se opponit ac eo nomine damnandus erit Montag 〈◊〉 p. 138. 〈◊〉 jus autoritatem ita credimus annexam Episcoporum personis ut a nemine non episcopo ordinato consecrato possit aut debeat adhiberi 〈◊〉 ordinationem vel 〈◊〉 omnem pronunciamus quae non a legitimo canonico more 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 se 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non missi ingerant caelesti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viderint 〈◊〉 quid sint responsuri olim summo sacerdoti cujus partes usurpant 〈◊〉 nostros non aliorum 〈◊〉 vocationes Yea not only they tye ordination and jurisdict on to the person of Bishops but of such Bishops who must of necessity shew the derivation of all their power from the Pope as was shown before a Dew p. 184. By his favour I must tell him that neither the law of God nor of the King disallowes the use of the old Canons and Constitutions though made in the time of Popery and by the Pope or Popish Prelats which are not contrary to the law of God or the King If hee desire proofe of this let him consider whether the Statute 25. Hen. 8 19. do not say as much as I affirme which having regulated divers things touching the exercise of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction At last the statute concludes with this 〈◊〉 Provided also that such Canons constitutions ordinances and synodals provinciall being already made not repugnant to the lawes and customes of this Realme nor to the hurt of the Kings prerogative royall shall now still be used and executed as they were before the making of this Act till such time as they be viewed searched or otherwise ordered by the said two and thirty persons or the more part of them according to the tenour of this present Act. It followes then that till these thirty two persons determine otherwise old Canons may bee still executed and retaine their ancient vigour and authority and when that will be I know not but as
chappels there was not yet consecrate notwithstanding of divine service in them for some score of years past g Pokl alt p. 141. Was not the altar the chiefest place which with most ceremony devotion was hallowed was there not a feast annuall kept in joyfull remembrance of the dedication of every Church Doth not S. Austine say Novit sanctitas vestra fratres corsecrationem altaris celebrareus in quo unctus vel benedictus est lapis as he cites the place in his Sunday Quenscoole p. 198. In the collegiat Church of Wolverhampton in the countrey of Stafford the altar cloaths therof were consecrate 11. Octob. 1635. As soon as the Priests come to the Church each of them made a low congie at their first entring in at the church door after that three congies a peece towards the altar so they went unto the chancell where a bason with water a towel was provided for the Priests to wash in where also was incense burning after they returned making three 〈◊〉 a peece After the sermon every one of them had a paper in his hand which they tearmed a censer so they went up again to the altar as they went they made 〈◊〉 congies a peece the Communion being ended they washed their hands and returned giving three congies as before Ib. 220. There are divers high 〈◊〉 solemnly dedicated of late in divers 〈◊〉 of Cambridge and Oxford adorned with tapers candlesticks Crucifixes basons crosses rich altar-clothes crimson cushions rich hangings Pokl alt p. 24. Optatus saith that Erant Ecclesiae ex auro argento quam plurtma ornamenta ib p 80. At the upper end of the Chancell was a place railed in whereunto none were permitted to enter but the Priests The Canon is cleare Nulli omnium qui sit in Laicorum numeroliceat intra sacram altare ingredi A dispensation indeed there was for the Emperor to enter inhither when he would Creatori dona afferre but stay there he might not Laurence p. 10. Beyond these railes duo cancelli which distinguished the body of the Church from the Oracle none out of orders came A more awfull reverence was commanded to this part being barred from common view Ib. p 29 We have the Grecians triple prostrations from their Liturgies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ib. p. 12. The same God is thorow all the parts of the Church but not in the same manner thorow all the parts therof for as they are different degrees of sanctitie in them so is there a different dispensation of his presence in them Ib. p. 15. This followes upon the consecration as there was a greater communication of the divine presence in those places than in others so was there a greater communication of the same presence in some part of the temple of Solomon than in others And as that distinction in holy places continued after Christ so did the reason of that distinction too The whole indeed is the house of God for albeit the Lord be without these wals yet is he more within as we are not presumed to be so much abroad as at home though the Church conceived him to be present in all parts of this house yet it concerved him to be present more in one part of it than another in respect of that 〈◊〉 dispensation of his presence to that place of the Church as of old to that place of the temple which was within the 〈◊〉 we having an altar here answerable to a mercy 〈◊〉 there as also in respect of that union 〈◊〉 this place and 〈◊〉 humane nature 〈◊〉 Star-Chamber speech p. 47. The altar is the greatest place of Gods residence upon 〈◊〉 I say the greatest 〈◊〉 greater than the pulpit for 〈◊〉 it is hoc est corpus meum but in the pulpit is is 〈◊〉 hoc est verbum meum and a greater reverence no doubt is due to the body than to the word and so in 〈◊〉 answerable to the 〈◊〉 where his body is usually 〈◊〉 then to the seat whence his word uses to be proclaimed h Vide supra cap. 5. 〈◊〉 i 〈…〉 I was shewed a Latine determination 〈◊〉 in one of our universities 〈◊〉 to prove that looke what ceremonies were used about the altar before the reformation by power and force of any generall custome though past over in deep silence by our Liturgie are notwithstanding commanded us by a kind of impliâ—◠〈◊〉 even unto us that live under the discipline of the English Liturgie 〈◊〉 authour therein onely leaves him as a man most able to justifie that writ 〈◊〉 are his words as for your Sally on the author of the latin determination I leave him to himselfe He is of age to do you reason in this as well as in that other quarrell you have against him k Vide supra cap. 5. B. l 〈◊〉 Bughen serm pag. 9 We 〈◊〉 not think 〈◊〉 enough that we stand at the 〈◊〉 except wee say it also with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a loud voice nor is it enough 〈◊〉 us to stand up at the gospel but at the name of Jesus not as if we were ashamed of what we did but neither is it 〈◊〉 to be bare in time of divine service kneell on our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commands letanie are 〈◊〉 Shelfoord pag. 20. Let us learne of our Cathedrall Churches for there our reverend Fathers the prelats maketheir reverence to God in this wise both at their entry and their returne wherefore to follow their good holy patterne we are to do the like both at our comming into Gods house and at our going out Ib. p. 22 The fifth office of holinesse is to rise up from our seats when the articles of our faith are read wee also doe more reverently to stand up at the reading of the Psalmes before after and behind the holy Lessons We are also to stand at the reading of the Gospel The reason that the old Lyturgick writers gives of this superstitious standing at the Creed Gospel more than at the reading of the lessons Epistles is because these Epistles among which they put the Revelation the Pentateuch and sundry other parts of the old restament contains more base doctrine than the Gospel which comes behind them as the Master comes after his servant which goes before to make way m Couzins devotions they offend against the fifth command that obeyes not the precepts of the ecclesiastick Governors The precepts of the Church are first to observe the festivals and holy dayes appointed in the Church calendar vide supra cap. n Whits examinat p. 118. The injunction maketh no difference betwixt Sunday and the other holy dayes concerning working in harvest no speciall priviledge is given it more than the 〈◊〉 For King Edwards statute repeated by Queen Elizabeth saith It shall be law full to every husband-man labourer fisher-man c. upon the holy dayes aforesaid in harvest or at any other time of the yeare when necessity shall require to labour ride fish or work any kind
materiall for the rest he avoweth himselfe to be for peace and 〈◊〉 and all to be so but Puritans and Jesuites 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 doth nourish up in a faction 〈◊〉 p. 18. I like S. Ambrose Lombard Roffensis Harding who advise in this argument to forbeare the 〈◊〉 nation of the 〈◊〉 of presence and to cloath our 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 general expressions As I like not those that say he is 〈◊〉 there so I 〈◊〉 not those that say his body is not there For S. Paul saith it is there 〈◊〉 the Church 〈◊〉 England saith it is there and the Church of God ever said it is there and that truly substantially essentially We must beleeve it is there We must not know how it is there It is a mysterie they all say The presence they determined the 〈◊〉 of his presence they determined not They said he is there but the Lord knows how b 〈◊〉 answer pag. 137. Think you it 〈◊〉 the Priest should takeinto his 〈◊〉 the holy mysteries without lowly reverence and that it is an innovation to do so Our 〈◊〉 about the 〈◊〉 c Heylens antid 〈◊〉 6. 〈◊〉 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our 〈◊〉 as by the Lords owne 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 in the legal by Christs 〈◊〉 it is to by us 〈◊〉 in the holy A 〈◊〉 it was in figure a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in fact 〈◊〉 so by consequence a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the commemorations or immediately upon the post fact a Sacrifice there was among the Jewes a Sacrifice 〈◊〉 must be amongst the Christians and if a Sacrifice must bee there must be Priests also to do and altars whereupon to do it for without a Priest and an Altar there can be no Sacrifice There was a bloudy Sacrifice then an unbloudy now a Priest derived from Aaron then from Melchisedeck now an Altar for Mosatcall Sacrifices then for Evangelicall now The Apostles in the institution were appointed Priests by Christ where they received a power for them and their Successors to celebrate these holy mysteries Hoc facite is for the Priest who hath power to consecrate Hoc 〈◊〉 is both for Priest and people Ibid pag. 17. He maintained at length that in the Lords Supper there is a true proper corporall visible and externall Sacrifice Our changes in the Communion d White on the Sabbath pag. 97. Such Traditions are those that follow the deliverie of the Communion to the people in both kinds Montag orig pag. 396. Vbi 〈◊〉 in Scripturis infantes baptizari aut in coena Domiui sub utraque specie communicantes participare de his 〈◊〉 profiteri Nihil tale docet Scriptura Scriptura 〈◊〉 non praedicat Andrews stricturae pag. 5. It cannot be denyed but roserving the Sacrament was suffered a long time in the Primitive Church in time of persecution they were permitted to carrie away how great a part they would and to keep it by them and to take it at times to comfort them but for the sick it was alwayes sent them home were the distance never so great and against the time of extremitie it was thought not amisse to have it reserved that if the Priest should not then be in state to go to the sick partie and there to 〈◊〉 it for him yet at least it might be sent him as in the case of Serapion Pokling as we have heard made it one of the matters of that Churches glorie that they yet 〈◊〉 retaine in their 〈◊〉 the old Repositories The tyrannous 〈◊〉 of the Canterburians are as many and 〈◊〉 as these of the 〈◊〉 Clergie a Samuel Hoards Sermon pag 7. By the Church I meane the Churches Pilots who sit at the sterne Heads and members divide al bodies Ecclesiasticall and civill what ever is to bee done in matters of direction and government hath alwayes beene and must bee the sole prerogative of the heads of these bodies unlesse we will have all Common-wealths and Churches broken in peeces Ibid. pag. 8. The key of jurisdiction which is a power of binding and loosing men in foro exteriori in the courts of justice and of making lawes and orders for the government of Gods house is peculiar to the heads and Bishops of the Church Ibid. p. 31. What was Ignatius and Ambrose if we look at their authoritie more than other Bishops of the Church That libertie therfore which they had to make new orders when they saw 〈◊〉 have all other Prelates in their Churches Edward Boughanes Serm. pag. 17. Submit your selves to those that are put in authoritie by Kings so then to Bishops because they are put in authoritie by Kings if they had no other claime But blessed be God they hold not only by this but by an higher tenure since all powers are of God from him they have their spirituall jurisdiction what ever it be S. Paul therefore you see assumes this power unto himselfe of setting things in order in the Kirk before any Prince become Christian 1 Cor. 11. 34. The like power hee acknowledgeth to be in 〈◊〉 1. 5. and in all Bishops Heb. 15. 17. Ibid. pag. 18. Kings make lawes and Bishops make canons This indeed it was of necessitie in the beginning of Christianitie Kings made lawes for the State and Bishops for the Kirk because then there was no Christians Kings either to authorize them to make such laws or who would countenance the when they were made But after that Kings became nourishing sathers to the Church in these pious regular times Bishops made no Canons without the assent confirmation of Christians Kings such are our Canons so made so confirmed Chounei collect p. 53. Reges membra 〈◊〉 filios Ecclesiae se esse habitos rejecisse contempsisse non 〈◊〉 audivimus obediunt simulque regnant Jura quibus gubernari se permittunt sua sunt vitalitatem nativam ex praepositis Ecclesiae tanquam ex corde recipiunts 〈◊〉 ex ipsis tanquam ex capitibus derivant Sam. Hoards p. 9. Nor did they exercise this power when they were in Counsell only but when they were asunder also speaking of Apostles as they are paterns to all Bishops b Our Church Sessions our weekly Presbyteries our yearly generall Assemblies whereof by our standing lawes we have been in possession are close put downe by our book of Canons and in their roome Church-Wardens officiall Courts Synods for Episcopall visitation and generall Assemblies to bee called when they will to be constitute of what members they please to name are put in their place c So is their booke entituled Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall ga hered and put in forme for the government of the Church of Scotland and ordained to bee observed by the Clergie and all others whom they concerne d Whites Examination of the dialogue pag. 22. By the Lawes of our Kingdome Canons of our Church many learned persons are appointed to be assistants unto Bishops in our nationall Synods in which al weightie matters concerning religion are determined nothing is or may be concluded
but by the common vote and counsell of the major part of the convocation which consisteth of many other learned Divines besides Bishops Andrews Sermon of Trumpets dedicated to the King by Canterburie As for the Churches Lawes which we call Canons or rules made to restraine or redresse abuses they have alwayes been made at Church Assemblies and in her owne Councels not elsewhere Heylens antid pag 29. I trow you are not ignorant that the Kirk makes Canons it is the work of 〈◊〉 men in their Convocations having his Majesties leave for their conveening and approbation of their doings His Majestie in the Declaration before the articles hath resolved it so and the late practice in King James his raigne what time the book of Canons was composed in the Convocation hath declared it so too e Whites Examination pag. 20. telleth us as it were from Eusebius Quicquid in Sanctis Episcoporum 〈◊〉 decernitur id universum divinae voluntati debet attribui And from Bernard Sive Deus five homo vicarius Dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit pari profectò obsequendum est oura pari reverentia suscipiendum ubi tamen Deo contraria non praecepit homo f Book of Canons pag. 8. Whosoever shall hereafter affirm that the forme of worship contained in the booke of Common Prayer that the rites and ceremonies of the Church that the government of the Church by Arch-Bishops Bishops and others that the forme of consecrating Arch-Bishops Bishops Presbyters and Deacons as they are now established under his Majesties authoritie doe containe in them any thing repugnant to the Scriptures or are corrupt superstitious or unlawfull in the service and worship of God let him bee excommunicate and not restored but by the Bishop of the place or Arch-Bishop of the Province after his repentance and publike revocation of such his wicked errours g Book of Canons pa. 37. In all this book of Canons wheresoever there is no penaltie 〈◊〉 set downe it is to bee understood that 〈◊〉 the crime or offence be proved the punishment shall bee arbitrary as the Ordinary shall think fittest h Canterhuries Starre Chamber speech in his 〈◊〉 to the King I shall rather magnifie your elemencie that proceeded with those offenders Burton Bastwick Prinne in a Court of Mercie as well as Justice since as the reverend Judges then declared yee might have justly called the offenders into another Court and put them to it in a way that might have exacted their lives i The world 〈◊〉 that numbers who have beene flying from Episcopall tyrannie out of England to the very new found lands never to returne have been by violence kept back and cast in their prisons and we see daily that numbers not onely of men but even of silly women are drawne back in Ireland from their flight out of the Kingdome to close prisons k Huntly in his Breviate reports as a known case among many other this one also that M. John Hayden a poor Devonshire Minister for preaching at Norwich a Sermon wherin he let fall some passages against setting up of images and bowing at the name of Jesus was apprehended like a Traytour with the Constables bils and halberds by D. Harsnet then Bishop and brought manacled to him like a Felon and committed to the common Jayle close prisoner above thirteene weeks where he was like to starve the Bishop having taken from him his horse papers and all thereafter he was sent by a Pursevant to London and kept two full Terms At last by the high Commission he was deprived of his orders therafter the high Commissioners imprisoned him in the Gate house common dungeon Canterbury sent him to be whipt to Bridewell and there kept him all the long extreme cold winter in a dark cold dungeon without fire or candle-light chained to a post in the midst of the roome with heavie 〈◊〉 on his hands and feet allowing him onely bread and water with a pad of straw to lye on And since on his reliefe hath caused him to take an 〈◊〉 and give band to preach no more and to depart the Kingdome within three weeks without returning and all this for preaching after his first unjust deprivation though 〈◊〉 exception was taken against his doctrine Thu much in the Breviate is printed of Hayden if the man be roguish as some indeed say he is I am utterly ignorant of his manners but hereof no man is ignorant that the Episcopall censures le ts slip in men who loves their cause manners of the most vile villains as appears well this day in many a black be presented to the Committee of Parliament for scandalous Ministers also that the cruelty of Bishops hath crusht to the verie death with povertie banishment cold and famine in prisons many whose lives were never spotted with the allegeance of any crime but opposition to their ungratious Lordships the Remonstrants can make it appeare by too too many examples l Sundry of our prime Earles and Lords did present a supplication to our King after his Coronation wherein the matter of their greatest complaint was so far as ever wee heard their challenging of the Bishops for what they had done and were likely to doe The double of this privie supplication being privily convoyed by an unfriend some two or three yeares thereafter out of my Lord Balmerinochs chamber was a ditty for which he was condemned to dye for an example to all other Noble Men to beware of the like rashnesse especially his Fellow-supplicants who are all declared to have deserved by that fault the same sentence of death Large Declaration pag. 14. Nor could they have found the least blemish in our justice if we should have given warrant both 〈◊〉 his sentence and execution whose life was now legally devolved into our hands Ibid. p. 13. We were graciously pleased that the feare and example might reach to all but the punishment only to one of them to passe by many who undoubtedly had been concluded and involved by our Lawes in the same sentence if we had proceeded against them m Studley about the end of his wicked story avowes that since by severe punishment the number of the unconformists have decayed that their cause cannot be from God n Canterburie in his Epistle to the King before the Star-Chamber speech having magnified the Kings mercie for saving the life of Burton and his companions is bold to advise the King not alwayes to be so mercifull in these words Yet this I shall be bold to say that your Majestie may consider of it in your wisdome that one way of government is not alwayes either fit or safe when the humours of the people are in a continuall change especially when such men as those shall work upon your people and labour to infuse into them such malignant principles to introduce a paritie in the Church or Common-wealth 〈◊〉 non satis sua sponte 〈◊〉 instigare Heylen in his moderate answer pag. 187. 〈◊〉 many reasons and
examples to prove that Bourton and his like deserved no lesse than publike execution And yet these men are so gentle to Papists that they glorie in their meeknesse towards them professing that to the bitterest of the Jesuites they have never given so much as a course word So Canterburie in his Epistle the other yeare to the King before the relation of the conference God forbid that I should ever offer to perswade a persecution in any kind against the Jesuites or practise it in the least for to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as 〈◊〉 language King Charles hates all tyranny o His Majesties speech in Parliament 28. p. 75. The peoples liberties strengthen the Kings prerogative and the Kings prerogative is to defend the peoples liberties p Proclamation at York April 25. 1639. We heartily declare and faithfully promise that although wee bee now in armes they shall be no wayes used either to force upon that our native Kingdome any innovation of religion or to infringe any of the civill liberties or the lawes thereof accounting it our glorie to preserve libertie and freedome among them according to their Lawes Therefore wee 〈◊〉 once againe by this renew our former promises for the maintenance of Religion and Lawes and this we doe in all sinceritie of heart we take God the Searcher of all hearts to witnesse that as we are Defenders of the true Protestant Religion which we from our heart professe so we trust we shall by his goodnesse continue in the same and never shall permit any innovation to 〈◊〉 in this or any other of our Kingdomes One of the articles of Dunce pacification is this We are further graciously pleased that according to the Petitioners humble 〈◊〉 all matters Ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Church and matters 〈◊〉 by the Parliament and other inferiour Judicatories established by Law which accordingly shall be kept once a yeare or so oft as the affaires of the Church and Kingdome shall require q Cant. relat p. 112. In some Kingdomes there are divers 〈◊〉 of greatest consequence which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered but in and by Parliament and particularly the Statute Lawes which must bind all the Subjects cannot bee made or ratified but there the supreme Magistrate in the civill State may not abrogate Lawes made in Parliament thogh hee may cispense with the penaltie of the Law quoad hic nunc r The which seditious discourse and writing the authors therof intended should bee dispersed as if the same had beene entertained by your 〈◊〉 with purpose to put it in execution and to alter the ancient Laws of this Kingdom and to draw all things to your Majesties absolute will and pleasure and to dispose of your Subjects goods without their consent and to make and repeale Lawes by your Majesties Proclamation only without consent of Parliament which if it should be beleeved by your people could not but raise infinite discontent amongst them the consequence whereof might be of extreme and almost inevitable danger to your Majesties person and to the whole frame of the Kingdome s Bilson of Subjection p. 280. Neither will I rashly pronounce all that resist to be Rebels Cases may fall out even in Christian Kingdomes where people may plead their right against the Prince and not be charged with rebellion As for example if a Prince should go about to subject his Kingdome to a forraine Realme or change the forme of the Common-Wealth from Emperie to Tyranny or neglect the Lawes established by common consent of Prince and people to execute his owne pleasure in those and other cases which might be named if the Nobles and Commons joyne 〈◊〉 to defend their ancient and accustomed libertie regiment and lawes they may not well be counted Rebels Ib. By superiour powers ordained of God we do not meane the Princes private will against his lawes but his precepts derived from his lawes and agreeing with his lawes which though it be wicked yet may it not be resisted by any subject with armed violence but when Princes offer their subjects no justice but force and despise all lawes to practise their lusts not any private man may take the sword to redresse the Prince but if the lawes of the land appoint the Nobles as next to the King to assist him in doing right and withhold him 〈◊〉 doing wrong then bee they licenced by mans law so not prohibited by Gods Law for to interposethemselves for the safeguard of equitie and innocencie and by all lawfull and needfull meanes to procure the Prince to bee reformed but in no case to deprive him where the Scepter is inherited Ibid. pag. 94. Spoiles massacres conspiracies treasons even to the destruction and murther of Princes by their owne servants if a Priest say the word you count in your selves to bee just honourable and godly war if others do but 〈◊〉 on their guard to keep their lives and families from the blinded rage of their enemies seeking to put whole townes and provinces to the sword against all law and reason and to disturb Kingdomes in the minoritie of the right Governours or if they defend their Christian and ancient liberties covenanted and agreed upon by those Princes to whom they first submitted themselves and ever since confirmed and allowed by the Kings that have succeeded If in either of these two cases the Godly require their right and offer no wrong neither impugne their Princes but onely save their owne lives you crie rebellious Hereticks rebellious Calvinists surie frenzie mutinie and I know not what yee may pursue depose murther Princes when the B. of Rome bids you and that without breach of duty law or conscience to God or man as you vant And that when neither life nor limme of you is touched we may not so much as beseech Princes that we may be used like subjects not like slaves like men not like beasts that we may be convented by lawes before Judges not murthered by Inquisitors in corners but incontinent the fume of your uncleant mouth is ready to call us by all the names you can devise The Canterburians flatter the King in much more power than ever he will take And 〈◊〉 him without advice of the Clergy to doe in the Church what he pleaseth t H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answer p. 28. What spirit leads you that you are 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 Power which men of better understanding than you have given to Princes Ib. p. 32. Princes are Gods deputes of whom should they be limited if ye say by the Laws of the land those themselves have made a prince in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is above the lawes though in concreto a just prince will not breake the lawes which himselfe hath promised to observe otherwise wee say of princes Principi lex non est posita that they doe not governe onely by the 〈◊〉 but are above it that he is sure and hath an absolute authority Ibid. p. 〈◊〉 I
will be bold to tell you that as it is a kind of Atheisme to dispute pro contra what God can doe and what he cannot though such disputes are raised sometimes by unquiet 〈◊〉 so it is a 〈◊〉 of disobedience and disloyalty to determine what a King can and what he cannot 〈◊〉 p. 3. Hence it is that princes being Legislators are above their Laws and dispence with them as they thinke expedient A prince is not bound to his owne Lawes because no man can impose a law upon himselfe Aberdeen duplyes p. 22. The King is above the Law as both the author and giver of strength thereto w Dominus Joannes Wemius de Craigtoun a man advanced by our Bishops to be a Lord both of Councell and Session in his booke de primatu Regis printed at Edinburgh 1623. And going among them to this day with applause p. 18. Sed quid si princeps leges statuat adhibito etiam jurisjurandi sacramento velin sua inauguratione promittat se leges non 〈◊〉 absque populi ordinumque non modo consilio sedetiam consensu ac determinante sententia fiquidem non suerit haec in prima regni constitutione conditio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ac 〈◊〉 regni 〈◊〉 non sit quo casu dicerem non proprie esse regnum sed 〈◊〉 ocratiam vel democratiam sed post regni constitutionem pactum 〈◊〉 sit Regis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etiam si forsan pollicentem 〈◊〉 obliget quoniam praestanda est fides data 〈◊〉 sine fide licet non fine 〈◊〉 regnet successores tamen in regno quomodo constringet vix intell gimus 〈◊〉 si 〈◊〉 a quoque sit ut ait 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omn is ea pactio quae inter patrem filium maritum 〈◊〉 dominum 〈◊〉 regem 〈◊〉 celebratur quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hos audientes esse lb. p. 39. Audemus dicere in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supra leges esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nemo enim fibi Legislator virdex aut 〈◊〉 d stinctio non probanda principem quoad vim legum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coactivam legibus subditum esse non enim mag is dirigere quam cogere seipsum 〈◊〉 quis 〈◊〉 actio omnis sit inter agens patiens lb. 41. Si 〈◊〉 suas se observaturum 〈◊〉 obligaverit princeps quod raroaut nunquam fit eriamsi soleat princeps quisque legum suarum observationem hoc sensu promittere id est 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 observentur se effecturum ad earum observationem teneri eum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 religion is potius quam justitiae legalis observatione x 〈◊〉 Wemius p. 26. Legum latio pr 〈◊〉 est supremae dominationis ac majestat is caput lb. p 74. Legum ecclesiasticarum principes latores sunt nec differunt à civilibus ecclesiastica ratione causae efficient is y Iohannes Wemius p. 59. Potestatem in ecclesiasticis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 posse a principibus jure suo extra concilia exerceri decent quas ita tulerunt leges 〈◊〉 atque 〈◊〉 Regis legibus ecclesiasticis quae legi divinae non repugnant nequit quis bona cum conscientia obedientiam detrectare quam vis non 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 constitutionem Pastorum Ecclesiae corsensus Ib. p. 93. Etiamfi extra concilia jubendi autoritatem habeat Princeps tamen libentius obsequuntur 〈◊〉 principum statut is quibus past orum in conciliis honorantur judicia z Large Declaration p. 222. Did not we and our Councell by equall authoritie command these innovations of Canons and Liturgie Was not then the Prelates practice of them as well warranted as this confession of faith and the band annexed which were never brought in by Acts of Parliament or Assembly but meerely by our royall Fathers 〈◊〉 and put in execution by the authoritie of his Councell Iohannes Wemius pag. 66. Laicos saepè a principilius advocatos in Concilia videre est quibus non modo consultivam sed difinitiv im 〈◊〉 permitterent Iste fuit electionis mittendorum ad Conciliae modus ut 〈◊〉 praesulibus quos 〈◊〉 mittendi liberam plerumque potestatem permitteret princeps quod illis exploratius quam sibi esset qui ad eam 〈◊〉 aptiores Non quod princ pi penitus neganda sit quod autumant nonnulli particular is personarum quae 〈◊〉 eum Leges Ecclesiasticas laturum adjuvent designatio 〈◊〉 ud enim esset principum juri detrahere Ex singulis 〈◊〉 moderatus 〈◊〉 numerus eruditorum ac prudentiorum Presbyterorum Diaconorum Laicorum a Principe aut Metropolita Principis delegato 〈◊〉 a Iohannes Wemius p. 89. 〈◊〉 habent vocem Pasto 〈◊〉 tanqu im juris divini consulti desinitivam princeps ut judex dante illis consilii his judicii potestatem legislatore Deo penes quem solum summa in spiritualibus imperii residet lb. p. 70. Vocem habere qui congregartur Presbyteros non qua Presbyteri 〈◊〉 qua ecclesiarū sunt legati a principe vocati Ibid. pag. 74. Definitiva 〈◊〉 dictio corum est qui a principe summo moderatore cos corsulente vocemque 〈◊〉 dante vocantur lb. Asserimus non agitata in conciliis fuisse saltem quae majoris momenti essent negotia nisi quaterus ca princeps per legatos proponeret aut patribus descripta 〈◊〉 b Iohannes Wemius p. 126. 〈◊〉 in Scriptura mandato 〈◊〉 concilia celebrandi mos sed a principibus 〈◊〉 curam 〈◊〉 bus cum non essent principes a pastoribus ipsis volentibus ortum habuit c Iohannes Wemius p. 78. 79. Officiorum Ecclesiae modus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est a principe pastores Ecclesiae non corsulente 〈◊〉 posse affirmamus 〈◊〉 cum serenissimo nostro 〈◊〉 sammis quibusque imperitantibus concessum esse externam in ecclesiasticis regiminis formam suis pra scribere quae ad civilis administrationis modum quam proxime accedat dummodo a fide veraeque religionis fundamentis ne tantillum abscedat d Iohannes Wemius p 124. 〈◊〉 confertur 〈◊〉 jurisdictionis potest as per regium quod a Deo habet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regi tantum Christiano aptitudo eâ recte utendi Christi gratia donetur Tametsi primatus 〈◊〉 administret Rex 〈◊〉 Primatus tamen jus officii seu vecatioris 〈◊〉 facultatis aut exercitii ratione Rex obtinet Quae Regi supervenit gratia regiam in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non facit potestatem non 〈◊〉 nec expellit gratiae internae nedum professionis externae defectus They give to the 〈◊〉 power to do in the State what ever he will 〈◊〉 the advice of his parliament e 〈◊〉 Wemius page 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 putandum est quia solet 〈◊〉 ex modesta prudenti virium suarum dissidentia non nisi de or dinum 〈◊〉 leges ferre absolutam ideo ei imponiejusque successoribus necessitatem illorum 〈◊〉 corsersus ac si nullo modo 〈◊〉 perse sine corundē 〈◊〉 bonas edere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quibus qua quaeso conscientia non parebunt omnes
〈◊〉 pag. 19. In Monarchia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluntas de substantialegis est praevia cum populo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 si utilis imò 〈◊〉 sit 〈◊〉 tamen non est 〈◊〉 cum imperatore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicendum videtur explosis ridiculosis ambiguitatibus verum conditorem interpretem legum esse solum 〈◊〉 ligem legislatoris non 〈◊〉 non ex vi con sensus 〈◊〉 sed ex regia 〈◊〉 viobligantem 〈◊〉 pag. 8. Non 〈◊〉 Juristarum 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ron obligare legem nisi à 〈◊〉 acceptetur cum mon 〈◊〉 fit legislator lex 〈◊〉 qua lex obliget 〈◊〉 ut ad eam 〈◊〉 dam cogendi fint 〈◊〉 post legis à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publicationem temporisque quoad populi notitiam 〈◊〉 sufficientis lapsum potest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publica legis observatio praecise ingeri Heylens 〈◊〉 p. 66. The declaration of his 〈◊〉 pleasure in the case of S. Gregorie is to bee extended to 〈◊〉 other cases of the same nature It is a maxime in the civill law Sententia Principis jus dubium declarans jus sacit quoad omnes Item Quodcunque imperator per 〈◊〉 constituit vel 〈◊〉 decrevit legem esse constat Id in his moderate answer pag. 29. Onely these commands of the King are to be refused which are directly against Scripture or include marifest impiety He learned this from his opposite the Lincolneshire Minister pag. 68. I say that al commands of the King that are not upon the clear and immediate inference without all prosyllogismes contrary to acleare passage of the word of God or to an evident Sun-beame of the law of nature are precisely to bee obeyed nor is it enough to finde a remote and possible inconvenience that may ensue f 〈◊〉 Wemius page 23. 〈◊〉 ut civium ad Comitia delegatos non ita absolutè à Baronum vel Civium 〈◊〉 pendere volumus ut non possit Rex quos 〈◊〉 maxime idoneos censuerit eligendos 〈◊〉 praesertim 〈◊〉 pro legibus ferendis 〈◊〉 quae administrationis 〈◊〉 publicae statuendis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt in quibus liberum denegare regi 〈◊〉 quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quibuscum deliberet sibi in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esset ex Rege non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 statuumque voluntati ad Regiae depressionem eminentiae nimis 〈◊〉 g Joannes Wemius page 19 Omnia fatemur 〈◊〉 in regno sunt regis esse quarex est 〈◊〉 est qua 〈◊〉 regui dominus adeoque qua 〈◊〉 ipsius qua rex est aut publica regni conditio posse regem de 〈◊〉 bonis disponere praesertim ubi omnes in regno terrae in feuda concessae fuerint à rege aliquod penes se dominium retinente Id. p. 17. Licet non de jure omnium bona exigendo tamen dejure in omnes leges ferendo sine omnium consenso statuere potest Montag orig p. 320 Omni lege divina naturali nationali vel politica licite semper reges principes suis subditu tributa 〈◊〉 licitè quoque exegerunt cum ad patriae reipublicae defensionem tum ad ipsorum familiae honest amprocurationem Hanc doctrinam accurate tuetur ecclesia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in qua sacerdotes licet magis gaudere soleant debeant immunitatibus tamen frequentius exuberantius libentius quam 〈◊〉 dec marum decimas subsid a annatas primitias 〈◊〉 h Joannes Wemius page 136. Cum regis sit insuo regno judices Magistratus constituere qui ipsius sint in judicando jubendo vicarii potest rex 〈◊〉 judicandique jus ac Mag stratus judicesque constituendt potestatem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prout regno utile esse visum ei fuerit abutent 〈◊〉 us auferre nulla 〈◊〉 est sub Rege patr monialis haereditaria jur sdictio Rege solo jurisdictionem tanquim propriam habente aliisque quibus eam non dat sed communicat tanquam depositam 〈◊〉 Igitur non ut terras ita jurisdictionem simpliciter ut loquuntur privative Rex alienare potest nisi Rex esse 〈◊〉 Ibid. page 157. Siiudices sint principum vicarii 〈◊〉 est eorum principe praesente potest as cum solius absentis teneat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 si quae est alicubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ron nisi jus est judicium regium volente Rege declarandi ut ita ex jud 〈◊〉 ore proferatur Regis sententia Ibid. page 17. In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 psis quam ass stent bus imperium exercet Rex quandoquidem praesente 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnium 〈◊〉 derivata ut fluviorum 〈◊〉 nomen potestas cum in mare 〈◊〉 Ibid. pag. 143. Principis occasu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnium tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam delagatorum jus Negari non potest tam apud Romanos quam altos in usu suisse ut qui in demortuorum succederent locum reges 〈◊〉 regnorum guberracula capesserent 〈◊〉 iudicumque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut ostenderetur 〈◊〉 regibus nullam esse inferiorum authoritatem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tacitè 〈◊〉 i Corbet p. 45. There was no law in the Kingdome of Scotland before 〈◊〉 gave it for 〈◊〉 Fergus his 〈◊〉 wee were 〈◊〉 hominum agreste sine legibus 〈◊〉 imperio Hee and his Successors gave lawes ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did conquer us k Corbet p. 25. Fergus his Successours divided the whole land which was their owne and distinguished the orders of men did establish a 〈◊〉 t This is cleare ex 〈◊〉 regiis ubi satis constal regem esse dominum omnium 〈◊〉 directum omnes subditos esse ejus vassallos qui latifundia sua ipsi domino referant accepta sui 〈◊〉 obsequii servitii praemia l Ioannes Wemius p. 18. Quo casu dicerem nonpreprie esse regnum sed ar stocratiam vel democratiam Ibid. p. 23. Hoc esset ex rege non regem cum facere Ibid. p. 38. Quodsi alicubi non habeat rex potestatem leges ferendi nisi ex 〈◊〉 comitiis consensu sic fundamentaliter limitata proprie Rex non est ac non tam acceptans est populus quam cum Rege 〈◊〉 collega legem ferens Ibid. p. 53. Non est imperium illud vere 〈◊〉 sed principatus quidam imperans ille non Monarcha aut Rex sed tantum Princeps ut Venetorum Dux residente in opt matibus aut populo 〈◊〉 summa m Relat. of the Conference pag. The Statute Lawes which must bind all the Subjects cannot be made but in and by Parliament the supreme Magistrate in the civill state may not abrogate Lawes made in Parliament Ibid. pag. 158. Tiberius himselfe in the cause of Silanus when Dolabella would have flattered him into more power than in wisdome he thought 〈◊〉 then to take to himselfe he put him off thus No the Lawes grow lesse when such power enlargeth nor is absolute power to bee used where there may be an orderly proceeding by Law In no imaginable case 〈◊〉 wil have Tyrants resisted n Ioannes Wemius pag. 21. Teneri videtur subditus seipsum fame 〈◊〉 ut principem salvaret propter conservationem boni publici singulis adempta est adversus principem quae naturalis dicitur iuris defensio scu iniuriae depulsio o Canterb relat p. 205. Where the foundations of the faith are shaken by Princes there there ought to be prayer and patience but no opposition by force Aberdeens Duplys pag. 25. The way for all Christian Subiects to conquer Tyrants and the remedy provided in the New Testament against all persecutions is not to resist powers which God hath ordained lest we be damned but with all 〈◊〉 to suffer that we may be crowned It is evident by Scripture that it is unlawfull for Subiects in a Monarchicall estate to take armes for religion or for any other pretence without warrant from the Prince The renow ned Thebaean Legion of 6666 Christian Souldiers without making resistance as they had strength to have done suffered themselves rather to be slaine for their Christian profession by the Officers of Maximinian the Emperours executors of his cruell commandements against them Corbet p. 42. For your examples from reformed Churches since we live not by examples but by 〈◊〉 I will not stand upon them from facts to prove the lawfulnesse of resisting is ridiculous none of those by resisting gained so much as by suffering as experience too late doth thew p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag 29. Such was the doctrine and practice of many other great lights which shined in the 〈◊〉 of Iulian the Apostate and in the dayes of the Arrian 〈◊〉 and Gothick Arrian Kings q Corbet pag. 26. Qui 〈◊〉 Caio 〈◊〉 qui Augusto ipse 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 vel patri vel filio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ne per 〈◊〉 ire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui Constantino Christiano ipse apostatae Iuliano Ibid. pag. 36. If the Iewes in the dayes of Assuerus had beene of this new Scottish humour when an utter extirpation was intended by Haman both of themselves and theirreligion they would have taken armes but their prayers and teares were their defence in their greatest 〈◊〉 What they give to Kings is not for any respect they have to Maiestie but for their owne ambitious and 〈◊〉 ends r Ioannes We 〈◊〉 in his preface to the Duke of Buckingham Reges in 〈◊〉 sortem transcripti cute 〈◊〉 tenus homines reipsa boni genii censendi sunt in quos ut bumanos Ioves divini honoris 〈◊〉 pene consortes oculos animosque nostros desigi convenit Tu Heros nobilissime coruscas velut inter ignes Luna minores quem in 〈◊〉 augustioris gloriae 〈◊〉 divina prorsus virgula constitutum nemo potest dissiteri s Smart Sermon pag. 1. M. Couzins uttered these trayterous speeches in an open and affirmative manner that the Kings Highnesse is no more supreme head of the Church of England than the boy that rubs his horse heeles and this as we are credibly informed hath beene proved against him by the 〈◊〉 of two sufficient witnesses t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supra cap. ult A. w 〈◊〉 supra cap. 3. O. x Montag supra cap. tertio z