Account of which he may be deprived of c. And pag. 23. he says of these Principles That they have poisoned the very Springs and Fountains of Government and so deeply tinctur'd Mens Minds that he prays God we may not still live to see the miserable Effects of it Thus Dr. Sherlock even since his Conversion But you may say how does it appear that this Author now sets up these Principles You shall be Judge Pag. 49. he says That it is ill trusting any one any King with such a Power This is in his c. 3. s 1. n. 8. Again c. 1. n. 10. p. 11. he expresses himself in these Words viz. The antient Government with which he the King was intrusted p. 41. he falls upon those who stopt the Bill of Exclusion with this wholsome Advice Never to trust Men of King James's Principles and Religion with a Power that may destroy us Here the King's Power is onely what the People please to trust him with Pag. 57. He says That it is not the King's Money that pays the Soldiers but the Kingdoms and thence it will follow that they are not the King's Soldiers but the Kingdoms 67. He says That every Law is certainly a Compact between the King and the People wherein by a mutual Consent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him Obedience That therefore the People may as lawfully dispence with their Allegiance to the King 68. as the King dispence with the Execution of a Law That the Subjects have no other Security for their Liberties 77. Properties and Lives except the Interest they have of chusing their own Representatives in Parliament Whereby he will exclude by very much the greatest part of the Nation from having any security for their Lives c. i. e. all but the Electors of Parliament men for none other have any Vote in chusing their own Representatives But the Author makes them amends by giving every one of them a power to dispence with their Allegiance to the King when ever they think that the King dispences with the Execution of any Law He makes them all Popes to dispence with Oaths or any other Duty when they think it reasonable And as he gives them Power over their Oaths of Allegiance so he does over the King's Treasury and Army It is Their Mony Their Army and why should not They command them The King himself acts but by their Commission and by all Rule and Right every Man is accountable to him from whom he has his Commission But now our Author is upon the Rode you shall see how he improves He derives the Eccles Authorily from the People p. 206. he stops at nothing And since he is a granting to the People they shall have all even the Ecclesiastical Authority which is trusted in the Crown shall be derived from the People and transferrable by them to whom they think fit For he makes King James's breach of trust in the Ecclesiastical Authority a provoking temptation to his People to think of transferring it to some other Person This will gratify the Phanaticks as well as Commonwealth-men That even the Ecclesiastical Authority is derived from the People His Interpretation of its not being Lawful upon any Pretence to take Arms against the King c. pag. 221. n. 3. And now to Crown all He gives as large and loose an Interpretation of that famous Principle of the Ch. of England viz. of it s not being Lawful upon any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King c. as Bradshaw Rutherford Bellarmin or Mariana could desire viz. He says it was only meant That private Men should not take up the Sword or resist the King upon any Pretence that is says he upon any Pretence of private Injury or Wrong done to them in particular Beyond this none of the Republicans Phanaticks and Jesuits in the World could go So that this was no very distinguishing Principle of the Church of England as we us'd to call it But if you will allow the same Parliament which enacted the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance to the King c. to understand their own Meaning or think that the declared Sense of the Legislators is the true Sense of the Law then our Author has widely mistaken his Mark and misinterpreted this Law For 12 Car. 2. c. 30. it is declared That neither the Peers nor Commons nor both together nor the People Collectively nor Representatively in Parliament or out of Parliament nor any other Persons whatsoever have any Coercive Power over the Kings of England Now judge whether all this is meant only of Private Men as our Author would make you believe And take Notice that this is not to be taken as a Grant from that Parliament It is a Recognition wherein they declare what was the Law before them And they vouch that this Prerogative of the King to be exempt from all Coercive Power is by the undoubted and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom And that neither Lords nor Commons nor any other Persons not only now have not or hereafter shall not have any such Power over the King but that they never had or ever ought to have such Power I hope our Author will confess That this is somewhat a greater Authority and ought to have greater Weight with us than his single Opinion which he has taken up but of late And to confound that Distinction of the Parliament being Coordinate with the King and making the King but one of the three Estates which would imply their having something to do with the Sword which is the Supreme Power of Government joyntly with the King and therefore in some Cases might restrain him by Force which was the Pretence in 41. to obviate all this the Militia which is the Sword of England is by Act of Parliament put in the Hands of the King alone And it is declared in express Words 13 Car. 2. That the Sword is solely in the King's Power and that neither one nor both Houses of Parliament can or Lawfully may Raise or Levy any War offensive or defensive against his Majesty c. The Title of this Section p. 221. is King James and his Party endeavoured to destroy the Protestant Religion by misrepresenting the Persons and Principles of Protestants But it is not in the Power of Jesuit or any you can imagine to misrepresent the Protestant Principles more than this Author in this same Section as you have seen that is if you will allow that the Protestants did ever represent them Right before And whereas he Objects in the foremention'd Place That by it the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance it was never intended to give up the Constitution of the Government or to part with the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom The Answer is very easy for by the Judgment of what he calls the Constitution of the Government viz. King and Parliament
their free Consent they would do what they promised without Swearing and if they did not all the Oaths in the World would not make them Did Augustus for this expect no Allegiance from his Subjects Or are not the Eastern Monarchs pretty Absolute because the Law in those Nations does not require Oaths But after all by the Common Law in England and Ireland all above 16 are to swear Allegiance to the King and it may be exacted from them in their Leets And this is the Reason they gave for imposing the new Oaths in Ireland to King William and Queen Mary before there was an Act of Parliament for it And therefore there was as much Law of the Land for swearing of Allegiance to K. James in Ireland after his Repeal of the Oath of Supremacy as our Author can pretend there was for swearing to K. William in Ireland before the new Act imposing the Oaths there So that our Author is out too in matter of Law Sixth Reason in answer to the Question Who shall be Judge But the main of the Difficulty is yet behind and that is That upon our Author's Scheme of dissolving Oaths and Government for such Reasons as he thinks fit he has not told us who shall be Judge of these Forfeitures or Abdications This I have urg'd already but you have not heard our Author's answer He says c. 2. s 1. n. 2. p. 12. it is commonly Objected Who shall be Judge and he resolves it thus That either the People must be left to judge of the Designs of their Governors Or else they must be oblig'd to a blind and absolute Submission without imploying their Understanding in the Case Thus our Author like a mighty Man Yet this Sophism is as poor a one as the last about the Oaths For in the Case we are upon of determining a Cause 'twixt the Government and the Subjects when we say who shall be Judge The meaning is not who shall have Power to think in his own Mind We say Thoughts are free And this sort of passing Judgment or of being a Judge can no more be taken from any Man than his Power of Thinking But when there is a Contest 'twixt King and People which is the Case we are upon the Question who shall be Judge is who has Authority to determine the Cause betwixt them as a Judge does between two contending Parties In which Sense none can be a Judge but he that has a Commission from some who has Power to invest him with that Authority viz. to judge 'twixt King and People which none can have but God alone And to say that every Man who is not such a Judge as this has not leave to imploy his Understanding in the Case because he has not Power Authoritatively to determine the Case so as to oblige and tye up the contending Parties is what this Author would slily pass upon you undiscover'd but it is too plain to bear an Argument Well then The Question is concerning an Authoritative Judge and our Author proceeds I dare appeal says he to all the World whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgment and Consciences of a whole Kingdom to determine concerning the Designs of their Governor or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the King whether he will destroy them One of these is unavoidable and I am assured it is less probable that the Generality of a Kingdom will concur in a Mistake of this Nature and less mischievous if they should mistake than that a King by Weakness wicked Councellors or false Principles should design to make his People Slaves subvert the Antient Government or destroy one part of his People whom he hates in favour of another Thus our Author And the Case is plausibly laid down and no doubt would gain the Cry at an Election But there is another Prospect of this Case which our Author takes care to conceal and that is What if a Cunning and Designing Incendiary makes a Party and prevails Universally among the People and perswades them to their own Destruction Misrepresent their Governor and Impose upon them That a Civil War is better and by this means get them to Destroy and Consume one another Thus did Absalom thus did Sheba thus Oliver and all the prosperons Rebels There is no other way of moving the People unless you could bring them all to a fair Vote which is only Impossible at least it was never done and therefore we justly may suppose it never will be Let us leave these Disputings in the Clouds and bring this Author to matter of Fact Are not all Revolutions carried on by making Parties Combinations of Leading-men Aspersing your Opposites using all Arts to Byass the Mob to your side Did ever any in such Cases speak nothing but the honest Truth of the Governour against whom they took Arms Did they leave it freely and impartially to the Judgment of the People without any Misrepresentations or invidious Insinuations And was it Equal to them whether the People upon a fair Hearing determin'd against them as Rebels or for them as Patriots Can there be a Method for the People to have such a fair Hearing of the Cause and to determine it Judicially If our Author cannot say that any of these Things has been or are ever likely to be done he must acknowledge That there is infinitely more hazzard of Giddy Peoples being debauch'd by Insinuating Crafty Men who seek their own Advantage in it to entertain Jealousies and Fears of their Governor's Designs and to over-rate every Hardship and ill Usage they receive from him than that a King should design to destroy his People which would be to destroy himself And if one of these is Unavoidable as our Author says It is easy to see where the most danger lyes The one has been our own Case and is almost every day The other is Imaginary without an Instance in the World in the Extremity our Author puts it and at the worst many degrees preferable to a Civil War as will be shewn Nor will the Number of the People or Greatness of their Leaders excuse any thing It makes their Rebellion more Fatal Numb 16.12 In the Rebellion of Korah there were 250 Princes of the Assembly famous in the Congregation Men of Renown And All the Children of Israel The whole Congregation c. 14. v. 24. mutiny'd against Moses and Aaron and were chusing another Captain and returning into Egypt And Korah gather'd all the Congregation against them c. 16. v. 19 41 49. and on the morrow all the Congregation murmured against ' em For which God destroy'd 14700 by a new Plague Now judge with your self if such a Governor as Moses could not secure himself from the Power which Ten Leading Men had with the People for they were no more who caus'd this Mutiny of the whole Congregation Num. 14.2 viz. Ten of the Twelve Searchers of the Land what Governor 's Virtue Sufficiency or
Their Master was stronger and commanded more Armies than all their Enemies And this Author knows very well that Tertullian in his Apology for the Christians told the Emperor Non Deesset nobis vis Numerorum that it was not for want of Power or Numbers that the Christians did not defend themselves against him for they fill'd his Armies his Cities his very Court but that it was from the Principles of their Religion which would not allow them to take Arms against their Lawful Emperor though a Persecutor But I need not mind my Author of this he has taught it often and zealously He knows the History of the Thebean Legion and a Thousand Examples of this Case that are never to be answered upon his new Principle which runs contrary to the History of the Church both under the Law and Gospel and God's own Determination in the very Case this Author puts for the most Advantage of his Cause As the Scripture so our Author named the Homilies he quotes nothing out of them it was not best He says They press with great force the Inconveniencies of such a War that is a Civil War for Liberty or Religion Our Author's defence of himself from Jovian And that the Author of Jovian design'd his First Chapter to shew That Resistance would be a greater Mischief than Passive Obedience and tells us in the Body of the Chapter That the Inconvenience of Resisting the Sovereign would be of ten times worse consequence than it which our Author confesses in the general is true as it relates to private Injuries or the Ordinary Male-administration of Government This has been sufficiently Answered in what is said before but as to the Authorities he quotes I cannot but observe to you with Admiration how directly contrary they are to the use for which he has vouched them That Chapter he cites of Jovian is so far from stinting Non-Resistance to relate only to private Injuries or the ordinary Male-administration of Government that in the very beginning of that Chapter after he has told what Sovereignty is he makes it essential to the Rights of Sovereignty to be free from Resistance or forcible Repulse and to be unaccountable It is Pag. 241. of the Book where he proves that if it were otherwise It would make the Subjects Judge over the Sovereign and in effect destroy Sovereignty and make the Sovereign inferior to the People and therefore says he pag. 242. to cut off all Pretences of Resistance in the English Government the Three Estates as I have proved before have declared against all defensive as well as offensive War it being impossible for the Sovereignty to consist with the Liberty of that Pretence In all Sovereign Governments they must trust their Lives and Liberties with their Sovereign The King is bound in Justice and Equity and for Example sake to observe his Laws but if he will lay aside all Conscience and the Fear of God his only Superior the Rights of Soveraignty secure the Tyrant as well as the Good King from Resistance If he will not act as becomes God's Vicar if he will obstruct or pervert the Laws and govern Tyrannically yet still there is left no remedy to his Subjects by the Law but moral Perswasion for the Laws Imperial of this Realm have declared him to be an Inconditionate and Independent Soveraign See Sir Orl. Bridgman's Speech pag. 12 13 14. and exempted him from all Coërtion of Force If they will turn Tyrants neither fearing God nor the Censures of good Men they are by the Laws of the English Empire as free from Punishment Compulsion or Resistance as the Caesars were He may bear the Sword not for the Defence but for the Offence and Destruction of his Subjects but if he do they have no Authority to Resist him they cannot without sinful Usurpation oppose their Swords to his Grotius condemus all violent Defence against unjust Force from publick Authority Contra vim injustissimam sed Publico-nomine illatam If they Kings do Wrong if they Tyranize it over their Subjects He God will punish them and turn their hearts if he sees fit But their Subjects must not defend themselves by violence against them they must not take up Defensive Arms against them because they are in God's stead for Whosoever Resisteth the Power Resisteth the Ordinance of God and they that Resist shall receive to themselves Damnation as it was written by the Apostle in the time of a wicked Tyrant Grotius says That Reason compels us to confess that Oppression is to be endured lest too much Liberty follow upon the contrary and the Examples of the Ancient Christians teach us that any Violence is to be endured which the Supreme Power lays upon us upon the account of Religion for they are in a great Error who think that the Christians before the time of Constantine abstained from Resistance because they wanted sufficient Strength If the former the Doctrine of Non-Resistance make a Land obnoxious now and then to a Tyrant the latter the Doctrine of Resistance would make it perpetually obnoxious to the Rage and Fury of the deluded Rabble who in Riots Tumults and Insurrections for which they would never want Pretences were Resistance in any Case allow'd are able to do more mischief in a week than ever any Tyrant did in a year The Rage of the worst of Tyrants generally wrecks it self upon particular Persons or Parties of Men but in a Civil War which is worse than any Tyranny all must suffer without distinction Had our Saviour allow'd Subjects under pretence of defending themselves and their Religion to Resist their Sovereign he had come indeed to destroy Mens Lives Though Tyranny be ill yet he knew Resistance was worse Let them suppose him to be a complicated Tyrant to be Pharaoh Achab Jeroboâ—am and Nebuchadnezzar all in one nay let the Spirit of Calerius Maximin and Maxentius come upon him yet I 'm sure it will cost fewer Lives and less Desolation to let him alone than to resist him but if it would not I had rather dye a Martyr than a Râ—bel I appeal to the late Rebellion which the Rebels called a Defensive War to verifie this Doctrine for there was more Blood spilt in it in one Battel than in all the Tyrannies and Persecutions of the Nation since the Conquest and in the two Kingdoms there hath been more Christian Blood shed in Rebellions since the Reformation by pretended Undertakers of Defensive War than throughout the whole Roman Empire in nine of the first ten Persecutions Let us imagine a Popish Prince as biggoted in Religion and as Sanguinary in his Temper as may be now Reigning over us yet he could not likely cause so much Ruin Bloodshed and Desolation in his whole Reign as a War between him and his Resisting Subjects would cause in one Year Wherefore it is plain That it is the Interest even of the People themselves that so great a Power should be in the Soveraign
Absolute and Despotick Power in the King They were fit Instruments to sacrifice the Laws and Religion of the Kingdom to the Will of their Sovereign P. 40. They neither knew nor feared nor cared for the Laws P. 82. The Members of Parliament would not stick to sacrifice the Liberties and Laws of the Kingdom to the King 's Will. P. 153. They devolv'd the Power of Making and Repealing Laws on the King's Pleasure P. 24 It was impossible the Grand Segnior should have fitted himself better with Instruments for promoting an Arbitrary Government than he K. J. did P. 31. No body can deny but they were well chosen for the Work for which he designed them Yet this Author could not think they were so very well chosen when he makes them stand up for the Laws and struggle with the King against Arbitrary Power till they made his Nose burst out a bleeding for vexation as you have heard before Now would you believe that this K. J. who was so highly bent to be Absolute and Arbitrary would be content to be a Vassal to France Yet this Author asserts it so positively p. 45. as to say that it is manifest And p. 183. That he took care to put it out of his own Power to help the Protestants Qui occidere quemquam nolit posse velit It is not natural for an Arbitrary Man to desire any thing to be out of his Power much less would he take care to put it out of his own Power If he did it must proceed out of an inveterate malice to the Protestants yet they all think His being there was their Preservation that he hindered the Irish not only from Massacres but from Burning or Plundering Dublin and the whole Country when they left it and many other Outrages And our Author when he is upon painting out the Barbarity of the Irish does frequently confess it and insist upon it and as frequently deny it when his Spleen rises against K. J. He cries out c. 3. s 13. n. 3. d. 4. p. 172. And when men were thus slaughtered with his K. J's approbation This is a very heavy Charge and what was the reason of it Because says he they were killed with K. J's Protections in their Pockets I am afraid there is no Case where we could come upon the Comparison betwixt the Protestant and the Irish Army in Ireland Of K. J. keeping his Protections with more disadvantage to the Protestants than that of keeping their Protections or punishing the Breaches of them In this I appeal to Secretary Gorge's Letter in which he gives a remarkable Instance of K. J's both granting Protections to the Protestants and making it good to them notwithstanding the greatest provocations viz. Secretary Gorge's Wife and Family were not only Protected and Preserved by K. J. in Dublin while he was in so considerable a Post against K. J. as to be Secretary to the General Schomberg then at the Head of an Army in Ireland to drive K. J. out thence but upon their application to K. J. he gave them leave and his Pass port to go to the Secretary to Schomberg's Army And thus by K. J's Clemency he had his Wife and Family restored safe to him at the same time that he was endeavouring to dispossess K. J. of all he had in the World The Secretary in his Letter aggravates the Breach of Protections and want of Discipline in Schomberg's Army by shewing how regularly King James governed his Army and not only threatned severe Penalties upon the Breach of his Proclamations and Protections but duly exacted them The respective Penalties injoyned in the said Proclamation says the Secretary viz. K. J's Proclamation against plundering and other Irregularities are severely and impartially executed on the respective Offenders My Family tells me that the Week before they left Dublin there were two private Soldiers publickly executed before a Protestant Baker's Door for stealing two Loaves not worth a Shilling And a Fortnight before a Lieutenant and Ensign were publickly executed at a place where on pretence of the King's Service they prest a Horse going with Provision to Dublin Market Two others were condemned and expected daily to be executed for the like Offence These severe Examples confirming the Penalties of these publick Declarations contribute so much to the Quiet of the Country that were it not for the Country Raparees and Tories theirs 't is thought would be much quiâ—ter than ours The truth is too many of the English as well as Danâ—s and French are highly oppressive to this poor Country whereas our Enemies have reduced themselves to that Order that they exercise Violence upon none but the Proprieties of such as they know to be absent or as they Phrase it in Rebellion against them whose Stock Goods and Estates are seized and set by the Civil Government and the Proceed applied for and towards the Charge of the War These are the Words of the Secretaries Letter where you see it was K. William's Army that destroyed and K. James's that protected the Country And as many Protestants as staid at home and trusted themselves to King James's Protection preserved their Goods and Improvements and live now plentifully while those that fled from him lost what they had and smart now severely under these Necessities which their Neighbours escaped who either would not or could not fly from the Mercy of their Natural Sovereign The Secretary says here That they seized the Estates of the Absentees But I must add to this That where any Application was made in behalf of Absentees and any tollerable Reason given for their not returning there was not only no advantage taken of their not coming in within the time limited in K. J's several Proclamations to that purpose but they had Time sine Die given them come when they could and in the mean time their Goods were preserved and though seized by the Sheriffs for the King's use being forfeited by the Laws there the King commanded the Sheriffs to deliver the Goods into the hands of such Friends of the Absentees as made Application for them And where the Irish Sheriffs refused or delayed to deliver such Goods they were severely punished and forced to do it or others put in their places that would For you cannot imagine but it went mightily against the Grain with them to be forced to restore the Goods of those who as they supposed were in actual Rebellion and their declared Enemies and which they expected and they thought reasonably as a Reward for their Services For who would not take the Spoil of their Enemies The Irish understood it as if the King still had an Eye towards his Protestant Subjects and preferred their Interest though in Rebellion against him before that of the Irish though at that time serving him or as Dr. Gorge words it better That King James considered the Protestants who were in Arms against him rather as deluded Subjects than as obstinate Rebels The Irish Protestants who staid
time of Monmouth's Rebellion that the King told some of the Council of which I was one that he was resolved to give Employments to Roman Catholicks it being fit that all Persons should serve who could be usefull and on whom he might depend I think every body advised him against it but with little effect as was soon seen That Party was so pleased with what the King had done that they persuaded him to mention it in his Speech at the next meeting of the Parliament which he did after many Debates whether it was proper or not in all which I opposed it as is known to very considerable Persons some of which were of another opinion for I thought it would engage the King too far and it did give such Offence to the Parliament that it was thought necessary to prorogue it After which the King fell immediately to the supporting the Dispensing Power the most Chimerical Thing that was ever thought of and must be so till the Government here is as absolute as in Turkey all Power being included in that one This is the sense I ever had of it and when I heard Lawyers defend it I never changed my Opinion or Language However it went on most of the Judges being for it and was the chief Business of the State till it was looked on as settled Then the Ecclesiastical Court was set up in which there being so many considerable Men of several kinds I could have but a small part and that after Lawyers had told the King it was legal and nothing like the High Commission Court I can most truly say and it is well known that for a good while I defended Magdalen Colledge purely by Care and Industry and have hundreds of times begg'd of the King never to grant Mandates or to change any thing in the regular course of Ecclesiastical Affairs which he often thought reasonable and then by perpetual importunities was prevailed upon against his own Sense which was the very Case of Magdalen Colledge as of some others These things which I endeavoured though without Success drew upon me the Anger and ill Will of many about the King The next thing to be tried was to take off the Penal Laws and the Tests so many having promised their Concurrence towards it that his Majesty thought it fecible but he soon found it was not to be done by that Parliament which made all the Catholicks desire it might be dissolved which I was so much against that they complained of me to the King as a Man who ruined all his Designs by opposing the only thing could carry him on Liberty of Conscience being the Foundation on which he was to build That it was first offered at by the Lord Clifford who by it had done the work even in the late King's Time if it had not been for his Weakness and the Weakness of his Ministers Yet I hindred the Dissolution several Weeks by telling the King that the Parliament in Being would doe every thing he could desire but the taking off the Penal Laws and the Tests or the allowing his Dispensing Power and that any other Parliament tho' such a one could be had as was proposed would probably never repeal those Laws and if they did they would certainly never do any thing for the support of the Government whatever Exigency it might be in At that time the King of Spain was sick upon which I said often to the King that if he should dye it would be impossible for his Majesty to preserve the Peace of Christendom that a War must be expected and such a one as would chiefly concern England that if the present Parliament continued he might be sure of all the Help and Service he could wish but in case he dissolved it he must give over all thoughts of foreign Affairs for no other would ever assist him but on such terms as would ruine the Monarchy so that from abroad or at home he would be destroyed if the Parliament were broken and any Accident should happen of which there were many to make the Aid of his People necessary to him This and much more I said to him several times privately and in the hearing of others but being over-powered the Parliament was broke the Closeting went on and a new one was to be chosen Who was to get by Closeting I need not say but it was certainly not I nor any of my Friends many of them suffered who I would fain have saved And yet I must confess with Grief that when the King was resolved and there was no remedy I did not quit as I ought to have done but served on in order to the calling another Parliament In the midst of all the preparations for it and whilst the Corporations were regulating the King thought fit to order his Declarations to be read in all Churches of which I most solemnly protest I never heard one word till the King directed it in Council That drew on the Petition of my Lord the Arch Bp. of Canterbury and the other Lords the Bishops and the Prosecution which I was so openly against that by arguing continually to shew the Injustice and Imprudence of it I brought the Fury of the Roman Catholicks upon me to such a degree and so unanimously that I was just sinking and I wish I had then sunk But whatever I did foolishly to preserve my self I continued still to be the object of their Hatred and I resolved to serve the Publick as well as I could which I am sure most of the considerable Protestants then at Court can testifie and so can one very eminent Man in the Country whom I would have persuaded to come into business which he might have done to have helped me to resist the Violence of those in power but he despaired of being able to doe any good and therefore would not engage Some time after came the first News of the Prince's Designs which were not then looked on as they have proved no body foreseeing the Miracles he has done by his wonderful Prudence Conduct and Courage for the greatest thing which has been undertaken these thousand years or perhaps ever could not be effected without Vertues hardly to be imagined till seen nearer hand Upon the first thoughts of his coming I laid hold of the opportunity to press the King to doe several things which I would have had done sooner the chief of which were to restore Magdalen Colledge and all other Ecclesiastical Preferments which had been diverted from what they were intended for to take off my Lord Bp. of London's Suspension to put the Counties into the same hands they were in some time before to annull the Ecclesiastical Court and to restore entirely all the Corporations of England These things were done effectually by the help of some about the King and it was then thought I had destroyed my self by enraging again the whole Roman Catholick party to such a height as had not been seen they dispersed Libels
AN ANSWER TO A BOOK Intituled The State of the PROTESTANTS IN IRELAND Under the Late King JAMES's Government In which Their Carriage towards him is Justified and the Absolute Necessity of their endeavouring to be Free'd from his Government and of Submitting to their present Majesties is Demonstrated London Printed in the Year 1692. TO THE READER READER I Did not intend to have troubled you with any Preface But this is occasioned by a Pamphlet lately published called An Answer to GREAT BRITAIN's JUST COMPLAINT wherein pag. 54. there is this Character of the Book I have Answered which he calls Dr. King's whom I have not nam'd but now may from the Authority of this Author A Book says he writ with that known Truth and Firmness of Reason that every Page of it is a Demonstration which hath been often threatned with an Answer but the long silence of the Party shews Guilt and Despair For the long silence I must tell the Reader That this Answer was prepared upon the first coming out of Dr. King's Book and therefore the Quotations of the Page are according to the first Edition of it in Quarto in the later Editions the Doctor has found cause to make some Amendment which I have taken notice of That this Answer has not before this time appeared in Print has been occasioned by the severe Watch that is kept over all the Presses which has made many interruptions and long delays considering which it is more to be wonder'd at that it has now got through the Briars than that it has stuck so long This must excuse a Difference you will find in the Paper in some Sheets and other Eye-sores of the Impression being done at different Times and Places For these I shall be less concern'd if you will pardon one which was occasioned by the Importunity and Fears of some of the Printers that is to call People by their usual though not proper Names like the Woman of Samaria's de Facto Husband Joh. iv 16. or as Oliver was called a Protector and Absalom a King This Answer to Britain's Complaint recites some of the grossest Mistakes of Dr. King's Book and from his Credit delivers them for most undoubted Truths As pag. 54. That the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement was carried on by King James 's own Sollicitation and that he did struggle with his Bishops and Judges to carry it and after he was duly informed of the Cruelty and Injustice of it that he still pressed it and at last got it passed The notorious Falshood of which I have shewn from undeniable and good Protestant Vouchers and more are to be had if either of these Authors have the hardiness not to submit upon that Point Pamphlet pag. 55. Every where Protestant Churches were taken from them by Force and given to Popish Priests by the Order or Connivance of the late King Which is so far from Truth that Dr. King himself gives Instances to the contrary and tells c. 3. s 18 n. 11. how King James did struggle against the Popish Clergy in behalf of the Protestants and turn'd out the Mayor of Wexford for not obeying His Majesty's Orders in Restoring the Protestants Church there which the Popish Clergy had usurp'd and that He appear'd most zealous to have the Church Restored and exprest himself with more passion than was usual upon that occasion And Dr. King cannot name one Protestant Church in Ireland that was taken from them either by King James's Order or Connivance His Majesty was so very careful in this Point that even at Dublin where he kept his Court neither the Cathedral nor any Parish-Church in the whole City was taken from the Protestants The King only took Christ-Church for his own use which was always reputed as the King's Chappelâ— And Dr. King himself and others then preached Passive Obedience in their own Pulpits in Dublin to that degree as to give offence to some of their Protestant Hearers who thought they stretched it even to Flattery Pamphlet This was done in those parts of Ireland where the Protestants were very peaceable under King James That is where they were so under his Power that they durst not stir for none else then in that Kingdom were quiet and even those who lived under King James's Protection were giving Intelligence against him and betraying him all they could which Dr. King does not only confess but justifies it and was himself one of the Chief which I have sufficiently shewn and I suppose he will not deny but reckons it now as his Merit Pamphlet Those Protestants who scaid in Ireland were oppressed c. But it is evident that they preserved their Effects Houses and Improvements better than those who left the Kingdom and now live Richer and have more to shew which they preserved by King James's Clemency than their Neighbours brought with them from the Countries whither they fled from his Protection Pamphlet Upon Complaint no Protestant could have Redress I have shewn many who had And I believe Dr. King cannot shew one who had not as far as was in the King's Power to grant it And that much more than they deserved at his Hands by their own Confession at this Day and many of them do complain that their Grievances have not been so well Redressed since And if King James can be represented by these Men as a Tyrant and a Bloody Persecutor while he Courted them and sought by all winning Ways to gain them which was certainly the Case while he was among them in Ireland it may bring Men into suspence to believe what is told of the French Hungarian or of any other Persecution But I will not Anticipate what you will find in the following Leaves to which I refer you Only I think it necessary to acquaint you That Pag. 8. of this Answer upon the Head of One Prince interposing between another Prince and his Subjects when he uses them Cruelly I refer to a Book which I thought would have been Published as soon as this and therefore said little to that Point But now that I see no Hopes of its coming out give me leave to enlarge a little and tell Dr. King what advantage the Jacobites make of this Doctrine They say it would justifie King Lewis or any other King to interpose between them and King William For they pretend that they are much more Cruelly used by King William than even Dr. King himself says the Protestants were by King James In England they tell us That their Clergy are Deprived that they are imprisoned without Law for no other fault than Reading the Liturgy of the Church of England in their Houses They complain of Double Taxes Excessive Fines and Bail and Illegal Imprisonments That in Ireland besides the Deprivation of the Clergy all Men and Women who refuse the New Oaths incur a Premunire That in Scotland they are Fined Imprisoned Massacred as Glen-coe c. and put to the Torture against the very Claim of Right
Book of Common Prayer where-ever they could find it calling it the Mass in English This was the Western Fanatick Rabble who began their Work upon Christmas Day to be witty in their Malice That at Edinburgh it self the Tumult was so high that the Mob forced the King's Palace rifted the Chancellor's Lodgings gutted the Chappel designed for the Order of the Knights of St. Andrew carried the King's Picture to the Mercat-Cross and there publickly stabb'd and tore it with the like Indignities as some ungrateful and bruitish Villains express'd in the rancor of their Hearts against the King's Statue at Newcastle and Glocester That upon these violent Disorders the King being gone from England and no settled Government in the Nation the College of Justice at Edinburgh took Arms and kept Watch and Ward to secure the Peace of the City and their Clergy from being Rabbled That then a Proclamation came from the Prince of Orange commanding all persons to lay down their Arms That the College of Justice did thereupon lay down their Arms but the Fanaticks did not for they said that they knew the Order was not intended against them and they proceeded to greater Insults against the Episcopal Clergy and fell upon those they had not medled with before and a Tumult was raised at Glasgow and those of the Rabbled Clergy who thought themselves protected by the Prince's Proclamation and thereupon returned to their Churches and Livings were much more rudely treated than before and particular Favours were granted to the Town of Glasgow by 15 Act of 2 Sess of 1 Parl. of W. and M. for the Zeal of the Community of the said City who were the principal Rabblers for the Protestant Religion as it is expressed in the Act. That the Rabbled Clergy made application to the P. of O. for Protection from this Outrage and sent Dr. Scot Dean of Glasgow who assisted by Dr. Fall Principal of the College of Glasgow did represent their deplorable Condition to his Highness who gave them no other Answer than to refer them to the Meeting of the Estates which did not assemble till 14 March following That they suffering unspeakable Hardships and Indignities all that time from December to March made the same Request for Protection from the Rabble to the Meeting of Estates then convened In answer to which That the Meeting of Estates by their Act 13 Apr. 89. excluded from the Protection of the Goverument all the Ministers who had been Rabbled before that day and were not then in Possession of their Churches And being turned into a Parliament by their Act 7 June 90. declared That these Rabbled Ministers had Deserted their Churches and therefore adjudged them to be Vacant and ordered those Presbyterian Ministers who without any Law had taken possession of them when the Incumbents were driven away by the Rabble to continue their possession and have Right to the Benefices and Stipends according to their entry in the Year 89. viz. when the Incumbents were Rabbled And to this being an Act of Parliament the Royal Assent was given That these Ministers Rabbled before 13 Apr. 89. and for that only reason declared to have abdicated by the Parliament were about 300. That the foresaid Act 13. Apr. 89. obliged all that remained to Pray for K. W. and Q. M. as King and Queen of Scotland and read a Proclamation publickly from their Pulpits against the owning of King James And that they might not have too long time to consider of it it was to be read under pain of Deprivation the next day viz. 14 Apr. 89. by all the Ministers of Edinburgh the 21st by all on that side the River Tay on the 28th by all be-north Tay which was hardly time to have the Proclamation transmitted to them all At Edinburgh the Proclamation came not from the Press till late on Saturday night and it was to be read at Morning-Service next day so that many of them it is supposed had not an hours time to resolve That this severe Act was more severely executed by the Earl of Crawford then President of the Council and other Presbyterian Lords and that near as many were turn'd out by the Rabble within doors as the Field-Rabble had done That Matters being thus prepared for total Abolition of Episcopacy all haste was made to do it An Act was framed for that purpose and Instructions were sent to the Commissioner in these words You are to Touch the Act already passed Abolishing Episcopacy as soon as you can and to Rescind all Acts inconsistent therewith That the haste required was observed for these Instructions were signed by King William at Whitehall the 17th of July 89. and the Act was Touched at Edinburgh the 22d of the same month Thus fell Episcopacy in Scotland Two Months and eleven Days after King William and Queen Mary took upon them the Crown of that Kingdom which was the eleventh of May 89. That those Presbyterian Ministers who were ejected by Law Anno 1662. upon the Restoration of Episcopacy were restored to the Churches they had before by Act of this Parliament 25 April 90. without any Provision made for those who were ejected That they did not pretend to that Regard to any who should be Deprived as the Parliament of England seemed to do by allowing Twelve of the Clergy who should refuse the Oaths the Third of their Bishopricks or Livings during their Life and left it to K. W. to apply it to which Twelve of them he thought fit But that he has applied it to none lest they should fare better than their Deprived Brethren in Scotland That not only those Presbyterian Ministers who were outed by the Bishops Anno 1662. but even those who had been Deposed and put under Censure as Incendiaries and wicked Men by their own Presbyterian Synods Anno 1660 and 1661. without being released from those Censures by any Synod or Ecclesiastical Authority of their own were Restored Anno 1690. by Act of Parliament That these as being most violent were most esteem'd and one of them Mr. Hugh Kennedy was made Moderator of the General Assembly Anno 1690. while he lay under the Censure of their own Kirk which was not taken off till the end of that same Assembly That thus their Church was established by Men thrust out of their Church as the State by Men Forefaulted by the State That by Act of their Parliament 7 June 90. Setling Presbyterian Church Government the whole Church-Government and Authority is placed in the hands of those Presbyterian Ministers outed since the first of January 1661. who were not then above Fifty or Sixty in number and such as they should admit exclusive of all other Presbyters which was a greater Superiority settled in one Presbyter above another than that which they Abolished in the Bishops as an insupportable Grievance And these new-modell'd Presbyters invested with Episcopal Power in Opposition to Episcopacy did exercise it with a Tyranny and Lordliness the Bishops had never
shewn For being by a particular Clause in that Act enabled by themselves or whom they should appoint to try and purge out all insufficient negligent scandalous and erroneous Ministers they erected Tribunals in every Presbytery as arbitrary but more senseless than the Inquisition and did but one good Act to purge out those Episcopal Presbyters who complied with their Schism and Usurpation for which they could never want a pretence because Ordination or Collation from Prelates was always made one Article in their Visitations and thought erroneous enough to spew any out of their Churches But as to these Deprived Clergy I must here take notice of a distinction much used in England to mollifie Lay-Deprivations viz. That the Bishops and Clergy Deprived by Act of Parliament lose not their Character only are barr'd by the Secular Power to exercise it in such Districts But Act 35. of Sess 2. of the first Parliament of William and Mary in Scotland those Ministers who did not Pray for King William and Queen Mary and were therefore Depriv'd were afterwards prohibited to preach or exercise any part of the Ministerial Function either in Churches or elsewhere upon any pretext whatsoever And in the 38th Act of the same Session they do as much confound our State-distinction of de Facto and de Jure which they say is cunningly of late spread abroad to weaken and invalidate the Allegiance sworn to their Majesties And therefore they order a Certificate to be subscrib'd by all who take the Oath declaring K. W. and Q. M. to be King and Queen as well de Jure as de Facto And they say That in all these things they have dealt more frankly and plainly if not more honestly and sincerely than we have done in England They think it more fair and open Dealing plainly to Foresault the King for Male-administration than to Abdicate him for flying to save his Life And when he is gone that he should not take the Right to the Crown along with him and leave K. W. nothing but a de Facto Possession which they think a Betraying K. W. to the last Degree and making him no better than an Usurper They think it the same thing to debar Clergy-men from the Exercise of the Ministerial Function as to leave them no Place to exercise it in And as Charitable to allow nothing to the Depriv'd as to name something for them and put it into Hands where they are sure never to come by it But I know not so well how they 'll solve that Contradiction which seems to be betwixt their Claim of Right 11 Ap. 89. and their Confession of Faith Ratified and Established Act 5. of 2 Sess 1 Parl. William and Mary Read over in their Presence and inserted Verbatim in the Body of the Act. The Claim of Right begins in these Words Whereas King James being a profest Papist did assume the Regal Power c. And the first of their Claims is in these Words That by the Law of this Kingdom no Papist can be King or Queen of this Realm And yet in the abovesaid Confession of Faith Chap. 23. It is Decreed and Established as the true Christian Doctrine in these Words viz. Infidelity or Difference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrates just and legal Authority nor free the People from their due Obedience to him But I must not exceed the bounds of a Preface For if I should only Name all the Hardships and Oppressions the illegal and arbitrary Proceedings of which the Jacobites complain of in Scotland say they are ready to make good by undeniable Vouchers I should swell this beyond the Bulk of Dr. King's Book and that the Truths of the Proceedings in Scotland would if possible out-number the Falstoods he relates of Ireland But for a fuller Account of these Scots Affairs I refer you to a small Tract called A Letter to a Friend giving an Account of all the Treatises that have been Publish'd with Relation to the present Persecution against the Church of Scotland Printed for Jo. Hindmarsh Among these as to the State Affairs be pleased to consult that Tract called The late Proceedings and Votes of the Parliament of Scotland contained in an Address delivered to the King And for the Affairs of the Church An Account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland in several Letters The Case of the present Afflicted Clergy of Scotland The Historical Relation of the late General Assembly held at Edinburgh And the Presbyterian Inquisition And there you will find such Cruelties used towards the Loyal and Episcopal Party in Scotland as were unheard of in Ireland and by Dr. King's Principles would justifie any Foreign Prince to interpâ—se on their behalf And if it be true which he lays down as the Foundation upon which he builds all that he says in his Book viz. That if a King design to destroy one main Part of his People in favour if anâ—ther whom he loves better he does Abdicate the Government of those whom he designs to destroy contrary to Justice and the Laws If this be true the Episcopal Party in Scotland think it would free them from all Obligation to K. William's Government But how far it is Applicable to the Protestants in Ireland to justifie their Carriage towards King James will be seen in what follows Suppose say they it were true which Dr. King asserts as it is most false That K. James while he was in Ireland did endeavour totally to overthrow the Church Established by Law there and set up that which was most agreeable to the Inclinations of the major Number of the People in that Kingdom who are Roman Catholicks The Jacobites ask if this were so Whether it be not fully vindicated in the 4th Instruction of those which King William sent to his Commissioner in Scotland dated at Copt-Hall 31. May 89. in these Words You are to pass an Act Establishing that Church Government which is most agreeable to the Inclinations of the People By which Rule they say That it was as just to set uâ— Popery in Ireland as Presbytery in Scotland And that the Law was not more against the one in Ireland than against the other in Scotland That the Parliament in Ireland was liable to less Exception than that in Scotlandâ— The one called in the usual Form by Writs from their Natural King to whom they had Sworn the other by Circular Letters from a Foreign Prince to whom they ow'd no Obedience who could not nor did pretend any other Authority over them or Right to the Crown besides The Inclinations of the People Which therefore they say in return for their Kindness he has made the Standard for Church Government as well as the Government of the State That it is only alleged that King James intended to do in Ireland what he did not do when it was in his Power and what King William actually did in Scotland viz. To overturn the Church then by Law Established
That Principle is the Constitution of the Government and consequently they are the Men that break the Constitution of the Government who Declare or Act against that Principle And as for the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom no doubt the Wisdom of the Kingdom in Parliament thought their Liberties and Privileges better preserved by that Principle than by the contrary of letting the People take Arms against the Government when-ever they thought themselves agrieved They had experience of both and we must believe they consider'd the Matter very well And that it ought not to be shaken by the Authority of this Author who is so young in this Opinion that he knows not by which handle to take it at least he will not let us know For he tells us not his Scheme of Government nor pitches upon any of those which are already set up by those of his New Party Several Schemes of Government Of which some lay the Foundation of all Government upon the Municipal Laws of the Land so that if a King goes about to break the Laws he thereby forfeits his Crown c. Others think That Laws which are the Result of Government cannot be the Foundation of Government However that it is not to be alleg'd in a Country where the Law it self makes it unlawful to Resist the King Which Dr. Tillotson has materially urg'd in his Letter to my Lord Russel See the Appendix n. 14. Others therefore fly higher to Original Contract which is suppos'd to be prior to all Municipal Laws and on which all Laws must depend But others again think this Plea to be too precarious and that it cannot be sufficiently prov'd And therefore they chuse another sort of a way which they call Abdication Which some think as perplex'd as any of the rest even in the present Case Lastly there is a wiser Set who think it most convenient to be always on the stronger Side and therefore they cry up Success as a Divine Right They have only one point of Prudence to observe not to Turn too soon least they mistake Providence Now this Author comes last and like a Man a Drowning he catches at some or all of these but holds by none They are too slippery and fly from him it must be part of the one and part of t'other that will serve this Hypothesis and therefore he does wisely not to pitch upon any one But yet without pitching upon some one and forsaking all other sticking close by it he can never demonstrate the Truth nor speak consistently with himself However we must follow him as he pleases to lead us though he fights in Clouds of Dust that it is not easy to find him out You have seen his Principles as to Government which he hides in Generals But it is plain they are Antii-monarchical though we cannot tell exactly the Glass to which they belong But what proof he offers for them is in his Introduction wherein he pretends to prove That a King who designs to destroy a People Abdicates the Government of them Thence c. 2. and 3. his business is to shew That King James had that Design Ergo But c. 1. he goes a little aside and undertakes this Subject viz. That it is Lawful for one Prince to interpose between another Prince and his Subjects The Case of one Prince interposing betwixt another Prince and his Subjects when he uses them Cruelly I do not meddle with this Chapter for two Reasons First It is undertaken by another hand Secondly My business is with the Duty of Subjects in which only they are Concern'd for whose benefit I write But I will give you this General Notion of it That by the Arguments he advances it is Lawful not only for every Prince but for every Neighbour to inspect into his Neighbour's Family and to dispossess him of his House of his Estate of his Tenants Servants Children of his Wife when he uses them Cruelly And this Charitable Interposer shall seize upon them all for himself on pretence of using them better He gives Examples of several Princes who have thus interposed 'twixt their Neighbour Kings and their Subjects and so he might many more the World is full of such Examples and of many other Examples which perhaps this Another won'd be a sham'd to justify But suppose that good Kings who have been so reputed have done this What then May not good Men have their Failings I do not think that David's Decision 'twixt Ziba and Miphihosheth would be a good Rule for future Justice Though our Author has not truly represented all the Instances that he produces which will be shewn But if they were true it is no Angument I shall only mind our Author of his own Words which I will have occasion to mention hereafter viz. That it is a most Unlawful Thing for any to call in a Foreign Force or erect a new Government to Redness unjust Laws And again That it is Intolerable for the Members of any State to flee to Foreign Succors out of Pretence that their own Governours have made Laws against Reason Conscience and Justice and Foolish to alledge in their defence That all Mankind is of one Blood and bound to help one another I leave our Author to Recant this or Reconcile it at his Leasure to this first Chapter of his Book Which because I do not expresly Undertake I will pass for this time and return to his Principles of Subjection to Government which is my present Task The Author's defence of his Principles Let us now come to examine the Defence he makes for these his Principles First We will consider his Arguments Secondly His Quotations and Authorities The Point he is to prove we will take in his own Words n. 1. of the Introduction viz. That a King who designs to destroy his People Abdicates the Government of them And here as to his Reasons or Arguments to prove this From Reason he disappoints us For his whole Introduction wherein he undertakes the Proof of this is nothing but Quotations which we are to examine by themselves But he tells us not his own Opinion you shall not fasten upon him He begins It is granted by some and I might answer What is not granted by some He is afraid at his first setting out N. 1. he has one Quotation out of Grotius and another out of Hammord N. 2. one out of Dr. Hicks and another out of Faulkner N. 3. he Quotes the Homilies and Dr. Hicks again And then N. 4. which is the last concludes from their Authorities All which is to be consider'd when we come to the second Class I have design'd to speak to that is his Quotations But for his Reasons he puts us to the pains to gather them by an innuendo viz. That what he Quotes out of others is his own Opinion Therefore laying aside his Authorities to their proper Place we will examine the Reasons which are produc'd Thus then he sets forth
People were allarm'd with the Report of it which was designedly spread abroad And what Reason can this Author give why King James should not disown it since there was no such Thing And that his Principle of trusting entirely to the English and letting them know so much should oblige him to disown an Alliance which he had Rejected meerly out of his Confidence in them This Bishop Maloony says And that This fair Politick as he calls it hindered him King James from making up a Catholick Army that would stick to him instead of a Protestant one that betray'd him hindered him also from having any Succor from France offered him There is none here but knows that Succor was offer'd him from France against the Prince of Orange and that he Rejected it Now who would ever Guess that the abovesaid French League could be prov'd from hence From these Words of Bishop Maloony's Letter which speak the direct contrary Yet this is all our Author's Proof and he boasts in it and crys out This is the very Source and Fountain of all the present Calamities of Europe but more particularly of ours Is not this Magnificent This is a Hardiness of no common Hero To bring without a Blush the strongest Objection against him as an Argument for him What better Proof could have been brought to shew there was no such League than the Confession of a Popish Bishop one of their Managers in a Letter from Paris to his Correspondent another Popish Bishop who was Secretary of State in Ireland and which neither of them Design'd should ever be seen by Protestants Would they dissemble and not speak their Thoughts freely to one another Would they tell one another that King James had Rejected the French Alliance if it were not so Yet these very Words of this Bishop our Author brings to prove that there was such an Alliance If you say there is still a Jealcusy of these Things Our Author has barr'd that from being any Pretence against the plain and certain Duty of Obedience to Lawful Governors Yet these our Author names among the Pretences for throwing off our Lawful Governors as well in this Book as in his said Thanksgiving Sermon which I shall have more occasion to mention hereafter I only name this to shew you his way of Arguing and withal to tell you that they are such Things of which he at that Distance from Affairs and his Correspondence consider'd could have no other Account than from the common News Letters and Observators and such small Intelligencers And yet he would put this upon us who live nearer the Helm and know the value of these Coffee-house Papers as such infallible Proofs that it is not in our Power not to see and be convinc'd of their Truth But this is no new Matter It is the constant and never-failing Method in all Rebellions and Commotions of State They all say their Grievances are apparent and undoubted And generally the greater the Calumny the Asseverations are the more positive to make it be believ'd Matchiavil prescribes fortiter Calumniare Bespatter confidently Throw much Dirt some will stick Of King Ch. 1. and Archbishop Laud's being Papists c. How many in England were made believe that Charles the First and Bishop Laud were Papists How many believe it still I refer this Author to a Pamphlet printed this Year called A Letter from Major General Ludlow to Sir E. S. comparing the Tyranny of the first Four years of King Charles the Martyr with the Tyranny of the Four years Reign of the late Abdicated King And there he will find King Charles made much the greater Tyrant of the two the greater Invader of our Laws and Liberties our Properties our Lives and that the Case is full as plain and apparent as that against King James And he has printed two or three Vindications of it since There are many very many in England of that Opinion and so positive in it that they think all Men mad or obstinately prejudic'd who offer to deny it or in our Author's Words they think that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see it and be convinc'd of the Truth of it Yet there are many who will not confess it but think King Charles to have been a good Man and a Martyr and that he stood up more for the Laws and Liberty of the Subject than his illegal Murtherers or Deposers who offended more against the Law and much more apparently by their Rebelling against him than he did if all they charg'd him with had been true Our Author himself was once of this Opinion Dathan and Abiram their Charge against Moses Never any Charge against a Government was averr'd to be more apparent and undeniable than that of Dathan and Abiram against Moses Num. 16.13 14 where he was accus'd of Arbitrary Government and Breach of Promise It was as plain as the Nose on ones Face as we use to say as any Thing we see with our Eyes that he might as well perswade them to disbelieve their Eye-sight as not think him Guilty Is it a small Thing that thou hast brought us up out of a Land that floweth with Milk and Honey to kill us in the Wilderness except thou make thy self altogether a Prince over us Moreover thou hast not brought us into a Land flowing with Milk and Honey or given us Inheritance of Fields and Vineyards wilt thou put cut the Eyes of these Men And besides this positive Assurance which they had they likewise as our Author had the Faculty of improving a Breach of Promise or an Arbitrary Design into a Design against their very Lives Because he disappointed them as they were very sure in their Inheritance in their Fields and Vineyards and had a mind to make himself more Arbitrary altogether a Prince over them therefore they charg'd him with a Design to kill them in the Wilderness Now if People could be so impos'd upon by the Cunning of designing Men as to believe the falsest and most notorious Untruths against the best Governor as ever was in the World what Government can subsist upon our Author's Principles which give a Latitude to every Man to try his hand upon the soft part of the People And if he can perswade them into an ill Opinion of their Governors and cry it is certain and notorious absolves them ipso facto from all Obedience to their Governors from their Oaths and all tyes of Humane or Divine Law and so frees their Conscience which is the chief hold Government has upon Men. And what Evils that can be suffered from Government can be of such destructive Consequence to the People as these loose Principles which unsettles them every Minute and puts it in the Power of every Boutefeu to set the Nation in a Flame at his Pleasure The Author's Distinction of Evil. N. 3. of his Introduction was design'd to obviate this its Title in the Heads of Discourse is in these Words The Arguments of
Passive Obedience from Reason and Scripture reach only Cases where the Mischief is Particular or Tolerable But this gives us no surer Marks than we had before For what does he mean by Tolerable Tolerable If it be as much as a Man can bear No Passive-Obedience-man can stretch it higher Since no Man can bear more than he can Therefore he must mean what a Man can bear Easily or till he begins to think the Burthen to be Intolerable that is Hard to be born and then you may be sure he will not let it grow too heavy for him And no Rebel in the World can desire a greater Latitude than this For whenever he says he is hurt or has a mind to bear no more then no more Passive Obedience Thus much for the Word Tolerable Now for the other Qualification Universal viz. Particular that is as he explains it p. 3. when the Mischief is not Universal Universal may be either as to its Tendency that is where a Mischief done to a particular Person may be a Precedent to have the like done to another and another and so till it comes to be Universal And in this Sense our Author will not allow that any Mischief from a Government can be particular If the King take one Man's Life or Property from him contrary to Law this will not be call'd a particular Case but the Case of the whole Kingdom Thus Mr. Hambden contested his Assessment which was about 20 Shillings and brought on the whole Case of Ship-money which embroil'd the Reign of King Charles the First Magdalen-College was not thought a particular Case and did no small Service against King James 2. In short all Mischief is done to some Particulars and Universal is but many Particulars Therefore what is done to one may be inferred to the rest and in this Sense no Mischief can be Particular Will this Author say that the Business of Glenco n. 19. Appendix was only a particular Mischief On the other hand if by an universal Mischief you mean where the Mischief does not only in its Tendency but Actually assect the Universal that is the whole People In this Sense it is not Universal if any part of the People be Excepted And then according to our Author 's own Rules Passive Obedience takes place in all Cases except where the Government designs the Destruction of the whole People that is as Grotius has explain'd it where the Governors are all suppos'd to be mad Which has been spoke to already But not to take any Advantage of this for no King not Nebuchadnezzar was ever so mad as to design the Destruction of a part of his People Then the Question will be Whether it be greater Destruction to the People to run the hazard of this under the Protection of God while in Obedience to his Commands rather than to raise a Civil War to Remedy this And our Author seems to answer this n. 4. of his Introduction which bears this Title A War not always a greater Evil than Suffering Observe here the Modesty and withal the Cunning of our Author He calls it a War which is a general Word and therefore may lead you off the Question which is not at all concerning Lawful War as that may be betwixt Independent Princes But concerning Subjects Levying War against the King or the Government under which they Live which therefore is called Rebellion And it is of this only that our Question proceeds viz. Whether This or Suffering be the greatest Evil And our Author says It is not always a greaâ—er Evil than Suffering This was Cautious indeed It is not always so But what if it be so for the most part Is it therefore to be Chosen This or nothing is our Author's meaning He begins this n. 4. p. 5. thus If then in some Cases the Mischiefs of submitting may be worse than a War which is begging the Question and point blank contrary to the Law of the Land and which this Author has often subscribed viz. That such a War of Subjects taking Arms against the King is not Lawful upon any Pretence whatsoever Which if it be true then our Author's in some Cases is but a Deceit For the Law allows of no such Cases nor any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King One would think it pretty hard for our Author to get over this A Passage out of Faulkner misapply'd He attempts it but faintly c. 1. n. 8. p. 10. where he says That this may not seem a new Doctrine I would have the Reader observe that I only transcribe the learned Faulkner c. Why Who said it was a new Doctrine Was that the Question No doubt many have and do hold it In the next place suppose you do transcribe Faulkner will that excuse you You will not stand by all that Faulkner says in that Book for you know no Man is more opposite to your now Opinion if it be your Opinion Why then do you Quote one part of him if you will not believe another For either he must contradict himself and then his Authority cannot be great either way or else you lay no value upon his Judgment while you plainly dispute against his Notion of Passive Obedience which you cannot deny and is visible to every one that reads his Book and I will shew you presently when I come to examine his Quotations more at large But our Author has pick'd up this Sentence out of him And though all the Words our Author quotes are in Faulkner's Christian Loyalty l. 2. c. 5. l. 2. n. 19. yet I must charge him with a false Quotation for he leaves out such Words as plainly shew that Faulkner does not set this down as his own Opinion but only to follow upon a Supposition which he Quotes out of Grotius but does not say that he approves of it Grotius thinks says he that ultimo Necessitatis presidio such defence is not to be condemned And if this be true says Faulkner it must be upon this Ground that such Attempts of Ruining do ipso facto include a disclaiming the Governing of those Persons as Subjects and consequently of being their Prince or King And then the Expressions of our publick Declaration and Acknowledgment would still be secured that it is not Lawful upon any Pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King Thus Faulkner as our Author quotes him and all he says is that upon the Supposition of a King disclaiming the Government and consequently ceasing to be King then though we do take Arms against him we do not break the abovesaid Declaration of not taking Arms against the King because then he is no King For a King that disclaims the Government is no longer King and says Faulkner if Grotius's Position be true it must be upon this Ground But he does not say that Grotius's Supposition is true On the contrary in the very next Words as if it were confuting this Opinion of Grotius he
put the Sword in the hands of those of his own Religion and to make them the Ballance of the Nation which was natural enough for him to wish yet I do not Justify it But that ever he design'd to Massacre or Extirpate the Protestants I confess I cannot believe And his Carriage in Ireland by all the Accounts I could have of it nay take it altogether even as this Author tells it is a Demonstration to the contrary But I am too long upon this Subject Let us return to our Author's Quotation And here I must tell him That though Faulkner is against having such Cases put as abovesaid yet it is not that an Answer cannot be given for he gives it out of Bishop Bilson in the very same Place which our Author Quotes but he takes care to conceal the Words which if he had set down it would have appeared very ridiculous to have said as he does that Bishop Bilson seems to allow the Doctrine of Resistance The Bishop's Words are these as quoted by Faulkner first finding fault with such Cases being put That they are able says he to set Grave and Good Men at their wits end But then he adds yet we stand not on that and positively determines in these words which I had occasion partly to Quote before If the Laws of the Land where they converse do not permit them to save their Lives when they are assaulted with unjust force against Law or if they take Arms as you do to depose Princes we will never excuse them from Rebellion Thus Bilson And the very first words of the Chapter which our Authour quotes of Faulkner viz. Book 2. c. 5. puts the Case as directly against our Authors Position as if he had read our Author's Book and wrote on purpose to confute it There have been some says he who grant the unlawfulness of taking Arms against a Soveraign Prince to be a General Rule for ordinary Circumstances but yet they pretend there are some Great and Extraordinary Cases in which it must admit of Exceptions And the proposal of these Cases as they are by them managed is like the Pharisaical Corban an Engine and Method to make void the Duties of the Fifth Commandment And then he goes on and undertakes in this Chap. the defence of that Assertion of Barckley who proposeth the Question Nulli nè Casus c. May there no Cases fall out in which the People by their Authority may take Arms against their King And his Answer is Certainly none so long as he is King or unless ipso jure Rex esse desinat This is the same he Quoted Dr. Hammond for before viz. that the Person who was King may be Resisted when he does voluntarily Relinquish his Power and becomes a private Person for then indeed ipso jure he of Right ceases to be a King But may be our Author will say that ipso jure and ipso facto â—e ceases to be a King whenever he Designs to destroy a part of his People I will not repeat what I have said before in Answer to this as to tell what part of the Peoplâ— is mâ—aâ—t That this is an Eternal pretence for all Restless Spirits c. But it brings into my mind an Answer a Scots Presbyterian Minister whose Principles as to Government our Author has but licked up gave to the Objection in the 23 Chapter of their Confession of Faith upon the Head of the Civil Magistrate viz. That Infidelity or Difference in Religion does not take away a King 's Right to his Crown nor absolve his Subjects from their Allegiance to him The Minister replied That is true for if a King turn Infidel he does ipso facto cease to be a King So that our Author was not the Original of this pretty Distinction Faulkner in the same place shews our Author's Doctrine to be borrow'd from Mariana Bellermine and other Jesuitical Doctors Jesuit and Puritan are convertible Terms in the Point of Loyalty only that the Jesuit is the Elder Brother and determins against them N. 3. That the Agreement of the Whole body of the People or the Chief and Greater part thereof can give no sufficient Authority to such an Enterprise viz. of taking Arms against the King And with respect to this Kingdom he quotes our Laws which declare it Unlawful for the two Houses of Parliament though Jointly to take Arms against the King Faulkner goes on and proves as directly against our Author in this same Chapter which our Author quotes on his side as Words can be fram'd But there are none so blind as they that will not see These are all the Quotations he brings to support his new Hypothesis and how far they serve to his purpose I leave it to the Reader and from the whole I shall only mind our Author of the Instances I have already given him viz. The Condition of the Jews in Egypt in Babylon under Ahasuerus and the Romans The Gibeonites under Saul and the Primitive Christians in their several Persecutions more especially in the last Decennial Persecution And then apply this to the Rule he has given us viz. That Non-Resistance does reach only Tolerable Evils and where the Mischief is not Universal I wouâ—d be glad likewise to have his Opinion of the Carriagâ— of the Protestants towards Queen Mary The Protestants undeâ— Qu. Mary He will not say but â—â—â—ir Circumstaâ—ces were much more Dâ—plorable than under King James even at the worst that he does represent him There Numbers were fewer and she as much bigotted as King James married to the King of Spain overturn'd our Religion by Law and set up Fire and Fagot broke her Promise to the Protestants who set her upon the Throne in opposition to Queen Jane a Protestant There was but one Branch of the Royal Family that were near the Crown a Protestant that was the Princess Elizabeth and she was declared Illegitimate by Act of Parliament and to secure the Business was sent to the Tower in order to have her Head cut off And after her the Royal Line run out of Sight among the Papists so that the Protestants had a very lamentable Prospect Yet they bore it with an admirable Patience till God with his own hand wrought their Deliverance taking away Queen Mary without their Guilt or Rebellion and placing that condemned Princess upon her Sisters Throne to establish the Protestant Religion in a Legal manner And these Protestant Martyrs even at the Stake declared it Unlawful to take Arms against Queen Mary in defence of their Religion but exorted their Fellow Protestants to Patience and Resignation to the Good Will of God But by no means to Rebel for that was Damnation They did not Plead that their Evil was Intolerable when they were going into the Fire or that it was Universal reaching to their whole Religion in the Kingdom These were Excuses they were too dull to find out to save their Lives and their Religion But let us
proceed We have now seen our Author's Principles and how he has supported them from Reason and Scripture and other Authority I should now shew you how widely these are different from his former Principles but I will leave that till we have occasion to give an Account of him together with others of his Brethren The Matters of Fact related by this Author We will go now to consider his Matters of Fact Errors in Judgment may befall good Men but any wilful Mistake in Matters of Fact is past all Excuse and is not reconcilable to an honest Intention especially where we protest before God as this Aâ—thor does pag 239. That we have not aggravated nor misrepresented any thing against our Adversaries Before I enter upon this Disquisition I desire to obviate an Objection I know will be made as if I were about wholly to vindicate all that the Lord Tyrconnel and other of K. J's Ministers have done in Ireland especially before this Revolution began and which most of any thing brought it on No I am far from it I am sensible that their Carriage in many particulars gave greater occasion to K. J's Enemies than all the other Male-Administrations which were charged upon his Government But after K. J. came in Person into Ireland there was no Act which could properly be called his that was not all Mercy and Goodness to the Protestants and as many of them as do retain the least sense of Gratitude do acknowlege it Of which you will see several Instances in clearing the Matters of Fact which this Author Produces And I must do that Justice even to the Lord Tyrconnel that I have heard several Irish Protestants say That the Objections they had against him were for his Carriage towards them before the beginning of this Revolution but that afterwards he manag'd with Moderation and Prudence and more Favour to the Protestants than they expected And that he was against repealing the Acts of Settlement I cannot say I have examined into every single Matter of Fact which this Author relates I could not have the Opportunity But I am sure I have the most material and by these you will easily judge of his Sincerity in the rest which could not all come to my Knowlege But this I can say That there is not one I have enquired into but I have found it false in whole or in part aggravated or misrepresented so as to alter the whole face of the Story and give it perfectly another Air and Turn Insomuch that though many things he says are true yet he has hardly spoke a true Word that is told it truly and nakedly without a Warp Wh◠〈◊〉 the Aâ—grâ—â—sâ—rs 〈…〉 But let us come to the Test I will begin with that Matter of Fact which is of most Importance that is who were the Aggressors in Ireland in that miserable Destructâ—on which was brought upon that Kingdom and begun Anno 16â—8 Because the Aggressor is not only answerable for the Mischief he does to another but for what hâ— receives himself And this Author positively avers c 3. 〈◊〉 8. n 3. p. 9â— That it was the unanimous Resolution of all the Protestants â—n the Kingdom of Ireland that they would not be the Aggressors and that they held stedfastly to their Resolution And yet in the same Sect. n. 9. p. 104. he tells of those who did not keep to that Resolution and that by way of an Excuse He pleads in behalf of these Protestants That the Shutting up of Derry against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment was all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in Opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England except what was done at Eneskillen where they refused to Quarter two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy This was modestly worded for they not only refused to quarter them but marched out in Arms against them to the number of 200 Foot and 150 Horse and drove them away before they came near the Town as we are told by Mr. Hamilton in his Actions of the Eneskillen-men p. 3. who was himself one of them and then present in the Action But what does he mean by saying That this was all that was done by the Protestants was not this enough To seize the King's Forts to Enlist and Array Soldiers and march in Arms against the King's Forces Did our Author reflect what Construction the Law puts upon all this Was this keeping stedfastly to their Resolution of not being the Aggressors Was this the so deep a Sense of Loyalty and mighty Veneration to the very Name of Authority which made them abhor any thing that lookt like an Insurrection against the Government as this Author just before in the same Sect. n. 2. expresses it And yet he confesses that this was acting in Opposition to the Government For he says That this was all that was done by any Protestant in Opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England and yet as above That ALL the Protestants in Ireland held stedfastly to their Resolution of not being the Aggressors But he proposes some Advantage by adding this Qualification That this was all done before K. J. deserted England Here he would bring in the Point of Abdication which he by this supposes did commence upon K. J's going out of England and thereby he would justifie all that was done after that time in Ireland First He has by this yielded the Cause against himself for he confesses that Derry and Eneskillen had opposed the Government in Arms before that time and I will shew you by and by many more Instances besides those of Derry and Eneskillen Secondly This Author will not venture for these Reasons to limit K. J's Abdication to his leaving England for as I have quoted him before p. 14. he avers That K. J. by endeavouring to destroy us in that very Act did Abdicate I will not repeat what I have said before upon that Point of Abdication That even in the Sense this Author and some others take it it ought to be declared by their own Principles in some Convention Parliament or Judicial manner before private Men can lawfully act upon it And the Abdication was not determined in the Convention till February 1688. long before which time the Irish Protestants were in Arms. But take it as this Author here puts it to refer to the time of K. J's going out of England His first leaving Whitehall when he went to Feversham was the 11th of Dec. 88. but he came back to London and did not go out of England till Dec. 23. 88. And it was a good while after before they knew of it in Ireland This therefore can be no excuse for what the Protestants in Ireland had done long before But to come home to our Authors Assertion Was there nothing done by any Protestant in Ireland in opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England except that of Derry and Eneskillen I am told by persons who say they
Pardon which he granted them And the Bishop of Cork constantly attended at the King 's Levee while His Majesty stay'd there Friday the 22d of March K. J. came to Kilkenny where the Bishop and Clergy were introduc'd by the Bishop of Chester to kiss His Majesty's Hand who received them very graciously Sunday the 24th the King came to Dublin Monday the 25th 1689 Primate Boyle Arch-bishop of Ardmagh advised the Bishop of Chester to accept of the Bishoprick of Cloghor then void which was owning K. J. to have had at that time full right to confer it and consequently to be Rightful King But that was fully and absolutely owned in ample form on Wednesday the 27th of March 1689 by the Bishop of Meath and Proctor of the University in the Name and at the Head of the Body of the Clergy and University The Bishop printed his Speech and is inserted No. 8 Append. But the Proctor thô commanded by the King to print his Speech modestly declined it he was more cautious and considered that it was framed only for that Juncture and is very well satisfied that we have it not now to print with the Bishop's Tuesday the 2d of April 1689 K. J. told the Bishop of Chester that complaint was made to him that the Clergy of Dublin did not readily pray for the Prince of VVales Upon which Notice the Dublin-Clergy met and consulted and thô they did not believe the reality of the Prince of VVales yet they resolved the King should not have that Pretence against them they would trust themselves in the Hand of God rather than Man presume Deliberately to act the Hypocrite with God and pray against their Consciences rather than displease the King But enough of this before There is another thing Not one of these complying Irish Protestants but will freely acknowledge That if K. VV. or any other King should turn Papist and do all that K. J. has done they wou'd and ought to serve him as they did K. J. They cannot otherwise justifie their Carriage towards K. J. The consideration of this made the Parliament in England abolish that Declaration viz. That it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King c. But this by some neglect is left still upon the Irish Protestant Clergy under the Penalty of forfeiting their Livings And as many as have come into any Livings since this Revolution have read the said Declaration publickly in time of Divine Service and are to continue so to do and declare that they will do it till some Parliament take it away This will be called as gross a mocking of God as their former praying for K. J. that is whether they believe or do not belive that Declaration If they believe it they condemn themselves in taking Arms against K. J. If they do not belive it they make it visible to all the World That there is no Tye or Obligation Civil or Sacred can touch their Consciences when they so Solemnly while they are Officiating in the Divine Service and offering up to God the Prayers of their Flocks dare at that very time and with the same Breath declare before God and the People that they do believe it when they do not belive it and the People know that they do not believe it For they make no Secret of it will tell every one that asks them nay they stay not to be asked they Preach against it and Dispute against it and Instruct their Congregations against it and would call any one a Jacobite and a Papist who durst own it and hunt him to the next Goal And yet to save their Livings they continue still to subscribe this hated Declaration before their Ordinaries and take Certificates under their Hands and Seals that they have done it as they are obliged by the Act and publickly and openly Read the same upon the Lord's Day in their Parish Churches where they Officiate in the presence of the Congregation there Assembled in the time of Divine Service c. They Read it in the Desk and Preach against it in the Pulpit and when they come out of Church rail at the Parliament that Imposed it and say That it was soon after the Restauration Anno 1660. when People were Drunk with Loyalty after being wearied with the direful Effects of Rebellion under all its specious Pretences and thought they could never run far enough from it till they run to the quite contrary Extreme and advanc'd Prerogative to the utmost And they Wonder and Curse the hard Fate that this Declaration was not taken out of the way in Ireland as well as in England and wish it were done But in the mean time they will lose nothing by it they can swallow and it will swallow them if they do not Repent God grant them Grace to do it And that the Shame of this their Sin may Convent and not Harden them But this Charge is general Our Author is only involved in it with many others Let us return to what is more Particular as to himself which I think I am obliged to give you an Account of only so far as relates to the present Business because it ought to weigh with you in the Credit you are to give of what he says where he brings no other Reason than his own Averring This Author was formerly a zealous Man for Passive Obedience even in the beginning 〈◊〉 this Revolution Know then that according to certain Information I have had that no Man was or could be a higher Assertor of Passive Obedience than this Author has been all his life even at the begining of this Revolution that he told a Person of Honor from whose Mouth I have it That if the P. of O. came over for the Crown or should accept of it he pray'd God might blast all his Designs That there was no way to preserve the Honor of our Religion but by adhering unalterably to our Loyalty That it would be a glorious Sight to see a Cart full of Clergy-men going to the Stake for Passive Obedience as the Primitive Christians did That it would prove the Support and Glory of our Religion but that a Rebellion would ruine and disgrace it He said if it were no more than that Declaration which he had Subscribed of It s not being lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King c. he would dye a Hundred Deaths rather than do it At a Meeting of the Clergy of Dublin in the begining of this Revolution in 88. to consider what Measures they were to take he declared That their taking Arms in the North of Ireland at that time was Rank Rebellion if there could be any Rebellion particularly Derry shutting their Gates against the King's Forces sent thither And when one there present did affirm That the Subjects might take Arms in Defence of their Laws c. This Author did violently oppose it even in relation to Derry and urged that
the Bishop of Derry Hopkins who was then there did protest against their shutting out the King's Forces and refused to joyn with those who did it for which and other Reasons this Author then gave he was against any Bodies going to the North or joyning with them as being a joyning in Rebellion About the Year 86. or 87. After his going from Wexford Waters to several of the Bishops of Munster he wrote a Letter to a Person of undoubted Credit giving an Account of what happened in his Journey and of the Substance of what he Discoursed with the Bishops of Waterford Corke and Cloyne he wrote That among other things he advised them as the only way to prevent the Dangers that were imminent to a steaddiness in their Loyalty and Religion and that he asserted that if the King and our Temporal Governors should enact unjust Laws that the Subject has no Remedy but Patience against whom we allow no other Weapons but Prayers and Tears and that it was a most unlawful thing for any to call in a Foreign Force or erect a New Government to redress unjust Laws And adds That it is a sad thing that it is not observed that Rebellions in the State and Schisme in the Church arise from this one Principle to wit That Subjects may in some Cases resist or seperate from their Lawful Governors set over them by God Whereas the Principle of Non Resistance is a steady Principle of Loyalty and it will be found no easier Matter to shake either the Church or State that is settled on it And he repeats it again That it is intolerable for the Members of any State to flee to Foreign Succors out of Pretence that their own Governors have made Laws against Reason Conscience and Justice and foolish to allege in their Defence That all Mankind is of one Blood and bound to help one another Which now he has made his great Argument in this Book Chap. 1. Sect. 5 What is above-written I have from the Person to whom he wrote it and more to the same purpose and if he desire it his Letters shall be produced The same Person told me that about the beginning of this Revolution he was in Company with the Author and another Gentleman I think it was Dr. Dun who blamed the preaching of Passive Obedience so high as the cause of what had befallen us whom this Author smartly reproved and vindicated the Doctrine of Passive Obedience to the highth But that Zeal and Courage has left him with his Principles or while he counterfeits his Principles there is a difference of assurance in defending some Causes which makes him now shun all those who knew his former Principles and have not changed as well as himself He refused to see all the time he was in London last August and September a Deprived Bishop with whom he was as intimate as any Man and had contracted a great Friendship and when he was minded of it to see his Old Friend he would not said they should fall into Heats And beginning of this last October 1692 being in Oxford on his Road to Ireland Mr. Hudson of University-College was with this Author in the Schools-Quadrangle at the very time Mr. Dodwell his admired Acquaintance was going up to the Library and Mr. Hudson asking whether he should call after him our Author forbad him saying He knew Mr. Dodwell would be angry with him If he thought that Mr. Dodwell was in an Error he ought to have endeavoured to convince him No he knew that Mr. Dodwell stood upon the same Ground where he left him and that it was he himself had Prevaricated and forsaken his first Love and therefore was ashamed to meet with the Man who knew his Principles so well before and who had stuck close to them in the Day of Tryal The very sight of such a Man is an upbraiding of their Cowardise and Unconstancy who have deserted their Principles and raises Guilt in their Faces which their Eyes would discover though they were hardened against a Blush Heu quantum mutatus ab illo From the well reputed and deserving Dr. K. who honoured and admired and loved Mr. Dodwell above most Men would have gone far to see him and was proud of corresponding with him and now shuns his sight as Guilty Sinners would the Face of Heaven O if this Author had retained his Integrity how much greater would he have appeared in the Friendship Esteem and Fellow-Suffering of this Great Man then in his Guilty Purple But Deserters must shew their Zeal and discover their own Shame Behold now how he starts and quotes it as a full Proof of King James's Arbitrary Designs That it was Enacted in their Act of Recognition in Ireland That the Decision in all Cases of a misused Authority by a Lawful Hereditary King must be left to the sole judgment of God Indeed I was amazed to see him quote this as so strange a thing which is over and over to be found in the Acts both of England and Scotland and Ireland as if he had not only forsaken but quite forgot what he had formerly taught He has got new Principles and a new Language p. 182. it ought to be 190. for it is false Printed he says K. J. was ungrateful to the Irish Protestant Clergy This is very familiar but what was the King's Ingratitude Because if they had been disloyal in Monmouth or Argile's Rebellion they might have made an Insurrection c. So that this Author thinks the King is in their Debt for not Rebelling And I suppose this is all the way that they brought him to the Throne as this Author says in the same place It seems these Irish Clergy have been mighty Men and we have not known it But he says that by their Zeal for King James they lost the Affections of their People This is a Scandal I verily believe upon the Irish Protestants They were I hope better Men I have known some of them and this Author ought to know them better I have not heard that any of the Irish Protestants took Offence at that Passage which this Author Printed in the Preface to a Sermon of the Lord Bishop of Kilmore's preached in the Author's Church of St. Warborrough's in Dublin in March 1684. the first year of King James's Reign It was entituled St. Paul's Confession of Faith There in a Letter of this Author 's to the Lord Bishop which is Printed in the Preface he avers positively in these words viz. It is impossible for any one of our Communion to be disloyal without renouncing his Religion This past better with the Irish Protestants Dr. Till Extent of Loyalty in his Serm. 2 Apr. 80 before K. C. 2. than that Super-Loyal Strain of our famous Dr. Tillotson which he Preached before the King at Whitehall Apr. 2. 1680. upon Josh 24.15 did please the Church of England men here other than those who took the Court for the Standard of their
here do tell it The Earl of Inchiquin and Captain Henry Boyle with the generality of the Protestant Gentlemen in the Province of Munster having entred into an Association in Decemb. 88. as the Protestants in Ulster and Connaught had done they resolved to seize upon Corke and Bandon as the places of greatest Strength and Consequence in the Province Their Design took effect at Bandon which joyned with them But the Lord Deputy having notice of their Proceedings sent Major-General Mac-Carty now Lord Mount-Cassell to observe them He pretending to keep fair with them they attempted bringing him over to declare for the P. of Orange and some of them had hopes of it but he proved too cunning for them prevented their seizing of Corke and when Captain Henry Boyle upon that disappointment fortified his House Castle-Martyr he besieged him there Upon this Sir Tho. Southwell in the County of Limerick and several other Protestant Gentlemen marched with the greatest Force they could make to raise the Siege in their march they seiz'd on all the Papists Horses and this Mr. Browne who was then one of them took the Horses of Neagle of Moyallow who was then High-Seriff of the County of Corke and a Man was killed in the Fray and all this our Author calls only making his escape from those who came to plunder him But to tell out my Story Sir T. Southwell and his Company hearing upon their March that Castle Martyr was surrendred he endeavoured to make his way to Sligo to joyn the Lord Kingston and other Associators in Connaught who were all in Arms and as this Author tells p. 170. he and 200 of his Men were taken by a small Party of K. J's Dragoons not much to the Glory of their Courage And this Author says p. 171. That they were over-persuaded to plead Guilty though they had not been guilty of any Overt Act that could be construed Treason What this Author means by Overt Acts or what by Treason he will tell us in the next and likewise give us some probable Reason why K. J. should Reprieve and afterwards Pardon Sir Thomas Southwell and all the rest who were engaged in that business and have such a particular Malice only at Browne whom he knew as little as any of the rest Otherwise he must give us leave to suspend a little our belief of his Narrative in this matter particularly that K. J. should influence either Judge or Jury to take away Mr. Brown's Life and that he should be inexorable in Mr. Brown's Case alone and yet so very merciful to all the rest is a Contradiction to believe if his Case or Circumstances did in no ways differ from theirs But it is no wonder that this Author cannot keep him self from Contradictions through the whole Series of his Book when the very Titles the Heads of his Discourse are contradictory one to another which one would think an ordinary Care might have avoided C. 2. s 8. n 10. the Title is That K. J's Desire to be absolute induced him to change his Religion And yet c. 3. s 1. n. 5. the Title is Zeal for his Religion made him act against his Interest to that Degree says this Author in his Prosecution of this c. 3. s 1. n. 5. p. 46. that the Protestants could not but conclude that K. J. was so intent upon destroying them that so he compassed that Design he cared not if he enslaved himself and the Kingdoms P. 45. That he had a setled Resolution not to mind any Interest which came in Competition with his grand Design of advancing Popery and the Slavery of the Nations To effect which it is manifest he was content to be a Vassal to France Thus the Author Here are Contradictions upon Contradictions That K. J. should be content to be a Vassal that he might be Absolute If you say that must be understood only of his other Grand Design viz. advancing Popery which had the Ascendant even over his Interest or his desire of being Absolute This will contradict the other Head of Discourse which gives the desire of Absoluteness in him the Ascendant over his Religion as being the Ground-work and Motive which induc'd him to change his Religion And yet page 10. of his Thanksgiving-Sermon Perhaps says he K. J. chiefly desired an Absolute Authority over his Subjects that he might compel them into the bosom of his Church And it does not appear a less Contradiction than any of these that a King should change the Principles of the Church of England as then taught for those of Rome out of a desire to be the more Absolute The Church of Rome 4 Coun. Lat C. 3 c. gives Power to the Popes to Depose Kings and they have shewn many Examples of it On the other hand the Church of England when K. J. forsook her Communion damn'd this Deposing Doctrine and the Practice of it and valued themselves upon the Principle of Non-Resistance to their King upon any Pretence whatsoever as their distinguishing Character and an essential part of their Religion and they had never varied from it nor was it thought by any or themselves that ever they would I am sure if they were not in earnest with it then they can give no demonstration now that they can be in earnâ—st with any thing and it is in every bodies mouth That K. J's trusting too much to their Passive Obedience hastened his Ruin which could not be if he had not thought this to have been their Principle Now for a King of this Opinion to quit this Church and go to that Church which teaches the Deposing Doctrine to do this out of a desire of Abâ—â—luteness is such a Contradiction as this Author would have seen at another time C. 3. s 12. n. 15. p. 153. he makes K. J. most absolute in the Parliament in Ireland That this Parliament openly profess'd it self a Slave to the King's Will and that he was look'd upon as a Man factiously and rebelliously inclin'd that would dare to move any thing after any Favourite in the House had affirm'd that it was contrary to the King's Pleasure Accordingly the Author instances several particulars of K. J's Absoluteness in this Parliament particularly That upon his signifying his dissatisfaction to the Repeal of Poyning's Act the Parliament let it fall with several other Acts tho' the Irish had talk'd much and earnestly desired the Repeal of Poyning's Act it being the greatest sign and means of their Subjection to England Yet p. 37. you have the Irish dispute his Orders and and stand on the Laws and they would not suffer him to dispense with their Act of Attainder c. And yet p. 18. They pish'd at the Laws as Trifles and declared they liked no Government but that of France that they would make the King as Absolute here as that King was there P. 31. The Temper and Genius of these Men were at Enmity to the Laws and fitted for Slavery They promoted and
Princely Affection expressed to all your loving Subjects in your Majesty's gracious Speech at the opening of this Session which we most humbly beseech your Majesty may be forthwith printed and published And we farther crave leave humbly to represent to your Majesty our Abhorrence and Detestation of the late Treasons and Defections of many of Your Majesty's Subjects in this and Your other Kingdoms and the unnatural Usurpation of the Prince of Orange against the Laws of God and Man professing with our Voice Tongue and Heart That we will ever be ready to assert and vindicate Your Majesty's Rights to Your Imperial Crown with our Lives and Fortunes against the said Vsurper and his Adherents and all other Rebels and Traitors whatsoever Ordered the 10th of May 1689. by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled that this Address be printed B. Polewheele Dep. Cl. Parl. Numb 2. Dr. Gorge Secretary to General Schomberg in Ireland his Letter dated April or May 1690. to Collonel James Hamilton in London to be communicated to the Lady Viscountess Ranelagh the Lord Massereen and others Honoured Sir THe Fire saith the Royal Prophet kindled in my Breast and I spake with my Tongue Perhaps some Sparks of that Fire so enflamed my Zeal to the publick Good of this Countrey that I have not onely spoke with my Tongue but wrote with my Pen those Truths which I know have redounded more to my particular Prejudice than to the publick Service He that follows Truth too near saith a wise man may lose his Teeth and a wiser than he tells us that he who professeth some Truths may thereby lose his Life yet in the same Period tells us that he shall be no loser thereby the Satisfaction and Contentment which constantly attends Integrity being much sweeter than the Advantage of Temporal Security Liberavi Animam meam and if this make me vile I am content to be more vile I know God hath put Enmity between the Seed of the Woman and the Seed of the Serpent and I as well know that it is as vain for Man's Prudence to attempt to unite what God hath divided as it is sinfull to divide what he hath united I speak not a little to my satisfaction what you know to be true That our Adversaries who are more God's than ours want neither Power nor Malice to crush us such is the Goodness of God that they dare not own their Hatred but are content not only to make me fall from my present Station soft and easie but are willing to make my Remove an Advantage to me little thinking that taking me off from being Secretary to the General and making me Secretary of State necessitates one of my Principles to be the more prejudicial to theirs You know that notwithstanding all their publick and private Opposition They are come up to many of our Principles and we still continue our Distance to theirs which for the better memory I shall enumerate in the following Method the better to obtain your Belief in other particulars which I shall here subjoin You know that I ever asserted that those Principles and Practices which God blessed with Success in the former Irish War were most like to have the same success in this which I told you were as followeth 1. Though the Irish Papists had then as appears by the excellent Preface to the Act of Settlement made that Rebellion the most horrid and universal as ever befell this Kingdom and that nothing but the final Extirpation of the British Persons Laws Religion and Government was designed and endeavoured by that War Yet the then English Government thought not fit to tread in their Steps but still declined making the War either National or Religious and did declare and as you know made their Declaration good at the end of the War That those of the Irish Papists as could prove their constant good Affection to the English Interest as many then did were as secure in their Properties as any of the British Nation or Religion and by this means so divided their Interest that Sir Ch. Coote's Northern Army was most of it composed of Irish Papists who fought faithfully and successfully against their Countreymen and many yet living know faithfully the White Knight of Kerry and others as Eminent as he served General Cromwell 2. By publick Proclamation in those times they protected Papists and well as Protestants who would live peaceably under their Government from any violence to be done them by the Soldiers two private Soldiers being publickly executed in the face of the whole Army for stealing two Hens from an Irish-man not worth six pence for violating the Proclamation the first day General Cromwell made his advance from Dublin towards Droghedagh 3. They forbid under the like penalty of death without mercy any contempt or violation of the Lord General 's publick Orders and Proclamations 4. They prohibited all free quartering on the Countrey or any Soldiers quartering without Billets from the Constable and would not suffer any Soldier to quarter himself 5. They likewise under severe penalties forbid private Soldiers stragling from their Colours without Passes and ordered both Civil and Military Magistrates to apprehend such straglers to send them to their Colours then to be punished according to their respective merits 6. They gave great Encouragement to Papists as well as Protestants who would give Hostages for their fidelity and joyn with them 7. They severely punished all open Debauchery and Impiety and would frequently affirm that good Conduct was more usually bless'd with success than courage of Armies 8. Though they protected as aforesaid Papists as well as Protestants from the Soldiers violence yet they left both to be Fin'd Imprison'd or Sequester'd by the Civil Magistrates according to their respective merits 9. Both Officers and Soldiers were required to be aiding and assisting to put in execution all Orders or Directions of the Civil Magistrate especially such as referred to the well management of the publick Revenue 10. They laboured all they could to lessen the Charge of England and to encrease the publick Revenue of Ireland 11. On assurance of punctual performance they contented themselves with four days pay in a week and placed the other three days to be paid out of forfeited Lands Lastly By this Abatement of their Pay and leaving Rebels Goods Stock and Lands and the publick Revenue to be improved by the Civil Magistrate and making the Soldiers duly pay for their quarters they soon raised in this Kingdom a Revenue which bore a moity of the charge of the War I might enumerate many other particulars which having been the subject matter of my Discourse with your self and some late Letters I have wrote to Major Wildman I intentionally decline You know how often and how early we pressed the necessity of restoring a Civil Government in this Province and how often and openly we declared that the ruine of the Countrey must be the prejudice and endanger
hereby declare that as soon as the War shall be ended they may again return to their former Habitations And as We shall take care that all such Papists that shall in compliance with this our Proclamation remove shall be civilly treated as other their Majesties Subjects and have the Countenance and Protection of the Government whilst they behave themselves as becometh So We hereby declare that all such Papists that from and after the fourteenth day of October next shall presume to dwell or shall at any time afterwards be found within ten miles of any of their Majesties Frontier Garisons as aforesaid or within ten miles of the River Shannon that they and every of them shall be looked upon as Spies and persons corresponding with their Majesties Enemies And shall be prosecuted accordingly Given at their Majesties Castle of Dublin 26th of September 1690. in the second year of their Majesties Reign John Davis Numb 5. By the Lord Deputy and Council A PROCLAMATION Tyrconnel FOrasmuch as several persons in the Province of Vlster and Town of Sligo in this His Majesty's Kingdom have entered into several Associations containing no less offence than High Treason and thereupon formed themselves into several Parties dividing and Marshalling themselves into several Regiments Troops and Companies marching well Armed up and down the Countrey to the great terror of the King's Leige People in manifest breach of the Law and of the Peace of this Realm And having resolved within Our selves to prevent the effusion of blood as long as it was possible by using all peaceable means to reduce the said Malefactors to their Obedience have of late issued out a Proclamation setting forth the said disorders requiring all the said Parties to disperse and repair to their several Habitations and Callings assuring every of them of His Majesty's Pardon and Protection And whereas We see the said Offenders instead of complying with our said Proclamation still do persist in their wickedness by continuing in actual Rebellion breaking of Prisons and discharging of Prisoners secured by due course of Law for Robberies Fellonies and other hainous Crimes by seizing upon His Majesty's Arms and Ammunion imprisoning several of His Majesty's Army disarming and dismounting them killing and murdering several of His Majesty's Subjects pillaging and plundering the Countrey and daily committing several other acts of Hostility and finding no other way to suppress the said Rebellion We the Lord Deputy have caused a Party of His Majesty's Army under the Command of Lieutenant General Rich. Hamilton to march into the Province of Vlster to reduce the Rebels there by force of Arms the consequence whereof cannot but be very fatal to that Country and the Inhabitants thereof and will inevitably occasion the total Ruine and Destruction of that part of His Majesty's Kingdom The consideration whereof hath given Us great disquiet and trouble of mind that a Countrey well planted and inhabited should now by the insolency and traiterous wickedness of its own Inhabitants be brought to ruine and desolation which we are still willing to prevent if any spark of Grace be yet remaining in the Hearts of those Conspirators hereby declaring notwithstanding the many affronts by them put upon His Majesty's Government notwithstanding the several Acts of Hostility by them hitherto Committed that if they will now submit and become dutiful Subjects His Majesty's Mercy shall be extended to them excepting the persons hereafter excepted and in order thereunto We the Lord Deputy and Council do strictly charge and command all such persons in Arms in Vlster or the Town of Sligo forthwith to lay down their Arms and that the principal persons among them now in the North do forthwith repair to Leiutenant General Richard Hamilton and deliver up to him their Arms and serviceable Horses and to give him Hostages as an assurance of their future Loyalty and Obedience to His Majesty and that all their adherents do deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses to such person or persons as he the said Lieutenant General Richard Hamilton shall appoint to receive them And We do also farther charge and command all the principal persons of other Commotions and Insurrections in Sligo to repair forthwith either to Us the Lord Deputy or to Collonel Mac Donnald at the Boyle and deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses and to give Hostages as security for their future peaceable deportment and their adherents to lay down their Arms to be delivered up together with their serviceable Horses to the said Collonel Mac Donnald We the Lord Deputy hereby giving safe conduct to such of them as will submit according to this Our Proclamation And we do hereby farther declare That such of the said persons as shall give obedience to these our Commands except the persons hereafter excepted shall have His Majesty's Protection and Pardon for all past offences relating to the said Commotions and Insurrections but in case they shall be so unhappy as to persist in their wicked designs and treasonable practices We the Lord Deputy do hereby command all His Majesty's Forces to fall upon them wherever they meet them and to treat them as Rebels and Traitors to His Majesty yet to the end the innocent may not suffer for the Crimes of the nocent and that the committals of inhumane acts may be prevented We do hereby strictly charge and command His Majesty's Army now upon their march to the North and all other his Majesty's Forces that they or either of them do not presume to use any violence to Women Children aged or decrepid Men Labourers Plow-men Tillers of the ground or to any other who in these Commotions demean themselves inoffensively without joining with the Rebels or aiding or assisting them in their traiterous actings and behaviours But in regard Hugh Earl of Mount-Alexander John Lord Vicount of Mazareen Robert Lord Baron of Kingstone Clothworthy Schevington Esq Son to the Lord Vicount Mazareen Sir Robert Colvill Sir Arthur Rawden Sir John Magil John Hawkins Robert Sanderson and Francis Hamilton Son to Sir Charles Hamilton have been the principal actors in the said Rebellion and the persons who advised and fomented the same and inveigled others to be involved therein We think fit to except them out of this Proclamation as persons not deserving his Majesty's mercy or favour Given at the Council-Chamber of Dublin March 7. 1688. A. Fytton C. Granard Limrick Bellew Will. Talbot Tho. Neucomen Rich. Hamilton Fran. Plouden Numb 6. The Declaration of William and Mary King and Queen of England Scotland France and Ireland To all the People of this our Kingdom of Ireland whom it may concern William R. AS it hath pleased Almighty God to bless our Arms in this Kingdom with a late Victory over our Enemies at the Boyn and with the possession of our Capital City of Dublin and with a general dispersion of all that did oppose us We are now in so happy a prospect of our Affairs and of extinguishing the Rebellion of this
227 Alben Howell 17 Dec. 88 Back Isle of Wight Cast away 5 Lively Prize 250 W. Tichburne Oct. 89 at Sea Retaken by the French  Fire-Ships Charles and Henry 120 W. Stone 29 Nov. 89 Plymouth Cast away  Alexander 150 Tho. Jennings 21 June 89 at Sea Burnt by accident  Eliz. and Sarah 100 28 Oct. 90 Sherenesse Sunk for securing the graving place  Hopewell 253 Tho. Warren 3 June 90 Downes Burnt  Emanuel 170 25 Feb. 89 Portsmouth Delivered to the Prize-Officers to be sold  John of Dublin 90 Portsmouth   Sampson 240 27 Oct. 89 Sherenesse Sunk for the graving pl.  Bomb-vessel Fire-Drake 202 John Votear 12 Nov. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 6 Dragon Sloop 57 Fred. Weyman 12 Jan. 89 Isle of Thanet Cast away 6 Drake 151 Thomas Spragg 90 Jamaica Cast on Survey 6 Blade of Wheat 150 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away 6 Supply Geo. Cross Delivered to her Owners 6 Dumbarton 191 Simon Row 90 Virginia Cast on Survey 6 Deptford Ketch 79 Tho. Berry 26 Aug. 89 Virginia Cast away 6 King's-Fisher Ketch 61 Rob. Audley 23 Mar. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 6 Talbot 91 Ch. Staggens 19 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French  Hulk Stadthouse 440 28 Oct. 90 Shereness Sunk for securing the graving place  Stephen 716 Woolwich Broke up SHIPS that have been Damaged by running on Shoar Rate Ships Names Tuns Captains Time and Place 2 Vanguard 1397 Richard Carter the 10th of September 1691. on the Goodwin Sands 3 Northumberland 1048 Andrew Cotton  Royal Oak 1107 George Byng  Elizabeth 1097 Henry Priestman  Warspight 892 Stafford Fairborne 3d of Septemb. 1691. at the Hamose at Plymouth  Hope 1048 Peter Pritchard  Eagle 1065 John Leake  Sterling Castle 1059 Benj. Watters Note That this List extends onely to the 13th of November 1691. There is a large List of Men of War lost since that time besides above Two Thousand Merchant-men Numb 13. The Oath of Allegiance given to the Protestants in Cork Limerick and some other Garrisons by the Officers when King James drew out the Soldiers from these Garrisons into the Field YOU shall Swear that from this Day forward you shall be true and faithful to our Sovereign Lord King James and his Heirs and Truth and Faith shall bear of Life and Member and Terrene Honour and you shall neither know nor hear of any Ill or Damage intended unto him that you shall not defend so help you Almighty God 7 E. 2. tit Avowric 211. 4 E. 3. fol. 42. 13 E. 3. and in Britton 5 E. 1. c. 29. Numb 14. A Letter written to my Lord Russel in Newgate July 20. 1683. My Lord I Was heartily glad to see your Lordship this Morning in that calm and devout Temper at the Receiving of the Blessed Sacrament but Peace of Mind unless it be well-grounded will avail little And because transient Discourse many times hath little effect for want of time to weigh and consider it therefore in tender compassion of your Lordships case and from all the good Will that one Man can bear to another I do humbly offer to your Lordships deliberate thoughts these following Considerations concerning the points of Resistance if our Religion and Rights should be invaded as your Lordship puts the Case concerning which I understand by Dr. B. that your Lordship had once received satisfaction and am sorry to find a Change First That the Christian Religion doth plainly forbid the Resistance of Authority Secondly That though our Religion be establish'd by Law which your Lordship urges as a Difference between our Case and that of the Primitive Christians yet in the same Law which establishes our Religion it is declared That it is not Lawful upon any Pretence whatsoever to take up Arms c. Besides that there is a particular Law declaring the Power of the Militia to be solely in the King And that ties the Hands of Subjects though the Law of Nature and the General Rules of Scripture had left us at liberty which I be-believe they do not because the Government and Peace of Humane Society could not well subsist upon these Terms Thirdly Your Lordships Opinion is contrary to the declared Doctrine of all Protestant Churches and though some particular Persons have taught otherwise yet they have been contradicted herein and condemned for it by the generality of Protestants And I beg your Lordship to consider how it will agree with an avowed asserting of the Protestant Religion to go contrary to the General Doctrine of Protestants My end in this is to convince your Lordship that you are in a very great and dangerous mistake and being so convinced that which before was a Sin of Ignorance will appear of much more heinous Nature as in Truth it is and call for a very particular and deep repentance which if your Lorship sincerely exercise upon the sight of your Error by a penitent acknowledgement of it to God and Men you will not only obtain forgiveness of God but prevent a mighty Scandal to the Reformed Religion I am very loath to give your Lordship any disquiet in the distress you are in which I commiserate from my Heart but am much more concerned that you do not leave the World in a delusion and false Peace to the hindrance of your Eternal Happiness I heartily pray for you and beseech your Ldship to believe that I am with the greatest sincerity and compassion in the World My Lord Your Lordship 's most faithful and afflicted Servant J. Tillotson Printed for R. Baldwin 1683. Numb 15. The Earl of Sunderland's LETTER to a Friend in London Plainly discovering the Designs of the Romish Party and others for the subverting of the Protestant Religion and the Laws of the Kingdom Licensed and Entred March 23. 1689. TO comply with what you desire I will explain some things which we talked of before I left England I have been in a Station of great Noise without Power or Advantage whilst I was in it and to my Ruine now I am out of it I know I cannot justifie my self by saying though it is true that I thought to have prevented much mischief for when I found that I could not I ought to have quitted the service Neither is it an Excuse that I have got none of those things which usually engage men in publick Affairs my Quality is still the same it ever was and my Estate much worse even ruined though I was born to a very considerable one which I am ashamed to have spoiled though not so much as if I had encreased it by indirect means But to go on to what you expect The pretence to a Dispensing Power being not onely the first thing which was much disliked since the Death of the late King but the foundation of all the rest I ought to begin with that which I had so little to doe with that I never heard it spoken of till the
heard but as they came nigh to it they perceived it surrounded and heard Guns discharged and People shrieking whereupon being unarm'd and totally unable to rescue their Father they preserved their own Lives in hopes yet to serve their King and Countrey and see Justice done upon those Hell-hound treacherous Murtherers the Shame of their Countrey and Disgrace of Mankind I must not forget to tell you that there were two of these Officers who had given their Paroll of Honour to Mac-jan who refused to be concerned in that brutal Tragedy for which they were sent Prisoners to Glascow where if they remain not still I am sure they were some Weeks ago Thus Sir in obedience to your Commands I have sent you such account as I could get of that monstrous and most inhumane Massacre of the Laird of Glenco and others of his Clan You desire some Proofs for the Truth of the Storyâ—s for you say there are many in England who cannot believe such a thing could be done and publick Justice not executed upon the Russians For they take it for granted that no such Order could be given by the Government and you say they will never believe it without a downright Demonstration Sir As to the Government I will not meddle with it or whether these Officers who murdered Glenco had such Orders as they pretended from the Government the Government knows that best and how to vindicate their own Honour and punish the Murtherers who pretended their Authority and still stand upon it But as to the Matter of Fact of the Murther of Glenco you may depend upon it as certain and undeniable It would be thought as strange a thing in Scotland for any Man to doubt of it as of the Death of my Lord Dundee or with you that the Duke of Monmouth lost his Head But to Put you out of all doubt you will e'er long have my Ld. Argyle's Regiment wity you in London and there you may speak with Glenlyon himself with Drummond and the rest of the Actors in that dismal Tragedy and on my Life there is never a one of them will deny it to you for they know that it is notoriously known all over Scotland and it is an admiration to us that there should be any one in England who makes the least doubt of it Nay Glenlyon is so far from denying it that he brags of it and justifies the Action publickly He said in the Royal Coffee-house in Edinburgh that he would do it again nay that he would stab any Man in Scotland or in England without asking the cause if the King gave him orders and that it was every good Subject's duty so to go and I am credibly informed that Glenlyon and the rest of them have address'd themselves to the Council for a Reward for their good Service in destroying Glenco pursuant to their Orders There is enough of this mournfull Subject If what I have said satisfie you not you may have what Proof and in what manner ye please to ask it Sir Your humble Servant N. B. That the Gentleman to whom this Letter was sent did on Thursday June 30. 1692. when the Ld. Argyle's Regiment was quartered at Branford go thither and had this Story of the Massacre of Glenco from the very Men were the Actors in it Glenlyon and Drummond were both there The Highlander who told him the Story expressing the Guilt which was visible in Glenlyon said Glenco hangs about Glenlyon Night and Day and you may see him in his Face I am told likewise that Sr. John Lawder refused to accept of the Place of Ld. Advocate of Scotland unless he might have liberty to prosecute Glenlyon and the rest of the Murtherers of Glenco which not being granted James Stuart who was forfeited for Treason by K. C. 2. and since Knighted by K. W. has now the Place Numb 20. King James's Letter May 3. 1686. for Reversing two Outlawries with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceeding thereupon Signed James Rex RIght Trusty and Right Well beloved Cousin and Counsellour We greet you well Whereas Our Right Trusty and Well beloved Cosins Jennico Viscount Gormanstowne and James Viscount Ikerin have by their humble Petition represented unto Us that their Ancestors were indicted and outlawed in the Rebellion in that Our Kingdom begun in or about the Year 1641. and have humbly prayed Us that they might be admitted to sue out Writs of Error for reversing the said Outlawries and the Attainders thereupon We have thought fit upon Consideration of the Matter to gratifie them in their humble Requests And accordingly Our Will and Pleasure is and We do hereby direct and require you upon receipt of these our Letters forthwith to give orders to our Chancellor of that our Kingdom to grant unto the said Viscount Gormanstowne and Viscount Ikerin Writs of Errour in order to Reverse the said Outlawries and Attainders and also to direct our Attorney General of our said Kingdom for the time being to admit them to have Copies of the said several Indictments and Outlawries and to require our Judges of our Court of King's Bench there and our said Attorney to admit them the said Viscount Gormanstowne and Viscount Ikerin to reverse the said Outlawries upon Errors appearing in the Records of the same and the Attainders thereupon any Law Stature Custome or Order to the contrary notwithstanding And for so doing this shall be as well unto you as unto all other our Officers and Ministers there whom it may concern a sufficient Warrant And so we bid you heartily farewell Given at Our Court at Whitehall the third day of May 1686. in the second Year of our Reign By His Majesty's Command Sunderland P. Entred at the Signet-Office the 20th of May 1686. John Gauntlett To Our Right Trusty and Right Well beloved Cosin and Counsellor Henry Earl of Clarendon Our Lieutenent General and general Governour of Our Kingdom of Ireland and to Our chief Governor there for the time being The Lord Lieutenant's Order to the Attorney and Sollicitor General touching the Reversion of the Outlawries Clarendon WE send you herewith a Copy of his Majesty's Letters unto Us in behalf of the Right Honorable Jennico Viscount Gormanstowne and James Viscount Ikerin bearing date the 3d of May last concerning their Ancestors being indicted and outlawed in the Year 1641. and we refer it unto you calling to your Assistance the rest of his Majesty's Counsel learned in the Laws of this Kingdom to consider the Matter and report to Us what is fit to be done therein for the relief of the Petitioners Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin the 12th day of June 1686. Paul Rycaut To Our Trusty and well beloved his Majesty's Attorney and Sollicitor general of this Kingdom The Attourney and Sollicitor General and the King's Counsel at Law their Report touching the Outlawries May it please your Excellency IN obedience to your Excellency's Order bearing date the 12th day of this Instant June we have considered
of his Majesty's Letters thereunto annexed in favor of the Right Honorable Jennico Ld. Viscount Gormanstowne and James Ld. Viscount Ikerin concerning the Reversion of the Outlawries against their Ancestors and having advised with the rest of his Majesty's Counsel at Law in this Kingdom we humbly offer to your Excellency's Consideration That some time after his late Majesty's happy Restauration we find several Applications were made for the allowing of Writs of Error to be issued in order to the Reversion of Outlawries in High Treason and Attainders upon Account of the late Rebellion which being referred to his Majesty 's then Judges in this Kingdom there were several Debates then had before them whether such Outlawries could be reversed by reason of the Statute made in the 27th Year of Queen Elizabeth in this Kingdom for the Attainder of James Eustace late Viscount Baltinglass and others therein mentioned who had been lawfully and by due course of Law outlawed and attained of Treason and the Statute confirms those Outlawries and Attainders which were past any Error Insufficiency or other Defect in form or Matter in them to the contrary notwithstanding and farther enacts for the time to come that every offender thereafter being lawfully convict of Treason by Verdict or Process of Outlawry according to the due course of the Common Laws or Statutes of this Realm should forfeit all his Lands of any Estate of Inheritance and that every such Attainder according to the course of the common Laws and Statutes of this Realm should be of the same force as if it had been by Act of Parliament and by reason also that since the making of that Statute they did not find that any Outlawry or Attainder for Treason in this Kingdom had been reversed by Writ of Error especially after the death of the Party outlawed and his Lands granted from the Crown to others Whereupon the said Judges having then heard Counsel on both sides did not come to any Resolution or was any thing farther done upon those Applications We do therefore offer to your Excellencies Consideration that many of his Majesty's Subjects in England and in this Kingdom have at this time in their Possession the Lands of divers old Proprietors who in the Year 1641. and after were outlawed for Treason which Lands have been granted to them by Letters Patents upon the late Settlement of this Kingdom some of whose Titles may be weakened or prejudiced as we humbly conceive by the Reversal of such Outlawries and some parts of these two Lords Estates are now as appears by the Petition of Captain Daniel Gahan Sir William Petty and Samuel Green Esq which your Excellency hath referred unto us in their possessions who hold the same by Letters Patents from his Majesty and have thereupon humbly Petitioned your Excellency to take their Case into your Excellency's Consideration That as to such Lands as these two Lords or the Heirs of such other persons who have been so outlawed are in possession of or have been restored unto by virtue of the late Acts of Settlement they are not as we conceive disabled or any ways hindred by such Outlawries from enjoying the same Neither do we conceive that there would be any Inconvenience in restoring these two noble Lords who do well deserve his Majesty's Grace and Favour to their Blood and Honours with a Proviso that they should not thereby be entituled to any Lands out of their Possession which have been granted by Letters Patents to others as might be done by Act of Parliament but upon the reversal of any Outlawries by Writs of Error there can be no restriction in the Judgment which must by Law be general that they shall be restored to whatsoever they lost by reason of such Outlawries But whether upon the whole Matter your Excellency will think fit to issue such Warrants forthwith in order to the reversal of the said Outlawries as by his Majesty's said Letters are directed on behalf the said Lords Viscounts Gormanstowne and Ikerin or will forbear the same till his Majesty's Pleasure herein shall be farther known is humbly submitted to your Excellency's Consideration June 29. 1686. William Domvile Jo. Temple The Extract of my Ld. Clarendon's Letter to the E. of Sunderland July 6. 1686. of so much as relates to the Matter of the Outlawries My Lord AS soon as I had the King's Letters permitting the Lords Gormanstowne and Ikerin to reverse the Outlawries of their Ancestors I acquainted my Lord Chancellour and Mr. Attorney therewith But the Noise of this matter was come before the Letter for some time before Caveats were entered against the granting any such Writs of Reversal by three Persons who by virtue of the Acts of Settlement are in Possession of some Lands the ancient propriety of those Lords I referred the Matter to Mr. Attourney and Mr. Sollicitour for I could doe no less requiring them to call to their Assistence the rest of the King 's learned Counsel several of whom are Roman Catholicks and to report their opinions to me which they have done and I herewith transmit their Report to your Lordship which I beseech you to lay before his Majesty it is a thing of very great Consequence and deserves the most serious Consideration Numb 21. King James his Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne the 2d of July 1690. Gentlemen I Find all things at present run against Me. In England I had an Army consisting of Men stout and brave enough which would have fought but they proved false and deserted me Here I had an Army that was loyal enough but that they wanted true Courage to stand by me at the critical Minute Gentlemen I am now a second time necessitated to provide for my own Safety and seeing I am now no longer able to to protect you and the rest of my good Subjects the Inhabitants of this City I advise you all to make the best terms you can for your selves and likewise for my menial Servants in regard that I shall now have no occasion to keep such a Court as I have done I desire you all to be kind to the Protestant Inhabitants and not to injure them or this City for though I at present quit it yet I do not quit my Interest in it Numb 22. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs of the City and Liberty of Dublin in behalf of themselves and others the Protestant Freemen and Inhabitants thereof THus long great Sir our unparallel'd late Deliverance wrought by the hand of God the first Mover the principal Author of all our Good hath hitherto most justly employed all the Faculties of our Souls in the profound Contemplation of his mysterious and unbounded Providence receiving from us the slender Reward but necessary Sacrifice of our hearty Praise and Thanks but now to you great Sir the next recollected Thought with