is not ignorant how this Protestation came on nor can the World be ignorant how far his Hand went in promoting it care having been taken by some Body during the time his Lordship was in the Country before the last Session of Parliament to employ certain Emissaries and Agents to carry up and down not only to many Lords in and about this City but likewise to all the most noted Coffeâ—-houses Copies of a Letter said in the Superscription of it to have been first written to the Earl of Carlisle and to have been subscribed Your Lordships humble Servant SHAFTSBURY My Lord of Carlisle is a very noble Person and I would not by any means mis-represent him he having seen too many Experiments of Male-contented Demagogues and their little Tricks to be caught by them or to countenance them 'T is rather to be supposed the Penner made bold with him It was necessary to direct it to some Body and easie to send Copies along with it at the same time to be communicated to every Body for there was no fear but among the Coffee-hâ—unters there would be found Copiers enough to furnish both City and Kingdom the Design being laid now by this new Epistle to prepare Mens Minds for a crying down the present Parliament seeing there are too many Wise Men in it and too Loyal to be shaken by a Shuttlecock and for crying out for a New Parliament while in the mean time matters are so labour'd in the Old One as we have abundantly seen the last Session that no Business should be done by them and then there may thence arise as is imagined an unanswerable Argument for a Trial of Skill in Electing a New for his Tool the Presbyter despairing to get Dominion by the way of the King wants only opportunity to be Canvasing and Tugging for another Forty-One-Parliament and would never be at rest till he hath gotten both Houses over his Head again at Westminster So that if the other Nonconformists will well apprehend the improvement of their own Interest let them know that as they have reason to decline them being their worst Enemies by principle so they have the fairest opportunity in shewing themselves firm henceforth to the Crown to stand most fair in the good opinion and favour of His Majesty as a Party much more tolerable in the Constitution of the Government And then there can be no fear of that they call Persecution because the reason and occasion of it will be gone No Creditor but will be kind when he hath gotten Security Even so it is with Kings and other Governours they grieve no Party more than other when they are once secured they will pay the Debt of Obedience and Loyalty for 't is their Interest to cherish and see every Party thriâ—e and flourish if it be not dangerous Arguments in that Epistle his Lordship offers none having long since arrived to that Noble Confidence as to think his own word sufficient warrant for any Assertion therefore he boldly saith 't is the Interest of the King the Lords and the Commons to have a New Parliament without any more ado But for his Reasons we must have recourse to the Protestation it self which are first for the Dissolution of this Parliament and they are but these few following First The Protestation saith It is according to the ancient Laws and Statutes of this Realm that there should be frequent and new Parliaments and that the practise of several years hath been accordingly 'T is true the Kings of this Realm have formerly had cause to delight in calling them and our Chronicles tell us also that till the Barons Wars came and after the Barons Wars were ended down to the time of King James Parliaments were modest in their station and easie to the King so that the Business of the Kingdom went on current without long Speeches and hot Disputes But in King James his time the Presbyter or Puritaâ— as Men then called him whom Queen Elizabeth in her time not without much ado kept down began to spread his Wings grew numerous and headstrong so that they were able to furnish the Commons House with a Canvasing Party and did it constantly at every Election and divers Members of the House of Peers who in those days affected Preferment at Court and wanted it and envied others that had it or were otherwise male-content or intoxicated with mistaken Zeal of new Phantsies about Religion or Church-Government were not wanting to make a Party of Lords to second that fiery part of the Commons who carried matters divers times so high that That King was necessitated towards the latter end of his Reign for the Honour of his Crown and Preservation of the Government in qâ—iet often to dissolve them Of which the Puritan that is the Presbyter always made advantage by exceeding Clamour against the Court to gain the ignorant and unwary part of the people to his party And so you see to what sort of Men we owe the new invention of Frustrating Parliaments After this comes King Charles the First to the Government upon whom they perpetually practis'd it in all Parliaments that he called and at length you know that working upon the Kings Necessities in the year 1641. they in a manner constraâ—ned him to perpetuate them in Power which was the ruine of the Royal Government and at length of all Government it self It is to be noted also that it was not till the beginning of his Reign that they took up the other New Trick of State which was seeing they durst not yet be so bold as to strike at the King himself for supposed defaults in Government they resolved to strike as near him as they could and so they began to make it constant work to fall upon his Chief Ministers of State and always in the Intervals of Parliament made it their Business to fill the Kingdom with Clamours against them so preparing them thereby as a Sacrifice to their own ends and cruelty and to the Peoples folly against every call of a Parliament Thus it was from the time of the old Duke of Buckingham who by a brave Defence in Parliament made good his Station to the time of that most brave though most unfortunate Man the Earl of Strafford whom they worried to death by Popular Tumults after he had bastled them at the Bar in defending himself most gloriously As they did also Archbishop Laâ—d a Man of high design for the Honour of the King and Glory of the Church which they charged on him to be for introducing of Slavery and Popery so that all the rest of the King's Ministers were glad to flee for safety of their Lives Nay they stopt not here but being flusht drew up Articles of High Treason against the Queens Majesty And then we too sadly remember how easily afterwards they passed on to a Charge against the King himself I write not this as if I meant to scandalize or cast an Odium upon that ancient Right
dismiss this part of the LETTER it cannot be amiss to shew you a better Picture of him as it was drawn also by the lucky hand of the good Earl of Shaftsbury but it was in a time when his Lordship had a Being in Whitehall and was willing to Court him that was his Rival in the Treasuâ—â—â— rather than not hold on his new Office of Chancellor The precise time was when his Lordship gave the Lord Clifford the Oath of Lord Treasurer in the Exchequer-Chamber 5 Decemâ— 1672 where in his Speech he began with my Lord Clifford's Integrity Ability and Experience in Affairs and that therefore the King â—ad chosen him to be His Lord Treasurer A Place that requires such a man as our Greâ— Master's Wisdom found fit for it from whose Natural Temper we may expect Courage Quicknesâ— and Resolution from whose Education Wisdom and Experience and from whose Exâ—ractâ—â— that Noble and Illustrious House of the Cliffords an Heroick Mind a Large Soul and an unshaken Fidelity to the Crown And when he comes to conclude he adds to him these words I wish or rather prophâ—sie your exceâ—ding all your Predâ—â—â—ssors in this Plaâ— The Abilities and Fidelity of the Renowned Lord Burleigh The Sagacity Quickness and great Dispatch of his Son the Lord Salisbury and the Uprightnâ—ss Integrity and Wisdom of that great Man that went last before you the Earl of Southampton Now Gentlemen you that are Friends of Lord Shaftsbury if you have any care of his Reputation advise him to desire the Printer to blot out all the Characters of my Lord Clifford in the Second Edition of this LETTER and put in these or at least for his Lordâ—hips sake have not so hard an opinion of Clifford or else be pleased to do my Lord Clifford and your selves this Right as to suspend your opinion of this Lord till you are sure iâ— can be a good one But if then you find no cause to believe all the Outcries which were at the time of Clifford's Fall hold on still if you can the humour of believing all the other Devices of his little Lordship till he at length serve you as he hath served all the rest of his Believers LETTER THe next Contents of the Letter are these Viz. That the Penner thereof wishes The Declaration for Indulgence Vight have had a longer continuance and a better reception But saith he the Bishops took offence at it ANIMADVERSION ANy thing to lay load of Envy upon the Bishops That is a main design of the LETTER At that Corner of the Monarchy its old Enemies are to make the new On-set and then what follows The Annals of the late Reign of Presbytery will tell you nothing but Violent Persecution Not a word in those days of Indulgence â—â—ynot so much as to the Brother-Independents whose true Interest it is as much as the Epis oparians to preserve the present Government by Episcopacy For let the Presbyter up with his Throne again and both the other will be alike exposed to his mercy Suppose the worst you can of one Bishop in a County yet past experience hath told us we had better have him there than a mean upstart Insulter over both to play the Devil for Gods sake in every Parish The rest of the Dissenters are therefore to conâ—â—der That as the Episcoparian's greatest Jealousie is at the Presbyter because the Aims of them both being at a National Form they cannot both stand together but the one must of necessity deprive the other so forasmuch as all other Nonconformers lay no claim to a Church-National but in Spiritual Matters seek only Toleration and Indulgence They cannot if they please to lay aside old animosities give any Ombrage or Jealousie to the Episcâ—parian because in their way of Churching they design only a private Rule over one another Their only Concern then is by a total quitting of all Intrigues or correspondence in Counsels with that false Brother the Presbyter the natural common Enemy of their way of Churching as well as of the National which being cordially done in suture and all cause of Jealousie on their parts being thereby removed from the Governours there can be no doubt but they may be induced to allow them a fair and lasting Indulgence Moreover it ought to be consider'd though the Bishops be charged by our Letter-Man as the Undoers of the Indulgent Dâ—â—laration it was not They but the Parliament that undid it it being by both Houses judged inconvenient to be continued by reason it was thought prejudicial to some Laws made for an Uniformity in Matters of Publick Worship and consequently an Intrenchment upon Law so that the Parliament was therein led by Reâ—son of State when they besought His Majesty for the cancelling of it the Lords Spiritual were concerned in it no otherwise than the Lords Temporal and it was upon the Joint-Application of both Lords and Commons recalled The Inference then which I would offer at from these Discourses is That if those aforesaid Dissenters would by Overt-Acts of Behaviour in future make it evident to the Parliament that they are in heart alienated and departed from the Presbyter the great common Enemy of the Crown as well as of the Church 't is not impossible yea perhaps not improbable but that the same Parliament may then come to see it Reason of State also to find out some Expedient to make a difference in execution of Law betwixt Them and the Irreconcileable Presbyter notwithstanding the severity of Laws at present especially if the Houses once see cause given them to apprehend That such Dissenters are resolved to become as loyal and serviceable to his Majesty and the Government here as Dissenters were heretofore in France unto King Henry the Fourth And truly seeing there is this difference betwixt the ordinary Dissenters and the Presbyters that the latter is e directo inconsistent with all Monarchy because Presbytery claims to be underivative from any Secular Monarch and in ordâ—â—ad Spiritualiae doth as it were usurp his Power and seeing the former while they seek only an Indulgence may well enough consist with our English Monarchy there is no question but they may in due time if they behave themselves wisely obtain their desired Liberty For in the very following Lines of the LETTER our Author signifies That at the next meeting of the Parliament the Bishops promoted the Protestant Interest so high that an Act came up from the Commons to the House of Lords in favour of the dissenting Protestants and had passed the Lords but for want of time What hath been may be so that if the ordinary Dissenters shall be so wise as to mind their true Interest which really lies in a hearty complaisance with the Interest of the Government the like may soon be done in favour of them again Next he tells us There was another Act then passed the Royal Assent for the excluding all Papists from Office in the opposition of which the Lord Treasurer
are Divine there are Obligations also upon the Father and Master to the Son and Servant Such a Paternal absolute Divine Right it is that the Kings of England have claimed and exercised over their Subjects as that in all times Lâ—x cucurrit the Laws have generally run in course for preservation of all the Rights and Liberties of the People as well as those of the Crown Now you see the Fox unâ—ased the word Divine Right of Monarchy is no such Bugbear as we are told here in Print And doubtless the Lords and the Commons of England all people both great and small will well consider that as this kind of Discourse was haled into the Lords House upon no occasion to serve some ends so it was most improperly timed to bring it forth in the Reign of such a King whose tenderness towards the Laws and Liberties of the people hath been most remarkable in all his Actions And if any thing that hath a Face of Power or Force extraordinary or unusual in the times of his Predecessors hath appeared about him 't is no more than what these Fifteen years past hath been continued and never found fault with by his then Lordâ—hip but judged absolutely necessary for his Guard and Defence against his now Lordships new Friends of Presbytery the Irreconcileable Enemies not only of this but any King because the very Constitutioâ— and Natural Temper of that Faction renders them incompatible with the Nature of his Crown and Dignity Yet none shall more kiss him and in kissing none more diminish him Nor can there be imagined greater Enemies to all the rest of his people not only because their design is spurred on with a Religious Zeal of Domination over their Fellow-subjects but because also their Machinations being restless and perpetual to grasp the Power they necessitate the King for defending his own Station and his other peoples to become the more heavy in his demands of Supply to sustain the Government against such Domestick Adversaries And if ever the Excellent Form of it happen to be spoiled which God forbid we must owe it to that sort of Men who have always made it their business to create Parties and tell Noses in both Houses and start such Hares as can never be run down so that there might be neither time nor room to handle or make an end of the important Affairs of the Kingdom and what is this but to destroy the Exercise Use and publick End of Parliaments in England But the Print hath not done yet Shirley's Cause hath drawn hither also the whole Business of France and Holland We owe it saith the two last years Peace by that it means the Peace we have with the Dutch to the two Houses differing from the sence and opinion of White-Hall And it saith his Lordship said 't is a thing to be prayed for that there may be no general Peace made with France and that he himself would advise against it Quantum mutatus ab illo See how consistent his Lordship is with himself Even as he was wont to be Time was when he was an Adviser at White-Hall and he could be of their sence then and took pains also to bring the Houses to it As for example When it was the sence of White-Hall that a War ought to be made with the Dutch as glad as his Lordship now is of the Peace with them he was at first as high as any Man against them as appears by his Speech when he was Lord Chancellor at the opening of the Session of Parliament 5 Febr. 1672. wherein he said all he could to Inflame the Houses against the Dutch he reckon'd up their Personal Indignities to the King by Pictures and Medals and other Publick Affronts from the States themselves their Breach of Treaties â—oth in the Surinam and the East-India Business their Height of Insolence in denying the Honour and Right of the Flag and disputing the Kings Title to it in all the Courts of Christendom and that they made great Offers to the French King if He would stand by Them against Us but the Most Christian King too well remembred how dangerous a Neighbour they were to all Crowned Heads That they were the Common Enemies to all Monarchies especially to Ours And thereupon as angry as he is now at our Kings fair carriage with the French he then concluded it was well done to joyn Interests with the French King And he told the House then also That at any rate Carthago est Delenda the Hollanders were not onely to be brought down but destroy'd And further to engage the Parliament to liberal Supplies against them he told the Houses thus 'T is your War the King took his Measures from You and they were Just and Right Ones And if after this You suffâ—r them to get up let this be remembred The States of Holland are England's eternal Enemy both by Interest and Inclination You see his Lordships Opinion then was that the Parliament ought to bow to the Scene of Whitehall but in a little time after the Scene was altered for no sooner went his Lordship out of Office but his Business was to bow the Houses as much the other way and with the same eagerness for a Peace with the Dutch against the Sence of Whitehall Quo te teneam nodo mutantem Protea And in like manner he hath laboured to put the People out of humour with Whitehall and set them against our being any way concerned with the French telling the Lords in this Print what a mighty dangerous Neighbour that King is grown to be But the good People of England ought withal to consider That King did not in a Nights time grow up to this Magnitude He was but little less at the time of his Lordships Greatness yet all was well enough as long as his Lordship was great too for then there was no clamour of his about it either in or out of Parliament therefore mistake not his present Peek and Indignation at the Court for a zeal towards the Publick So I have done with that Speech to the Lords Printed with the Name and Title of my Lord of Shaftsbury and now ye Men of Shaftsbury what do ye think of him Have ye not reason to be proud of so able a Speech-Maker He 's a brave Man indeed that can blow up a Parliament with a Breath and a Kingdom into a Flame but what wise Men are they that do not yet understand him And what a Knave is he that thinks I mean the Earl of Shaftsbury to be the Man Now though I have done with the Speech yet I cannot have done with the rest of the Print for I see Printed in the end of it another Business in the Name of my good Lord Shaftsbury It is Intituled The Protestation with Reasons of several Lords for the Dissolution of this Parliament Entred in the Lords Journal Novemb. 22. 1675. the day the Parliament was Prorogued So that it seems his Lordship
mind to swear Allegiance at all or else are very fairly inclined to forfeit it And yet what a world of fine Speeches what a stir and what a pother doth our Author tell his Friend in the Countrey this and that and t'other Lord made in the House of Peers against the Swearing And every jot as wise a business 't is which indeed considering the drift of it deserves a Capital Animadversion that this Gentleman in Print is pleased to start such a Question as this Whether Monarchy as well as Episcopacy be Jure Divino and not to be bounded by Human Laws What the drift is of raising such Quaeres among the Populacy at such a time as this let sober Men consider A man might easily ghess what a Monarch not bounded by a Human Spirit would do to such a Spright as this who ought rather to be answered with that old Motto Ratio ultima Regum which would be hung about his Neck by a Prince of as little Humanity as this Man himself appears to be after all the Graces and Bounties by him received and thus ungratefully requited The Kings one single Act of sparing such a Factionist as well as all the other Acts of his Majesties Government doth manifest that he himself affects only a Temperate Monarchy to govern by Law Nor can the Bishops he justly charged with affecting any other or ever to have had any other design about it than this to teach the people there is so much of a Divinity in the Rights and Persons of Kings that they ought in their High Station to be Reverenced and Obeyed by the Subject for conscience sake This Divine Right is certainly due to them and to Bishops also who are Governours under them not to be thought alterable under any pretence whatsoever till his Majesty can be fairly convinced of some better way of ordering the Affairs of a National Church which may more effectually answer the Good Ends of Regal Government and truly till that be done by this Letter-man 't is downright Sedition with Treason I fear in its Belly for him to design the making of a Party against Bishops to hinder the passing of any Expedient be it an Oath or any other that might fortifie so Fundamental a part of the Monarchy LETTER 5. AND to secure all this they resolve to take away the Power and Opportunity of Parliaments to alter any thing in Church or State only leave them as an Instrument to raise Money and to pass such Laws as the Court and Church shall have a mind to The Attempt of any other how necessary soever must be no less a Crime than Perjury ANIMADVERSION Court and Church That is to say The King and the Bishops for the Court is nothing without the King They are well joyned together for take away either of these and they both fall together the Government being so ordered in England that they stand Props to each other Therefore as dull a Politician as I am if I meant to raise Sedition or commence Rebel I would not say a word against the King and Monarchy that would be too foul at first whatever my Aim were but away with Bishops and then of course I shall be able to talk of and with his Majesty But yet in case I should so plainly discover my purpose to imbroil the Nation as Some-body hath done by baiting the Bishops both in and out of the House of Peers I confess I should hardly believe a King would have the patience to let me go about and discourse and write and print thus to drive on my design among the Subjects in City and Countrey It would be a wonderful Evidence of his Lenity and such as might melt me or the heart of any Man that is not in Nature a Tygre or of the strain of the people of Shaftsbury into a time Repentance Especially if it be considered that the scope of this last Paragraph is to suggest unto the people as if the King with his Ministers and the Bishops were plotting a Destruction of the Power of Parliament so as it shall not be able to alter any thing in Church or State nor be able to make and alter Laws in future as their Predecessors have done without incurring the crime of perjury This is a strange Age that no Doctrine will take but that of altering or pulling down an ancient Government before we are provided either of Amendments for what we are to alter in the old or of a new and better Form to be substituted in its room when we take it away But a thing it is much more strauge that one single Sophister having lately undergone and deserved an alteration of his Fortune so as to have been turn'd out of his great Offices and the Court too for his Tricks should gain the Ears and Belief of so many Noble Peers and seal up their Eyes too that they should not see his design of revenge through all his pretences which alas had never been thought of but Bishops and King and Court too had continued very good Men and we should have had neither Speech nor Protestation of his as long as he could have enjoyed nor had we so long as he did enjoy a Courtiers share among them Nor would he ever have vouchsafed the kindness of any Letters to his Friends in the Countrey but the Oath of Test might have passed current as a good Expedient for preserving the Government from any unnecessary alteration and he would have told you also another Tale had it hapned that any Parliament-Man should have risen up then as vile as himself to act the same part for an Alteration or rather Subversion of the Government and he could readily have maintained the Test very necessary to be taken by Parliament-Men to secure both King and Parliament from the ruine designed And moreover he can tell you that it is no news for Parliament-Men before they enter the Parliament to take an Oath to be true to the Government as it is Established and yet not to reckon themselves so bound up by the Oath as to lose their power and liberty to debate and resolve upon such Alterations afterward in the Establishment as shall be found needful What needed then all this Clamour of his seeing the Test would have done no more than the Oath of Allegiance doth oblige the Parliament to maintain the present Establishment of Church and State against all Alterations till King and Parliament shall judge them needful to be made As shall be made evidenâ—ation when I come to conâ—ider it in more ample manner And yet what a Clâ—tter hâ—â—e we had aboâ—â— iâ— LETTER 6. AND 〈…〉 of the 〈◊〉 Fabrick a pretenâ—e shall be taken from the 〈…〉 raisâ—d anâ— a real 〈◊〉 from the sâ—allness of 〈…〉 standing Army and 〈◊〉 in due time the Cavaliâ—r and 〈…〉 will be madâ— greatâ—r Fools but as 〈◊〉 Slaves as the rest of the Nation ANIMADVERSION THe Cavalier and Churchman do very well remember when it
was that they were made Slaveâ— and by whom Was is not presently after the Bishops and Church been alter'd And by what manner of persons were these things done Even by those very Lords and Commons who in their great 〈◊〉 of the State of the Kingdom Anno 1641. declared That they conceived tâ—â—ir Proâ—eedings to be 〈◊〉 by such Mâ—n as did 〈◊〉 into tâ—e People â—hat thâ—y meant to aboliâ—h the Church-Government or to absâ—lve any Mâ—n of that Obedienâ—e which he owes undâ—r God to His MAJESTY whâ—m they confâ—ss to be intrusted with the Ecclesiastical Laws as well as with the Temporal And in their Declaration of the Ninth of April 1642. they declare That they intended only a due and neâ—essary Reformation of the Government and Liturgie of the Church And to take away nothing in the one or the other but what shall be evil and justly offensive And yet 't is not long after that we find them Voting and throwing down the whole Church-Government and at length that of the State too notwithstanding all the Protestations by them made to the contrary before God and the World Therefore neither Cavaliers nor Churchmen can after so late and sad an experience of Alterability and Alteration be such fools as not to understand what they have seen and felt by such Alterative humors as are now asloat again and what the Issue of them would be if they might have way especially seeing the same Presbyterian Faction are brewing afresh and so visibly that we need not seek pretences to raise jealousie about their doings forasmuch as they are bare-faced and busie and our Projecting Dandeprat whose Actions are accountable at least within the Statute against firing of Houses openly acting the Kindle-cole in Parliament to create a Party there for their purpose and because he cannot yet find a House of Commons for the turn you have him and his Agents every where about the City Preaching up a necessity of Calling a New One and from London his Doctrine is spread into the Countreys with good Counsel to dispose the People to the Old Way of Petitioning that by a full Crie the King may be in a manner constrained to give them opportunity once more to try their Fortunes by a New Election This is more than Jealousie as Mr. Jenks if he please can tell you so that our Author might have spared this Frump which he slings at those few Forces which His Majesty hath been and is necessitated to keep up to secure the Government of which Forces he and his Partisans are by their Seditious if not Treasonous Speeches Letters and Practises the most likely men to cause an augmentation so that if ever a necessity arise that they must be augmented to prevent those mens purposes the Nation may from hence understand whom they are to thank for it and how to excuse the hard condition of a Gracious King who would rather rule by love and sets more value upon a Regiment in the universal good Wills and Hearts of his Subjects than in all the Regiments of force and violence in the World And how small soever this Letter insinuates His Majesties Party to be yet if ever God for our manifold sins should suffer Incendiaries to blow up a new Rebellion by their tracing the same methods that they used who promoted the former it will soon appear by the many thousands that abhor it and its Contrivers that all the rest of the Nation will become ready Volunteers either in Purse or Person to defeat their Enterprises and prevent the like miseries and confusions as those were that the same Faction brought upon us heretofore In the mean time 't is but reason they should declaim against standing Forces because these few do stand in their way though they are no great number and are as a Bridle in their mouthes so that 't will be a hard matter for them to get out the Old Tools to go to Work with I mean Tumults out of the City which were easily form'd in those days when they had none to deal with but a naked King and a Guard of Beef-eaters But Why is it that he cries out We are like to be made Slaves To perswade men to the belief of it he is pleased to insist upon four following instances viz. Four Acts of this Parliament which are indeed as high and necesâ—ary Acts of prudence as could be passed by Parliament to preserve the Monarchy and fence it against the Designs of any new Rebellion that may in future be grounded upon the old humors LETTER 7. IN order to this the first step was made in the Act for Regulating Corporations wisely beginning that in those lesser Governments which they meant afterwards to introduce upon the Government of the Nation they might make them swear to a Declaration and belief of such Propositions as themselves afterward upon debate were enforced to alter and could not justifie in those words so that many of the Wealâ—â—iâ—st Worthiest and Soberest men are still kept out of the Magistracy of those places ANIMADVERSION Upon perusal of this Act you will find it was high reason that moved the Parliament to pass it as appears by this preamble viz. That the succession in governing such Corporations may be most probably pâ—rpetuated in the hands of persons well 〈◊〉 to His Majesty and the established Government it being too will known that notwithstanding all His Majesties endeavours and unparallel'd indulgence in pardoning all that is past nevertheless maâ—y evil spirits are still working Wherefore for prevention of the like mischief for the time to câ—me and for preservation of the publick peace both in Church and State Commissioners are appointed to see that all Mayors Recorders Aldermen and other persons bearing Office of Magistracy Trust or Employment relating to the Government of Cities Corporations and Boroughs do take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and another Oath That they 〈◊〉 declare and b … that it is not lawful upon any preteâ—ce whatsoever to takâ— Aâ—â—s against the King and that they do abhor that Traiterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against His Person or against those that are Commissionated by Him And at the same time also the said Commissioners are to see that such persons do subscribe a Declaration declaring That they do hold that there lies no Obligation upon themselves or any other Person from the Oath commonly called The Solemn League and Covenant and that the same was in it self an unlawful Oath and imposed upon the Subjects of this Realm against the known Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom This was an Act of the whole Parliament and there 's no reason therefore why our Letter-Man should charge it on the Bishops alone but that the main Aim is at them first and for what cause I have already told you 'T is conceived the ready way to go to work it having been the beaten way to attaque the Government on that side for this the Party is a forming
seasonable especially in a time wherein many of the Old Kindlers are visibly blowing this Old Coal again to revive it and with it to over-heat the Brains and Consciences of men into a zeal of the same Obligation in stead of repentance that ever they took it But hear what the King said of it and 't is enough to forewarn and advise men of any Conscience or discretion in the future That saith he which makes such Confederations by way of Solemn Leagues and Covenaâ—ts the more to be suspected is That they are the common Road used in all Factions Perturbations of State or Church Where Formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more studied and elaborate than when Politicians aâ—itate most desperate designs against all that is setled or sacred in Religion and Laws which by such skrues are cunningly yet forcibly wrested by secret stâ—ps and less sensible degrees from their known Rule and wonted practice to comply with the humors of those men who aim to subdue all to their own will and power under the disguises of Holy Combinations Wisdom and Truth greater than this or more Divine never was uttered by any Prince since the days of Solomon And it ought to be for ever written in the hearts of Subjects because we can seal to it upon the sad experience we had in our late Civil Wars to the utter ruine of all Religious Profession which men ought to take care by sincerity and integrity of life to hold up in the height of Reputation as the most sacred thing in the World Otherwise what we may expect of the pretences and disguises of the most Sanctimonious Combinations the same king tells us in the following words They are Cords and â—ythes will hold mens Consciences no longer than force aâ—tends and twists them for every man soon grows his own Pope and easily absolves himself of those Ties which not the command of Gods Word or the Laws of the Land but only the subtilty and terror of a Party casts upon him Indeed such illegal ways seldom or never intend the engaging of men more to Duties but only to Parties therefore 't is not regarded how they keep their Covenants in point of Piety pretended provided they adhere firmly to the Party and design intended The Imposers of such a League will admit of any mens sences of it though divers or contrary with any Salvoes Cautions and Reservations so as they cross not the chief design against the Church and their King There are many thousands yet living who can witness to the truth of it that they had no sooner involved the several Parliamentary Parties in the guilt of that Covenant but they all fastened several Sences and Constructions upon it such as might best suit with the several ends and designs of their particular Parties They like Samson's Foxes had their heads looking divers ways but were tied together by the Tails had one common Interest which tied them fast to each other in Agreement for the destruction of King and Bishops They easily absolved one another and each man himself from the seeming obligations of the Covenant to Loyalty and Government as fast as their particular occasions called them off to other Resolutions And if we may believe Sir Henry Vaâ—e it was in the penning so worded that the Noose might not be too strict and narrow for Conscience to escape out of it when occasion should require For when that Gentleman came to Tower-hill to dye he told us to this purpose that himself had been one of the Commissioners that went out of England into Scotland and was present there in those Councils then on Foot betwixt both Kingdoms which contrived that Covenant And when it was objected by some that if the Terms of the Covenant should run so high for preservation of the King and His Family as they seemed to be the King perhaps might notwithstanding be utterly hardened against it and frustrate all the good intents of it towards himself And in such case it was propounded in Council what then should be done At last it was concluded an Addition should be made to it of that ominous Clause In the preservation and defence of the Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms A Clause which was made use of afterwards to prove that the Nation might be established in a Government without any regard to the King or His Family For manifestation of this Truth there needs no more but to cast an eye back upon that fatal Remonstrance of the Army dated at St. Albans 20th November 1648. penned by Ireton Cromwel's son-in-Son-in-law the main scope whereof was â—o prove That they ought to take away the Kings Life with a pretence and form of Justice and extirpate His Family And truly I have the greater cause to remember this having at that time read the Arguments contained in several Prints against it to manifest unto the Authors of such Counsels and all the world that such a Course of proceeding against the King of England is Irrational Monstrous and in consequence pernicious to the three Kingdoms Nevertheless the Argumentation of Colonel Ireton carried it And whosoever pleases to consult the Contents of that Army Remonstrance shall find that the best Arguments he had except the Sword were all fished out of several Topicks contained in the Covenant among which the main one fetcht from that afore cited Clause was like the Sword of Goliah noâ— like it to cut asunder all Obligations both Sacred and Civil and was improved to this point That seeing these Nations were brought to such a pass as the Argumentator wâ—s pleased to say That the ends of the Covenant could not be attained by a Government with â—â— King and his Family Therefore those ends being the Principal Considerations of Mens Covenanting ought to be made good by another Government without any regard of Him or His who were but of a Secondary consideration And thus out of the Belly of that Trojan-Horse the Covenant sprang that Hobby-horse of a Republick with Cromwell on the back of it who himself at length convinced in Judgment about forms of Government saw and confessed by making himself the sole single person in Authority that no Rest is to be â—ad by Government in this Nation but by a Monarchy After this my good Friends of Shaftsbury I suppose you will not venture to gainsay but that it was well done of the Parliament and Bishops too since you will have them nam'd in particular to pass two such Acts as might keep men out of Magistracy in Corporations and out of Command in the King's Militia whose Consciences can yet relish and not abhor such a Covenant or such a Treasonous Maxim in State That the King's Authority may be made use of or turn'd against his Person And yet anon before the end of this Letter the Author will tell you of very strong Instances and Cases Somebody cited in the House of Peers wherein it was and may be lawful again so to do
now for an Oath than the Nobility and Gentry yet at their own time they have been able and while they retain such Principles can be again when time serves to swallow all manner of Oaths and devour Nobles Gentlemen too Clergy and All. And this our Letter-Man knows very well who having at this time great need of them in the Pulpit is you see very angry they are under hatches He only wants such a House of Commons as he could wish for he reckons himself sure of his Clergy they are of another Kidney than the Church of England's Clergy These he is pleased to brand as Men of little Understanding and of a pitiful sort of Learning which teaches to Obey and Justifie not to Disoute the Commands of their Superiours Meer Milk-Sops they but his are the Myrmidoâ—s Men of Arguments as strong as Gun-Powder Profound Men of Letters who have written and can write RATIO â—LTIMA REGUM round the Mouth of a Cannon LETTER THe fourth and last Act found fault with is The Five Miles Aâ—â— passed at Oxford whiâ—â— introduces the Oath in the Terms the Courtiers would have it This was thâ—â— strongly opposed by the Lord Treasurer Southampton Lord Wharton Lord Ashley and others not only in the concern of those poor Ministers that were so severely handled but as it was in it self an unlawful and unjustisiable Oath however the Zeal of that time against all Noâ—conformists â—asâ—ly passed the Act. ANIMADVERSION THat my Lord Wharton and Lord Ashley might oppose it is not impossible but of my Lord Southampton 't is hardly probable but if he did it serves for some excuse to Lord Aâ—hley because his Lordships Interest at that early time of day was nothing in Court without him and so he could lose nothing there then For it was afterwards that he crept up like Ivy upon that old Oak of Loyalty Southampon into His Majesties favour and many a good place which while his Lordship enjoyed we do not remember that ever he was angry at this Act Nor do we know any reason why it might not have been stretcâ—â— at that time a Mile or two more without grieving his Lordship or stretching his Conscience so that this Story might have been very well omitted so far as concerns my good Lord Ashley If the Ministers were then so severely hâ—ndled let it be noted that now is the time his Lordship would be thought to have had no hand in it But whose fault was it then was it not their own were they not very severe towards the King when they refused the Oath contained in that Act which enjoined only these particulars viz. to declare That it is not lawfâ—l upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King That they do abhor that Traiterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissionated by him in pursuance of such Commissions And that they will not at any time endeavour any Alteration of Government either in Church or State Now let us reason together Is it rational to imagine that any Governour will not provide for the safety and peace of his Government Are not Protection and Allâ—giance correlative Do they not Mâ—tuo se ponere can either be understood without the other Is not the Band of Politicks utterly broken by conceiving the contrary If a Subject will not declare it Not lawful to take Arms against the King Is there not a clear Implication of the Affirmative that he may or perhaps will when he shall have an opportunity Is it imaginable then that any King can think himself secure of such a Man or that he could permit him to enjoy the Common Liberties of his Government who refuseth to give the Common Caution required by Governours for the place of Government Or if such person have formerly by any Overt Acts declared or preached to others that it is lawful to take Arms can he with any colour of reason find fault with the King when he demands onely gentle Cauâ—ion of him by declaring that he hath alter'd his Opinion and will do so no more And in case of his refusal can he in his Conscience condemn the Kings making a Law to prevent him from doing the like again Come Gentlemen let us to the great Rule of Conscience Whatsoever ye would that Men should do to you do ye so to them for this is the Law and the Prophets Now pray tell me you that are Kings of those little Kingdoms called Families If any one of your Children or Servants hath taught or shall teach the rest that it is lawful to dispute and fight with you and perhaps they do it in your Houses would you not think it strange that any Man should blame you if you not punishing that Child or Servant should onely demand this gentle Caution of him that he oblige himself never to do the like again It 's much rather to be supposed that in stead of that you would turn him out of your little Kingdom and no Man could find fault with you for it Now for Inference If His Majesty a Prince Gracious and Indulgent beyond all example hath laid aside the severe part and if you by your refusing to give him the Security of a Promissory Oath have in effect declared that ye will not lay aside or quit that unruly Principle of taking Arms against him what could he do less than to take the Viper out of his own and the Churches Bosom and not nourish it any longer Whereas by the Laws of God and Man and by that Law of Nature called Self-preservation he might have taken another kind of Course for the Security and Quiet of Himself and His Subjects and not onely have shut these Men out of Corporations but out of the Kingdom And yet so far hath His Majesty been from this severity that the Five Miles Aâ—t it self hath languisht with very little Execution insomuch that those Men and their Friends have at this time of day small cause to complain of it but rather much for a heart-melting into grateful acknowledgments of so great Lenity If another Pen had been ousied in this Work of Animadverting it might perhaps have dropt here many notable Reasons of State justifying the Policy and Prudence of that Act and its Execution as to name one for an Instance Viz. Seeing that by the Constitution of this Kingdom the Commons House of Parliament have an Interest in the Power of Legislation that no Law can be made or repealed without them And whereas the major part of their Members are chosen by Corporations it must needs be of highest concern to preserve those Bodies Corporate as free as may be from the Infection of Preachers of such Principles as are destructive of the Kingdoms Constitution and Government lest in a little time the swarming Prosâ—lytes of Nonconformity come to bear away the Bell at Elections and then Trump a Major Vote in the Commons House to play a New Game again at
the last Sessions of Parliaments non-effect or to enable them to ghess who it was that spoiled several foregoing Sessions by spinning the like long Speeches to start and cherish Controversies instead of doing Business And from thence they may do well to consider if the like shall be done again what kind of Man that is who shall endeavour to render a Parliament of no Effect And what a difference can be made betwixt a Subverter and a Continual Frustrater of the Parliamentary Constitution In the first place that Speech tells the Lords that the All of their Lordships was at Stake in that Business of Shirley as if the House of Peers could not stand unless they resolved to hear him that Minute and yet many Lords if Prints belie them not did seem to believe it But those Lords I suppose cannot but by this time observe this one Passage of the Print Page the 5th which represents my Lord Shaftsbury being in fâ—ar that a Vote might pass there for medling with no private Business for six weeks O my Lords said he if this be your Business see where you are if we are to Postpone our Judicature fâ—r the fear of Offending the House of Commons for six Weeks they in the Interim may pass the MONEY and other acceptable Bills which His Majesty thinks of Importance Sure the Print hath belyâ—d so Loyal a Heart as my Lord Shaftsbury to make him speak thus which in plain English amounts to this My Lords take â—eed what you do the King longs to have the Bill about Money and the other acceptable Bills of Importance dispatched and brought to him and the House of Commons would 〈◊〉 have Shirley 's Business laid aside for six Weeks that the Work may not be hindred but the King satisfied As if it had been a matter of Danger to satisfie the King which is a Reflection upon Majesty not to be darted out by any Subject in so great an Assembly And by it you have the purpose of the great Design pointed out in most Legible Characters his Lordship openly perswading the Peers if he can to thwart the King and render the Parliament unfit to do the Kings Business So that if the Print be a true Copy of his Speech then here 's the Trouble-House Ex ore tuo condemnaberis What need we any more witness who it is that troubles the King and Kingdom But the Print goes on and saith his Lordship said further That to lâ—y sweet Shirley aside Page the 6th would be to alter the Constitution of the Government and there is no Reason of State can be an Argument to your Lordships to turn your selves out of that Interest you have in the Constitution of the Government Nothing may more make us suspect this Speech than that it presents his Lordship as a Man afraid of altering the Constitution of Government I must confess I never knew him like an alteration in any Government as long as himself could be one in it therefore seeing he is none now 't is wisely done of him to insinuate the Crime upon others for so the Print doth very slily upon those Noble Lords whose Judgment and Conscience led them to lay aside Disputes about Judicature that they might do the King and Kingdoms Business before Shirley's And for this they were told Page 6th that they were ready to give away their Peâ—rage with its Rights and Priviledges and â—umbling down their own House to become Creatures as mean and low notwithstanding they have Titles as they are in absolute Monarchies And that there is no Priâ—â—e that evâ—r Govern'd without a Nobility or an Army if you will not have one you must have tâ— other And thus he concludes I therefore declare that I will serve my Prince as a Peer but will not destroy the Peâ—rage to serve him And now let us consider what occasion or need his Lordship had of this high Bravade unless it were craftily to possess mens Minds with a secret Opinion as if the King and those Noble Lords which sâ—uck close to His Majesties Concerns and the Kingdoms in this Debate had an end to Overthrow the House of Peers make the Monarchy absolute and Rule by an Army A thing the most impertinently and senslesly insinuated that can be from such Premises as have been mentioned And it rather argues that the Arguer hath some strange design or other upon the Government if he cannot by hook or by crook get himself in again to the Helm of it But his Reasons and the Design being well enough apprehended this and some other little Delusions of late years practised under Publick good Pretences cannot but be understood by the Lords and Commons as meer Tricks to turn the Frame of Government off its Wheels again and to shatter it into a Presbyterian Aristocratick or a Popular Tyranny for that is the inevitable consequence of unhinging this Well-order'd-Monarchy But the Print saith his Lordship went yet farther being resolved to search the Monarchy to the bottom page 10. and 11. and by the way he digs down as low as the Grave of Archbishop Laud. His Lordships Friends of Presbytery tumbled him in and Why should not he make bold to rake him out again The new Canons also made in that Archbishops time are brought forth and Arraigned with the Bishops for asserting Monarchy to be of Divine Right It seems then the Work is going on again they mean to bait the Bishops and undress the Monarchy once more and then stuff it with Presbyterian Hay or Stubble It may amaze any man to think of his Lordships wild way of discourse how it was possible from so slender a Topick as the Case of Shirley to improve it unto the introducing and determining of so many great and weighty Points and how he had the Art to hale them in thus by head and shoulders but the itch of much Speech-making is a disease that makes men sometimes delirious For the Print boldly infers these following Particulars 1. That the King is King by Law and by the same Law that the poor man enjoys his Cottage What need this have been said at a time when there was no occasion for it unless his Lordship had a mind to maintain That the King hath no Right more Divine than a Cottager For Dolus latet in Generalibus and these things do not portend any good meaning 2. That a King Governing by an Aymy without his Parliament is a Government saith he that I own not am not obliged to nor was born under 'T is a pleasant thing to have thus entertained the House of Peers First with setting up Men of Straw and then to defeat them start Chimâ—raes and run them down again by force of imagination to six a King as Governing in the head of an imaginary Army and then â—out him and the Scene of all this must be supposed to be England because his Lordship was not born nor is obliged to Government any where else Nor can the common
Readers of his printed Speech apprehend but that he means and would seem to fear all this in England to what purpose else can so wise a Lord be thought to make so serious and eager a Protestation against it or to what purpose else was it so carefully made publick in print but that it was the ready way to get the World to understand it so and that seems the sole drift of the zeal of these impertinent excursions But yet he goes on 3. That â—e cannot find that the Jesuites or Popish Clergy ever owned Monarchy to be of Divine Right but onely some Episâ—opal clergy of our Britiâ—h Isles Then the Episcopal Clergy are it seems the better Subjects in a Monarchy As for the two sorts of Jesuites the Popiâ—h One and the Presbyterian the former will not allow it to the Monarch because he would leave a gap open for the Popes Claim over Him the latter also is of the same mind because he would subject Him to his Presbytery There needs no reasoning to evince these things seeing there are few men in our age who have not seen the truth in facto so that 't is the clear interest of the Crown That if it will have a Church National to Govern by it must be Protestant-Episcopal otherwise its self cannot be secure from the Invasions and Insolencies of the Pope on the one side or of the Many-headed Presbyter on the other 4. That to say this Family are our Kings and this particular Frame of Government is our Lawful Constitution and obligeth us is owing onely to the particular Laws of our Countrey Well urged in print my Lord here is a fair Gap laid open for another Family and another sort of Government And Why The reason is plain because 't is possible we may have other laws Let but the Game go on the Men of Shaftsbury if they get it will soon shew us that the Laws also may be changed and then what may become of the Frame of Government And what may become of the Family if it shall not give way to the alteration of the old Laws and Government He that makes a Crown to have no other Foundation but particular Laws ought first in a Monarchy to shew me whence those particular Laws could come but from the Crown and him that first wore it Law and popular Consent came in afterward not to constitute but to confirm and corroborate it on his head I find after long Observation and Experience of these matters 't is among all our State-Hereticks and Spurious Politicians an Errour in Fundamento which leads them to dispute with Crowned Heads and that boldness prepares them to rebel that they will needs suppose in the Original of Monarchy a Priority of Laws to make it such As to Fact the Histories of Nations in general do consute that vain Hypothesis upon which all their Arguments are built and do shew that for the most part Laws about Monarchy came in after its Institution to second it by the peoples Confirmative Consent Not that this gave it any Authority but their Assent to the Laws about it was onely a Signal of their submission and obedience to it And as it was thus in the beginning of Monarchies so as to the Reason of the Point it holds much the more strongly against them in Monarchies already Constituted for there no Law can be supposed Prior to the Monarch because they all slow from him and cannot have being without him Therefore that Mans Allegiance stands upon very slippery and uncertain Terms who concludes the King and his Family and their Rights as meer Creatures of some particular Laws of the Countrey and prints this Doctrine to the whole Kingdom to beget in them mean thoughts of that Royal Right to the Crown Imperial of this Realm which is naturally inherent in his very Bloud and Person and Family and cannot in a true English Political Sence be otherwise consider'd So that if ever his Lordships Notion be started again among the Peers 't is like it may in that House meet with an Animadversion much more severe than mine 5. Nevertheless the Print goes on very roundly in the Name of his Lordship and saith Page 11. If the Doctrine of the Divine Right of Monarchy be true then our Mâ—gna Charta is of no use our Laws are but Rules during the Kings Pleasure Monarchy if of Divine Right cannot be bounded or limited by Humane Laws nay what 's more cannot bind it self All our Claims of Right the Rights of the Peers House and of the Commons House and of all People must give way to the Interest and will and pleasure of the Crown and the best Men must Vote to deliver up all we have not onely when Reason of State and the separate Interest of the Crown require it but when 't is known the will and pleasure of the King would have it so For that must be to a Man of that Principle the only Rule and Measure of Right and Justice Excellent State-Logick this and were it my Aim to pervert the people I would thus chop Allegiance into a thousand Niceties as the School-men do Divinity for making such like Inferences to intoxicate the peoples minds for the Scripture makes Witchcraft near of kin to Rebellion they seldom part company and the Vilany intended by such Arguments is usually masqued and hid in ambiguous phrases What ado is here made with the word Divine Right It may be remembred the same was made use of to purpose by the Presbyterians to inflame people into the former Rebellion We would fain forget all their past Intrigues but it seems there is fresh use of them or else these thinâ—s had not been thus boldly conjured up again into the House of Peers a place too sacred for such discourses In all Debates about the high Points of Polity every Expression ought not only to be season'd by the Speaker cum grano Salis but to be understood so also by the Hearers If among Men of honest and fair intentions towards the King it be said the King holds his Monarchy by a Divine Right none but a Mad-man or a Man of design a Man whose Business 't is to catch at words and cramp them with Commentaries to his own purpose a Man that can blow up Molâ—hills to Mountains who carries a Microsâ—ope in his Pocket upon occasâ—on to see all in great who when he plâ—ases strains at Gâ—ats in State while he is out of Government but can swallow Camels when he is in it none but such a Man would presently conclude that such a Divine Right was meant as excludes all bounding or limitation by Humane Laws such a One as leaves no Obligation from the Prince to the People A Father hath a Divine Right to Rule his Son and a Master his Servant else the Scripture had never made Divine Injunctions investing them with Rights of absolute Power over them and yet the same Scripture also signifies that notwithstanding those Rights
those dayes was ubiquitarian therefore doubtless he could have inform'd your Lordships as well as I of what then passed in publick if it had been to his purpose that you should have had this information before you were thus far transported and your names cunningly proclaimed in Print which questionless was done in hope that it may be a means to fasten and engage you deeper But I say again my Lords be informed and consider that it was the general Argument of Lillurn and all the Levellers that it suited not with the freedom and Interest of the people of England That some men should continue long in Publick Trust and Power as the Peoples Representatives seeing the rest of the people had as much right to govern as they and therefore ought to have a turn as well as they in the Government And for such a turn also they were in the Government of the then Army they were for turning out all the General Officers and Colonels and the common soldiers were taught to demand Rule by turns and the clamor for it was so high that Cromwell could by no means quiet them till he gave way that they should in every Regiment chuse one private soldier to appear for all his Fellows to sit and consult in the General Council of Officers And all this was urged and extorted by using the same Argument of an equal Right in the Commons to come into place of Government one as well as another Nay Further my Lords it may be remembred this brave way of Arguing did not rest here it did not only at that time trouble and shake the Commons-House but a little after it was improved to a demolishing of your own From a Clamouring against Commons continuing long in Power they proceeded to do the like against all standing Powers whatsoever so that of course they cast their eyes next at the House of Peers and the like Argument served to purpose against them as a Power of long continuance without any respect at all to their Birth-right As for the rest of their Levelling Reasons I had rather bury than repeat them For it is my great grief to live to see any Lords to when the Weapons of Discourse upon the Anvile of the Levellers But yet their Protesting Lordships go on thus Thirdly The long Continuance of such as are intrusted for others and who have so great a power over the Purse of the Nation must in our humble opinion naturally endanger the producing of Factions and Parties and the carrying on of particular Interests and Designs rather than the publick Good This their Third Reason being the last is also an Arrow that was formerly shot out of the â—â—velling Quiver against their Lordships They abundantly argued against the Commons that long continuance of men in power and trust and all standing powers whatsoever were like standing waters they naturally corrupt and produce Factions and Parties for particular ends and designs and mind not the Publick Good I could here inject Quotations too many out of their Published Papers to shew their Lordships how smartly they argued also with the same kind of Sophistry for the utter subversion of the House of Peers alledging that they were but men as well as others and subject to the same frailties c. and so being continually in power were as likely to produce Factions and drive particular Interests and Ends to the prejudice of the Publick and judged that they did so in those dayes when a Party of Lords strook in with a Presbyterian party in the Commons House against the publick Interest and good of the Independents and Levellers who had arrogated unto themselves the name of The Publick and The People and The Nation The having the Purse of the Nation long as the Commons have or a place of constant power over the Nation as the Lords have by Birth-right doth not alter the case in this way of Argumentation because any men may be corrupt and factious in the use and exercise of either Therefore these their Lordships 't is hoped will be humble in Opinion hereafter about the matter of dissolving this House of Commons and calling a New One and not fall on a sudden to Protesting till they see better reasons than what are borrowed from their old Levelling Enemies Certainly my Lord Shaftsbury if he had pleased might have furnished his fellow-Protesting Friends and himself before he Signed that Protestation with reasons of another strain and those out of his own stock too for it appears he hath been a much more rational person but it was before he lost his Places at Court and truly seeing a loss of so much Honor and Profit is enough to tap any man out of Tune and put him into passion we ought to give allowance for humane infirmity and excuse his weak memory For his Lordship might have remembred he was of another Opinion and that was not long since when he was Lord Chancellor in his fore-cited Speech to the Lords and Commons at the Opening of a Session of Parliament 1672 where you had his Lordship in a Fit of Great Devotion offering a Sacrifice of Thanks and Praise to the Almighty for such a King and such a Parliament and for such happy times of Peace and Plenty which for the Honor of his Lordship or rather of the King and this Parliament shall here be repeated The Words are these After His Majesties Conclusion of His Speech lâ—t me conclude nay let us all conclude with blessing God and the King Let us bless God that he hath given us such a King to be the Repairer of our breaches and the Restorer of our paths to dwell in That in the midst of War and Misery which rages in our Neighbor-Countries our Garners are full and there is no complaining in our streets and a man can hardly know there is a War Let us bless God that he hath given this King signally the hearts of His people and most particularly of this Parliament who in their affection and Loyalty to their Prince have exceeded all their Predecessors A Parliamâ—nt with whom the King hath many years lived with all the Caresses of a happy Marriage Has the King had a Concern you have wedded it Has His Majesty wanted Supplies you have readily cheerfully and fully provided for them you have relied upon the Wisdom and Conduct of His Majesty in all His Affairs so that you have never attempted to exceed your Bounds or to impose upon Him whilst the King on the other hand hath made your Counsels the foundations of all His proceedings and hath been so tender of you that He hath upon His own Revenue and Credit endeavoured to support even Foreign Wars that He might be least uneasie to you or burdensom to His people And let me say That though this Marriage be according to Moses's LAW where the Husband can give a Bill of Divorce put her away and take another yet I CAN ASSURE YOU it is as impossible for
the King to part with this Parliament as it is for you to depart from that Loyalty Affection and Dutiful Behaviour you have hitherto shewed towards Him Let us bless the King for taking away all our Fears and leaving no room for Jealousies for those Assurances and Promises He hath made us Let us bless God and the King that our Religion is safe That the CHURCH OF ENGLAND is the Care of our Prince That PARLIAMENTS ARE SAFE That our properties and liberties are safe What more hath a good Englishman to ask but that this King may long Reign and that this triple Alliance of King Parliament and People may never be DISSOLVED All which being spoken of this present Parliament may well serve for an Answer to his Lordships Protestation notwithstanding those Reasons therein contained For surely matters cannot in so short a time be so exceedingly alter'd as to deserve this protesting or the declaimings in that violent manner as throughout this whole Discourse we have seen by reflecting upon the Bishops and against the continuance of the Parliament that were in his Lordships good opinion so sacred about five years ago The old saying is Nemo repente â—it turpissimus and 't is a true one that no man grows as bad as bad may be on a sudden and if there be any weight in what his Lordship hath said on both sides it is more reasonable and probable for us to conclude and understand ill of himself rather than of the Parliament because the Transits of great Assemblies are not so quick and another Proverb saith Great Bodies move but slowly so that their principles purposes and designs cannot vary all points of the Compass at so brisk a rate as one nimble States-man's whose motion is wont to be per Saltum after the manner of Leap-Frog from the Artick to the Antartick in a Trice especially if he happen to fall into foul weather at Court and can ride there no longer but must make use of any wind to set sail into some other Port. Which we hope will be consider'd by the rest of the Lords Protesters And truly their Lordships have the fairer excuse to come off because the thing was done in a heat and in haste as appears first by the printed Title of the Protestation which saith it was on the morning that the Parliament was Prorogued 1675 and the printed words at the end of it are That the Lords in print were all that were in the House early enough to Sign it before the Prorogation So that it seems his Lordship could not be at rest till he had given all the World to understand why it was that he was so warm in his Speeches upon Cross-points which must make a Breach betwixt the Houses all along the Session to hinder all manner of publick Business and then from the non-dispatch of it to inâ—er that this Parliament is not fit for it and then forsooth we are to believe what he dictates and admit a protesting Ergo That there is a necessity of dissolving this and calling a new Parliament For his Lordship and the rest in print do close the Protestation with these three Lines That it is in their humble opinion become altogether unpracticable for the Two Houses as the case stands joyntly to pursue those great and good Ends for which they were called That is as much as to say it will be so if the case shall so stand in the opening of this approching Session as it was in the ending of the last For some say his Lordship hath Dr. Shirley in his pocket and can start him again at pleasure to make the same scuffle about priviledge betwixt the Houses But some think he will be wiserâ— because the Trick being now thus plainly understood it will be too ridiculous to play it over again in an Assembly of so many noble seeing and knowing Men as make up the House of Peers Nor is it probable that the Commons House filled with men of great wisdom insight in Affairs and integrity should meet together without Expedients to prevent further Contests and to carry on the King and Kingdoms business Which they are the rather obliged to do for the Honour of their House in a double respect First because if this House of Commons which began and carried on things so gloriously for the Establishment of the King and Settlement of the Kingdom shall be deprived of opportunity to finish what they began What can be the end but to go out in a Snuff according to the Designs of a busie Rampant Faction who mortally hate them for the good they have done and whose Triumph it would be to transmit the memory of them to posterity with igâ—ominy and this bitter Sarcasm That they began to build but could not make an end Secondly They are exceedingly concerned in point of Honour seeing they are represented in Print to the World as a sort of people that may be easily plaid upon and led by the nose to do what other men please For in a print published at the same time with the other prints since the last Session and by the same hand Entituled The Debate or Arguments for Dissolving this present Parliament and the calling frequent New Ones as they were delivered in the House of Peers Novemb. 20th 1675. I find page 9. it is boasted by the Designers concerning the Commons House that they have a party of Members in that House whom the said print calls Many of the ablest and most worthy Patriots among them whose business it was to second the Protesting Lords by carrying this difference betwixt the Houses to the greatest height that by this means they might deliver the Nation from this Parliament by Dissolution and have a New one called So that Here we have OPEN CONFESSION that it was a Design carried on by a PARTY in both Houses to bring on and carry on their Fellow-Members to such disputes as might Disable them to do the Publick Work and thence to conclude that they ought to be dissolved Which certainly is a Conspiracy of such a Magnitude that none ever exceeded it but the Powder-Treason Especially if we consider what course hath been taken by this kind of Prints spread over the Three Kingdoms to Poison mens minds and render the Government Ridiculous by exposing the Debates and Contestings of Parliament to the Scorn and Contempt of the Vulgar through the Artifice and cunning of that Implacable Party which I have so often mentioned and whose DESIGN is now Manifested to be a BLOWING UP of the Parliament after another manner It cannot be amiss therefore before I dismiss this Point to try the strength of what they have DISCOURSED for a NEW PARLIAMENT as it hath been Printed in the forecited Pamphlet called The Debate and Arguments used in the House of Peers c. There are saith that Pamphlet Two Objections that make a great Sound which have really nothinâ— of weight in them The first Objection is That the Crown is