Peers thrice ovâ—…r there being not above five hundred of the one and thrice one hundred and eighteen that is to say above three hundred and fifty of the other ranke by which accompt every Gentleman must be able to buy his two Lords and a half one with another the which I think no wise man can imagine The first thing I consider of is why our Author should leave out the Bishops for Spirituall Lords in this va luation as if they were no Members of the House of Peers for that he doth not reckon them into the bargain is evident enough by the calculation there being at that time an hundrâ—…d and eighteen Temporall Lords in the Upper House Assuredly the B shops had sate there longer in their Predecessors than any of the Lay-Nobility in their noblest Ancestors and had as good right of sitting and of voting there as either the Prerogative Royall oâ—… the Laws could give them And it was ill done of our Authour to exclude them now and not well done by him that should have kept them in to exclude them afterwards The Rights and Priviledges of holy Church confirmed in the first Article of the Magna Charta and sworn to by all Kings succeeding were never so infringed as by that exclusion But the King soon found the sad effect and consequents of those â—…vil Counsellors by which He was perswaded to it the next thing which was done in Parliament being the taking away or abrogating of His own Negative Voice and passing all subsequent Laws and Ordinances without His consent And by this meanes they brought to passe another point which as it seems was aimed at from the beginning of that Parliament it being told Sir Edward Dering as he himself informs us in the Collection of his Speeches That if they could bring the Lords to sit in the House of Commons and the King to be but as one of the Lords then their worke was done This brings me to the second thing which I am to consider of and that is why our Authour should make the King to be no other than a Member of the House of Peers for when he tells us that the Gentlemen in the House of Commons were able to buy all the House of Peers except the King it must needs follow that the King must be accounted of as one of that House the said exception notwithstanding So that by turning the B shops out of the House and bringing the King into their place he hath quite altered the right constitution and form of Parliaments which antiently consiâ—…ed of the Lords Spirituall the Lords Temporall and the Commons as the three Estates over all which the King presided as the Supreme Head Its truâ—… indeed that the King having passed away the B shops Votes did after by a strangâ—… improvidence in a Message or Declaration sent from Yorke on the 17th of June reckon Himselfe as one of the three Estates which being once slipt from His pen and taken up by some leading men in the Houses of Parliament it never was let fall again in the whole agitation of those Controversies which were bandied up and down between them Nor did many of the Kings owne party see the danger of it who taking it for granted that the King was onely one of the three Estates a Member of the House of Peers as our Authour makes Him were forced to grant in pursuance of the said disputes that the two Houses of Parliament were co-ordinate with the King not subordinate to Him and what could follow thereupon but that they might proceed as they did without Him that of co-ordinat a se invicem supplent being a most undoubted Maxime in the Schools of Logick The Attorney pleading eagerly though impertinently for the King How eagerly the Attorney pleaded for the King I am not able to say but it appeareth even by our Authour himself that his Plea was pertinent enough and drew so many of â—…he Lords into his opinion that the Poular party or Lower-House-Lords as â—…ome call them in the House of Peers â—…urst not adventure it to vote till the Lord Say by drawing that House into a Committee made this Proposition That the Lords who were against the Liberties of the Subject should with subscription of their Names enter their Reasons to remain upon Record that Posterity might not be to seek for so it followeth in our Authour who they were who so ignobly betrayed the Freedome of their Nation and that this done and not before they should go to voting Upon which terrible Proposition the Lords shrunk aside as afterwards they did in the late long Parliament Anno 1641. when frighted by the menaces of Dr. Burgesses Myrmidons in the businesse of the Earle of Strafford and in the yeare 1642. on the like threatning motion made by Mr. Hollis for passing the great Bill of the Militia Some say that when the multitude were be labouring him with stones and cudgels they said that were his Master the Duke there they would give him as much And questionlesse they meant as much as they said the Duke being made so odious by the continuall prosecution of his Adversaries in both Houses of Parliament and the Remonstrance made against him by the House of Commons at the end of the last Session that it was thought by most men that the Dukes life and the Publiqne safety could not stand together On which inducements that fatall blow was struck by Felton as it after followeth fol. 90 94. But whereas our Authour tells us fol. 90. that he declared as much in certain papers which were sticked to the lineings of his hat I thinke he is something out in that there being nothing found in his hat or elsewhere about him but a few loose papers such as might well become those mâ—…n who make God the Authour of their sinnes His first ascribing of the fact to the late Remonstrance was made to one Dr. Hutchenson Chaplaine in Ordinary â—…o the King and then in the course of his attendance sent by the King of purpose assoon as the sad news was brought unto Hâ—…m to trie if he could learn out of him upon what motives he committed that most horrible murder and afterwards again and again both at the time of his examination before the Lords of the Councell and finally at the very instant of hâ—…s execution But to return again to the threatning words used by the people in the murder of Doctor Lamb I well remember that this bald Rhime was spread about not long after in pursuance of them viz Let Charles and George doe what they can The Duke shall die like Doctor Lamb. And I remember also that about the same time there came out a Chronogram in which the Numerall letters of Georgius Dux Buckinghamiae viz M. D. C. X. V. V. V. I. I. I. made up the yeare 1628. to which thesâ—… Verses were subjâ—…yned and being made by chance must needs be thought a strange Prognostication of that
Lord Privie Seal Sir Edward Littleton chief Justice of the Common Pleas Sir John Bankes Attorney Generall Sir Robert Heath and Sir Ralph Whitfield the Kings Serjeants at Law who on the 10. of May subscribed a paper with their hands to this effect That the Convocation being called by the Kings Writ was to continue till it were dissolved by the Kings Writ notwithstanding the dissolution of the Parliament Upon the readiâ—…g of this paper in the lower House of Convocation and the satisfaction there by given to all contrary scruples they went on to their businesse not as a new Synod made of an old Convocation quoth the witâ—…y Gentleman but as an old Synod armed with a new Commission What they did there we shall see anon but with what danger they sate there I shall tell you now The dissolving of the Parliament having bred such discontentments some papers posted up by Lilborne so inflamed the Apprentices and the Riot upon Lambeth House created such a terrour in the Members of the Convocation that the King was faine to set a guard about Westminster Abbey for the whole time of their sitting Poor men to what a distresse were they brought in danger of the Kings displeasure if they rosâ—… of the Peoples fury if they sate in danger of being beaten up by Tumults while they were at the worke of being beaten down by the following Parliament when thâ—… worke was done and after all obnoxious to the lash of censorious tongues for their good intendments For notwithstanding their great care that all things might be done with decency and to edification every one even our Author himself must have his blow at them And first he strikes at the Oâ—…th enjoyned in the sixt Canon for preâ—…ervation of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church here by Lâ—…w established But to make sure worke of it that the blow may come home indeed he prepares his way with a discourse against Episcopacy it selfe for maintenance whereof amongst other things that Oath was framed telling us positively that Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture phrase are of eqâ—…ivalent import and denote the selfesame persons without the least distinction They whom Holy Text calls Bishops having an Identity a sâ—…enesse of Name of Ordination of Office of all qualifications necessary to that Office with Presbyters I have heard that when Cornelius Burges was to goe out Doctor he would needs take upon him to answer the Divinity Act but did it so unluckily and with such a plentifull want of understanding in the tearmes of Logick that Doctor Prideaux said openly to him Tu possis bene pradicare sed non potes bene disputare that he might possibly be a good Preacher though he were but a very sorry Disputant The like may be said of our Author 〈◊〉 so when he plaiâ—… the Historian in relating of such things as are builâ—… upon good intelligence he doth it very well few better but when he comes to shew his opinion in a matter controverted and to give his reasons for the same he doth it very ill none worse For first I doe not believe that our Author can easily prove Presbyters and Bishops to be of equivalent import or comprehended under the same name in the Holy Scripture But secondly granting that they be who that pretends to Logick can dispute so lamely as from a Community of names to inferre an Identity or samenâ—…sse in the thing so named which is the ground our Author builds on Kings are called Gods in holy Scripture I have said ye are Gods Psal. 82. 6. and God doth frâ—…quently call himselfe by the name of King yet if a man should thence inferre that from this Community of names there aâ—…iseth an Identity or samenesse between God and the King he might be worthily condemned for so great a Blasphemer S. Peter calls our Saviour Christ by the name of Bishop and himselfe a Presbyter or Priest an Elder as most unhandsomly our English reads it the Bishop of your Souleâ—… 1 Pet. 2. 25. I who am also an Elder 1 Pet. ver 1. yâ—…t were it a sorry piece of Logick to conclude from hence that there is no distinction between an Apostle and an Elder the Prince of the Apostles and a Simple Presbyter or between Christ the supream Pastor of his Church and every ordinary B shop And thirdly taking iâ—… for granted that Bishops have an Identity or samenesse in Name Office Ordination and Qualification with Presbyters as our Author telleth us they have it will not follow convertibly that Presbyters have the like Identity or samenesse of Qualification Ordination Name and Office which the Bishop hath My reason is because a Bishop being first Regularly and Canonically to be made a Priest before he take the order and degree of a Bishâ—…p hath in him all the Qualifications the Ordination Name and Office which a Presbyter hath and something farther superadded as well in point of Order as of Juvisdiction which every Presbyter hath not so that though every Bishop be a Pâ—…iest or Presbyter yet every Presbyter not a Bishop To make this clear by an exampâ—…e in the Civill Government when Sir Robert Câ—…cill Knight and principall Secretary of State was made first Earl of Salisbury and then Lord Treasurer continuing Knight and Secretary as he was before it might be said that he had an Identity or samenesse in Name Office Order and Qualification with Sir John Herbert the other Secretary yet could this be said reciprocally of Sir John Herbert because there was something super added to Sir Robert Cecill namely the dignity of an Earle and the Office of Lord Treasurer which the other had not So true is that of Lactantius an old Christian writer Adeo argumenta ex absurdo petita ineptos habent excitus So ordinary a thing it is for Arguments built upon weak grounds to have worse conclusions Episcopacy being thus knocked down with a painted club our Author goes on to tell us what great but unprofitable paines were taken in defence thereof telling us that though the Presse swarmed with Books setting forth the right upon which it was founded yet all advantaged them little How so because saith he Such a prejudice there was against them and the truth contended for lay then so deep as few had perspicuity enough to 〈◊〉 it That the Presse swarmed with Books purposely writ about this time in defence of the Dâ—…vine Right of Episcopacy I remember not but sure I am it swarmed with many pestilent and seditious Libels in which the B shops were defamed and the calliâ—…g questioned In answer whereunto if any of them were thought worthy to receive an answer it is possible that someâ—… what may be said upon the by for Declaration of that Divine Right on which it was founded Nor was this any new claime never made before but frequently insisted on by the Bishop and those that writ in defence of Bishops in Queen Elizabeths time by Doctor Bancroft then Bishop
that there was not greater care taken to commit this Bishop to the Tower then to release another from it of which he saith that Munday the 16 of Novemb. the Lord Bishop of Lincolne was set free of his imprisonment in the Tower upon the suit of the House of Peers to His Majestie and the next day being a day of Humiliation he was brought into the Abbey Church by six Bishops and officiated there as Dean of Westminster before the Lords So shall it be done unto the man whom the People honour Never was man more honoured for the present both by Lords and Commons his person looked upon as sacred his words deemed as Oracles and he continued in this height till having served their turn against the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earle of Strafford he began sensibly to decline and grew at last the most hated man of all the Hierarchie But he was wise enough to foresee the change and prepare himself for it For I remember that congratulating him for the high esteem to which he had attained in both Houses of Parliament and representing to him the many opportunities which he had thereby of doing service to the King and good to the Church He told me that he did not think that the Parliament had any better affections for him than for the rest of his Brethren that the difference between them stood onely thus that some of them might be more hated than he but that he was not more beloved than any of them And finally such was the freedome he used with me that all the courtesâ—…e he expected from them was that which Poliphemus promised to Ulysses that is to say to eat him last after he had devoured his fellows How truly this was said the event hath proved It was unanimously voted by the Commons That the Charge imposed upon the Subject for the providing and furnishing of Ships and the Assesments for raising of money for that purpose commonly called Ship-money are against the Laws of the Realme Nor was it only voted thus in the House of Commons but afterwards in the House of Peers and all proceedings in the Case both at the Councell Table the Star-Chamber and the Courts of Justice declared null and void yet for all this the opinion of the Legality of it was so fixed in the mindes of many understanding men that it could not easily be removed 1. In regard of the great learning and integrity of the man by whom it was first set on foot 2. Because all the Judges had subscribed unanimously to the Lawfulnesse of it in time of danger of which danger the King was declared to be the Judge 3. Because being brought to a publick tryall after it had been argued by the Councel on both sides in the Courts of Justice and by all the Judges in the Exchequer Chamber there passed a definitive sentence for it in behalf of the King 4. Because voted down by the Houses of Parliament in a meer arbitrary way than was expected without being brought to a review neither the Kings Councell being heard nor the Judges called to shew the Reasons of their opinions 5. Because it was ordered by the House of Commons that the Arguments of Justice Crooke and Justice Hutton for the illegality thereof should be put in print those of the other eight Judges which were for the Lâ—…gallity of it continuing suppressed which gave occasion to most men to think that there was more reason for it in those Arguments than was thought fit to see the light And last of all because notwithstanding all this care to vote down this Assesment they were faine to have recourse to the King for obtaining of an Act of Parliament to secure them from it for the time to come In the mean time it was thought fit to impeach the Judges of high Treason that having such a rod over them they might be sure that nothing should be declared for Law but as they would have it Not being satisfied in this Vote I fear I shall finde lesse satisfaction in that that follows that is to say that The Clergie in a Synod or Convocation hath no power to make Canons Constitutions or Lawes to binde either Laity or Clergie without a Parliament This is a new piece of State-doctrine never known before the Convocation having no dependence upon the Parliament either in the calling or dissolving of it nor in the confirmation authorizing of the Acts thereof but only on the King himselfe and not upon the Kings sitting in the Court of Parliament but in his Palace or Court Royall wheresoever it be And this appeareth both by the Statute made in the 26 of Henry 8th and the constant practise ever since But whereas it was voted also that the Canons are against the Fundamentall Lawes of this Realme and against the Kings Prerogative c. I am to tell my Author that before the Canons were subscribed they were imparted to the King and by Him communicated to the Lords of the Privy Councell the Judges and the Kings Councell learned in the Laws of this Realm being then attending in the hearing of all which they were read and by all approved which had been strange if any thing tending unto faction and sedition or to the diminution of the Subjects property and the Kings prerogative or otherwise against the known Laws of the Land had been found in them And finally whereas our Author doth inform us that this censure passed upon the Canons upon a full debating of the Cause on both sides I would faine know by whom it was debated on the behalf of the Clergie I have some reason to believe that none of the Clergie of that Convocation who best understood their own businesse were called to the debating of it or that they did appear there by their Councell learned sufficiently authorized and instructed to advocate for them and therefore if any such debating was it must be managed either by some Members of their owne House or by some London Ministers purposely called out of the rest to betray the Cause and be it which of these it will it is not to be doubtâ—…d but their Arguments were either fiâ—…ted to the sence of the House or built on such weak promises as nothing but a Vote of Condemnation could ensuâ—… upon them Nor was it thought sufficient to decry the Canons unlesse the Canon-makers were kept under by the hand of terrour And therefore as before they impeached the Judges so did they Frame a Bill for Fineing all the Clergy of that Convocation according to the place and station which they held therein By this meanes keeping them in such awe that sew of them durst appeare in maintenance of their owne Authority or in opposing those encroachments and Innovations which day by day were thrust upon them Toward which worke our Nation was so auxiliary so assistant yet at the end brought them in no Bill of charges There was no reason why they
Armes by meanes whereof the subject of the following Ages might be very much burdened and the Noble Order of Knighthood no lesse dishonoured without any remedy And besides this in case the letter of the Statute in French or Latine had been onely to bear Armes not to take the order of Knighthood the late long Parliament would rather have questioned the Kings Ministers for their acting by it then troubled themselves with Repealing it as they after did For such was the misery of this King that all the advantages he had to help himselfe must be condemned as done against the old Lawes of the Land or else some new Law shall be made to deprive him of them that wanting all other meanes to support himselfe he might be forced to live on the Almes of his Parliament This Winter the Marquesse of Hamilton was very active in mustering up his forces for the King of Swedens assistance c. That so it was in the Kings intention I shall easily grant but that the Marquesse had no other end in it than the King of Swedens assistance hath been very much doubted the rather in regard that he raised all or the greatest part of his Forces out of Scotland where he was grown very popular and of high esteem For being gotten into the head of an Army of his own Nation he had so courted the common Souldiers and obliged most of the Commanders that a health was openly began by DavidRamsey a boisterous Ruffian of the Court to King James the seventh and so much of the designe discovered by him unto Donald Mackay Baron of Reâ—… then being in the Marquesses Camp that the Loyall Gentleman thought himselfe bound in duty to make it known unto the King Ramsey denying the whole matter and the Lord having no proof thereof as in such secret practises it could hardly be more than a confident asseveration and the engagement of his honour the King thought good to referre the Controversie to the Earle of Lindsey whom he made Lord high Constable to that end and purpose many daies were spent accordingly in pursuance of it But when most men expected that the matter would be tried by battell as had been accustomed in such cases the businesse was hushed up at Court the Lord Ree dismissed to his employments in the warres and to the minds of all good men the Marquesse did not onely continue in the Kings great favour but Ramsey was permitted to hold the place of a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber which had been formerly procured for him As for the Army of Scots which the Marquesse had carried into Germany they mouldred away by little and little without doing any thing which put the Marquess on new Councils of getting that by practise when it was lesse thought of which he could not get by force of Armes as the case then stood Tilly conducted a numerous Army for the relief of Rostock then besieged by the King of Sweden the King alarmed at his coming drew out of his Trenches c. In this relation of the great â—…out which the King of Sweden gave to Tilly there are many mistakes For neither was that great Battail sought neer Rostock a Hanse town in the Dukedome of Mecklenbourg but neer Lipsian a chief Town in the Province of Misnia some hundreds of miles higher into the Countrey nor did the King of Sweden after this great Victory returne back with his Army towards Rostock but in pursuance of his blow marched forward and made himself master of all those parts of the Country into which he came nor was this Battail fought in the yeare 1630 where our Authour placeth it so much doth he mistake himselfe both in place and time but in the year next following For many had no fancy to the work meerly because he was the promoter of it Our Author speakes here of the repairing of Saint Pauls and telleth us that it suffered great diminution for the Bishop of London's sake who was the chief promoter of it in which he is very much mistaken The worke had been twice or thrice before attempted without any effect but by his diligence and power wâ—…s brought in shore time to so great forwardnesse that had not his impeachment by the House of Commons in the late long Parliament put a period unto his indeavours it had been within a very few yeares the most goodly pile of building in the Christian world And whereas our Author tells us that many had no fancy to the worke because he promoted it it was plainly contrary his care in the promoting it being one great reason why so many had a fancie to it most of the Clergy contributing very largely unto it partly in reference to the merit of the worke it selfe and partly in regard of those preferments which they either had received or expected from him The like did most of the Nobility and Gentry in most pâ—…rts of the Land knowing the great power and favour which he had wiâ—…h the King and the many good offices he might doe them as occasion served If any had no fancy to it as indeed some had not it was rather in reference to the worke it sâ—…lfe then in relation to the man it being more in their desires that all the Cathedrals should be ruined then that any one should be repaired witnesse that base and irrâ—…rent expression of that known Schismatick Doctor Bastwick in the second part of his Letany where grudging at the great summâ—…s of money which had been gathered for the repairing of this Church al'â—…ding to the name of Cathedrall he concludes â—…t last pardon me Reader for defiâ—…g my pen with such immodesties that all the mighty masse of money must be spent in making a seat for a Priests arse to sit in And doubt we not but many more of that Faction were of his opinion though they had not so much violence and so little wit as to make Declaration of iâ—… But should he long deferre that duty they â—…ight perhaps be inclined to make choice of another King I do not think that any of the Scots ever told him so whatsoever they thoughâ—… or if they did the King might very well have seen that there was more truth in the Lord of Roes information then he was willing to believe and might accordingly have taken course to prevent the practice But who can save him who neglects the meanes of his preservation So true is that of the Historian Profecto in eluctabilis fatorum vis cujus fortunam mentare constituit ejus corrumpit consilia Assuredly â—…th he when the unresistable powers of Fâ—…te determine on a mans destruction they either overthrow or corrupt those Councels by which he might otherwise avoide it A maxâ—…me verified in the whole course and carriage of this Kings affaires neglecting wilfully to keep up the credit of an old principle which he had embraced all such advertisements as tended to his preservation It was a saying of
given one Subsidie confirmed by Parliament and finding that they had not done sufficiently for the Queens occasions did after adde a Benevolence or Aide of two shillings in the pound to be levied upon all the Clergie and to be levied by such Synodicall Acts and Constitutions as they digested for that purpose without having any recourse to the Parliament for it which Synodical Acts and Constitutions the Clergie of this present Convocation followed word for word not doubting but they had as good authority to doe it now as the Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time hâ—…d to doe it then and so undoubtedly they had whatsoever either our Author here or any other Enemy of the Churches power can alledge against it Our Author hath now done with the Convocation and leads us on uâ—…to the Warre levied by the Scots who had no sooner made an entrance but the King was first assaulted by a Petition from some Lords of England bearing this inscription To the Kings most excellent Majestie The humble Petition of your Majesties most loyall and most obedient Subjects whose names are under-written in behalf of themselfs divers others Concerning this we are to know that a little before the Scots fell into England they published a Pamphlet called the Intentions of the Army in which it was declared That they resolved not to lay down Armes till the Reformed Religion were setled in both Kingdomes upon surer grounds the Causers and Abettors of their present Troubles brought to publick Justice and that Justice to be done in Parliament and for the Causers of their Troubles they reckoned them in generall to be the Papists Prelates and their Adherents but more particularly the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lieutenant of Ireland In Correspondence hereunto comes this Petition subscribed by six Earles one Viscount and four Barons being no other than a superstructure upon that foundation a Descant only on that Plain Song And presently on the back of that another is posted to the same effect from the City of London So that the clouds which gathered behinde Him in the South were more amazement to the King than this Northern Tempest The Petition of the Londoners that we may see how well the businesse was contrived was this that followeth To the Kings most excellent Majestie The humble Petition of your Majesties loyall Subjects the Citizens of London Most gracious Soveraign BEing moved by the duty and obedience which by Religion and Lawes your Petitioners owe unto your sacred Majestie they humbly present unto your Princely and pious consideration the severall and pressing grievances following viz I. The great and unusuall impositions upon Merchandize imported and exported II. The urging and levying of Ship-money notwithstanding which both Merchants their goods and ships have been taken and destroyed by Turks and Pyrates III. The multitude of Monopolies Patents and Warrants whereby trade in the City and other parts of this Kingdome is much decayed IV. The sundry Innovations in matters of Religion the Oath and Canons newly imposed by the late Convocation whereby your Petitioners are in danger to be deprived of their Ministerie V. The concourse of Papists and their habitation in London and the Suburbs whereby they have more means and opportunities of plotting and executing their designes against the Religion established VI. The sudden calling and sudden dissolution of Parliaments without addressing of your Subjects grievances VII The imprisonment of divers Citizens for not payment of Ship-money and other impositions and the prosecution of others in the Starre Chamber for non conformity to commands in Patents and Monopolies whereby trade is restrained VIII The great danger your sacred Person is exposed unto in the present Warre and the various fears that have seized upon your Petitioners and their Families by reason thereof Which grievances and feares have occasioned so great a stop and destruction in trade that your Petitioners can neither sell receive nor pay as formerly and tends unto the utter ruine of the Inhabitants of this City the decay of Navigation and Cloathing and other Manufactures of this Kingdome Your Petitioners humbly conceiving the said grievances to be contrary to the Laws of this Kingdome and finding by experience that they are not redressed by the ordinary Courts of Justice doe therefore most humbly beseech your Royall Majestie to cause a Parliament to be summoned with all convenient speed whereby they may be relieved in the Premisses And your Majesties c. The like Petitions there came also from other parts according as the people could be wrought upon to promote the business which makes it the lesse maâ—…vell that Petitions shouâ—…d come thronging in from all parts of the Kingdome as soon as the Parliament was begun craving redresse of the late generall exorbitancies both in Church and State as Fol. 129. we are told by our Author And to deny the Scoâ—…s any thing considering their armed posture was interprered the way to give them all In the Intentions of the Army before mentioned the Scots declared that they would take up nothing of the Countrey people without ready money and when that fâ—…iled they would give Bills of Debt for the pâ—…yment of it But finding such good correspondence and such weak resistance after their enâ—…ry into England they did not onely spoil and plunder wheresoever they came but would not hearken to a Cessation of Armes during the time of the Treaty then in agitation unlesse their Army were maintained at the charge of the English And this was readily yeilded to for fear it seems lâ—…t by denying the Scots any thing we should give them all I know indâ—…ed that it is neither safe nor prudent to deny any reasonable request to an armed power arma tâ—…nti omnia dat qui justa negat as the Poet hath it and thus the story of David and Nabal will inform us truly But then it must be such a power which is able to extort by force thaâ—… those which they cannot otherwise procure by favour which whether the Scots were Masters of I do more thâ—…n question Exceedingly cryed up they were both in Court and City as men of most unmatchable valour and so undoubtedly they were till they found resistance their Officers and Commanders magnified both for wiâ—… and courage the Common Soldiers looked on as the Sons of Enoch â—…he English being thought as Grasse-hoppers in comparison of them which notwithstanding the Earl of Strafford then General of the English Army would have given them battaile if the King had been willing to engage and signified by Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbâ—…y that he durst undertake upon the pâ—…rill of his head to send them back faster thâ—…n they came but that he did not hold it concellable as the case then stood It is an old saying a true that the Lion is not so fierce as he is painted nor were the Scots such terrible fellowes as they were reported For when they met with any who knew how to 〈◊〉 with
ejus nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis that no body ever found her power but either in lessening his deserved punishments or adding some respects to him for his well-deservings Nor seemed the question in the sense of many which was the Traytour but which was the most That is to say whether the Duke of Buckingham or the Earle of Bristol were the greater Traytour though it appeareth not for any thing which our Authour tells us that any treason was proved against either of them For had the Duke proved his Charge of Treason against the Earle he had both power and opportunity enough to have wrought his ruine or had the Earle proved the like Charge against the Duke the Commons needed not have troubled themselves with a new Impeachment containing nothing but Encroachments on the Royall favour and some miscarriages which at another time and in another man would have been connived at Our Author gives us a sull Copie of the Earles Charge against the Duke but of the Dukes Charge against the Earle whether out of Partiality or want of Information he affords us nothing I shall therefore adde so much in the way of supplement as to subjoyn three or four of the principall Articles of the Charge against him leaving them here as they were left in the House of Peers without any further prosecution than the Narrative onely It was then charged upon the Earle 1. That having certified King James by several Letters out of Spain that the Treaty of the Match was in a very good forwardnesse the Prince at his arrivall there found it nothing so there being little done in relation to it 2. That in the time of his negotiation by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise he counselled and perswaded the said Kings Majesty to set at liberty the Jesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion and to grant and allow unto the Papists and Professours of the same a free toleration and silencing the Laws made and studing in force against them 3. That at the Princes coming into Spain the said Earle of Bristol cunningly falsly and traiterously moved and perswaded the Prince being then in the power of a forreign King of the Romish Religion to change his Religion and used many dangerous and subtile insinuations to that effect 4. That in pursuance of the said trayterous designe he used these words unto the Prince That the State of England did never any great thing but when they were under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and that it was impossible they should doe anything of note otherwise 5. That a Proposition being made by the King of Spaine touching the Palatinate which was That the eldest Son of the Prince Palatine should marry with the Emperours Daughter but must be bred up in the Emperours Court the said Earle delivered his opinion That he thought it unreasonable And when the danger was presented in regard of the alteration of the young Princes Religion which must needs follow thereupon the said Earle answered That without some great action the peace of Christendome would never be had Comparing these with those that were charged upon the Duke it will appeare that they both concurred in one designe which was to â—…ender each oâ—…her suspected in matter of Loyalty Religion though by so doing they made good sport to all their Enemies and the world to boot Many good men as our Authour calls them being passing jocund at the contest But it was resolved by the Judges that by their Restraint i. e. the Restraint of Sir Dudley Diggs and Sir John Eliot no reason being given to the House for it the whole House was Arrested The Judges were wise men and would not strive against the stream as the saying is for otherwise I can see no reason of their resolute precedents to the contrary there are many in the times foregoing of which I shall instance in two onely and those two in a Parliament held in the 35 year of the so much celebrated Reigne of Queen Elizabeth The first is this Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromely delivered a Petition to the Lord Keeper desiring the Lords of the Upper House to be Suppliants with them of the Lower House unto Her Majesty for entailing of the succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them Her Majesty was highly displeased herewith as contrary to Her former strait command and charged the Councell to call the parties before them Sir Thomas Henage being then Vice-Chamberlaine and one of the Lords of the Privie Councell sent for them and after speech with them commanded them to foâ—…ar the Parliament and not to go out of their severall lodgings After they were called before the Lord Treasurer the Lord Buckhurst and Sir Thomas Henage Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower Sir Henry Bromely with Master Richard Stevens to whom Sir Henry Bromely had imparted the matter were sent to the Fleet as also Mr. Welch the other Knight for Worcestershire In the same Parliament one Mr. Morrice Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster who is to be my second instance moved against the hard courses of the Bâ—…shops Ordinaries and other Ecclesiâ—…sticall Judges in their Courts used towards sundry learned and godly Ministers and Preachers and spake against subseription and oathes and offered a Bill to be read against Imprisonment for refusall of such Oathes which comming to the Queens knowledge and Mr. Coke afterwards Sir Edward Coke then Speaker of the House of Commons being sent for and admonished not to admit of that or any such Bills if they should be offered the said Mr. Morrice as I have been credibly informed was taken out of the House by Sergeant at the Armes but howsoever sure I am that he was committed unto Prison for the said Attempt And when it was moved in the House by one Mr. Wroth that they might be humble Suitors to Her Majesty that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained To this it was answered by all the Privy Counsellours which were then Members of the House that Her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to Her selfe and to presse Her Highnesse with this suit would but hinder them whose good is sought That the House must not call the Queen to accompt for what shâ—… doth of her Royall Authority That the causes for which they were restrained may be high and dangerous That Her Majesty lâ—…h no such questions neither doth it become the House to search into such mattâ—…rs Whereupon the House desisted from interposing any further in their behaâ—…f And thus we see that no fewer than five Members that is to say Wentworth Welch Bromely Stevens and Mâ—…rrice â—…ut off at one time from the House of Commons without any remedy or any Declâ—…ration of the Judges that any such Arrest as is here pretended was layd upon the House by their Imprisonment So
resolutâ—… was Queen Elizabeth to maintain Her Prerogative though King Charles yeiâ—…ded to the times and released His Prisoners upon this Declaration of the Judges and a Remonstrance of the Commons in pursuance of it which was another vailing of his Crowne before noâ—… mentioned because reserved uâ—…to this place For the Lords feared an antient Order that no Lords created sedentâ—… Parliamento should have voice during that Session c. Upon which their suffrage was excluded The Lords had been to blame indeed if when the Judges had declared for Law in 〈◊〉 of the House of Commons they could not make an Order to serve themâ—… both antient alike and of like Authority because both contrary to the practice and proceedings in foregoing Parliaments But whereas our Authour writes that uâ—…on the finding out of this Order the suffrage of the new Lords that is to say Kimbolton Imbercourt and Tregote was excluded for this Session I somewhat doubt his intelligence in that particular and that I doe for these two Reasons First because in the long Parliament which began in Novemb. An. 1640. when the prevailing Parties in both Houses were better backed than they were at this present the Lordâ—… Seymour Littleton and Capell created sedente Parliamento and the Lords Digby Rich and Howard of Charleton called to the House of Peers by especial Writ were all admitted to their Votes in that Sâ—…ssion of Parliament without any dispute And secondly whereas it was offered to the King being then in a farre lower condition than He was at thâ—…s present in the last of the Nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yorke That His Majestie would be graciously pleased to passe a Bill for râ—…straining Peers made hereafter from sitting or voting in Pâ—…liament unlesse they were admitted thereunto with the consent of both Houses of Parliament the King did absolutely refuse to assenâ—… unto it as appeareth clearly by his Answer unto those demands The affection of the Peers so elevated him that he received the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted spirit and returned so home an Answer as the House was amply satisfied with it In all this there was nothing strange that either the Earle of Bristol should receive the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted courage as you say he did being so backed and elevated by the affection of the House of Peers as you say he was or that the House should be so amply satisfied with his Answer to whom they had before shewed so great affections It was not the Answer but the Person which prevailed most with them as on the other side in the businesse of the Duke of Buckingham the Answer fared the worse for the Persons sake of whom you tell us in this place That the ill opinion which the Peers had of him did as much depresse him as it did elevate the other For though the Duke his Answer to his Impeachment so contrived and inlaid with modâ—…sty and humility that it was like to have a powerfull influence towards the conversion of many as our Authour tells us Fol. 53. yet was it so farre from giving any and much lesse ample satisfaction as Bristols did that it bâ—…came a new grievance to his Adversaries who thereupon resolved on the prosecution for feare it might be thought that themselves were worsted if the poor Gentleman should have mâ—…de but a saving game of it So true is thâ—…t of Velleius Paterculus saying Familiare est hominibus invidiam non ad causam sed ad voluntatem personasque dirigerâ—… that is to sâ—…y that it is usuall with most men to govern themselves in mâ—…tters of this inviduous nature not by the merits of the cause but by the intercesse of their own passions and the â—…espect or disrespect which they bear the persons But all would not smooth the aspâ—…rity of this illegall Tax c. The money which was then required of the Subjâ—…ct was not imposed on them in the way of a Tax if I remember it aright but required of them as a Loanâ—… and that too in a way which might seem to have some Loyalâ—…y in it For whereas the Parliament had passed a Bill of Subsidies and that the said Parliament was dissolved before the Bill passed into an Act His Majesty was advised that He had good grounds to require those Subsidies of the Subject which the House of Commons in their names had assented to and yet not to require them by the name of Subsidies but onely in the way of Loane till the next Parliament should enable Him to make payment of it or to confirm His Levying of those moneys by a subsequent Act. But this devise though it brought in good sums of mony for the present yet by the Articles of some men who were resolved That the King should have no other assistance towards the maintenance of His wars than what He could procure-by His compliance with His Houses of Parliament it brought forth those effects which our Authour speaks of So miserable was the Kings condition at this time that having formerly been made the Instrument to break off all Treaties with Spaine and declare a Warre against that King at the earnest solicitation of the House of Commons He was so wilfully deserted I dare not say betrayed by those that engaged Him in it Where for three daies all was so calme on both sides as if they had sworn a Truce c. This was the first great errour in the Enterprise of the Isle of Rhe And the second was as bad as this viz their not taking in of the little Fort called La Pree For had the Duke marched directly on he had in all probability taken both the Town and Citadel of St. Martin the Fortifications being then unfinish'd and the people in no small dismay for the rout of their Forces whereas the losse of those three dayes gave time and leisure enough to Mounseiur de Toyrax Governour of the place to compleat his Works in such a manner that they were thought impregnable by our ablest Souldiers Or had he took the Fort of La Pree in his pissage by it he had not onely hindred the French from bringing new Forces by that Postern to the relief of the Town but might have used the same to make good his Retreat when the necessity of his affairs should compell him to it Both which miscarriages I have heard a Person of great Honour well skilled in the Art Mâ—…litary and no professed friend unto the Duke not to impute so much to the Duke himself who was raw ignorant and unexperienced in the Warres as to Sir William Courtnâ—…y and Sir John Borrowes two great Souldiers who had the Conduct of his Counsels the one being no lesse famous for his service at Bergan ap Zone than the other was for his couragious holding out in defence of Frankendale And yet there was another thing no lesse contributing to the losse of the whole designe than these two miscarriages viz the
That they were made of purpose by the said Archbishop and Divines to deliver and declare their opinions concerning the sense of the nine and thirty Articles in those particulars For though those Articles might and did deliver their opinions in the points disputed yet were they but opinions still and the opinions of private and particular men are no publick Doctrines Therefore to set this matter right I will first lay down the true occasion of the making of these Articles Secondly of what authority they were when made and agreed upon And thirdly what might move King James to recommend them first to the Church of Ireland and after to the Assembly at Dort and not as our Authour tells us by a strain Hysteron Proteron to the Assembly at Dort first and to Ireland afterwards And fiâ—…st for the occasion of these Articlâ—…s we may please to know that the first Reformers of this Church look neither on the Lutheran or Calvinian Doctrines as their Rule and Guide but held themselves unto the constant current of approved antiquity To which the Melancthonian way bâ—…ing thought most consonant was followed not onely by Bishop Hooper in his Treatise on the Ten Commandements and by Bishop Latimer in some pass ges of his Sermons but also by the Compilers of the Book of Articles and the Book of Homilies the publick Monuments of this Church in points of Doctrine But the Calvinian way having found some entrance there arose a difference in the judgments of particular men touching these Debates the matter being controverted pro and con by some of the Confessors in prison in Qu. Maryes dayes After whose death many of our exiled Divines returning from Geneva Basil and such other places where Calvins Dictates were received as Celestiall Oracles brought with him his Opinions in the points of Predestination Grace and Perâ—…everance which they dispersed and scattered over all the Church by whose authority and the diligence of the Presbyterian party then busie in advancing their holy Discipline it came to be universally received for the onely true and Orthodox Doctrine and was so publickly maintained in the Schools of Cambridge Insomuch that when Peter Baro a Frenchman Professour for the Lady Magaret in that University revived the Melancthonian way in his publick Lectures and by his Arguments and great Learning had drawn many others to the same perswasions complaint was made thereof by Dr. Whitakers Dr. Willet Mr. Chatterton Mr. Perkins and certain others to the Ld. Archbishop of Canterbury Dr. Whitgift desiring his assistance to suppresse that Fâ—…ction which was like to grow by this means in that University On which complaint the said Archbishop calling to him to Lambeth Doctor Richard Flecher then Bishop of London and Doctor Richard Vaughan then Elect of Bangor did then and there with the advice oâ—… Dr. Whitakers Dr. Tindall and some other Divines most of them Parties to the suit agree on these nine Articles which our Author peaks of to be sent to Cambridge for the â—…termining and compâ—…g of the present Controversies And this was done â—…pon the 26th of November Anno 1595. and being so done and sent accordingly to Cambridge Dr. Baro found himself so discouraged and discountenanced that at the end of his first three years he relinquished his Professourship and retired not long after into France leaving the University in no small disorder for want of such an able Instructor to resort unto We are to know also that amongst others of Baro his followers there was one Mr. ster Barret who in a Sermon preached in St. Maryes Church not onely defended Baro his Doctrine but used some offensive words against Calvin Beza and some others of the Reformators for which he was convented before the Heads of the University amongst which Doctor James Montague then Master of Sydney Coll. and a great stickler in this quarrell was of great authority and by them May the 5th next following was enjoynd to recant and a set form of Recantation was prescribed unto him which though he read publickly in the Church yet the contentions and disputes grew greater and greater till the coming down of the nine Articles from Lambeth hastened with greater earnestnesse upon this occasion Secondly these Articles being thus made and agreed upon we are next to see of what authority they were in the Church of England and how long they continued in authority in the Schools of Cambridge concerning which we are to know that the making of these Articles being made knowne to Queen ELIZABETH by William Lord Burly Lord Treasurer of England and Chancellour of that University who neither liked the Tenets nor the manner of proceeding in them she was most passionately offended that any such innovation should be made in the publick Doctrine of this Church and once resolved to have them all aâ—…ted of a Praemunire But afterwards upon the interposition of some friends the reverent esteem She had of that excellent Prelate the Lord Archbishop whom She used to call Her black Husband She let fall Her anger and having favourably admitted his excuse therein She commanded him speedily to recall and suppresse those Articles which was done with so much care and diligence that for a while a Copie of them was not to be found in all that University though afterwards by little and little they peeped forth again And having crept forth once again it was moved by Dr. Reynolds in the Conference at Hampton Court Aâ—… 1603. That the nine Assortions Orthodoxall as he termed them concluâ—…ed upon at Lambeth might be inserted into the Booke of Articlâ—…s that is to say of the Church of England The King was told who never had heard before of those nine Assertions that by reason of some Controversies arising in Cambridge about certain points of Divinity My Lords Grace assemblâ—…d some Diâ—…ines of especiall note to set down their opinions which they drew into nine assertions and so sent them to the University for the appeasing of those quarrels Which being told His Majesty answered That when such Questions arise among Scholars the quietest proceeding were to determine them in the University and not to stuffe the Book with all conclusions Theologicall Conf. p 24. 40. 41. So that these nine Assertions being first pressed at Cambridge by the command of Qu. Elizabeth and afterwards esteemed unfitting to be inserted into the Book of Articles by the finall judgement of King James there is no reason in the world why any man should be traduced of Arminianisme or looked on as an enemy of the true Religion here by Law established for not conforming his opinions to their no-authority It is not the meeting of a few Bâ—…shops and Divines in the Hall at Lambeth but the body of the whole Clergy lawfully assembled in Convocation whâ—…ch hath authority in determining Controversies in Faith and to require conformity to such determinations and concâ—…usions as are there agreed on When the nine Articles of Lambeth shall be so confirmed our
may teach all Parliaments in the times succeeding to be more carefull in their Councils and use more moderation in pursuance of them especially when they meet with an armed power for fear they should not onely interrupt but cut off that spring from whence the Blessings both of Peace and Happinesse have formerly been derâ—…ved on this Church and State No man can love his Fâ—…tters though they be of Gold If therefore Parliaments should finde no way to preserve the Liberty of the peoplâ—… but to put fetters on the Prince or Power that calls them if from being Counsellors at the best they shall prove Controulers they must blame no body but themselves In the meane time that saying of Paterculus may be worth their noting Non turpe est ab eo vinci quem vincere esset nefas it iâ—… no shame saith he to submit to those whom it were sinne to overcome To which he answered that he ever was and woâ—…ld be ready to give an account of his sayings and doings in that place whensoever he should be called unto it by that House where as he taketh it he was onely to be questioned This is the first seed of that Doctâ—…ine which after took such deep root in the Houses of Parliament viz. that no member ought to be questioned for any thing said or done in Paâ—…liament but by the order of the House of which he was a Member And to this resolution the Judges of this time seemed to give some countenance who having before declared in favour of the House of Commons that by the Arresting of Digges and Eliot the whole House was under an Arrest did now declare that the Star Chamber in which Court the King intended to proceed against them had no Jurisdiction over offences done in Parliament But this was onely in an extra-judiciall way being interrogative to that purpose by the King at Greenwich as our Author â—…elleth us Fol. 106. For the same Judges sitting on the seat of Judicature where â—…hey were to act upon their Oathes could finde both Law and Reason too to bring their crimes within the cognisance of the Courts of Justice And severall Fines accordingly were imposed upon them most of which were paid and the Gentlemen afterwards released from their Imprisonments If any of them did refuse to pay such Fines as were set upon them they were men either of decayed or of small estates and so not able to make payment of the Fines imposed Surpassing exultation there was thereat all the Court kept Jubile c. And there was very good reason for it not onely that the Court should keep a Jubile at the birth of the Prince but that surpassing exultation should be thereat in all honest hearts But I can tell you it was otherwise with too many of the Puritane party who had layed their line another way and desired not that the King should have any Children insomuch that at a great Feast in Friday street when some of the company shewed great joy at the news of the Queens fiâ—…st being with Childe a leading man of that Faction whom I could name were it worth the while did not stick to say That he could see no such cause of joy for the Queens being with Childe but God had already better provided for us than we had deserved in giving such a hopefull Progenie by the Queen of Bohemia brought up in the Reformed Religion whereas it was uncertain what Religion the Kings Children would follow being brought up under a Mother so devoted to the Church of Rome And I remember very well that being at a Town one daies jurney from London when the newes came of the Princes birth there was great joy shewed by all the rest of the Parish in causing Bonefires to be made and the Bells to be rung and sending Victuals unto those of the younger sort who were most busily imployed in that publick joy But so that from the rest of the houses being of the Presbyterian or Puritane partie there came neither man nor childe nor wood nor victuals their doors being shut close all that Evening as in a time of generall mourning and disconsolation Where was an old skulking Statute long since out of use though not out of force c. The Statute which our Author means was made in the first year of Edward the second and made more for the benefit and ease of the subject than for the advantage of the King This Statute requiring nonâ—… to take the Order of Knighthood but such as had Twenty pounds per annum of clear yearly rent whereas before that time all men of Fifteen pound rent per annum were required to take it This proves it to be very old but why my Author should call it a skulking Statute I can see no reason considering that it lay not hidden under the rubbâ—…sh of Antiquity but was an open printed Statute not onely to be seen in the Collection of the Statutes and the Books at large but in the Abridgements of the same and being a Statute still in force as our Author â—…elleth us might lawfully be put in practise whensoever the necessities of the King should invite him to it But whereas our Author telleth us that the persons mentioned in that Statute were not required to be made Knights as was vulgarly supposed but onely ad arma gerenda to bear Armes and thereupon telleth us a story of a Sword and a Surcoat to be given unto them I rather shall believe the plaine words of the Statute than his interpreâ—…ation of it The Title of it is in Latine Statutum de Militibus or a Statute for Knights as the English hath it the words as followeth viz. Our Soveraign Lord the King hath granted that all such as ought to be Knights and be not and have been distrained to take upon them the Order of Knighthood before the Feast of the Nativity of our Lord shall have respect to take upon them the foresaid Armes of Knighthood untill the Utas of S. Hilarie c. where certainly to be made Knights to take upon them the Order of Knighthood and the Armes of Knighthood are somewhat more than onely and simply to bear Armes as he faine would have it were it no otherwise than so there were some hundred thousands of none or very little estate as fit or fitter to bear Armes than men of Twenty pound rent per annum which was a plentifull revenue as the times then were and fitter it had been to have called such men unto a generall Muster in their severall Counties than to command them to attend at a Coronation Nor had the Sages of the Law been capable of excuse for their false translations if they should render ad arma militiae gerenda for so I think the Latine hath it though the most significant word thereof be left out by our Author by taking on them the Armes of Knighthood if there were nothing more intended than the bearing of
first yeare of the payment of Ship-money the Writs were not issued to all the Counties of England as our Author telleth us but onely to the Maritime Counties which lying all along the shore were most exposed unto the danger of a forraign Enemy But proof being had that the preparations of that yeare were not great enough for the ends intended in the next yeare and not before the like Writs issued out to all Counties in England that is to say Anno 1636. the whole charge layed upon the subject upon that occasion amounting to 2360001. or there abouts which being in lieu of all payments came but to twenty thousand pounds a month and not fully that Neverthelesse the King upon the Arch-Bishops intreaty granted them exemption I never heard that any such exemption was desired by the Clergy but sure I am that no such exemption was ever granted it being as great an indiscretion in them to seek it as it would have been a hinderance to the publick service if they had obtained it The favour which the Arch-Bishop procured for them was no more then this that on complaint made by some of the Clergy how unreasonably they were rated by their neighbours some of them at a sixt some at a fourth part of the Taxe which had been layed upon the Parish he obtained Letters from the King to all the Sheriffes of Englâ—…nd requiring that the Clergy possessed of Parsonages should not be taxed above a tenth part of the Land rate of their severall Parishes and that consideration should be had of Vicars accordingly Which though it were a great and a royall favour such as became a nursing Father of the Church yet wâ—…s it no exemption as our Author calls it unlesse he meaneth an exemptien from the Aâ—…bitrary power of coveâ—…ous and malitious neighbours as indeed it was But our Author goes back to the Attorney of whom he telleth us that He became aâ—…â—…inent instrument both of good and ill and of which most is a great question to the Kings Prerâ—…gative I thinke no question need be made in this particular The Ship money had as faire a triall in the Courts of Westm. as any Cause that ever came before those Judges And as for other projects and Court suites he used first to consult the Law the Kings Honour and the publick good before he would passe any of them insomuch that he was more cursed by the Courtiers I speake this on my certaine knowledge for dashing some of their designes and putting many difficulties upon others of them then any man can possibly imagine of a publick Minister And whereas our Author telleth us in that which followeth that he was drawn into the Kings service by the lure of advancement I am confident on the other side that it was rather a contemplation of doing his duty to the King then any thought of advancement by it which drew him to accept that office so much sought by others in managing whereof he declined so much private business to attend the King and attended that with such an eye to his Masters honour that I may very safely say he did not gaine so much in the whole time of his service as his Predecessors or Successors did after in any one yeare of their imployment But in regard 〈◊〉 came without Credentiall Letters from the Queen of Sweden he denied him audience whereupon he returned in some disgust In this short passage there are more mistakes then lines For first it is not likely that young Oxenstâ—… whom he speakes of came without Credentiall Letters being treated as he was in the quality of an Embassador which without such Letters had not been Secondly I am sure that he had a publick and solemne audience my curiosity carrying me to the Court that day not so much to see the Formalities of such Receptions to wâ—…ch I could not be a â—…nger as to behold the Son oâ—… so wise a Father who had so long with so much pâ—…udence and successe conducted the affaâ—…s of the Crown of Sweden Thirdly If he departed in some disgust as by accepting of a rich Ring from King Lewis of France and refusing 〈◊〉 present of better value â—…offered by King Charles it was thought he did it was not because he was denied a publick audience but because he had proposed some things to the King for carrying on the war in Germany in behalfe of the Swedes which the King thought not fit to consent unto being then in hopes of some accommodation to be made with the Emperor touching the Palatinate At the same time there was also a Synod assembled wherein the bodie of Articles formed by that Church Anno 1615. were repealed and in their places were substituted the 39. Articles of the Church of England intending to create an uniformity of beliefe between both Churches And certainly the designe was pious and the reasons prevalent first in relation to the Papists who made great aime at it that in the Churches of three Kingdomes united all under one chiefe Governour there should be three severall and distinct and in some points contrary Confessions yet all pretending unto one and the same Religion next in relation to the Puritanes who in the controverted points about Predestination and the Lords day-Sabbath when they had nothing else to say did use to fly for refuge to the Articles of the Church of Ireland where the Predestinarian Doctrines and Sabbatarian speculations had found entertainment aud thesâ—… and none but thesâ—… found themselves grieved and troubled at the alteration Nor was this alteration made by the hand of power but the power of reason The matter being canvased and debated in the Convocation there before it was put unto the vote and being put unto the vote notwithstanding the strong interposition of the Lord Primate of Armagh was carried by the farre greater part of voyces for the Church of England But all the service they did this Summer was inconsiderable in regard they never came to engagement onely their formidable appearance secured the Seas from those Petit Larcenies and Piracies wherewith they were formerly so molested Had this been all their service had been very considerable the clearing the Sea of Pyrates being of so great benefit and consequence to the trade and flourishing of this Kingdome For by this meanes and the well-setled peace which we had at home the greatest part of the wealth in these parts of Christendome was carryed up the Thames and managed in the City of London But this was not all The King by this Formidable appearancâ—… as our Author calls it regained the Dominion of the Sea which had been lately hazarded if not wholly lost insomuch as the Kâ—…ng of Spaine thought it his best and safest wâ—…y to send the money designed for the payment of his Armies in Flanders in the Ships of English Merchants onely By meanes whereof there was brought yearly into England between 2 3 hundred thousand pound in uncoyned Bullion
by some few ordinary Parishioners and an Appeale made from the Ordinary to the Deane of the Arches the Cause was brought before the King then sitting in his Privie Council Anno 1633. who on the hearing of all parties and the Reasons alledged on both sides having first testified His dislike of all Innovations He concludes at last That hâ—… did well approve and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinary and also gave commandemâ—…nt that if those few Parishioners before 〈◊〉 did proceed in their said Appeal then the Dâ—…an of the Arches should confirm the said Order of the aforesaid Deane and Chapter Here was authority enough as good authority for the Archbishop to proceed upon in his Visitation as the Prevogative Royall the new Statute of the Queen and the old Lawes of the Land could give him This then was no Anomalous Innovation as our Author calls it The King it seems thought otherwise of it and so did all men studied in the Rules of this Church and the practice of approved Antiquity who looked upon it as a Renovation of a Rite disused not as an Innovation or Introduction of a new Ceremonie never used before But sure our Author had forgotten when these words fell from him what he said before of the Remisse Government of Archbishop Abbot the titular Archbishop as he calls him there but Titular in nothing so much as not doing the duties of his Office of whom hâ—… tells us Fol. 127. that by his extraordinary remisnesse in not exacting strict conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremonie he led in such an habit of Inconformity as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation But the Controversie is not onely managed betwixt our Author and himself but as he telleth us afterward between Bishops and Bishops for as he saith The Bishop of Lincolne published a Tract under a concealed name positively asserting therein that the holy Table antiently did in the Primitive times and ought so in ours according to the Dictates of our Church stand in Gremio and Nave of the Quire The Tract here meant was called The Holy Table name and thing in which the Bishop hath said much but asserted little Affirmations are no Proofs in Law and multitudes of allegations falsified in themselves and wrested to a contrary seâ—…ce make not one good Evidence yet this is all we are to look for in the Bishops Book It being not untruly said in the Answerers Preface that he came armed into the field with no other weapons than impudence ignorance and falshoods And to say truth it can be no otherwise when a man writes both against his science and his conscience as we have very good cause to think this Bishop did Look on him in the point of practise and we shall finde the Communion Table placed Altar-wise in the Cathedral Church of Lincolne whereof he was Bishop and in the Collegiate Church of Westminster of which he was Dean and in the private Chappel of his House at Bugdon in which last it was not only placed Altar-wise but garnisht with rich Plate and other costly Utensils one of his own words in more than ordinary manner Look on him in his letter to the Vicar of Grantham and he tells him thus that your Communion Table is to stand Altar-wise if you meane in that place of the Chancell where the Altar stood I thinke somewhat may be said for that because the injunctions 1559. diâ—… so place it and I conceive it to be the most decent scituation when it is not used and for use too where the quire is mounted up by steps and open so that he that officiates may be seene and heard of all the Congregation Nor writes he thus onely to that Vâ—…ar but he allowes it in that Tract which my Author speakes of both in Cathedrall Churches and in the Kings Chappels and in the Chappels of great men which certainly have no more Law for it then what the Archbishop had for placing it in the Parish Churches which as the Bishop telleth the Vicar are to be presidented by the formes in his Majesties Chappels and in the Quires of their Cathedralls If it be asked what moved the Bishop to stickle so stoutly in this businesse it may be answered that he loved to fiâ—…sh in a troubled water that being a man which considered only his own ends he went such wayes as most conduced to the â—…ccomplishing of the ends he aimed at Being in Power and place at Court in the time of K. James he made himself the head of the Popish Faction because he thought the match with Spaine which was then in treaty would bring not only a connivance to that Religion but also a Toleration of it And who more like to be in favour if that match went on then such as were most zealous in doing good offices to the Catholick cause But being by King Charles deprived first of the Great Seale and afterwards commanded to retire from Westminster he gave himselfe to be the head of the Puritane party opposing all the Kings proceedings both in Church and State and amongst others this of placing the Communion Table to make himselfe gracious with that Sect who by their shy practises and insinuations and by the Remisse Government and connivance of Archbishop Aâ—…ot had gained much ground upon the people If it be asked what authority I have for this I answer that I have as good as can be wished for even our Author himselfe who telleth us of this Bishop Fol. 145. That being malevolently inclined by the Kings disfavours he thought he could not gratifie beloved revenge better then to endeavour the supplanting of his Soveraigne To which end finding him declining in the affections of his people he made his Apostraphe and applications to them fomenting popular discourses tending to the Kings dishonour c. And being set upon this pinne no mervaile if he entertained the present occasion of making the Archbishop odiouâ—… and the King himselfe lesse pleasing in the eyes of the Subjects But of this Bishop we may perhaps have some occasion to speak more hereafter In the meane time we must follow our Author who having done with the Archbishop goes on to his Instruments for so he calls them in which he saith he was most unhappy Why so because saith he They were not blamelesse in their lives some being vitious even to scandall Our Author needed not have told us in his Preface by the way of prevention that he should be thought no friend to the Clergy we should have found that here in such Capitall Letters as any man that runs might read them Vitious even to scandall that goes high indeed and it had well become our Author to have named the men that so the rest of the Clergy might have been discharged of that â—…oule reproach For my part I have took some paines to inquire after such instruments and subordinate
Protestant It is true the Covenanters called it the Bishops warre and gave it out that it was raised onely to maintaine the Hirarchy but there was little or no truth in their mouthes the while for the truth is that though Liturgy and Episcopacy were made the occasions yet they were noâ—… the causes of this Warre Religion being but the vizard to disguise that businesse which Covetousnesse Sacriledge and Rapine had the greatest hand in The Reader therefore is to know that the King being engaged in a Warre with Spaine and yet deserted by those men who engaged him in it was faine to have recourse to such other waies of assistance as were offâ—… to him And amongst others he was minded of a purpose which his Father had of revoking all such grants of Abbey-Lands the Lands of Bâ—…shopricks and Chapters and other Religious Corporations which having been vested in the Crown by Act of Parl. were by that Kings Protectors in the time of his minority conferred on many of the Nobility and Gentry to make them sure unto the side or else by a strong hand of power â—…xtorted from him Being resolved upon this course he intends a Parliament in that Kiâ—…gdome appoints the Eâ—…rl of Niddisdâ—…ale to preside therein and arms hâ—…m with Instructions for 〈◊〉 of an Act of Revocation accordâ—…gly who bâ—…ing on hâ—…s way as farre as Barwick was there informed that all was in a Tumult at Edenbobrough that a rich Coach which he had sent before to Dalkeith was cut in pieces the poor Horses killed the people seeming onely sorry that they could not doâ—… the like to the Earle himselfe Things being brought unto this stand and the Parlâ—…ament put off with a sine die the King was put to a necessity of some second Councels amongst which none seemed so plausible and expedient to him as that of Mr. Archibald Achison then Procuâ—…ator or sollicitor generall in that kingdome who having first told the King that such as were estated in the lands in question had served themselves so well by the bare naming of an Act of Revocation as to possesse the people whom they found apt to be inflâ—…med on such suggestions that the true intendment of that Act was to revoke all former Acts for suppressing of Popâ—…ry and setling the reformed Religion in the Kirk of Scotland and therefore that it would be very unsafe for his Majesty to proceed that way Next he advised that instead of such a general Revocation as that Act imported he should implead them one by one beginning first with those whom he thought least able to stand out or else most willing to conform to his Mâ—…jesties pleasure assuring him that having the Lawes upon his side the Courts of Justice must and would pasâ—…e judgement for him The King resolved upon this course sends home the Gentleman not onely with thâ—…nkes and Knighthood which he had most worthily deserved but with instructions and power to proceed therein and he proceeded in it so effectually to the Kings advantage that some of the impleaded parties being lost in the suite and the rest seeing that though they could raise the people against the King they could not â—…aise them against the Lawes it was thought the best and safest way to compound the businesse Hereupon in the yeare 1631. Commissioners are sent to the Court of England and amongst others the Learned and right Noble Lord of Marcheston from whose mouth I had this whole relation who after a long treaty with the King did agree at last that all such as held hereditary Sheriffdomes or had the power of life and death over such as lived within their jurisdiction should quit those royalties to the King that they should make unto their Tenants in their severall Lands some permanent Estates either for three lives or one and twenty yeares or somâ—… such like Terme that so the Tenants might be incouraged to build and plant and improve the Patrimony of that Kingdome that they should double the yearly rents which were reserved unto the Crown by their former grants and finally that these conditions being performed on their parts the King should settle their Estates by Act of Parliament Home went the Commissioners with joy for their good successe expecting to be entertained with Bells and Bonefires but they found the contrary the proud Scots being resolved rather to put all to hazard than quit that power and Tyranny which they had over their poor vassalls by which name after the manner of the French they called their Tenants And hereunto they were encouâ—…aged under-hand by a party in England who feared that by this agreement the King would be so absolute in those Northern Regions that no aide could be hoped from thence when the necessity of their designes might most require it Just as the Castilions were displeased with the conquest of Portugall by King Philip the second because thereby they had no place left to retire unto when either the Kings displeasure or their disobedience should make their owne Countrey too hot for them From hence proceeded that ill bloud which the King found amongst them when he went for that unlucky Crowne from hence proceeded the seditious Libell of the Lord Ballmerino which our Author speakes of the greatest part of whose Estate was in Abby-Lands From hence proceeded all the practises of the great ones on that busie Faction principled onely for the â—…uine and destruction of Monarchies and finally from hence proceeded the designe of making use of discontented and seditioâ—…s spirits under colour of the Canons and Common-Prayer Book to embroyle that Kingdome that so they might both keep their Lands and not lose their Power the Kings Ministers all this while looking mildely on or acting onely by such influences as they had from Hamilton without either care or course taken to prevent those mischiefes which afterwards ensued upon it But from the Ground proceed we to the Prosecution of the Warre intended concerning which our Author telleth us that The King had amast together considederable power whereof the Earle of Arundel had the chiâ—…fe conduct And so he had as to the command of all the Forces which went by Land the Earl of Essex being Lieutenant Generall of the Foot the E. of Holland of the Horse But then there were some other forces embarqued in a considerable part of the Royall Navy with plenty of Coine and Ammunition which were put under the command of Hamilton the King still going on in his fatall over sights who anchoring with his Fleet in the Frith of Edenborough and laâ—…ding some of his spent men in a little Ifland to give them breath and some refreshments received a visit from his Mother a most rigid Covenanter The Scots upon the shore saying with no small laughter that they knew the Son of so good a Mother could not doe them hurt And so it proved for having loytered thereabouts to no purpose till he heard that the Treaty for the Pacification was begun
being the day before that unhappy accident that he was taking care to provide some materialls in a businesse which concerned the Church of which he was resolved to speake in the House of Peers on the Wednesday following Some say that this Dissolution was precipitated upon some intelligence that the House of Commons meant that day to vote against the Warre with Scotland then which there could be nothing more destructive to the Kings affaires And it was probable enough that it was so meant For first the Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdome doth declare no lesse where it is said that the People were like to close with the King in satisfying his desire of Money but that withall they were like to blast their malicious designe against Scotland they being very much indisposed to give any countenance to that Warre And Secondly we finde that House to be highly magnified â—…in a Scotish Pamphlet called the Intentions of the Army for their pious zeale in crossing the intended Warre and denying any countenance and assistance towards it But whatsoever the truth is most sure I am that it was secretly muttered about the Court the night before that Hamilton had prevailed with the King to dissolve the Parliament who playing as he used to do with both hands at once did with the one pull back the Commons by his party there from all compliâ—…nce with the King and with the other thrust the King forwards to dissolve that meeting that by this meanes the Kings affaires being more embroyled then they were before he might confirme the Scots and confound the English and thereby raise himselfe to the point he aimed at A sad and unfortunate day it was and the newes so unpleasing unto the Author of these papers whosoever he be that being brought him by a friend whilst he was writing some dispatches it so astonished him though he had heard some inkling of it the night before that sodainly the pen fell out of his hand and long it was before he could recollect his spirits to returne an answer Having thus said I should proceed from the dissolving of the Parliament to the continuing of the Convocation but I must first remove a block which lieth in my way our Author telleth us that This Archbishops Predecessour Penultime was Dr. Whitgift Whereas indeed it was not Dr. Whitgift but Dr. Bancroft who was the penultimate and last Predecessour saving one unto the Archbishop Dr. Bancroft coming in between Whit. gift and Abbot as any who have looked into these affairs cannot choose but know This Convention was not more unhappily dissolved than another was continued That is as a witty Gcntleman said well a new Synod made of an old Convocation The witty Gentleman here meant was Sir Edward Deering who pleased himself exceedingly in one of his witty Speeches but made withall good sport to most knowing men in descantinâ—… on a Synod and a Convocation the one being a Greek word the other originally Latine but both of the same sense and signification A Provinciall Synod being no other then a Convocation of the Clergy of the Provinces of Yorkâ—… or Canterbury and the Convocation of the Clergy of both Provinces together being nothing else but a National Synod So that it was the same Synod and the same Convocation call it which you will as before it was and not a new Synod made of an old Convocation as the witty Gentleman would have it A Gentleman he was more witty then wise but more proud then either one of sufficient Learning to adorne a Gentleman but very ill imployed in disgracing the Clergy considering that the most worthy of his Ancestors was of that Profession and himselfe allyed unto it by some mixt relations But see how ill this Gentleman sped with his too much wit being the first that threw Dirt into the Face of the Archbishop and preferred the first Information which was brought against him he after flew so high in his commendations in the Preface to his Book of Speeches that neither Heylyn whom the Scotish Pamphleters in their Laudencium Autocatachrisis call his Gracâ—…s Herald nor Pocklington nor Dowe nor any of his own Chaplains in any of their Speeches of him or addresses to him ever went so farrâ—… Having propounded to the House in that witty Speech which he made against the Canons and Convocation that every one that had a hand in making those Canons should come unto the Barre of the House of Commons with a Candle in one hand and a Book in the other and there give fire to his own Canons he was so far from seeing it done that on the contrary he saw within a little more then a twelve month after the Collection of his witty Speeches condemned by that House unto the fire and burnt in severall places by the Publick Hang-man And finally having in another of his witty Speeches defamed the Cathedralls of this Kingdome and that too with so foule a mouth as if he had licked up all the filth of foregoing Libels to vomit it at once upon them he made it his earnest suit not long after to be Dean of Canterbury which being denied him by the King in a great discontent he returned to the Parliament though he hought good to put some other glosse upon it in his Declaration But of this witty Gentleman we said enough Proceed we now unto our Author who telleth us of this new-made Synod that By a new Commission from the King it was impowered to sit still No such matter verily the new Commission which he speaks of gave them no such power The Writ by which they 〈◊〉 first called and made to be a Convocation gave them power to siâ—… and by that Writ they were to sit as a Convocation till by another Writ proceeding from the like Authority thâ—…y were dissolved and licensed to returne to their severall homes The Commission subsequent to that gave them power to Act to Propose Deliberate and conclude upon such Canons and Constitutions as they conceived conducible to the Peace of the Church And such a Commission they had granted at their first assembling But being there was a clause in that Commission that it should last no longer then during the Session of that Parliament and that the King thought good to continue the Convocation till they had finished all those matters which they had in treaty his Majesty gave order for a new Commission to be issued out of the same tenour with the former but to expire upon the signification of his Majesties pleasure I have been told that it was some time before some of the Members of the lower House of Convocation could be satisfied in the difference between the Writ the Commisston though one of the company had fully opened and explained the same unto them which being made known to the Archbishop and by him to the King it was proposed to the Lord Finch Lord Keeper of the Great Seale the Earle of Manchester
them they proved such Lyons as the Boy saw the Butcher carry by two and two together upon a Horse repulsed with shame and ignominy from the walls of Hereford driven out of the field with foul dishonour in the Fight on Marston-Moor nâ—…r York totally routed by the gallantry and conduct of one man in three severall battails in Lancashire at Dunbar at Worcester the command of their own Country taken from them and themselves made 〈◊〉 to a people whom they most despised But 〈◊〉 they brâ—…wed so let them bake for the thought is taken James Eâ—…rle of Montrosse having long and faithfully adhered to the Covenanters c. The reason of which adhâ—…ring to them as he afterwards averred unto the King was briefly this At his returne from the Court of France where he was Captaine as I take it of the Sootish guard he had a minde to put himself into the Kings service and was advised to make his way by the Marquesse of Hamilton who knowing the gallantry of the man and fearing a competitor in his Majesties favour cunningly told him that he would doe him aâ—…y service but that the King was so wholly given up to the English and so discountenanced and sleighted the Scotish Nation that were it not for doing service for his Countrey which the King intended to reduce to the forme of a Province he could not suffer the indignities which were put upon him This done he repâ—…es unto the King tells him of the Earls returne from France and of his purpose to attend him at the time appointâ—…d but that he was so powerfull so popular and of such esteem among the Scots by reason of an old descent from the Royall Family that if he were not nipped in the bud as we use to say he might end anger the Kings interesse and affaires in Scotland The Eâ—…rle being brought unto the King with very great demonstrations of affection on the Marquesses part the King without taking any great notice of him gave him his hand to kisse and so turned aside which so confirmed in the truth of that false report which Hamilton had delivered to him that in great displeasure and disdaine he makes for Scotland where he found who knew how to worke on such humours as he brought along with him till by seconding the information which he had from Hamilton they had fashioned him wholly to their will How he fell off againe we are told by our Author Tuesday November the 3. being the day prefixed and the Parliament sate c. Touching this day there was a Letter wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury advertising that the Parliament of the twentieth yeare of Henry the Eighth which began in the fall of Cardinall Wolsey continued in the diminution of the power and priviledges of the Clergy and ended in the dissolution of the Abbies and Religious Houses was begun on the third day of November and therefore that for good luck sake he would move the King to respite the first sitting of it for a day or two longer But the Archbishop not heâ—…ning to this advertisement the Parliament had their first sitting on Tuesday the third day of November as our Author telleth us which Parliament as it begun in the fall and ruine of the Archbishop himself and was continued in the totall dissipation of the remaining rites and priviledges of the English Clergy so did it not end till it had subverted the Episcopall Government dissolved all Capitular bodies and left the Cathedralls of this Land not presently ruined I confesse but without meanes to keep them up for the time to come I am no superstitious observer of dayes and times and yet am apt enough to thinke that the beginning of an Enterprise in a lucky houre may much conduce to a fortunate and successefull end Certaine I am that Machiavel hath told us in the first book of his History of Florâ—…nce that when Pope Martin the third had besieged Furly a chief town of Romondiola or Romagna Guido Bonatus a man renouned unto this day for judicious Astrology perswaded the people of that City that so soon as he gave them a token not before they should presently assault their Enemies which they did accordingly and sped so well by the advice that all their Enemies were slaine and the siege removed Our Author having thus named Tuesday for the day of the week and the third day of November for the day of the month on which the Parliament began proceeds in telling us that the day prefixed being come The Parliament sate But where the Parliâ—…ment sate he telleth us not though there be all the reason in the world why he should have told it for who could rationally suppose that a Parliament called at such a time and on such an occacasion that is to say the over-running of the Northern parts of the Kingdome by a Scottish Army should be held at Westminster when Yorke where the King was there in Person lay nearer to the danger and the scene of action and to the place of treaty betwixt the Nations These Reasons were sufficient to have moved the King to hold this Parliament at Yorke and not at Westminster had He known nothing of the disaffections and engagements of the neighbouring City as He knew too much And He had some good presidents too which might have added no small weight to those weighty Reasons for when King Edward the first was busie in the Conquest of Wales He called His Parliament to Acton-Burnell being in the Marches of that Countrey and when He turned His Forces to the Conquest of Scotland He called His Parliament to Carlisle if my memory faile me not being on the Borders of that Kingdome Had the King made choice of the like place for this present Parliament which he did afterwards indeavour to alter when it was too late he had undoubtedly prevented all those inconveniences or rather mischiefes which the Pride Purse Faction and tumulâ—…uousness of the Londoners did afterwards enforce upon him And yet as if he had not erred enough in calling his Parliament so neer London the Commissioners for the Treaty must also be brought thither by especiall order that they might have the greater opportunity to inflame that City and make it capable of any impression which those of the Scotish Nation should thinke fit to imprint upon them For never were men Idolized there as the Scotch Commissioners feasted presented complemented by all sorts of people their lodgings more frequented at the publick times of Prayers or Preachings then ever were the Houses of the Embassadors of the Popâ—…sh Princes by the opposite party What ensued hereupon we shall finde in our Author when he comes to tell us what multitudes followed Alderman Pennington and how many thousand hands subscribed the Petition which the Alderman carryed against the Government of Bâ—…shops then by Law established what greater multitudes thronged down afterwards to the House of Parliament to call upon the Peers for
should having got more by the bargaine then their charges came to Mary of Scotland then married to Frances the second of France had taken on her at that time the stile and title of Queen of England and the better to pursue that Title had put some companies of the French into the Castle of Edenborough the town of Lieth and other places of that Kingdome The Scots being then busied in the Reformation of the Kirk looked on these French as purposely sent thither by the King and Queen to crosse their actions and hold them under the Dominion of the Popes of Rome and thereupon made suit unto Queen Elizabeth to supply them with Men Money and Ammunition for driving the Frenchmen out of their Countrey And hereunto the Queen most readily assented knowing full well how much it did import the safety of her Person and the preservation of her Title Estate that the French should not be setled in the Forts and Castles which lay neer the borders of this Kingdome So that by succouring the Scots in such proportion as they had desired she played her owne game as well as theirs For by dislodging the French and quitting the whole Countrey of them she kept that back-door shut against all pretenders and by feeding the most Popular of the Scotish Nobility â—…ith gifts and pensions she got her selfe so strong a party in that Kingdome that she became more absolute there than ever any King of Scotland had been before her The Bishops were excluded by antient Canon Lawes of the Councell of Toledo to be assistant in cause of Blood or Death as disagreeable to their Function That the Bishops were disabled by some antiâ—…nt Canons from sentencing any man to death and it may be from being present when any such sentence was pronounced I shall easily grant but that they were disabled from being assistants in such cases from taking the Examinations or hearing the Depositions of witnesses or giving councell in such mâ—…ters as they saw occasion I believe our Author cannot proveâ—…â—…ertaine I am that it is and hath been otherwise in point of practice And that the Bishops sitting as Peers in an English Parliament were never excluded before this time from any such assistances as by their Gravity and Learning and other abilities they were enabled to give in any darke and difficult businesse though of Blood and Death which were brought before him And I remember I saw about that time a little Mâ—…nuscript Tract entituled De jure Paritatis Episcoporum that is to say of the right of the Peerage of the Bishops in which their priviledges were asserted â—…s to that particular But they not willing to contend in a business which seemed so little to concerne them or else not able to strive against the present stream which seemed to carry all before it suffered themselves to be excluded at that time without protesting to the contrary or interposing in defence of their antient rights And this I look on as the first degree of their Humiliation For when it was perceived that a businesse of so great consequence might be done in Pâ—…rliament without their councell and consent it opened a wide gap unto their adversaries first to deprive them of their Votes and after to destroy even the Calling it selfe But this was not the main point which the Commons aimed at they were resolved to have a close Committes to take examinations in the business of the Earl of Strafford and were not willing that any Bâ—…shops should be of it for feare leâ—…t favouring the Earles Cause or Person they might discover any part of those secret practices which were had against him and thereby fortifie and prepare him for his just defence when the Cause should come unto a tryall And now it is coming on apace for our Author telleth us that Munday the 22. of March was the day prefixed of the Earles compearing That is to â—…ay of his appearing aâ—… Westminster-Hall where the Lords were to sit as Judges and the Commons as Prosecutors and Solicitors onely If it be asked how it came to passe that the day was prefixed no sooner considering that he was accused and committed on the 11. day of November which was above four months before I answer first that the Examination of so many Witnesses as were used against him many of which were sent for out of Ireland by especiall warrant took up no small time I answer secondly that in this intervall of time there had been some endeavour used by the Royall party to mitigate the displeasures and take off the edge of his greatest Adversaries and it came so farre towards an agreement that there was a designation of some Offices of the greatest both Trust and Power to be given amongst them it being condescended too if my intelligence or memory faile not that the Earl of Bedford should be made Lord Treasurer and Master Pym Chancellor of the Exchequer the Earl of Essex Governour of the Prince and that Master Hambden should be his Tutor the Lord Say Master of the Wards and Master Hollice principall Secretary in the place of Windebanke the Deputiship of Ireland was disposed of also and some Command appointed to the Earl of Warwick in the Royal Navie And in relation to this purpose the Bishop of London delivered to the King the Treasurers Staffe the Earle of Newcastle relinquished the Governance of the Prince and the Lord Cottington resigned his Offices both in the Exchequer and Court of Wards there being no doubt but that Bishop Duppa would relinquish the Tutourship of the Prince when it should be required of him but before all things were fully setled and agreed on the Kings minde was altered which so exasperated them who were concerned in this desâ—…gnation that they pursued the Earle of Strafford with the greater eagernesse And somewhat to this purpose was hinted in the Kings Declaration of the 12 of August in which he signified what overtures had been made by them and with what importunity for Offices and preferments what great sâ—…rvices should have been done for him and what other undertakings even to have saved the life of the Earle of Strafford By which discovery as he blemished the repute of some principall Members in the eyes of many of the people so he exposed himself to some disadvantages in the eyes of others by giving them to understand at how cheap a rate a rate which would have cost him nothing he might have saved the life of such an able and deserving Minister Secretary Vane upon some occasion delivered to his son Sir Henry Vane the key of a Cabinet to fetch some papers layed therein c. What this occasion was is easie to be seen by the sequell of it especially if compared with those Animosities and displeasures which the Secretary had harboured against the Earl Sir Henry Vane had obtained of the King not long before the Manour of Rabie in the Bishoprick of Durham not without hope of being
but all disguised like the Soldiers of the Duke of Britain in an English habit his book contained so vast a medly as if it had been framed at Babell before the scattered company were united into Tongues and Languages The History of a King of England intended for the use and b◅nefit of the English Nation ought to be given us in such words as either are originally of an English stock or by continuall usage and long tract of time are become naturall and familiar to an English ◅are and not in such new minted termes and those too of a forreign and outlandish Race as are not to be understood without help of Dictionaries It is true indeed that when there is necessity of using either termes of Law or Logicall notions or any other words of Art whatsoever they be an Author is to keep himselfe to such termes and words as are transmitted to us by the Learned in their severall Faculties But to affect new Notions and indeed new Nothings when there is no necessity to incite us to it hath something in it which deserveth ◅ more strict enquirie It is observed of th◅ Romanists by Docter Fulke and other◅ of our Divines that when they could n◅ longer keep their followers from having the Scriptures laid before them in the English tongue they so indeavoured to dim the light thereof by a dark Translation that seeing they might see but not understand and to that end did thrust into it many obscure words both Greek and Latin which neither by long use were known nor by continuall custome made familiar to an English Reader Of which sort you may take these few as a taste of th◅ rest That is to say Acquisi◅ion Advent Adulterate Agnition Archisynagogue A◅imos Comm◅ssations Condign Contristate Depositum Didrachme Dominicall day Donaries Evacnated from Christ Euro Aquilo Epinanited Holocaust Hosts Neophite Paraclete Parasceve Pasch Praefinition Presence Prevaricator Proposition Loaves Repropitiate Resuscitate Sabbatis◅ Super-edified Sancta-Sanctorū Victims words utterly unknown to any English Reader unlesse well grounded and instructed in the Learned Languages and consequently their whole Translation uselesse to most sorts of men I cannot say that the Author of the History which we have in hand was under any such neces◅ity of writing as the R◅mists were or that it did affect obscurity on any such design as the Rhemists did but I may very warrantably and justly say that in the Coining of new words not to be understood by a common Reader he hath not onely out-vied the Rhemists but infi◅tely exceeded all that have gone before him A vein of writing which two the great Masters of the Greek and Roman Eloquence had no knowledge of who used such words in their addresses to the people as were illius temporis auribus accommodata as it is in Tacitus accommodate and fitted to the times they lived in and easily intelligible unto all that heard them Loquendum est cum vulgo was the antient rule And certainly to speak so as to be understood by the meanest hearer to write so as to be comprehended by the vulgar Reader is such a principle of Prudence as well becometh the practice of the greatest Clerks But it is with this our Author as with many others who think they can never speak elegantly nor write significantly except they do◅ it in a language of their owne devising as if they were ashamed o◅ their Mother-tongue or thought it no◅ sufficiently curious to expresse their fancies By meanes whereof more Frenc◅ and Latin words have gained ground up on us since the middle of the Reign o◅ Queen Elizabeth then were admitted by our Ancestors whether we look upon them as the British or Saxon race not onely since the Norman but the Roman Conquest a folly handsomely derided in an old blunt Epigram where the spruce Gallant thus bespeakes his Page or Laquay Diminutive and my defective slave Reach my Corps coverture immediatly 'T is my complacency that rest to have 'T insconse my person from Frigiditie The boy beliv'd all Welch his Master speke Till railed English Rogue go fetch my Cloak I had not given my selfe the trouble of this Observation but to meet the humour of some men who if pretenders to French or Latin tongues pretend to an authority also of creating words and giving us new formes of speaking which neither King nor Keiser hath the power to doe Moneyes and Coines are forthwith currant and universally admitted as soon as they receive the stamp of Supream Authority But it is not in the power of Kings or Parliaments to ordaine new words without the liking and consent of the common people Forrein Commodities not Customed are not safely sold and Forreine words till licensed and approved by custome are not fitly used And therefore it was well said by an able Grammarian to a great Emperor of Rome Homines donare civitate potes verba item non potes that is to say that he might naturalize whole Nations by giving them the priviledges of a Roman Citizen but that it was not in his power to doe so with words and make them Free as one might say of the Latin tongue In this case Custome and Consent and the generall usage are the greatest Princes and he that doth proceed without their authority hath no authority at all to proceed upon It being no othsrwise with new Words then with new Fashions in Apparell which are at first ridiculous or at least unsightly till by continuall wearing they become more ordinary And so it is resolved by Horace in his Book De Arte Poetica Multa renascenter quae nnnc cecidere cadentque Quae nunc sunt in honore vocabula si volet usus Quem penes arbitrium est vis norma loquendi In English thus Many old words shall be resum'd and some Now in great honour shall as vile become If use so please to which alone belongs The power to regulat◅ and di◅ect our tongues But lest our Author should affirm with Cremulius Cordus in the story Adeo factorum innocens sum ut verba m◅a arguantur that we are faine to cav◅l with him for his words for want of greater matter to except against I shall forbear the prosecution of this Argument till the close of all and passe to such materiall points as shall come before me To whom the Prince returned answer that he would impower the Earl of Bristol to give his Master all satisfaction in that particular that is to say for so you must be understood in the words foregoing that he would make a Pr◅xie to the Earl of Bristol to celebrate in his name the Marriage with the Lady Infanta But there was no such Proxie made to the Earle of Bristol that being a power and trust thought worthy of the Catholick King and Don Charles his Brother as appeareth plainly by the publick Instrument made to that effect bearing date August the 8 Anno 1623. which being sealed by the Prince in due
forme of Law it was indeed committed to the custody of the Earle of Bristoll by him to be delivered to the King of Spaine and Don Charles his Brother or to either of them as soon as the Dispensation should be brought from Rome and this was all the Power which the Eâ—…rle of Bristol had which yet he had no power to execute as it after proved The Loyall hearted English could not distinguish between the Spanish match and Charles his ruine That some of the Loyall hearted English were of that opinion I shall easily grant but they had other Opinions also which did Bias with them especially one opinion that the near Alliancâ—… with that Crown would arme the King with power to suppresse that Fâ—…ction which began then to be dreadfull to him and have since been the ruine of Charles and his whole Posterity But other English hearts there are of no lesse Loyalty and of as great affection to the Royal Family and as great Zealots of the true Protestant Religion here by Law established who think otherwise of it and that the ruine of Prince Charles might by this match have been prevented The Spaniard for the most part found a more steady friend then the wavering French What else there was which might confirme them on the Post-fact in this perswasion I shall reserve unto my selfe But you proceed and tell us after Folio 5. That England ever found the Spaniard a worse Friend then an Enemy For this I thinke you have no reason the amity and correspondence between the Nations having continued firme and most invâ—…olate for many Ages and never broke if not of late but by the English or on their occasions First by the Invasion of Spaiâ—…e by the â—…lack Prince in the time of Don Pedro of Castile and the War carried thither not long after by the Duke of Lancaster nâ—…xt on the breach made with Charles the fift by King Henry the Eighth in pursuance of the injury donâ—… unto him in casting off Queen Katharine that great Emperours Aunt and finally by Queen Elizabeth supporting the revolting Netherlands against Philip the second their naturall and most lawfull Prince If on this last and greatest provocation the Spaniard took up armes against us he had all the reason in the world for his justification Who perâ—…iving upon the whole summe that the slie Spaniard practised to make an after-game of the Palatinate King James was not to be told that now I meane upon the Prince's returne from Spaine there being no such thing as the restoring of the Palatinate to the Prince Elector iâ—… all the Articles of the Treaty which werâ—… sworne between them That was reserveâ—… as an after-game but yet intended to bâ—… played by the Spanish Court to the mosâ—… honour and advantage of the Engliâ—… Nation thereby to gaine the better welcome to the Royall Bride when she camâ—… amongst us For thus I finde it in a Letter from the Earle of Bristol dated thâ—… 28. of October not long after the Prince'â—… coming home For the businesse of the Palatinate as 〈◊〉 will appears by the joynt disppatch which Siâ—… Walter Aston and my selfe wrote of thâ—… 23. of November that we were assured not by the Conde of Olivares onely in this Kings name but severally by all the Councellors that a setled resolution was taken in Councill on the 16. of November that this King should procure his Majesties intire satisfaction and hereof the Cardinall Caâ—…ala and divers other Councellors that profâ—…ssed theâ—…selves particularly affected to the King and Prince's service came to give Sir Walter Aston and my selfe the Pâ—…rabein The Conde of Olivares intreated 〈◊〉 both in this Kings name to assure his Majesty thereof upon our honours and upon our lives if need were And thus much was to have been delivered unto us in writing before we would have passed to the Disposories as will plainly appeare by this above mentioned dispatch of the 23. of November Besides the Princesse had now made this businesse her owne and had therein most earnestly moved the King her Brother written unto the Conde of Olivares and had set her heart upon the making of her selfe gracefull and welcom to the King and Kingdome by overcoâ—…ing this businesse These are the words of Bristol's Letter and these give me no small assurance of the integrity and good meaning of the Court of Spaine as â—…o that particular Which being met and the businesse propounded it was entertained with an unanimous consent and a motion made that an Ambassador should be sent over to negotiate the Treaty I somewhat doubt of your intelligence in this relation the Marriage of the Prince containing such a Branch of the Royall prerogative as King James was not likely to communicate with his Houses of Parliament For when he was Petitioned by both Houses not long before that for the avoiding of some dangers which did seem to threaten the whole Kingdome he would Marry the Prince to a Lady of the Protestant Religion he entertained the motion with no small disdaine and checkt them in his answer for intrenching on his just Prerogative And though King Charles acquainted the two Houses of Parliament with his intent of Marrying the Princesse Mary to the Heire of Orange yet we must look upon him at that time as encumbred with the greatest difficulties that ever any Prince lay under one that had wholly lost himselfe on their Love and Courtesie and therefore was to hold fair with thâ—…m in the greatest matters And yet he did not bend thus low nor communicate the affaire unto them till the Articles of the Marriage were in a manner concluded as appeareth plainly by his Majesties Speech in the House of Lords Fol. 213. But when it was required of him as a Duty not an Act of Grace in the fift of the nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yerke that none of his Children should be Married without their consent though he was then in such a necessitous condition as few Princes ever were reduced to yet would he by no meanes sâ—…sfie their demands therein In the style of the Court he went for Great Britains Solomon It cannot be denied but that he was an Universall Scholar as you tell us afterwards the greatest Scholar without doubt for so great a King that these last Ages of the world have presented to us but that he was Great Britains Solomon that is to say either the wisest Man or the wisest King of the British Nations I am not Courtier enough to defend or say It is true indeed that he much pleased himsâ—…lfe with boasting of his Kings craft as he used to call it but as Imbold a French Captain was wont to say that he could never see where that great wit of the Florentines lay which was so much talked of in the world so I have heard many wise men say that they could never finde what that King-craft was It being no hard matter to prove that in all
Ministers of the Archbishop used in the time of his government most of them men of great abilities in learning and though I thinke they were not blamelesse in their lives as who can be that carrieth mortality about him yet I cannot hear of any vitious persons taken into imployment by him much less◅ so scandalously vitious as our Author makes them Or were there such it had been fitter for our Author who desires to be accounted for a Son of the Church to have played the part of Sem and Japhet in finding the nakednesse of their spirituall Fathers then to act the part of Cham and Canaan in making Proclamation of it unto all the world It was a pious saying of the Emperour Constantine reported by Theodoret lib. I. cap. II. that the offences of the Priests were to be hidden and concealed from the common people Ne illis assensi ad delinquendū reddantur audaciores lest else they should transgresse with the greater liberty As for himselfe so tender was he of the credit of his Clergy that he used oftentimes to say that found he any of them which yet God prohibit in the embraces of a Strumpet obtecturum se paludamento sceleratum facinus that with his owne Royal robes he would hide from vulgar eyes both the offence and the offendor A noble piety the piety of Sem and Japhet in the former passage and the Lord blessed him for it and enlarged the Tents of his habitation and Canaan even the whole Countries of the Gentiles became his servants From generalls our Author passeth on unto one particular of whom he telleth us that He was bold to say he hoped to live to see the day when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack Gentleman in England This is a heavy charge indeed the heavier in regard that the fault of this one man if such men there were must lay a brand of Insolencie on all the rest of the Clergy thereby to render them obnoxious to the publick hatred And though our Author hath not told us by name who this one man was yet telling us that he was a high Flyer and that this high Flyer was deplumed he gives us some conjectures at the man he drives at a man I must confesse of an undaunted spirit and strong resolutions but neither so intemperate in his words or unwise in his actions as to speak so contemptuously of the English Gentry For first we are not sure that such words were spoken our Author offering no proof for it but onely his own word or some vulgar heare say too weake a ground for such a heavy accusation to be built upon But secondly admitting that such words were spoken I hope our Author hath heard long since of an antient by word that every Jack would be a Gentleman and therefore cannot choose but know that there is a difference between a Gentleman of Armes and Blood a true English Gentleman and such JackGentl◅men as having got a little more wealth together than their next poor neighbours take to themselves the name of Gentlemen but are none indeed And such Jack-Gentlemen as these as they are commonly most like either for want of wit or of manners or of both together to vilifie their Minister and despise the Clergie so if the poor party said whatsoever he was that he hoped to live to see the time when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack-Gentleman of them all I hope the antient and true-English Gentry will not blame him for it Our Author having thus arraigned the whole body of the English Clergie that is to say Archbishops Bishops and those of the inferiour Orders is now at leisure to proceed to some other businesse and having brought his Reader thorow the Disputes and Arguments about the Ship-money he carrieth him on to the Combustions raised in Scotland occasioned as he telleth us by sending thither a Booke of Common Prayer for the use of that Church Very little differing as the King was unhappily perswaded by them from the English The King needed no perswasion in this point the difference between the two Liturgies whether great or little being known unto him before He caused this to be published T is true his first desire was that the English Liturgie should be admitted in Scotland without any alteration and to that end He gave order to the Dean of His Chappel in that Kingdome about the middle of October Anno 1633. that it should be read twice every day in the Chappel of His Palace in Holy-rood House that there should be Communions administred according to the form thereof once in every Moneth the Communicants receiving it upon their knees that the Lords of the Privie Councell the Officers of Justice and other persons of Publick trust about the Court should diligently attend the same on the Lords dayes and that he who officiated on those dayes if he were a Bishop should weare his Rochet but if an ordinary Minister onely he should weare the Surplice and thus he did unto this end that the people being made acquainted by little and little with the English Liturgie might be the more willing to receive it in all parts of that Kingdome whensoever it should be tendred to them But the Scotish Bishops being jealous that this might be an Argument of their dependance on the Church of England and finding that the Psalmes the Epistles and Gospels and other sentences of Scripture in the English Booke being of a different Transl◅tion from that which King James had authoriz◅d to be read in the Churches of both Kingdomes had given offence unto that people desired a Liturgie of their own and that they might have leave to make such alterations in the English Book as might entitle it peculiarly to the Church of Scotland which Alterarions being made and shewed to the King he approved well of them in regard that coming nearer to the first Liturgie of K. Edward the sixt in the Administration of the Lords Supper and consequently being more agreeable to the antient Forms it might be a means to gain the Papists to the Church who liked farre better of the first than the second Liturgie July 23. being Sunday the Deane of Edinborough began to read the Booke in S. Gyles Church the chief of that City c. Our Author here doth very well describe the two Tumul◅s at Edinborough upon the reading of the Book but he omits the great oversights committed by the King and the Lords of that Councel in the conduct and carriage of the businesse For had the Book been read in all the Churches of Scotland upon Easter day as w◅s first intended it had in probability prevented these tumultuous Riots which the respite of it for so long gave those which had the hatching of this Sedition both time enough to advise and opportunity enough to effect at last or had the King caused the chief Ring-leaders of this Tumult to be put to death
according to the Lawes of that Kingdome assoon as justice could have layed hold on them He had undoubtedly prevented all further dangers The drawing of some blood in the Body politick by the punishment of Mâ—…lefactors being like letting blood in the Body-naturall which in some strong distempers doth preserve the whole Oâ—… finally if the Tumult had been grown so high and so strongly backed that justice could not safely be done upon them had the King then but sent a Squadron of the Royall Navy which He had at Sea to block up their Haven He had soon brought the Edinbourghers unto His Devotion and consequently kept all the rest of that Kingdome in a safe obedience But the Edinbourghers knew well enough whom they had to deal with what friends they had about the King and what a party they had got in the Lords of His Councell which governed the affairs of that Kingdome and they knew very well none better by the unpunishing of the Londoners for the Tumult in the death of Lamb that the King had rather patience enough to bear such indignities than resolution to revenge them So that the King at last was come to that misery which a good Author speaks of Cum vel excidenda sit natura vel minuenda dignitas That he must either outgoe His nature or forgoe His authority The King nothing pleased with these affronts yet studious to compose these surges of discontent sent the Marquesse of Hamilton down in the quality of an high Commissioner c. We are now come to the rest of the oversights committed in the conduct of this weighty businesse whereof the first was that having neglected to suppresse the Sedition at the very first appearance of it to strangle that monster in the cradle he had let a whole year passâ—… without doing any thing but sending one Proclamation after another which being publickly encountred with contrary Protestations did but increase their insolencies his own disgraces the party in the mean time being so well formed that Poâ—…-guns and such Paper-pellets were able to doe no good upon them The second was that when it had been fitter for the preservation of his authority to send a Lord Generall in the head of an Army for the reducing of that Kingdome by force of Armes He rather chose to send an high Commissioner to them to sweeten the distempers and compose the differences which could not be but by yeilding more on his side then he was like by any faire imparlance to obtain from that Thirdly that when he was resoâ—…ved on an high Commâ—…ssioner he must pitch on Hamilton for the man whom he had such reason to distrust as before was hinted but that the old Maxime of the Lenoxian Family of being deceived rather than distrustfull was so prevalent with him And this he did against the opinion and advice of many of the Lords of that Kingdome that is to say the Earle of Sterling principall Secretary of State the Bishops of Rosse and Breken privie Counsellors both Sir Robert Spoteswood Lord President of the Colledge of Justice and Sir John Hay Clerke-Register or Master of the Rolls as we call him here These having secret intimation that Hamilton was designed for this great Employment came in Post to London indeavouring to perswade the King to change his purpose and commending Huntley for that service who being a man of greatest power in the North of Scotland and utterly averse from the Covenanters and the rest of that Faction was thought by them the fittest man for that undertaking But the King fatally carried on to his own destruction would not hearken to it and hereunto the Duke of Lenox did contribute some weak assistance who being wrought on by the Scots of Hamiltons Faction chose rather that the old Enemy of his House should be trusted with the managing of that great affaire than that a Countrey Lord as the Courtiers of that Nation called him should carry the honour from them both June the sixâ—… his Commission was read and accepted him And well it might it was the fish for which he had so long been angling For having lost the Scotish Army raised for the aide of the King of Sweden without doing any thing and no occasion being offered to advance another he fell upon more secret and subtile practises to effect his ends First drawing all the Scots which were about the Court of England to be his Dependants and rest at his devotion wholly and next by getting himselfe a strong partie in that Kingdome whose affections he had means enough to restraine and alienate from the King and then to binde them to himself insomuch as it was thought by the wisest men of both Nations that the first Tumult at Edinborough was set on by some of his Instruments and that the Combustions which ensued were secretly fomented by them also And this was made the more probable by his carriage in that great trust of the high Commissioner thus procured for him drawing the King from one condescention to another in behalf of the Covenanters till he had little more to give but the Crown it self For fiâ—…st he drew him to suspend and after to suppresse the Book of Common Prayers and therewithall the Canons made not long before for the use of that Church next the five Articles of Perth procured with so much difficulty by King James and confirmed in Parliament must be also abrogated and then the Covenant it self with some little alterations in it must be authorized and generally imposed upon all that Kingdome And finally the calling of an Assembly must be yeilded to in which he was right well assured that none but Covenanters should have voices that not Lord Bishops only should be censured and excommunicated but the Episcopacie it self abolished and all the Regular and Loyall Clergie brought to utter ruine By all which Acts I cannot say of grace but of condescension the Marquesse got as much in grosse as His Majesty lost in the retaile making himself so strong a partie in that Kingdome that the King stood but for a Cipher in the calculation All being done from that time forwards especially when the first shewes of a Warre were over as Hamilton either did contrive or direct the businesse For the Covenanters having got all this thought not this enough unlesse they put themselves in Armes to make good their purchases and having therein got the first start of the King the King could doe no lesse than provide for himself and to Arm Accordingly In order whereunto our Author telleth us that Because it was the Bishops warre he thought it requisite they should contribute largely toward the preservation of their own Hierarchy I am sorry to see this passage have our Authors penne whom I should willingly have accompted for a true Son of the Church of England were it not for this some other passages of this nature which savour more of the Covenanter then the English
l. 21. for and r. but p. 33. l. 21. for House r. Houses p. 41. l. 18. for his r. this p. 44. l. 30. for unreasonable r. reasonable p. 45. l. 21. r. resolutions p. 58. for faciente r. â—…vente p. 64. l. 15. for paper r. prayers p. 76. l. 22. for pressed r. suppressed p. 78. l. 28. for Westminâ—… r. Winchester p. 95. l. 6. to no body but themselves adâ—… in case they should be discontinued for the times to come p. 105 l. 14. for menâ—… r. mutare p. 106. l. 23. for that r. not p. 140 l. 11. foâ—… finding r. hiding ibid. l. 19. for 〈◊〉 r. offense p. 149. l. 10. for restrain r. â—…range p. 152. l. 11. for then r. therein p. 153. l. 26. for last r. cast p. 154. l. 2. for 1631. r. 16â—…0 p. 160. l. 15. for Gadus r. Gades p. 184. l. 26. for yet could this r. yet could not this p. 186. l. 30. for insalvation r. inâ—…tuation p. 190. l. 25. for asserting r. offering p. 204. l. 27. for Enoch r. 〈◊〉 p. 208. l. 22. for judicious r. judiciary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 more p. 234. l. 8. for cars r. â—…ouse p. 238. l. 9. for committeâ—… r. admitted ibid. l. 16. for neither r. either p. 143. l. 6. r 〈◊〉 p. 247. l. 13. del And finally not to say any thing of the Militia with the Forts and Navy wherein they had not His consent and adde the same to the end of the 12 line in the page next following p. 248. l. 10. for intrenching r. retrench A Table of the principal Observations A DR Abbot Archbishop of Canterbury his Irregularity through killing a Keeper casually 55 His Remissnesse in not exacting Conformity to the Churches Orders occasioned the term of Innâ—…vations 〈◊〉 Arminians what they are 15 Whether Enemies of Gods Grace 18 What caused K. James to be an adversary to them 23 Montacu's Book called Appello Caesarem licensed by King James his command 33 Call'd in again by King Charles 69 Arminianism call'd a Bridge to Popery 80 B BIshops War falsly so called 151 Bishops Presbyters terms not of equivalent import 183 Their Office calling defended to be by divine Rght even Laymen 185 Mr. Grimstons Argument against it retorâ—…ed by Mr. Selden 188 Whether they may be assistant in causes of Blood and Death for which cause they were excluded the House of 〈◊〉 at my Lord of Straffords triall 224 Earle of Bristol V. Digby Duke of Buckingham V. Viliers Dr. Burgesse his answeâ—…ing the Act at Oxford 182 C CAlvinianism how it differs from S. Augustine's Doctrine 110 King Charles crown'd in White an Emblem of Innocence his Predecessors in Purple an Emblem of Majesty 29 How he vail'd his Câ—…owne to his subjects 30 48 His Maxime 'T is better to be deceived than to distrust 105 His Entertainment at Bolsover Castle cost 6000â—… 106 His neglecting those arts for keeping up of Majesty which Qu â—…lizah practised 109 The true cause of the miscarriage of his Expedition against the Scots 157 His error in recalling his Forces thence 160 How the Hollanders affronted him and made him vaile his Crown 166 Clergy-mens Vices to be concealed rather than published 140 A Minister as good as any Jack-Gentlemen in England well interpreted 141 The Clergy in Convocation have a power to grant Subsidies not confirmed by the Commons in Parliament 196 Coronation Rites thereof no vain Ceremonies 37 D SIr Edw Decring his character 177 Digby E. of Bristoll not impowred by proxie to celebrate the Marriage with the Infanta 8 His impeachment by the D. of Buckingham 43 50 F FAme no ground for an Historian 41 G GLoria Patri standing up at it retained in our Reformed Church ex vi Catholicae consuctudinis 87 H MR. Hamilton's end in raising Forces for Germany 101 His being sent Commissioner into Scotland 142 His subtill practises against the King 149 The Scots speech of him That the Son of so good a Mother would do them no hurt 156 He the cause of dissolving the short Parliament 175 Hate Naturale est odisse quem laeseris 170 I K. James Whether the wisest King of the British Nation 13 His seeing a Lion the King of beasts baited presag'd his being baited by his subjects 28 Dr. Juxon Bishop of Lond. why made Lord Treasurer 130 His moderation and humility in that officce being neither ambitious before nor proud after 132 K KNighthood the Statute for taking that order 98 L DR Lamb his death the city not fin'd for it 66 Lambeth Articles when made part of the confession of the Church of Ireland 40 When and why the articles of Ireland were repeal'd c. or 39 Articles substituted in their places 127 The occasion of making them the Lambeth articles 72 Of no Authority in the Ch of England 75 What mov'd K. James to send them to Dort 23 And put them into the Irish Confession 77 Dr. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury Whether a favourer of the Popish faction 171 Ceremonies renued by him tended rather to the ru ine than advancement of the Catholike cause 173 He no cause of dissolving the short Parl. 174 His being voted guilty of High Treason and committed to the Bl. Rod 215 Lyturgie-English endeavoured by K. Charles to be brought into Scotland 143 His Error in not suppressing and punishing the Tumults at Edenburgh when the Scottish service was first read 145 Bish. of Lincoln v. Williams Londoners Petition for redressing of Grievances 200 M MAsques That of the four Inns of Court how occasioned 118 E. of Montrose the cause of his adhering to the Covenanters 206 N MR. Noy Attorny general his great parts 121 Integrity 124 Parliaments not co-ordinate to Kings but subordinate 28 The Members thereof have been imprisoned 43 Whether Lords created sedente Parliamento may be admitted to Vote 48 House of Commons called by Writ only to consent submit not to judg 58 Whether the H. of Commons could 〈◊〉 the H. of Peers consisting of 118 thrice over 59 Bishops Members of the H. of Peeres 60 Their Exclusion thence had this consequent the abrogating of the Kings Negative Voyce 60 The King no Member of the H. of Peeres but supreme Head of all 61 Disorderly and tumultuous carriage of Parliaments cause of their change and discontinuance 94 Members presented not to be questioned without the House's Order 95 Scotcâ—… Parliament how called anciently 162 The Kings calling a Parliament after the Expedition against the Scots unsafe unseasonable 167 That Parliament which was the ruine of Woolsey and overthrow of Abbeys began the third of Novem. the same day of the month began our long Parliament which ruin'd the Archb of Canterbury the whole Church 207 No reason for holding the Parliam at Westm. it had been better at York 209 Who perswaded the King to assent to the Act for a perpetual Parliament 243 S. Pauls Church the repairing thereof 103 Peoples Darlings of short continuance 35 Popery Montacu and â—…osins not
questioned for preaching Popery 81 Placing the Communion Table Altar-wise had both law and practise for it and therefore was no Popery 82 133 Taking away part-boyled Poperies or English popish Ceremonies an impairing the substance of Religion 90 The reason of so great an increase of Papists in England was the neglect of Holy-dayes and Common-prayer 92 Prince his Marriage a branch of the royall Prerogative 12 Puritans rejoyced not at the Prince his birth 97 Protestation taken by the Parliament and injoyn'd the Kingdome 239 Puritan party how they were to be sweetned with the great Offices of the kingdome 226 Religion House of Commons set up a CoÌ„â—…ittee as a Consistory of Lay-elders to take cognizance of Causes ecclesiastical 31 They sate in the Divinityschooles at Oxford Parliament 34 Isle of Rhee errors in that Enterprise 52 S SAbbath Sports allowed on that day the motives thereto and restrictions therein 112 Divinity of the Lords day Sabbath a new Doctrine 114 The Pâ—…iesthoods O der and Revenue under the Gospel not grounded thereon 116 Scots A certaine maintenance setled on the Scots Clergy 107 Scotch Service-book Tumults at reading thereof 145 The true occasion of raising up the seditious Scots 112 Card. Richelieu animated the Scots to rebellion 162 Scots lost by favours and gain'd by punishments 169 They promis'd payment for their quarters at their first coming but afterwards plunder'd all 204 Their cowardly carriag 205 Why freely help'd by the English to drive out the French 223 Sea The Kings dominion in the narrow seas asserted by Selden against Grotius 128 The King regain'd his dominion at sea and secured our coast from piracies through the benefit of ship-mony 120 Ship-mony How and why Kings have levied it as a Navall aid 121 How the Writs issued our 123 The whole charge thereof amounted to 236000 l. which was buâ—… 20000 li. per mensem 123 Clergy not exempted therefrom 124 Socinianisme charg'd upon the Members of the Convocation who made a Canon against it 195 Spaniards old friends to the English 9 They intended really to restore the Palatinate to the Prince Elector 11 Earle of Strafford v. Wentworth Synod or Convocation rightly continued by the same Writ that call'd them 179 Their danger in sitting after the Parliament was up 181 The Oath c. how occasioned 189 Taken for upholding the Church-government then established 191 And that willingly 193 The Clergy's power therein to make Canons binding without a parliament 220 T COmmunion-table v. Popery Bowing towards it a primitive custom no Popery revived by B. Andrews 85 Its setting up within the Railes Altar-wise to prevent profanation enjoyned by the Kings authority 133 Bishop of Lincoln's Book against it 136 V SIr George Villers Duke of Buâ—…kingham made the Ball of fortune 36 His Impeachment by the Birle of Bristol 43,50 By whom render'd odious to the people 63 Feltons motive to murder him 64 His eâ—…tate at his death not comparable to Cardinall Richelieu's 67 W SIr Th VVentw 〈◊〉 of Straff not wise in coming to the Parliament 211 His Triall why defer'd so long 226 Why â—…ecretary Vane was incensed againâ—…t him 228 For want of legall Evidence a Bill of Attainder brought in against him by Legislative power 230 The Kings censure of him in the H. of Lords 233 The names of those Commons that were for his acquitting 236 The Bishop of Armagh and Lincoln with two Bishops more sent to resolve the Kings Conscience 241 The Kings Letter to the Lords in his behalf 246 Sent out of the world per viam expedientiae His Epitaph 240 Dr. VVilliams B. of Lincolne an instrument to set the Parliament against the Duke of Buckingham 36 When and by whose means the great Seale was taken from him 39 Whether he was Eunuchuâ—… ab utero or no 41 Bishop Andrew's opinion of him 56 His Book call'd Holy Table c. wrote against his Science and Conscience 136 He was Head first of the Popish then of the Puritan party 138 He was set free from the Tower much about the time of the Archbishops impeachment 217 VVords New coyning of them an Affectation 4 Y YOrk The Kings second Son not born but created Duke thereof 117 FINIS Fol. 1. Fol. â—… â—…ol 3. â—…bid Fol. 4. Ibid. Fol. 5. Fol. 6. Ibid. Fol. 7. Fol. 9. Fol. 11. Ibid. Fâ—…l 12. Ibid. Fol. 15. Fol. 17. Fol. 20. Ibid. Fol. 21. Fol. 29. Fol. 45. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 64. Fol. 69. Fol. 71. Fol. 73. Fol. 75. Ibid. Fol. 78. Fol. 88. Fol. 89 Fol. 91. Fol. 94. Ibid. Fol. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 101. Fol. 102. Fol. 108. Fol. 110. Fol. 112. Ibid. Fol. 124. Fol. 125. Fol. 126. Fol. 126 Fol. 127. Ibid. Fol. 128. Fol. 129. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 130. Fol. 131. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 132. Ibid. Fol. 136. Fol. 137. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 138. Ibid. Fol. 147. Ibid. Fol. 150. Ibid. Fol. 158. Fol. 159. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 161. Fol. 163. Fol. 165 Fol. 167. Fol. 168. Ibid. Fol. 182. Ibid. Fol. 184. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 1â—… Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 189. Fol. 194. Fol. 195 Fol. 196. Ibid. Fol. 199. Fol. 202. Fol. 200. Fol. 205. Ibid. Fol. 210. Fol. 219. Ibid. Fol 246. Fol. 152. â—…ol 253. Fol. 256. Ibid. Fol. 257. Fol. 158. Fol. 160. Fol. 165.