evil May-day when we read of the King 's pardoning the many hundreds Indicted for that day's Riot and Insurrection at the three Queens intercession upon Cardinal Woolsey's Advice and perchance in Complaisance to the City Not to mention that eminent Instance of the King's Charity Love and Affection to the City when in so great a scarcity of Bread therein that many died for meer want he freely and frankly sent thither out of his own Provisions 600 Quarters of Corn which serv'd for a very seasonable Supply till more could be brought from other Parts But as to the former I dare aver it from the consequence of the Contest between the City and the Cardinal in the 17th year of this King out of Stow and thence prove beyond denial how like her self the City always continued in opposing the Arbitrary Power and Exorbitances of over grown Favourites Commissions were sent forth by Order of the Council into every Shire to Levy the Sixth Part of every Man's Substance towards the King's passage into France but this was so vehemently oppos'd by the People as contrary to ancient Laws and Customs and not granted by the Paliament that the King thought good to deny that he ever knew of that Demand and by soothing Letters sent to London and elsewhere he requested only his Subjects Benevolence This was a Term more plausible than a set Demand and a fix'd Contribution and the Cardinal forsooth would needs undertake personally to induce the City's consent thereto and therefore sent for the Mayor the Almen and the most substantial Common-Councel-Men to Westminster thinking by fair Speeches good Words and large Promises to have overperswaded them To him indeed they lent their Ears but we don't find them over hasty to part with their Purses However they sent Deputies to him Four Aldermen and Twelve Commoners to return him their thanks and every Alderman assembles his Ward and makes a Motion for a Benevolence which was openly deny'd them by the Commonalty Then the Cardinal sends again for the Mayor and his Brethren who informs him what they had done Whereupon he would have examined them apart and demands a benevolence of them in the King's Name But for Answer was told by a City Councellor that the Motion was against an Act of Parliament which could not be disprov'd though it was in part gain-said Thereupon the Mayor resolutely denies to grant any thing so that upon his coming home to London all publick endeavours were laid by and it was declar'd that every man should come to the Cardinal and grant privily what he would This was so little grateful to the Citizens and upon the Mayor's endeavours to qualifie them by promising they should be gently treated and exhorting them to go when sent for they were so highly offended thereat that in their fury they would have had several expell'd the Common-Councel and so without further answer angrily departed home Whereby we may be well assur'd of the truth of Hall's Observation that though the Mayor and Aldermen had granted the Demand the Common-Councel would never have assented For we must know this was done at the Common-Councel call'd the next day after my Lord Mayor came from Court The Result therefore of all was in the Issue that the King openly protests in a great Council call'd at York-place now White-hall that his mind was never to ask any thing of his Commons that might sound to the breach of the Laws and so this Project was rejected and laid aside by order of the Kings Letter sent into all Counties For seeing that the City refused how was it possible to perswade the Country who look upon London as their principal Guide and Directress and so generally square their Actions by the Citizens Rule Doth not then this seem a clear Example of the Londoners constant fixedness to their old Principles of Liberty And if the Reader likewise please it may pass for an Instance of the Citizens disclaiming their Mayor's Resolves and the prevalency of the Commonalty over the Magistracy when resolute in their just opposition As an Overplus I shall cast in a Passage out of Baker's Chronicles where we find it upon Record under the Title of King Henry's Taxations how that when in the Fourteenth Year a Tenth Part of all Mens Substance was required by the Cardinal towards the Charges of the King's Wars and he would havâ— had every Man sworn to tell what he was worth The Londoners thinking this very hard they were thereupon excus'd for taking the Oath and allowed to bring in their Bills upon their Honesties from whence may be argued either the Strength Greatness and Power of this honourable City whom the Court nor the Cardinal durst not displease or the great respect then shewn her in regard of those many glorious Rays of Influence she sheds all over all the Land when the Word of a Citizen went as far and was as well accepted as another Man's Oath If such then was the Honour and Respect of the City heretofore what may we think it to be now that London hath since receiv'd so considerable an Addition and Augmentation in several respects by the happy concurrence of many more Circumstances to render it eternally famous Was this City able to hold a Contest with so grand a Favourite and potent a Courtier as Cardinal Woolsey and at last to come off with flying Colours to the vindicating her own Rights and the Liberties of all the Nation besides and the forcing King Henry in the strength of his Age as stout as he was to so great a Compliance as hath been hinted before 'T is plain then she was strong and her Citizens not destitute of Spirit Did the King as cruel as he was to others of his Subjects shew himself favourable to London 'T is evident he had great cause and reason so to do unless he was desirous to be tax'd with ungratitude so un-Prince-like a Crime For we may observe the Citizens were ready enough to please him in any thing wherein their All was not concerned and in that I never yet found them ever prone to humour the Follies of any King living Witness their readiness on all Occasions for the Honour of the King to appear in the most splendid Equipage on publick Solemnities Among which the most remarkable in my Opinion were the Coronation of Queen Ann Mother of the never to be forgotten Queen Elizabeth of blessed Memory with the Preparatives thereto the Celebrity of her Attendance by Water from Greenwich to the Tower and her honourable Conveyance from thence through the City amidst the great variety of pleasing Shews and delightful Objects to Westminster particulariz'd in Stow and the glorious appearance of the Citizens at the great Muster in St. Iames's-Park May the 8th Anno 31. to the Number of Fifteen Thousand in bright shining Armour with Coats of white Silk or Cloth and Chains of Gold where the Citizens strove in such sort to exceed each other in bravery of
dearly belov'd Liberties when they might with greater ease and as effectually gently walk them down as a certain Person is said to have express'd it on a much later Occasion The City petition'd and address'd and she was follow'd by the Country She waited a while with patience and the secluded Members that were chosen in forty and from forty eight kept out of the house till fifty nine for almost twelve years space were restor'd in peace and quietness though under some few Obligations And so there was again the face of a House of Commons Being restor'd they dissolv'd themselves in a short time after to make way for another assâ—mbly call'd a Parliament though some thought in thâ—se times that the Parliament of Forty had been dissolv'd long before by his late Majesties death and so might haply think this a needless Ceremony It being most certain that that Parliament ow'd its beginning to the Kings Writ although its continuance was thought to depend on the continuing Act as long as the King liv'd Yet notwithstanding the House of Commons had actually dissolv'd themselves and it was become the receiv'd opinion that the Parliament of Forty was in Law dissolv'd before upon the old Kings death the next Assembly Stylo Communi Parliament would not barely stick to either of these ways but thought good likewise themselves by vertue of their Authority to declare that Parliament of Forty dissolv'd Whether or no they thought that the bare Act of a single house of Commons without King and Lords could not in Law be took for a formal Repeal of the former continuing Act made by King Lords and Commons joyntly and so rejected it as really insignificant in its self though made use of for the time and out of a Cautious foresight dreaded some ill consequences attending the receiv'd opinion of the long Parliaments being dissolv'd by the Kings death whether or no the continuing Act were formally repeal'd by as good Authority as made it lest thence in time no body knows when occasion might be taken to argue that if a Kings death repeals one unlimited Act it may likewise on the same ground vacate all by him made and so by affirming the same of all other Princes since the first William a foundation might be laid for the Introduction of Arbitrary Power when evil minded Pretenders are absolute enough to attempt it with hopes of Impunity I pretend not to determine For I remember my self to be a Relater of matters of Fact not a Reader of Law Cases Therefore I proceed to acquaint the Reader that that Assembly though call'd without the Kings Writ yet by his Majesty afterwards most Graciously own'd and acknowledg'd for a Parliament thought it fitting and convenient to declare and enact that the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the third day of November in the sixteenth year of the Reign of the Late King Charles of blessed Memory is fully dissolved and determined They are the words of the Act to be seen in the Statute-book Cap. 1. 12 Car. 2. This was the Assembly that blessed us with his Majesties actual Restauration towards which there had been made so many steps a little before by the Loyal Nobility Gentry and Commonalty of the Land and the Worthy Citizens of this Honourable City Whose publick Reception and Triumphant Cavalcade through the City of London to White hill was very remarkable for the splendid appearance of the Citizens to conduct him the Gallantry shewn by them on so acceptable a Solemnity and the many demonstrations of joy and gladness they gave him worthy themselves and that glorious day which they had so long expected and contributed so much of their assistance to hasten For which I have a passage or two more to produce besides what hath been already brought For the first out of the supplement to Baker I quote his Majesties most Gracious Letter To his Trusty and well belov'd the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of the City of London wherein he Honourably acknowledges the publick and frequent Manifestations of their affections to him and the Encouragement and good Example â—hey gave the Nation to assert the Ancient Government and thereupon concludes with large Promises of Extraordinary kindness to this his Native City to the Renewal of their Charter Confirmation of all priviledges granted by his Predecessors and the adding of new favours to advance the Trade Wealth and Honour thereof The next is a Commemoration of the Cities Joyful Resentment of this Letter and the Kings Declaration enclos'd in it as it was was express'd by the Grateful Duty of the Common-Council who immediately upon the reading of them ordered a Present of Ten thousand Pounds to be made to His Majesty and a thousand pounds to each of his Brothers And likewise deputed several of the Aldermen and worthy Citizens to attend upon His Majesty from the City with a Presentment of their most Dutiful acknowledgments for his Clemency and Goodness towards them So desirous were they to give him the greatest demonstrations of their affection and Loyalty before his Return and Judiciously Wise as well as Loyal to set all parts of the Nation a good Example to imitate in a ready manifestation of their Duty and Allegiance to him after his Return Neither in this would they be behind hand with any of them all For the City of London as being the first the richest and most Honourable and the Seat of Kings for many ages might Judge it self oblig'd as the Supplementer insinuates in point of duty and Reputation to exceed all the rest in the Glory of their performances towards their Soveraign But whatever the Citizens did think of the Obligation on either side certain enough it is that the reiterated expressions of their Loyalty to the King were Honourable and Meritorious to the highest degree For to the splendor of their former Preparations at his first Reception and Triumphal Entrance they added the cost of a most magnificent Entertainment at Guild-hal for that very purpose richly beautified and adorned whither the King his two Brothers the Lords of the Privy Council the two Houses of Parliament and the chief Officers of State were conducted July the fifth 1660. in great Pomp by the Lord Mayor and the Grandees of the City and treated in a Royal manner with the choicest of Delicacies with excellent Musick and whatever else could be thought on or delightful for so Illustrious an Assembly As if the Citizens thought it not enough to entertain the King but for his sake were resolv'd to put themselves to the charge of gratifying others for their Loyalty Where 's now the Man can bring me a parallel hereto General Monk appear'd and London concur'd and then the House of Commons of the Parliament of forty is immediately reviv'd a face of the Ancient Government restor'd a new Parliamentary Assembly call'd the King sent for home to enjoy his Fathers Throne and most peaceably settled therein without the noise of War or
of Eâ—â—lish men Do you think they will alter their mâ—ners by shifting their Habitations That 〈◊〉 Blackamore will ever change his Skin by comâ— into a colder Climate Let us look a little upon the first Discoveries 〈◊〉 their late grand Plot so often inculcated upon 〈◊〉 Nation by His Majesties many Royal Proclamatiâ—â— and Speeches that no Loyal Spirits can any 〈◊〉 doubt of the Truth of it who give any deference deferencâ— the Word of a King and we shall find there 〈◊〉 â—ain Design after our King's Murder to have rooted â—ut the Gentry of the Nation whose Lives should it â—â—ems have been offered up as so many Sacrifices to â—ppease the injur'd Ghost of their Murder'd Prince â—ome of your Women perhaps they might have conâ—escended to have sav'd for their Lusts your little â—hildren for Slaves the Poor and bâ—ser sort for their â—ervants but the Men of Substance must in likelihood â—ave gone all to pot as Obstacles to their cruel inâ—â—nded Design And yet still 't is but a perhaps we 〈◊〉 not sure they would have spared any Nay raâ—â—er we are morally certain that all of any tolerable 〈◊〉 must have Died if the Deposition of Mr. Bedlow 〈◊〉 often credited remains yet of any value amongst 〈◊〉 from whose Attestation publickly sworn upon â—ath in Ireland's Tryal we find the extent of the â—esign besides the subversion of the Government to â—â—ve been the extirpating of the Protestant Religion 〈◊〉 that Degree which was alwaies concluded on in 〈◊〉 the Consults wherein he was that they would not â—â—ve any Member of any Heretick in England that â—ould survive to tell in the Kingdom hereafter that â—ere was ever any such Religion in England as the â—â—otestant Religion If discovered and so frustrated â—â—ntrivances may not sufficiently warn you to beâ—â—re of the Jesuits Intentions to youward Consider â—atters of Fact and see what hath already been 〈◊〉 in other places and so come from thinking what 〈◊〉 been done to what may be done and what 〈◊〉 should be done if some might have their 〈◊〉 minds and desires Cast a look or two upon â—â—â—emia that once flourishing Land under Wickliff's â—â—ctrine Famous for the Martyrdom of John Huss 〈◊〉 Jerom of Prague the Courage of blind Zisca 〈◊〉 his valiant Souldiers and noted also for their â—â—â—erty of Chusing their Princes See now how much of the Bohemians Antient Liberty or Religiâ—â— is yet remaining amongst them Enough of the pâ—â—ctices and devices the Jesuits used to new 〈◊〉 the Nation after they had once reduc'd it by 〈◊〉 of Arms you may find in the History of the 〈◊〉 Persecution London Printed by B. A. John Walker But to return to King John whence I have 〈◊〉 gressed after his Resignation and Reassumption of 〈◊〉 Crown at the yearly Rent of 900 or 1000 〈◊〉 Silver the Return of the Archbishop and the 〈◊〉 Exiles into the Land we read of the releasing 〈◊〉 annulling of the Interdiction which had lasted years odd months and days but it was not beâ— that the King according to one of the Articles made restitution to the sufferers which the 〈◊〉 saith amounted in the whole to 18000â— Marks would have thought after so much trouble the 〈◊〉 would have been weary of endeavouring after Aâ—â—â—trary Power But the Event may make us apt to 〈◊〉 that among other inducements to yield to the 〈◊〉 hard terms of Accommodation one mighâ— some hope to domineer the better over the 〈◊〉 he was reconciled to the Clergy and so take a 〈◊〉 revenge upon such as would not ere while assist against the Pope For not long after the late 〈◊〉 we find mention made of so great 〈◊〉 between the King and his Lords that much 〈◊〉 were raised on either part One occasion alledgâ—â— that the King would not hold Edward's Laws yet he had taken an Oath at the Return of Exil'd Clergy-men into England to call in all 〈◊〉 Laws and put in place of them the Law King Edward if Stow's Annals record the 〈◊〉 Another that the King would have Exil'd wiâ—â—â—aw the Earl of Chester for some Advice he given him relating to his Vices which the other did not well digest The King's Party being then the stronger the Lords took the City of London for their Refuge and remained therein Though we read of much harm done this year in London by Fire and of the burning a great part of the Burrough of Southwark yet it seems the City was strong enough to become the Barons Bulwark against the inrag'd King's Ire And siding with them so inhanced the Barons fame that as Stow tells us all except a few went to the Barons side so that King John durst not peep out of Windsor Castle At length by the Prelates Mediation a Peace was made for a while and to establish it the firmer the King and the Lords soon after met with great strength on either side on Berham Down where a Charter was devis'd made and sealed by the King to the Barons content A.C. 1214. according to Falian's account Henry Fitz. Alwyn continued then Mayor of London Ralph Egland and Constantine le Josne being Sheriffs in this 14th year of K. John's Reign Yet in Stow we read of a Meeting appointed in a Meadow between Stains c Windsor where the King granted the Liberties without any difficulty the Charter whereof is dated June 16. An. Reg. 17. As for the loud and clamorous Declamations of such who tell us that the grand Charter of our Lives Liberties and Estates our Properties and Priviledges was gain'd at first by Rebellion and would thus slily as it were insinuate that it was and is retained by like unlawful waies and means We would desire them to give us better proofs for what they say than their own bare Asseverations which will not yet go for currant Coin in all Markets That Edward the Confessor's Laws were very acceptable to the generality of the Nation we have great reason to believe from their continued desire to retain them That William the first granted the use of them to the Nation is sufficiently instanced above That Henry the first used them 〈◊〉 likewise mentioned before for so affirms the Chronicle That King John himself accorded to them at hiâ— coming to the Crown we may I doubt not reasosonably believe considering his Title and the Conteâ—â— he was like to have about it If a Negative may be admitted an Argument in the case I do not remember that I have read of any difference between hiâ— and his Lay-Barons about them till after that he was reconciled to the Pope by the resignation of hiâ— Crown and performance of the other conditions enjoyned him But after the King 's giving away hiâ— Crown and resuming it again upon a Foundatioâ— wholly and altogether new I know not but he mighâ— think all former obligations void and so would endeavour to have his Will of the Laity when he hop'd he had fixt the Clergy fast enough on his side by thâ— new condescension
matter meant cried without discretion Yeâ— Yea Yea nothing regarding the Liberty of the City After the grant thus had of the Commons the said Joâ—â— Mansell discharged the Mayor Sheriffs and Chambeâ—lain of their Offices and delivered the Custody thereunto the Constable of the Tower and put in the rooâ— of the Sheriffs Michael Tony and John Audrian Aâ— over that all Rolls of Tolls and Tallages before madâ— were delivered unto the said John Mansel which 〈◊〉 there sealed and redelivered to the Chamberlain Whâ—â— the Commons had beheld all this business they returnâ—â— unto their Houses all confused Do we wonder at the Commons readiness in this afair that they who usually have been such brisk assertâ— of their Liberties should now be the occasional cause of bringing them into danger We may suppose that this was no proper Common-Hall but rather called by an order from Court and filled with the populace for in those days I do not find there was any express Act made by King Lords and Commons in being to forbid the Council Table from intermeddling in Civil Causes and determining of the Subjects Liberties or so to regulate its Jurisdiction Power and Authority as to leave such matters to be tried and determined in the ordinary Courts of Justice and by the ordinary course of Law Or else we conclude the Restriction of the Common-Hall to the Livery-Men was not then in use so that the Rabble being intermixt it might be no hard matter to get a â—ry raised by some of them in favour of the proceedings â—hen on foot The Mobile being as liable to be wrought â—pon by fear or fair promises as the great and rich to be corrupted by the hopes of Honours and Preferments â—nd the favour of more potent Grandees while as the â—iddle sort of People like the golden mean between â—wo Extreams are not generally so capable of being â—rawn aside after the lure being too many to be brib'd â—nd not few enough to be frighted not so high and wealthy as to aspire after greater Grandeur nor so low â—ean and despicable as to be imposed upon by the empty â—ames of Greatness and Honour without Virtue sprung â—p at first from Vice and nourished by and amidst reâ—eated Debaucheries This matter thus ordered John Mansell with divers â—f the Kings Council kept their Courts daily the Sunâ—ays except till the 1st Sunday of Lent which that yeaâ—â—as Jan. 25. calling before him 12 Wards of the Ciâ—y out of every of which Wards were taken 3 men â—o that 36 men were impannelled and sworn to enquire â—f the aforesaid Articles and what Persons of the City â—ad offended in them This Court being thus kept and holden at Guild-Hall no man was called to answer nor no question put to any Person by the said Inquest or any other Upon the foresaid 1st Sunday of Lent the Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs with the forementioned Inquest and 4 men of every Ward were charged to appear at Westminster before the King at which appearance they were countermanded till the next morning At which season coming into the Kings Exchequer they found sitting there the Earls of Glocester and Warwick Joh. Mansell Hen. Baa Justices the Constable of the Tower the Custos of the City and divers others of the Kings Council Then was called by name Ralph Richard Hardell that year Mayor Nicholas Batts Nicholas Fiz Josne Mathew Bockerel John Tolesham and John 〈◊〉 Minoure Aldermen Then John Mansell said that the King by his Laws and Inquisition of the Citizens had found them culpable that they had wronged and hurt the Commonalty of his City by divers means as by the saiâ— Inquisition appeared and forthwith caused it to be read before them When the more part thereof was read he said unto them Thus may you see that the Commonalty of the City hath been by you grievously oppressed and by your means and Counsel the Commonwealth 〈◊〉 the same destroyed as by altering of the Tolls and otheâ— good ancient Customs turning them to your singular advantage and lucre All which matters the said Ralpâ— Richard and his Company denied and that the Commons were not grieved or hurt by them or any of them by any such means and offered to be justified and judged by the Law and Customs of the City Then Heâ—â—â— Baa Justice asked of them whether they would abiâ—â— the adventure of the Inquiry that they had heard reâ—â— before 〈◊〉 stand upon the saying of the other Ward that yet had not beâ—n sworn but they kept to their 〈◊〉 Answer There John Mansell asked of the Mayor whâ—â— was their Law and Custom The Mayor answered 〈◊〉 said that for trespass of a Citizen done against the King he should defend himself by 12 Citizens for Murder or slaying of a man by 30 Citizens and for trespass against a stranger by the Oath of six and himself Then after many reasons made by the said John Mansell and also by the Mayor and Aldermen day was given them to appear the morrow before the King and his Councel Upon the day following the King with many of his Lords sitting in the Exchequer the aforesaid Inquisition was read That done the Mayor and Aldermen were called in by name and two Aldermen more which before were not called viz. Arnâ—ld Thedmare and Henry Waldmode When Ralph Richard Hardâ—ll had heard â—he King speak in the matter he took such fear that he â—nd Nicholas Batt without further Answer put themâ—elves in the King's grace saved to them their Liâ—erties and Franchises of the City But the other six â—esought the King of his wisdom that they might be â—â—dged after the Laws and Customs of the City Then was laid to their charge that over many wrongs by â—hem done to the King and the Commonalty of the Ciâ—y they had alter'd the King's Beam and order'd it to â—e advantage of themselves and other rich men of the City Whereupon the Parties answered and said That â—e alteration of the Beam was not done by them only but 〈◊〉 the advice and consent of 500 of the best of the City â—or where before-time the Weigher used to lean his â—raught toward the Merchandise so that the buyer had â—y that means 10 or 12 pounds in a draught to his adâ—antage and the seller so much disadvantage now for â—â—differency and equality of both persons it was orâ—ain'd that the Beam should stand upright the cleft â—ereof inclining to neither party as in weighing of â—old and Silver and the buyer to have allowed of the 〈◊〉 for all things four pounds only in every draught â—fter these Reasons and others by them made the King commanded that upon the morning following a Folk-moot should be called at Paul's Cross and so that Court was dissolved and the Mayor and the others returned to London Upon the morrow the Folk-moot being at Paul's Cross Assembled these six Aldermen hearing the murmuring of the common people and knowing that the Aldermen or Worshipful of the City should have
little or no saying in this matter and fearing their Cause they went into a Canon's house of St. Paul's where at that time John Mansell and others sent from the King tarryed the Assembling of the People and shewed them that they intended not any longer to plead with the K. but were contented to put themselves fully in the King's grace and mercy saving alwaies to themselves and all other Citizens their Liberty and Franchise of the City After which Agreement John Mansell with the others came into the Court of Folk-moot whereunto the people was rehearsed a fair and pleasant Tale promising to them that their Liberties should be wholly and inviolably preserved by the King with many other things to the great comfort of the common people And lastly it was asked of them whether the Law and Custom were such as is above rehearsed or no whereunto like undiscreet and unlearned people they answered and eryed Nay nay nay notwithstanding that the said Law and Custom had before-time been used time out of mind To this was neither Mayor nor Aldermen nor other of the great of the City that might impugn or make any reason for upholding their antient Laws or Customs And no wonder continues my Author Fabian though the King were thus heady or grievous to the City for by such evil disposed and malicious people as he had about him the Land was ill ruled and much mischief was used whereof ensued much sorrow after Then John Mansell called the Mayor and Aldermen before him and charged them to be at Westminster the morrow following to give attendance upon the King Upon the morrow the Mayor and Aldermen tarrying the King's coming in the great Hall at Westminster the King came into St. Stephen's Chappel where for a season he had a Council with his Lords after went into the Exchequer-Chamber and there sate him down and his Lords about him Anon after the Mayor and Aldermen were called into the said Chamber and soon after called by name and commanded to stand near the Bar. Then Henry Baa Justice said unto the Mayor and 7 Aldermen That for so much as by form of the King's Laws they were found culpable in certain Articles touching transgression against the King therefore the Court awarded that they should make fine and ransom after the discretion of the said Court But for that they had put themselves in the King's grace and mercy the King hath commanded the Fine to be put in respite that ye be not pained so grievously as ye have deserved After which Judgment gâ—ven they kneeled down and then the Mayor with weeping Tears thanked the King for the bounty and goodness and besought him to be a good and gracious Lord to the City and unto them as his faithful Subjects Whereunto the King made no Answer but rose straight up and so went his way leaving them there Anon as the King was departed they were all arrested and kept there till they had found Surety and every Alderman of them discharg'd of his Ward and Office that they had within the City But shortly after they put in Sureties and so returned heavily to London Shortly after was William Fitz Richard by the K. Commandment made Mayor Thomas Fitz Thomas and William Grapsysgate Sheriffs After this day by day the Chamberlain was call'd to Account before John Mansell of all such Tolls as were gathered in the time of the Mayoralty of John Tâ—leshaâ— and Ralph Richard Hardell there being present to hear the said Account divers of the Commonalty of the City but none oâ— the Heads By which Account no default might be laid to any of the forenamed persons convict before the King By reason whereof divers of them were admitted to the King's favour shortly after and restor'd to their Officâ—s again but not without paying of money whereof the certainâ—y is not known saith my Author What a broil was here What endeavours us'd to find faults to set the King at difference with his Loyal Citizens and keep them from Reconciliation A Bedroll of Crimes and Ostences devised made and formed and none to own it lâ—st they themselves should at laâ—â— be punish'd for those wrong Accusâ—tions which they had laid to other mens charges and could not weâ— prove What was this but to make divisions betweeâ— the Commons and their Head Rulers To pretend tâ— oblige the one and depress the other Divide anâ— Reign was a Maxim put in use before ever Machiavâ—â— was in being What pray now was all this for Was it not to weaken the City's Power To makâ— the Rich appear Offenders and then seem to lay oblâ—gations upon them by pardoning what they were nâ—ver realâ—y and dâ—signedly guiâ—ty of Or else to 〈◊〉 Money out of their hands and yet persuade people that they were favourably dealâ— with You may heâ—â— see their actions were in a manner wire-drawn to bâ— made offences and their Accounts sâ—â—rcht to pick 〈◊〉 somewhat to lay to their charge And yet how visiblâ— were all the tricks and devices of ill men frustrated and sappointed the very saâ—e way whereby they though to have confirm'd and made good their malicious Dâ—signs when after all their searches they were in sort compelâ—'d to approve the others faultless wholâ—â— doubtlâ—s◠〈◊〉 their minds wills purposes and inâ—â—ntions How hard a matter had it been for the aâ—cured clearly to have deseated ill mens suggestions 〈◊〉 not they themselves pav'd them the way by searching into their accounts where it seems no faults were to be found to make good their accusations Let those transactions be brought into open Court which before were wont to be done privately and then all the present Auditors are made Judges of the reasonableness of the proceedings Here were large imputations and yet the accused suffered to go at freedom and not clapt up till they were frightened into submission What! Could they get none to swear roundly against them Never an outlandish Evidence for love nor mony for fear favour nor affection then clap them up in Prison not letting them see the faces of their Accusers Why did not they search their houses seize upon their Trunks and Boxes and so rake into their private Writings to ferret out some Crimes out of them or else in defect thereof privily foist in something criminal and blameworthy and afterwards openly produce it and with full cry and â—oud exclamations impose the belief thereof on their credulous Partizans as if really found upon them We need not stay for the revolution of Plato's year expecting former Transactions to be acted over again Are any of us such strangers in Jerusalem as not to know the things which have come to pass there in the latter days As the Heads of the City in this Richard Hardâ—ll's Mayoralty had their share of troubles and afflâ—ctions as hath been related above so the Commons were not without their care likewise For Wheat is said this year â—o have been so scarce that it was sold at London
upon Summons the Barons had obtain'd their design but how would the change succeeding have been brought to pass so much to the Courts advantage and the other sides prejudice Where 's the politick Casuist that can here slit a haâ— between loyal and disloyal deeds Obedience and Disobedience the duty of subjection and open refâ—sal thereof According to an Agreement there made in the said Octaves a Parliament was held at Westminster where met as Fabian hath left upon Record the King with his Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the Land to begin that Parliament Here was it enacted the King being present that he nor Edward his Son nor none of them should after that day grieve nor cause to be grieved the Earls of Leicester and Glocester the Barons Banerets or Knights the Citizens of London and Barons of the Five Ports nor any other Person oâ— Persons of high or low Degree that was upon thâ— Party of the said Earls for any matter of displeasure done against the King and his Son Edward 〈◊〉 any time before that day To uphold this the King 's Sworn before his Lords After that was shew'd and Read a Charter of Pardon concerning the said Cause and a confirmation of the Statutes of the Forrest with many other Acts and Statutes before granted by the King Here was an Act of Oblivion strong enough one would have thought to have indemnified the offending Parties but before the end of the Year we find the Tide quite turn'd through variance and difference arising between the Two Thiefs of the Barons Party and then the King's side prevailing Casheers what was done before Oaths held them not and another Parliament â—â—peals and disanuls the former Pardon So that the 〈◊〉 Pardon'd Offendors soon became the reputed Guilty Prisoners upon the old Scores Cancell'd and forgiv'n as was thought a little before The longest Sword will make and mar Laws at pleasure let people say what they will This Party's Might commonly bears down what the other Party calls his Right Edward the King's Son having likewise Sworn to perform the promises which the King had before made in Parliament was deliver'd at liberty and the other Pledg his Cozen upon assurance made â—â— abide in the King's Court and not depart without licence of the King and some of the Barons What care do the Barons seem here to have taken to â—â—rengthen and confirm their Party against any future â—â—â—erclaps How sollicitous do they appear to have â—een to prevent an after-Reckoning and all Tendenâ—ies thereunto Nay how conformable to them did the King and his Son shew themselves likewise â—herein Witness the many Instruments and Bonds â—ade by them for the performance of Covenants and Pactions before agreed on And yet all was soon destroy'd and brought to none effect One of the 〈◊〉 Chiefs helping Penelope-like to unravel the Web they had been so long a Weaving The Ordering the former Statutes made at Oxford which had hitherto so fast united them was the occasion of dissention between the Two Potent Earls â—â— Leicester and Glocester to the ruin of the Baron's Party the difference arose as Stow tells us betweeâ— them for that Leicester not only kept the King anâ— others as Prisoners but also took to himself the Revenues of the Kingdom which it seems should have been equally devided amongst them So that it waâ— the Golden-Apple that seems to have occasion'd thâ—â— so fatal Discord The King indeed and his Lords labour'd for an Union but it fell out well for the King's side and ill for the others that they succeeded not This happen'd between Easter and Whitsâ—â—tide In the Wâ—â—tsun-Week we hear of Edward thâ— King's Son secretly departing from the Court at Hereford without Licence and associating himself wiâ—â— the Earl of Glocester and other Lords at Chester froâ— whence he hasts to Glocester breaking the Bridges aâ— he went that he might not be follow'd till he had Assembled his Power The Earl of Leicester was toâ— wife not to guess at his Intent and therefore in all haâ— sends to his Son to Assemble his Forces Simon his Soâ— with his Forces Assembled draws towards Winchestâ—â— and was at first kept out by the Citizens because theâ— knew not whether he came as the King's Friend anâ— for that they had also receiv'd a Letter from Edwaâ—â— to that purport But it was not long e're the Ciâ—â— was yielded and then the Castle Besieged after thâ—â— the City had been spoil'd and many of the Jeâ—â— therein Inhabiting Slain They were so odious generally to the People that they should be sure to havâ— their share to the purpose in the publick Calamity if the Commons might have their Will The Papistâ— after all their discover'd Plots known Practices anâ— destructive Principles are not in a vast degree much more hateful to the generality of the English Nation in these Days than where the griping Jews in those Elderly Times At Kenelworth the Baron's Party receiv'd the first â—â—ow under this Simon where they were shamefully defeated by Edward and his Host and many Eminent Prisoners taken without the shedding of much Blood At Eâ—yshum in Worcestershire were the Barons discâ—mfited with such a total overthrow and the destruction of so many Men of Note on that side that â—is no wonder that their Interest among the People so visibly decay'd for the future and in time was fully lost Soon after this Victory the King and his Son Edward met by whose Authority the Prisoners then in hold were released and many others accus'd and put in for them Not long after was held a Parliament at Winchester where by Authority of the same the Statutes and Ordinances before made at Oxford were Repealed and all Bonds and Writings before made by the King or any other Cancell'd and Broken and all such as had favor'd the Barons disinherited A Rout indeed A Rout first to the Men that would have had the Laws have been kept and then a Rout to the Laws themselves to Parliament Acts and Statutes So destroy first of all the Protestant Men and Women the Subjects of Religion and then the Protestant Religion falls of course What could it at that time avail the defeated Party to plead a former Obedience to the Power then Regnant since the present Powers were otherwise resolv'd If the Parliament in Being will have Obedience paid to a former Parliament esteem'd Treason who dare gainsay it Little boots it the poor weak Beast to cry the Bunch in his Forehead is no Horn when the more powerful Lion says it is After these Parliament Transactions we hear of the King 's reâ—â—ming into his hands all grants before made and giveâ— to any Person After his Sons Victory the King calls not a Parliament at Westminster least possibly it might have been over aw'd by the City of London but assembling it at a place far enough distant and things having there been carried according to the Courts intent and desire now have at London Accordingly
so far as to acquaint us that even the Duke of Lancaster John of Gaunt appeared likewise in their favour an Intercessor unto the King Whether out of respect to them or secret dislike of his Nephews proceedings forgetfulness of Londons past opposition or his desire at last to become Popular and to ingratiate himself with the Citizens whose power he had before try'd to his loss I dare not venture to resolve upon such unsure grounds as my own bare surmizes But this I presume may easily be granted me that he was then grown ancient and the burning fires of his Ambition were much â—abated if not altogether quenched through forâ—â—er disappointments length of time and the visible increase of years old age growing fast upon him So that the first heats being over he might probably be inclin'd to try his fortune in foreign Countries and content himself with the titulary â—onour of a King abroad now that he had long 〈◊〉 the smart of a frustrated expectation at â—ome London having then such powerful Friends of â—ame and note in the time of her adversity parâ—icularly exprest in History how many more may 〈◊〉 presume she had not expresly mention'd of 〈◊〉 same or somewhat inferior rank and quality â—ho either out of their own affection and particular respect or through the prevalency of these great Examples ingag'd themselves in the Cities interest and became Reconcilers and Repairers of her late Breaches But if the Readers candour will not yield me this not irrational supposition these doubtless in themselves are enough to make out the truth of my assertion and free me from the undesirable imputation of a vain pretender when I offer'd to shew the esteem the Lords singly consider'd in themselves had for this great and honourable City The aforementioned passages shew their good will yet all this notwithstanding somewhat else was expected at Court which the Cities Enemies mainly drove at and seem resolv'd by one means or other to compass and bring about The City was Rich in Priviledges Rich in Glory Rich in Coyn besides the Spirit and Courage of her Citizens all which conjoyn'd made her powerful at home and abroad fam'd in Foreign Countries for Trade and Commerce and highly honour'd within the Circle of the Brittish-Isle through which she was known I lanet-like to dart her over-ruling influences Among Arbitrary Designers these have been generally look't upon as Malign and therefore no wonder if at Court ill-affected Their Liberties and Priviledges are thought too great let 's then have 'em lesâ—ened now time serves And so they were For the Londoners being Commanded to come to Windsor there to shew them and product then Charters both old and new some of them arâ—â—atified some condemn'd some restor'd others detain'd Their Glory likewise is to be made to suffer if possible a diminution in the eyes of the world and therefore almost all the Lords are gather'd together at Windsor against their coming thither and also a great Army that the people might think them terrified thereby and frighted into submission and so have the less esteem for them hereafter as such as may easily be accus'd of offences and as easily be made to undergo grievous penalties for them whoever was originally in fault These Preparations must needs occasion considerable charges but the Londoners must pay the shot if they are Covetous of peace and quietness And so they did at last to their no small expences 'T was not the Honourable Cavalcade of principal Citizens sent out in one Livery to meet and Conduct the King and Court through the City 'T was not the Triumphant Reception of him in his passage through a lane of Livery-men lowdly ecchoing forth his Name the running of Cheapside Conduit with more than one sort of Wine the adorning the Windows and Walls of the Streets with Tapistry Cloth of Gold Silver and Silk nor other gawdy shows to entertain him 'T was not the Rich and Chargeable Presents made to him and his Queen as they pass'd along or afterwards the next day the Costly Crowns and Tables of Gold Horses with their Noble Trappings Plate of Gold and Silver Cloth of Gold Silk Velvets Buttons and Ewers of Gold Gold in Coyn Precious Stones and Jewels so Rich excellent and Beautiful that the value and price was inestimable that could fully appease the Angry King or rather satisfie the ravenous Courtiers Covetuousness until they had laid down also Ten thousand pounds in ready mony And this did the feat for that time And but for that time as far as I can find For new Lords new Laws New Favourites produce new Changes and old ones being cast out of Doors they are for finding out new Crimes Pretences and Devices to empty other mens Purses and enrich themselves under the common notion of levying Fines and Amercements for the King King Richard had received Royal Gifts and Noble Presents of his truly Royal Chamber of London in the sixteenth year of his Reign Yet within less than half a dozen years space this was forgotten and quite out of memory or else so well remembred as to make some heartily desirous of more such Boons as hoping that some of Daâ—ae's showers might descend also into their own laps These being the true Chymical Drops to restore enliven and invigorate the tir'd spirits of such hunger-starv'd Expectants And where throughout the whole British World are they to be had in greater plenty than at London And by the sequell of the story we may believe this was an approved Recipe in those days For some Informations had been given in against the Londoners which incens'd the King to such a degree that the Commonalty Fabian tells us was indicted with other Sheriffs and therefore consequently their own likewise which might have brought great damage afresh to them but that Providence then rais'd them up two Potent Friends and Favourers among the Spiritual Lords by whose advice they made an humble supplication to the King and so by their aid and assiâ—â—ance with help of other Lovers of the City the Kings anger was much appeased But yet nevertheless Blank Charters were brought into the City and many of the most substantial meâ— thereof forc't to seal them highly to their disadvantage which was likewise soon after put in practice in many other Counties So fatal was the Citizens Example to the rest of the Land and so little gain'd they themselves in these Conjunctures by their Submissions Resignations and other like compliances to the Court besides expence charge and much trouble and the continual fears of greater molestations for the future But when was this and how was it brought about If we trace the Serids of times and affairs a little backwards by the unerring Clue of Authentick History we shall find these transactions to bear date some years after the end of the Parliament that wrought wonders when possibly 't was almost forgot and it's Statutes by some Mens Artifices slighted through disuse and inexecution
Londinum Triumphans OR AN HISTORICAL ACCOVNT OF THE Grand Influence THE ACTIONS OF THE CITY of LONDON Have had upon the AFFAIRS of the NATION for many Ages past SHEWING The Antiquity Honour Glory and Renown of this FAMOUS CITY The Grounds of her Rights Priviledges and Franchises The Foundation of her CHARTER The Improbability of a Forfeiture and Impossibility of a Legal Seisure The Power and Strength of the Citizens and the Prevalency of the Commonalty in their Contests with the Magistracy Collected from the most Authentick Authors and illustrated with variety of REMARKS Nullum est jam dictum quod non dictum sit prius No new thing under the Sun LONDON Printed for the Author and are to be Sold by L. Curtis at the Sign of Sir Edmondbury Godfreys Head MDCLXXXII THE DEDICATION To the HONOURABLE SIr Thomas Allen Kt. Aldermen of the City of LONDON Sir John Frederick Kt. Sir John Lawrence Kt. Sir Robert Clayton Kt. Sir Patience Ward Kt. Sir Thomas Gold Kt. Sir John Shorter Kt. and Henry Cornish Esq And to the Worshipful Thomas Pilkington Esq Another of the Aldermen of the said City and Samuel Shute Esq The Worthy SHERIFFS for the year Past Sir Thomas Player Kt. Chamberlain of the same Thomas Papillion Esq John Dubois Esq And to all the rest of those Eminent Citizens who have so worthily asserted the Rights Liberties Priviledges Franchises and Immunities of this Ancient and Honourable CITY This Book is most HUMBLY DEDICATED by W. G. TO THE READER IF Antiquity and Duration wealth and riches strength and power can make a City famous If an honourable renown visible grandeur and unparallel'd priviledges may render her glorous in the eyes of the World If the Spirit of her Citizens influence of her actions and a continued train of Successes can justly give her the denomination of powerful Then may this great ancient and renowned City of London deservedly be esteem'd one of the eminentest Cities of the Vniverse unless the Lie be given to the most Authentick of all our English Historians and we must not like the Papists believe our own eyes nor give credit to our ears but bid adieu to all rational knowledge and deny the force of true Logical Illations inferences and conclusions Such being the subject of this following Treatise purposely design'd for a demonstration of Londons power and a convincing argument of the irresistible influence of her actions over all the Nation for many hundreds of years strongly founded on undeniable Truths and throughout carried on in an uninterrupted series of affairs by a train of inflances and examples and an unbroken chain of inductions And being conscious to my self of no base slurs nor abuses ingentilely impos'd upon the faith of any one by false quotations corrupting of Authors or wilful mistakes as knowing my self easily disprov'd if guilty and therefore so much the more cautious by how much the more certain that these Papers would be made to undergo the severe Ordeal of a strict and rigid examination from a critical age I am apt to flatter my self into the hopes of being accepted among the lovers and admirers of this Honourable City and of having presented the worthy Citizens with somewhat grateful pleasing and delightful to their palates because treating of their Ancestors glory and renown their own power and the necessary consequence thereof the grand influence of their publick actions and fixt resolutions upon the Councils of this Kingdom But whether my trust and confidence in my own poor abilities and my hopes are so good as my ambition is great to serve this Honourable City and I have any sound reasons to believe it within the sphear of my Capacity and the power of my pen to lay any thing looking like an obligation upon the worshipful Citizens thereof others are the most proper judges and the event will best shew If any out of prejudice to the subject and a censorious Spirit shall lay it to my charge that the whole book looks reflective in answer to the imputation I shall humbly desire this favour at his hands that he would be pleas'd to give himself the trouble of turning to the Authors to whom I so often refer and thence he may be abundantly satisfied of my honesty and sincerity if he be not over much prejudic'd already or of so narrow a Soul as to be wholly and altogether byass'd to the interest of any one particular party against the plainest evidence of sense reason and truth Besides in my further vindication I can assure him that a great part hereof was drawn up the last Autumn and undeniably prove it too by demonstrative Arguments if need were So that if it had appear'd in the world so early as was at first designed though I have been unwillingly hindered hitherto some on the other side might have been by this time ready to have term'd it predictive Though it was never intended as the off-spring of Prophecy or Astrology but only the result of an ordinary judgment and common foresight grounded on easy unforc'd deductions from plain historical truths and the apparent consequences of things acted on the English stage heretofore Therefore I shall not value the impertinence of weekly observations nor dread the doughty remarks of the whole tribe of common ordinary Scriblers as thinking my self secure within the strength of the argument and the authorities here produc'd to confirm and illustrate it whereupon I am bold to defy the art and malice of evil minded men to disprove me in any thing necessarily material as to the substantial part thereof though as to what concerns any of the lesser Errata I hope the courteous Reader will be so much a Gentleman as to look on them but as venial errors and favourably pass over those slips of my Pen if he apprehend any such as unavoidable weaknesses always incident to human frailty For I profess my self rather a Transcriber than an Author and esteem this Relation the product of my reading more than the issue of my brain Which if it may be in any wise advantagious to the publick and acceptable to the Learned and Ingenious I know not but upon good encouragement I may be ready enough to produce somewhat else more extensive than to the Rights of one particular City though it be acknowledged time out of mind to have been the Epitome and Abridgment of the Kingdom as well as the head both of King and Laws Londinum Triumphans HOW considerable a Figure the City of London makes in the present Government is conceal'd I suppose but from few in the Land But the Influence its Actions have had upon the Affairs of the Nation in past Ages is not so generally known The Glory and Splendor of this Noble City is so obvious to the Eyes of the Curious that they cannot rationally conceive it to be the Work of a Day or an Age but that like other Cities eminent in Story it hath risen up by Degrees from small Beginnings to
his Londoners and other Knights brought to the Enemy So difficult was it even to Caesar himself to Conquer Britain having been more than once foil'd by the Britains Caesar tells us of the Trynobants being the strongest of all those Cities by which understand London which submitted to him over whom he placed at their request one Mandubratius whose Father their chief Lord or Ruler Cassibellan had before Slain Be these two Histories the same or different yet either I believe will serve to make good my Assertion of Londons Power Fame and Esteem in those ancient Times Though Britain was hereby made Tributary yet I do not find that London lost it's Esteem For Tenancuis is said to be Buried here and also Cunobelinâ—s or Kymbeline his Son both King 's after Cassibellan In this Kymbeline's Days near about the Nineteenth Year of his Reign or Fourteenth according to Stow Our Blessed Saviour Christ Jesus was Born as is the Opinion of most Writers Henceforth therefore leaving off the Old way of accounting from the World's Creation I shall follow the Christian manner of Computation reckoning from the Birth of our Lord Christ which was in the Forty Second Year of Augustus's Empire as a surer and more certain way Except the Crowning of Arviragus in London I find but little mention of this Honourable City till the Reign of King Lucius who being esteemed by many the first Christian King in the World turn'd the Arch-flamins-See at London into an Arch-Bishoprick the Names of some of which Arch-Bishops we meet with â—ver and anon in Story as such who had a considerable Power in the Land About 226 London was of such Strength that Alectus with his Romans as Fabian relates being over-press'd by the Britains under the Leading of Asclepiodotus chose this City for his Refuge as being then it seems of greatest Security and he being afterwards slain Livius Gallus another Roman Leader manfully desended himself and his Romans in the same City then closely besieged by the Britains till in their entring he was slain near a River running thereby and thrown thereinto which occasioned it afterwards to be call'd Gallus or Wallus-Brook Some Memorial whereof we find remaining at this Day in the Street now standing where that River sometimes ran and known by the Name of Wall-brook After the Departure of the Romans out of this Land many Outrages being committed 〈◊〉 by the Picts and Scots in the Time of 〈…〉 Honorius we read of 〈…〉 by the Arch-Bishop 〈…〉 the Britains to consâ—lt of 〈…〉 many Miserie 's then haâ—ging â—ver 〈…〉 by reason of their Enemies Strength and 〈…〉 Inability to defend themselves as being 〈…〉 no certain Head The Result of which Meetâ—â—â— was to desire Aid of the King of Little Britain which they by Embassy obtain'd under the Conduct of his Brother Constantinus and after Victory by him gain'd over their Enemies Crown'd him King of the Land according to their Promise before made Here was a turn of Affairs effected by the Consult at London Another Change we find not long after through the Treachery of Vortiger and the Pict who slew Constantinus's Son Constantius then King and presented his Head to the aforenam'd Vortiger then at London Which City doubtless in those Days was of much Esteem and Regard and thereupon Vortiger who bare the Chief Rule in the Kingdom at that time though the other had the Name of King probably was much resident therein expecting it may be and waiting for the Performance of this Treasonable Act that he being on the Place might have the better Opportunity to caress the Chief of that Eminent City 'T is certain we find him afterwards endeavouring to cajole the People by the great Sorrow and Heaviness he made shew of for the Kings Death and by putting the accursed Traytors to Death for their Wicked Fact according to the Law of the Land Thus many Love the Treason well enough when successful who nevertheless hate the Traytors after their own Turns be serv'd This is that Vortiger so Infamous in the British Story for his own Vices as Incest with his own Daughter Adultery c. and the Vices of the Times under him For we read that Vice was then accounted of small or no Offence Leachery reigned amongst the Spiritualty and Temporalty Every one turned the Point of his Spear against the true and innocent Man and the Commons gave them all to Idleness and Drunkenness whence ensued Fighting Strife and much Envy After the King 's Exâ—mple the World runs a gadding is a Saying commonly too true As this Vortiger gain'd his Power by Treachery so he Reigned in a manner Precariously For he was so perplexed on the one side for fear of the Return of Constantinus's surviving Sons to claim the Kingdome and the Land on the other side so harrass'd by the In-rodes of the Picts and Scots that he was after a sort compell'd to send for the Heathen Saxons who came under their Leaders Hengist and Horsus to support him about Four Hundred and Fifty Years after Our Saviours Birth The coming in of these Strangers prov'd but as it were the beginning of Miseries For being once let in they soon began to Play their Reakes in the Land and never left till by introduceing more Colonies they had settled themselves and dispossessed the Britains of the best of the Country Neither was it any great wonder that the poor Commons endur'd such Miseries from these New-come Guests when as their Spiritual and Temporal Guides were so given up to all manner of Debauchery One of Hengist's Pranks we find to be his Treacherous slaying of the British Lords at Stonehenge on Salisbury Plains under pretence of a Treaty for Peace But the better to work out his own Ends he is said to have sav'd the King alive whom he knew to have become his Enemy in shew more out of Constraint for fear of his British Lords than for any Hatred towards him he having him sufficiently intangled in the Snares of his Daughter Rowens Beauty So common a thing is it for crafty subtle Men to serve their own Ends by working upon anothers Lusts through the Mediation of an handsome Face and Prostitute Body We read of the Saxon's having got London under their Rule but whether by their own Power or the King's Gift I find not clearly mention'd That he gave Kent and other Counties to Hengist is declar'd by the Historian It may be that he gave them also London to curb it for fear least the Citizens should joyn with Constantinus's Sons whose Return he much dreaded and assist them to regain their Fathers Kingdom Henceforward for some time we are not to expect to find London so Considerable in Power under the Saxon Heptarchy as it was before and after But when all the Seven were reduc'd into one Kingdome and the Affairs of the Land settled in a little more Peace and Quietness London began again more and more to Flourish and soon rose up to such an height
that it became the fixt Metropolis of the Nation Yet in the Time of the Saxon's Heptarchy we find mention made of this Noble City several times and on several Occasions As upon account of Mordred's choosing this City to be Crown'd in when he rebell'd against King Arthur The holding of it by Mordred's Son against Constantine Son of Cador till he was slain The Flying away of the Bishops of London and York and other Ministers with their Goods and Reliques for fear of the Saxon's Cruelty under Ethelfride Whereby the Commonalty were left without Spiritual Guides the City without Her chief Pastors The setting up an Arch-Bishoprick there by Austine the Monk and the making of Melitus Bishop of the same in Ethelbert's Days The Building of St. Pauls either by the same Ethelbert or else by Sigebert King of the East-Angles as some affirm In this Ethelbert's Time we read in Fabian of the Building the First Church of Westminster in Honour of St. Peter by a Citizen of London in the West-End of London in a Place called Thorny now Westminster which before was over-grown with Bushes and Briars But Stow affirms Sebert King of the East Saxons to have Built it In the Time of Ethelwolph Son of Egbert King of the West-Saxons London is said to be spoild by the Danes and so not likely then to be of any great Strength though we find the Danes drawing themselves thitherward in Alured or Alfred's Days after an Agreement concluded between them But now again begins this City to be often mentioned in Story and grows more Famous every Day after that King Alured having Victoriously repeal'd the Danes return'd thereunto repair'd those Places that before had been injur'd by the Danes and committed it to the Guiding of Ethelred Earl or Duke of Mercia who was his son-in-Son-in-Law by Marrying his Daughter Elfleda Hence may we date another Beginning as it were of it's Glory and Lustre from this new Resurrection out of the Ashes of its former Ruines Some of the next News we hear of this Honourable City is of the Londoner's beating away the Danes who Landing in Sussex and comeing to the Town of Lewes and thence towards London had Builded a Castle near the River of Lewes the more to annoy the Country but the Citizens Valour with the Countrys Help soon demolished it In the Reign of Edward the Eldest Son to the forenamed Alured we find London thought so considerable that the King took it under his own Rule not entrusting even his own Sister therewith thinking it probably too important a Charge to be committed to any Subject never so nearly related to him because of the Power that would accrue to the Possessor thereof and the Danger might thereby happen to him the King in those troublesome Times upon any the least Difference arising between them When Egelred or Etheldred Son of Edgar rul'd the Land we read of the Danes coming to London they being ready enough to haunt any Place that could afford them Spoil and Pillage but we find that then they were repel'd by the Citizens The City it seems was strong enough to defend their own But soon after that another sad Accident befell the City against which it was not so well able to defend it self viz. A great Fire whereby a large Part of it was destroyed So rare is it for any thing great in this World to arrive at it's Greatness from small Beginnings without being Subject to many Mischances and meeting with many Turns and Changes of Fortune before it can arrive at the height of its Grandeur Fabian tells us in his Chronicle that the City had then the most Building from Ludgate towards Westminster and little or none where the Chief or Heart of it now is except that in diverse Places there were Houses but they stood without Order This he professes to have known by an Old Book in the Guild-Hall named Domesday But where-ever the Building stood in those Days or how great Harm soever the Fire did it nevertheless it continued of such Strength and Riches that the Danes were willing to have got it into their own Power and in Order thereunto besieged it but that they took it at that season I read not Yet some Years after I find the Londoners sending Gifts and Pledges to the Danes to divert them then coming towards London 'T was in Egelred's Days that the Danes thus harrassed the Land and did almost whatever they pleased selling the English Men Peace for their Money and then breaking it again at their Pleasure to get a greater Sum. This gave the first Occasion to the Imposition of that Tax upon the Land called Danegelt And the Pride and Lordly Imperiousness of the insulting Danes gave Original to the opprobrious Name of Lurdane as now it is esteem'd though then it was Lord Dane a Term the English were for fear compell'd to give those proud lazy Danes that Rul'd and Domineer'd in many of their Houses at the right Owner's cost Neither is it much to be wondred at that this Land was brought into so great Misery by these Hectoring Strangers when as we fiâ—d Dissention amongst the Lords and such treacherous Dealing that whatsoever was devis'â— by Some for the Hurt of their common Enemies it was quickly by Others of the same Councel betraâ—'d and made known to them The King giving himself to a vicious and incontinent Life and to get Money any manner of way sticked not to 〈◊〉 Men of their Possessions for small or seigned Causes according to the History and after cause them to redeem their own for great Sums of Money In London 't was that I find this unfortunate Egelred more than once residing for his own Security it seems more than for any Aid he attempted to get of the Londoners to defend his Land Here he fell sick died and was also Buried and with him some of the English Men's Shame and Dishonour For Edmund Ironside his Son favoured by the Londoners and some other Lords was Crown'd in that City and thence departing with his Strength so hotly pursued Canutus the Danish King that he was several Times put to the worst and in fair likelihood to have been utterly over-thrown had not the false Edric who having got an Habit of Treachery in Egelreds Days could not so easily forâ—ake his Old base Conditions oft disappointed King Edmund by his Treacherous Dealing By â—his Edric's Treachery I have read That Edmund lost his Life afterwards for which Fact the â—alse Traytor expecting a great Reward at the â—ands of Canutus had his Head exalted according â—o the others Promise above all the Lords of Engâ—and it being stricken off pitch'd upon a Spear â—nd after set upon the highest Gate of London But about the King's Death and Edric's Authors are found much to vary Neither is it any marvel that Writers differ so often and so much in their Relations of Things done so many Ages since Whenas in things but as it were of yesterday we
declare the Oath for some few small minute petty fancied Inconveniences invalid and of no binding force But be it by the Power of the Sword or by whatsoever Claim else Canutus held the Crown we nevertheless find him to have Govern'd the Land honourably after that he came to be sole King and it may be to the Content of many of his Subjects for 't was the Memory doubtless of his Repute that set and kept the Crown upon the Heads of both his Sons otherwise of themselves of little Worth or Value if compar'd with their Father One remarkable worthy Act of Canutus's is recorded amongst others viz. That in the Nineth Year of his Reign he call'd a Parliament so my Author terms it at Oxford where amongst other things it was enacted That Englishmen and Danes should hold the Laws of Edgar lately King In the Transactions of these Times we may believe the City of London had no small Share aâ— being probably at length pretty well pleas'd with the Father's Reign whereupon the Citizem mav be supposed to conduce at least in some measure to the settling his Sons on his Throne For Harold Harefoot is said by some to have dyed at London after a Three Years Reign and the other of Canutus's Sons Hardicanute was joyfullâ— Receiv'd and Crown'd at the same City In Edward the Confessor's days the Land being not much troubled with intestine Broils there happ'ned but little Occasion for trying London's Strength And thereupon I find no great mention of that Honourable City unless in a Passage or two as about Edward the Outlaw's dying therein and of the King 's being there some time before with his Councill when Earl Goodwin was charg'd to come to Court and render into the King's Hands all his Knights-Fees-that he and Harold his Son held in England The Effect whereof was the Outlawing of the foremention'd Goodwin for his Disobedience and departure out of the Land with his Sons by Authority of a Parliament call'd alittle after In this King's Reign also we hear at both Ears of the evil Manners among the Bishops the Chief of the Clergy of their Voluptuousness Gluttony Leachery Covetuousness Wordly Pomp c. as also of their Endeavours to excuse their Manners by answering that they were suitable to the Times A generall Corruption among Men of a Religious Habit being the Common Forerunners of great Turns and Changes in a Land as it fell out here soonafter this King's Decease This is the King to whom according to the Annalist Stow we are indebted for the Common Law gather'd out of the Laws and Ordinances of the Mercian's West Saxons Danes and Northumbers What Spirit was in the Men of those Times is â—n part manifested in the Message sent to Harola by the Inhabitants of Northumberland when he was â—ent thither by the King to do Correction upon those who had risen against his Brother Tostus their Duke for a cruell Act by him committed taking away what he had and chasing him out of â—he Country Continuing together in a considerable Body they gave him to understand that they were freely born and freely nourish'd and might suffer no cruelness of Dukes That they had learned of their Elders and Sovereigns to maintain Freedom or to suffer Death and to live in quietness under an easy Duke Upon which Message their Pardon was procur'd them of the King and another Duke assign'd Within less then a year after Edward the Confâ—ssâ—r's Death we read of the landing of Duke Wâ—llâ—â—m with his Normans at Hâ—stings in Sussâ—x who came with a strong Army to demand the Crown of Harold who had no Title but what he claim'd by the Power of his Sword and the Dukes Claim also went but upon a limping Foot As great as the Duke's Host was enough it seems by the Event to help to win a Crown we find London so Strong as to hold him out when he and his Army came thereto till he had given good Assurance that he and his People would pass through the City without tarrying which was also observed accordingly When Harold was utterly over-thrown by these Normans and so room made for the Title of Edgaâ— Atheling to take place we find the Londoners among the chief of those who were upon Associating themselves each to other to defend his Right to thâ— utmost of their Powers This Agreement indeeâ— was afterwards broken but by the making of it we are well enough assured that the Câ—tys Strengtâ— was then esteem'd very considerable Another Argument let me produce out of Stow'â— Annalls where it is recorded that Edwin anâ— Marcar both then Powerfull Earles the One â—â— Mercia the other of Northumberland after Harold Death came to London and solicited the Citizen to erect one of them to the Kingdom Though this their enterprise was frustrated yet doubtless it may prove Londons Power otherwise 't is hard to believe these two potent Earls would have applied themselves to the Citizens that they would chuse one of them for King and upon the Failure of their Design would have quietly departed without shewing some resentment had not the City been too strong easily to be dealt with or slightly to be anger'd with Safety and Security The other more rightful Heir was the Person pitch'd upon But the other Nobles of the Realm not powerfully assisting and Edward Atheling not being it seems of Ability sufficient to manage his own Concerns himself and undertake so great a Charge 't is no wonder that this Renowned City suffering it self to be born down the Stream with the Times submitted it Self with the rest of the Land to Duke William who made some pretence to a Title Whereas Harold could shew nothing for his but his Sword And therefore it may be 't is that we read not in antient Histories that I remember of this Citys assisting him to defend himself against Duke William's Power Here now is a great Change indeed The Power and Strength of the Kingdom turned from both the Britains and Saxons and devolved upon the Normans by means of this King William the Date of whose Reign begins reckoning immediately after Harold's Death October the Fourteenth Anno Christi 1066 according to Chronology In this King who himself by the General consent of Writers was basely Born is founded the Succession for higher they care not much to go who keep such a stir about our Princes inheriting according to their Birth-right Though if this be made the fixt unalterable Rule of Twenty Six Kings and Queens reigning Successively upon recourse to the History of their Reigns we shall meet with a dozen at least of them who cannot be denied but to have come to their Crowns with Flaws in their Titles Nay if we reckon in the Number such as may have been controverted upon that Account we may safely add the other Half dozen That from the general Rules there are many exceptions we learnt almost as soon as we went to our Grammar-School This King William is
to have the whole the better at their Devotion So that if Kings or Rulers of States were not as submissive to their Imperious Commands as they desir'd they had the Church in the Land to overaw those who bore the Temporall Sword and lest the chief Church-men being often preferr'd by the Magistrates means through the Popes great Condescention as they would have it thought should prove a little Refractory they had the Monasteries Abbies Priories Nunneries and such like in a manner under the Popes peculiar Jurisdiction to curb them by the Power they could raise out of their Tennants Friends and Kindred Romes high and lofty Prelates thus striving to have their Spoons in every Ones Dish which Desire of theirs we do not find at all diminished though now their Wings be much clipt Nay we find them the more eager now in their pursuit after their antient Greatness under the pretence of a former Right which was first obtain'd by none of the best and honestest ways And so they might regain it Experience tells us they would not stick at the perpetration of the most Execrable Villanies the Art of Man can invent or the Hand can act Whence else come all those Wars Massacres Persecutions Plots Conspiracies Designes Intreagues Frauds Deceits raising of Publick Jealousies fomenting of Private Feares exasperating of Mens minds heightning their Animosities debauching their Moralls and Corrupting Religion it self with the rest of those Cursed Arts and Seed-Plots of Sedition where with our Ears have been so long filled that the sound is not yet gone out of them nor know we when ever it will as long as they can meet with so many foolish Bigots and prophane Debauchees among the Sons of Men The One to be gull'd with the Hopes of Heaven for the Performance of such Meritorious Acts as they will put them upon the Other to be purchased with a Bag of Money or a Plump Whore to favour their Designes falicitate their Purposes carry on their Projects and protect their Crimes if detected from Publick Justice As London was favoured by the first William so I find no great reason otherwise to believe but that it continued in favour and fame under the Second William's Reign Yet I meet with but few Passages of it excepting what may seem to tend to its disadvantage as the Harm it sustained from a Violent wind that is said to have overthrown at one time above 600 houses and much injured the roof of St. Mary Bow in Cheapside as also the hurt was done another time about it by the Inundation of Thames unless we should think it received some addition of honour from the great charges William Rufus was at about the Tower which was to adorn it I suppose for that it was builded long before hath been related above that it was of good strength in the preceding Kings dayes is enough evident in that we read it was made Marcharus the Earl of Northumberland's Prison This Tower having been before times and very often in later days the place of confinement for great Men when esteemed Offendors This is the King that built Westminster-Hall and being after displeased at it for being not big enough to his mind intended as 't is said to have built one much larger and make the other to have served for a Chamber The wicked Lives of the insulting Normans the Miseries and Vices of the depressed Englishmen with the depraved Manners of the corrupted Clergy were so notorious in this Kings dayes that Writers could not well pass them over without mention In Henry the 2d's Time we read of the founding of St. Bartholomew's Church Priory and Hospital in Smithfield which was begun 't is said by Rayer one of this Kings Minstrells but ended by some good and well disposed Citizens of London This Smithfield was then a Place for the casting out of filth where also Felons and other Transgressours were executed and not put it seems to the use that now it is Length of time commonly changes the use of Places and some times for the better There are upon Record no less than Three Councills Synods or Convocations of the Clergy which were kept in this City in this Kings Reign to reform the Church and Church-men was the usuall Pretence but it was commonly done in such away that it tended mostly to the exalting of their own Power We read in Stow of a Parliament of Prelates Nobles and Commons Assembled by this King in the Sixteenth Year of his Reign Anno Christi 1116. This King was the better beloved of the Englishmen for Marrying a Wife of the Old Saxon Line Edgar Atheling's Sisters Daughter for using Edward the Confessors Laws with Amendment at his coming to the Crown and making some good ones of his own for freeing the Church Impriâ—oning Ranulph the covetous Bishop of Durham his Brother William's Procurator and Gatherer of his Taxes in the Tower of London and also releasing â—o Englishmen the Old Tax of Danegelt lately reâ—ived by his Father and Brother and restoring â—o them the Use of Lights by Night which with â—ire had been by his Father forbidden to be used â—fter the Ringing of the Cuâ—fâ—â—-Bâ—ll at Eight of â—he Clock In the time of King Stephen we meet with an eâ—inent Instance of London's Strength Mâ—ud the â—mpress the Late Kings onâ—y Sâ—rviâ—ing Heir haâ—ing upon the Fortune of a Battail took and Imâ—risoned King Stephen and being theâ— by much â—xalted in her mind deeming her self sure of the â—ossession of the whole Realm would not make â—â—y Grant to the Citizen's Requests They thereâ—pon becoming discontented designed to have â—â—ized on her Person Whereof she having â—arning fled in haste for her own Safe guard to â—xford and her People were divided and scatterâ—â— whereas not long before she was in a fair â—ossibility of enjoying all that she claimed King â—â—ephen's Queen promising upon his Delivery that 〈◊〉 should surrender the Land into her Possession 〈◊〉 become a Religious Man or a Pilgrim to his â—â—ves end Either of which at that time was a 〈◊〉 of Spiritual Death as to what concerned â—orldly Affairs But her unfortunate diâ—obâ—iging is City soon turned the Scales The Queen's â—â—rength encreases Maud's diminishes The King a little after is delivered upon Exchange and thâ— Empress at last departs with a small Company and returns into Normandy without obtaining he Desire So considerable then was the City of Loâ—don as to be able to wrest the Power out of thiâ— Conqueresses Hands and return it back at length to the same Person whom she had once overcome and held many Months Prisoner at her own 〈◊〉 and Pleasure That for which the Citizens of London made 〈◊〉 great Labour was that they might use the Law of Edward the Confessor as they were granted bâ— William commonly called the Conquerour and 〈◊〉 the Laws of her Father which were of 〈◊〉 straitness Here in my Opinion seems to be iâ—timated that this King Wâ—lliam came not into 〈◊〉 quiet Possession
into his own Country there were hopes doubtless 〈◊〉 a happy peace to ensue and long to continue But seems those hopes were soon blasted For the 〈◊〉 next year viz. the 15 we read of the late agrâ—â— peace's being violated and broken by the King 〈◊〉 according to my Author persevering in his wroâ—â— would in no wise be induc'd to hold his own graâ—â— but to execute all things after pleasure nothing â—â—ter Law and Justice These violations produc'd new War between King John and his Nobles 〈◊〉 ended not till after the Kings Death So troublesâ—â— was it to the Nation so dangerous to the King 〈◊〉 he should have such ill Ministers about him 〈◊〉 were either authors or followers of no better adviâ—â— then what could not consist with the Kings keepiâ—â— his Royal Word That the Sheep were made 〈◊〉 for the Shepheard to clip shear pill and slay at own will and pleasure is a Doctrine that the 〈◊〉 quiet innocent harmless Sheep would no longer â—â—â—lingly assent to than while the Knife is held at 〈◊〉 throat how acceptable soever it may be to the 〈◊〉 Wolves and the degenerate Dogs of the 〈◊〉 When King John found himself too weak to â—â—tend with his Barons and yet it seems by the 〈◊〉 not willing enough to keep to his former 〈◊〉 he sent beyond Sea and call'd in strangers his Assistance We read that Northfolk and 〈◊〉 were the Lands promised to those strangers 〈◊〉 would come over to aid the King who had a little â—efore got the Pope to disannul the aforesaid Charter â—nd liberties granted ere while by him and excommuâ—icate the Barons We have mention made in Stow 〈◊〉 or 3 times of strangers coming over So many of â—hem were cast away at one time by Tempest who â—ere coming over Men Women and Children that â—â—'s said of 4000 not one escap'd alive So that we â—ay observe 't is an old trick to call in Foreigners â—pon the Natives when Arbitrary designs are on 〈◊〉 When the King was found to have invited â—trangers to his aid the Lords also sent into France â—or help and succour When two Women fall a scolâ—ing and pulling one anothers head-cloths whoever â—â—rst began the fray it is much but both will be in â—â—ult before it end London was the place where the â—ords kept themselves together till the expected aid â—nd succour from beyond Sea was brought to them â—nder Lewis the French Kings Son who landing 〈◊〉 England with a strong Army came afterwards to London and was there received Hence he with the Lords departing won many Castles in the Land and 〈◊〉 their return had the Tower of London given up to â—hem by appointment Tho the Tower held long for â—he King yet 't was the City it seems that bare the â—way and adhered to the Lords What a strength â—â—ey were of we may observe out of Stow where â—ing John is said to have made hast to besiege Lonâ—on but the Londoners were hereby so little daunted â—hat they set open their Gates and were ready to meet â—im ten miles off the City whereupon the King withâ—rew understanding their boldness and multitude â—hen the Major Roger Fitz. Alwyn was accused to be â—â—vourable to the Kings Party we find him quickly â—ischarg'd of his Office and one Serle Mercer chosen 〈◊〉 his place so great was the favour of the Citizens to the Barons and their Cause that they spar'd not their own head Officer and Ruler when he lay under thâ— suspicion of favouring Arbitrary designs so contrary to the mind of the Citizens The War still continuing and King John being not able to prevail tho thâ— Pope interceded by his Legaâ—e he had at last â—â— some writes all his Arbitrary designs quench'd with a Cup of Poyson at Swinstead Abby about Lincoln Tho another Author is said to affirm that he died â—â— the flux at another place Soon after this unhappy unfortunate King John death we meet with an eminent instance of Englisâ— mens Loyalty as well as of their love of liberty anâ— freedom for though the King and his Lords were 〈◊〉 so great a difference most of the latter part of hiâ— Reign and he left the Throne and his life at such 〈◊〉 time when his Barons were likely in outward appearance to be much too strong for him his his survâ—ving Heir being but then a Child of about 9 years 〈◊〉 age Yet as if all rancour and animosity against thâ— King and his Party was dead and buried with him 〈◊〉 his Grave the wheel of affairs was so turn'd as 〈◊〉 were in an instant that Lewis and his strangers weâ—â— disgusted and the young Fatherless Prince was proclaim'd and Crown'd King of the Land at an agâ— wherein he was not fit to be left to his own guidanâ—â— without a Tutor It 's plain enough by this instancâ— that English hearts were more loyal than naturallâ— to desire the ruine of their Prince and his Family 〈◊〉 at any time they appear'd in Arms against him in defence of their Lives Liberties and Freedoms hoâ— ready have they shewed themselves to accord anâ— submit as soon as those men of ill Principles and Aâ—bitrary practices were remov'd from their Princâ— who had rais'd those clouds of discontent betweeâ— him and his People The chief of those that so soon returned to their Allegiance were the powerful Earls of Pembroke and Chester who drew with them a very considerable reâ—inue They may be probably thought to hope to â—â—nfuse better Principles into their young Prince in his Nonage than appeared by former Arbitrary actions â—o have been in his Father and so model the Goâ—ernment into a better frame in the time of that powâ—r they were as the chief Nobles most likely to â—ave under the King in his younger days Neither â—o I know but somwhat might proceed from reâ—orse of Conscience The Earl of Chester in the 2d â—ear of the Kings Reign taking his journey into the Holy-Land the Religion of those times having made â—hat the usual way of Expiation Some such intent of â—he Earl stands likewise upon record in one of the Chronicles saith my Author Another very probaâ—le occasion of this sudden change of Affairs in the Kingdom may be supposed to have risen from the Death-bed confession of a French Nobleman who 〈◊〉 reported to have discovered Lewis's intent to 〈◊〉 destroy and quite root out those English Lords â—hat adhered to him as if in detestation of their disâ—oyalty to their own natural English Soveraign When â—he Barons came once to find that he whom they â—ad called in to defend them against their Kings Arâ—itrariness intended to violate and break their Coâ—enants established at first between them when he â—ould come to have opportunity and so turn their â—â—plored aid into their certain destruction they â—ight well think they had reason enough to disclaim 〈◊〉 Alliance and endeavour to frustrate his privy inâ—â—ntions by returning to their former Allegiance as 〈◊〉 as a fit season presented it self Conditional
much like that which I find in a modern Author thus Englished BY the Authority of God Omnipotent of the Son and of the Holy Ghâ—st and of the glorious Mother of God the Virgin Mary and of the blâ—ssed Apostles Peter and Paul and of all other Apostles and of the holy Martyr and Archbishop Thomas and of all the Martyrs and of the blessed Edward King of England and of all Confessors and Virgins and of all the Saints of God We excommunicate and Anathematize and sequester from our â—oly Mother the Church all those which henceforth knowingly and maliciously shall deprive or spoil the Church of her right and all those that shall by any Art or Wit rashly violate diminish or change secretly or openly in deed word or Counsel by crossiâ—g in part or in whole those Ecclesiastical Liberties or ancient approved Customs of the Kingdom especially the Liberties and free Customs which are contained in the Charters of the Common Liberties of England and the Forrests granted by our Lord the King to the Archbishops Bishops Prelates Earls Barons Knights and Freeholders And all those who have published or being published have observed any Statutes Ordinances thing against them or any thing therein contained which have brought in any Customs to the contrary or 〈◊〉 served them being brought in and all Writers of such Oâ—dinances or Councils or Executioners and all such as shâ— presume to judge according to such Ordinances All 〈◊〉 every such Persons as are or at any time shall be knowingly guilty of any such matters shall ipso facto incur thâ— Sentence such as are ignorantly guilty shall incur the saâ—â— if being admonished they within 15 days after amend 〈◊〉 For everlasting memory whereof we hereunto put our Seaâ— Thus far the words of the Curse Nor was the maâ—ner of pronouncing less solemn in open Parliament 〈◊〉 King with all the chief Nobility of the Realm in the Robes and the Bishops in their Vestments with buâ—â—ing Tapers in their Hands standing to hear this 〈◊〉 read and immediately as soon as the Charters and 〈◊〉 were read and signed all throwing down their Tapeâ—â— extinguished and smoaking cry out So let all 〈◊〉 who incur this Sentence and go against this Curse 〈◊〉 extinct and have no better savour than these Snuffs 〈◊〉 then the King having stood all this while with 〈◊〉 hand upon his Breast said with a loud voice So 〈◊〉 me help I will observe all these things sincerely and faitâ—fully as I am a man as I am a Christian as I am Knight and as I am a King crowned and anointed But what could any one think these so solemn 〈◊〉 would avail without a suitable Power and strength Arms to make them good per force When as 〈…〉 known that there lived in those days a Clergy-man Rome who pretended to dispense even with the Almigâ—ty's Laws whose Power was at that time openly prâ—fessed to be believed sufficient by the â—â—nerality of Eâ—rope to absolve all manner of Oaths and Covenantâ— and from whom Dispensations more than a good maâ— might be had for Money The confirmation of the foâ—mentioned Acts we may believe well paid for by the Parliament For we read of a Tax called Scutage that â—s 40 s. of every Knights Fee through England then granted to the King which extended to a large summ of Money viz. Six score Thousand Pounds or more For upon occasion of this large Tax I find the number of the Knights Fees in England at those days in possesâ—ion of Spiritualty and Temporalty summ'd up by my Author to 60000 l. and above Upon supposition that â—he Clergy paid nothing it is said that the Tax would â—ot have amounted over the summ of 64000 l. whereâ—y we may guess what a deal of the Land even almost â—ne half was then belonging to the Clergy Devotion as the times went then brought forth Riches and the Daughter since devoured the Mother Nov. the 6th we are told the King came to St. Pauls and commandâ—ng a Folk-moot to be assembled according to the forâ—er Ordinances made asked license of the Commonalâ—y of the City to pass the Sea and promised there in â—resence of a great multitude of People that he would â—e a good and gracious Lord unto the City by the â—outh of Sir Hugh Bygot Chief-Justice and to mainâ—ain their Liberties unhurt whereupon the People for â—y made an exceeding shout Observe here the turn of â—hings the Courtiers seem to have sought not long time â—â—nce to oppress the Head Rulers of the City by a Folk-â—oot of the Commons Now the King to prevent the â—ffect of ill mens advice hath bound himself to ask their â—ave before he goes out of the Land for a season E're while the Folk-moot or Common-Hall was abused to â—â—rve for a property to destroy their own Cities Liberâ—â—es Now the conservation of the whole Nations welâ—â—re is put into their hands What greater Evidence can â—e demanded to prove this Honourable Cities Power â—nd Influence than to find the Citizens entrusted by â—ing Lords and Commons with so high a charge We may presume the Reason of entrusting the Commons of the City with so large a Grant as the Kinâ— could not pass the Sea without License first obtain'â— of them was to prevent the Evil and Mischief thâ—â— might happen to the Land by advice of ill Counselloâ— who might be persuading the King at every turn to gâ— out of the Realm he having also Lands beyond the 〈◊〉 that they might have the better opportunity to 〈◊〉 out their own ends though to the Peoples oppressioâ— in his absence What trouble affliction and oppressioâ— the land suffered under this Kings Uncle Richard thâ— first 's Imprisonment at the Hands of the Kings Officeâ—â— who rak'd and pill'd what they could of Clergy 〈◊〉 Laity on pretence of raising Money for the Kings Râ—demption I had rather send the Reader back to pag. to satisfie himself where I have related somwhat of thâ— charge of the Kings Ransom than stay to repeat it ovâ—â— again A fuller description the curious may meet wiâ—â— in Neubrigensis l. 4 cap. 35. treating particularly therâ—of Some I believe may have observed in these unsettlâ—â— times that they have fared much better and more eâ—sily avoided the malitious attempts of their Fellow Suâ—jects who have liv'd as it were in the Sunshine of thâ— Kings presâ—nce than such who being many scores â—â— may be Hundreds of Miles distant have liv'd so â—â— phrase it in the shadow I know not but 〈◊〉 â—resence of the head Governour 〈◊〉 as needful always 〈…〉 as is the General in 〈◊〉 Army Certâ—in enough it is by the History that 〈◊〉 this Kinâ— Henry was thus absent from his Kingdom 〈…〉 ways in France that Dissention arose'â— Englaâ—d between the Kings Son Edward and the 〈◊〉 of Gloucestâ—r which might have immediately brougâ—â— no small trouble to the Land had not there been greâ—â— endeavours used to prevent it wherein this Honourabâ—â— City shew'd much of her
nor league with them from the notorious 〈◊〉 these fraudulent Gibeonitish Ambassadours put upon theâ— by their lying words and from the murmuring of thâ— whole Congregation against them Notwithstanding all this we find they let them live lest Wrath shoulâ— have been upon them because of the Oath they 〈◊〉 sworn unto them And that they did well in keepinâ— this so solemn a league and Covenant though obtainâ—â— by Fraud and hastily made we have divine Authority to assure us from the Lord in the Three Years Famine he sent upon the Land in King David's Days foâ— Saul and his bloody House because in his Zeal to thâ— Children of Israel and Judah he sought to slay the Gibeonites and so violated the Oath made by their 〈◊〉 Fathers hundreds of years before We cannot with out the greatest breach of Charity suppose that 〈◊〉 holy a Man as David one after Gods own Heaâ— made use of this only as a pretence to ruine and exâ—â—pate Saul's Family and settle the Crown the faster 〈◊〉 his own Head and to fix it the surer to his posterity aâ—ter him If any of us were so Atheistical as from thâ—â— instance to look upon Religion as only a piece of 〈◊〉 Policy our Suspicious Thoughts and Censures woulâ— be soon answered from David's own manner of actiâ—â— in this particular who is recorded to have spared 〈◊〉 Son of Jonathan Saul's eldest Son and that too upâ—â— account of the Lord's Oath that was sworn betweeâ— them many Years before As the Scriptures plainâ—â— shew us that Joshua and the Princes of Israel did we in keeping the Oath they had sworn though draw into it by Fraud and Deceit so in them we find 〈◊〉 ill it fared with Zedekiah the last King in Jerusalâ—â— after he had broken the Oath which Nebuchadnezzâ— had made him swear by God We doubt not but the there was force enough upon him to compel him 〈◊〉 it may be the price of a Kingdom likewise induced him thereto for the benefit of his present occasions but how ill went it with Judah for his breaking that Oath by whatsoever force at first gained of him even to the destruction of the chief City solitary desolation of the Land for many Years and utter ruine of the Monarchy for ever after For afâ—er the Captivity we find it reduced back again into a kind of Common-Wealth under Rulers and but one of them of David's Line mentioned in the Scriptures that I remember Governours the high Priests the Maccabees the Sanhedrim unto the coming of Shilo So fatal to the Jewish Nation was their Princes Irreligion There is no respect of Persons with the Almighty at whose Tribunal all must once stand to be judged High and Low Rich and Poor Noble and Ignoble Kings Princes and People as sure as the Scripture which we esteem the word of the great God is infallibly true But whither has the overflowing of my thoughts carried me To go back again therefore into the way from whence I have so far deviated In this same 44th year of King Henry wherein he commanded all of Twelve Years and upwards in London to swear to be true to him and his Heirs we read of further grudge and displeasure beginning to kindle between the King and his Lords The occasion is related to be for that the Barons with consent of the Peers discharged one and admitted another for Justice unwitting the King The displeaâ—ure hence arising and encreasing more and more was â—owever a little appeased for a while by the Policy of the Kings Brother and some Prelates of the Land â—n this Year the Chronicler thought it worthy remark â—o make mention of the variance that fell out between â—he Londoners and the men of Northampton at a Fair â—here held for a man of that Town there slain which occasioned a long Suit and Plea between them to 〈◊〉 great vexation and trouble of both Parties wherein 〈◊〉 the end the City had the better That City that 〈◊〉 able to make a Contest with the King 's whole 〈◊〉 is likely enough to match a particular Town In the 45th shortly after Alhallontide the Baroâ— admitted and made Sheriffs of divers Shires namiâ—â— them Guardians and Keepers of the Counties and Shiâ—â— and discharged such as the King had before admittâ—â— Neither would they suffer the Justices but such as 〈◊〉 of their own admission to keep the Itinerary 〈◊〉 The Law allowed them power and they were 〈◊〉 it seems to use it The King as any may easily suppose was grievously discontented therewith insomucâ— as saith the Chronicle that after that Season he â—â—boured what he might to disannul the former Ordinanâ—â— and Statutes and cause them to be broken To thâ— end on the second Sunday in Lent was read by thâ— King's Command at Paul's Cross a Bull of Pope 〈◊〉 the 4th as a Confirmation of another Bull before pâ—â—chased of his Predecessor Alexander the 4th to absolâ—â— the King and all others that before had sworn 〈◊〉 maintain the Articles made at Oxford and afterwaâ—â— the said Absolution was shewed throughout Englâ—â—â— Wales and Ireland streight charge being given to 〈◊〉 that none be so hardy to withstand or disobey the 〈◊〉 said Absolution And if any were found disobediâ—â— to this Commandment that he should be put in Prisâ—â— without Ransom or Deliverance till the Kings Plâ—â—sure were further known The Pope could pretend 〈◊〉 absolve on either side if he were well paid 〈◊〉 then could any Oaths be suppos'd to avail without sâ—â—able Power to compel their Observance Yet hitheâ—â—â— the Commons of the City held their Power formeâ— granted them For we read of another License â—â—ven to the King at a Folk-Moot to sail into 〈◊〉 according whereunto he departed the morrow followâ—ng from London Anno 46. Tbomas Fiz Thomas being Mayor Phiâ—â—â— Walbrook Richard Taylor Sheriffs about Martintide â—he Jews felt the Peoples Fury to some of their costs â—o odious was that Nation grown in many parts of â—he World since our Saviour's Crucifixion which had been formerly the darling of Heaven that it must have been a very small mattâ—â— that would not easily have â—â—rred up the common People of the Land where they lived against them In this Year is unkindness â—oted to have arisen between the Londoners and the Constable of the Tower for that contrary to the Ciâ—ies Liberties he took certain Ships passing by with Wheat and other Victuals into the Tower and made â—he Price at his Pleasure Hence might great harm have ensued had not by the Policy of wise men the matter been committed to the Chief Justice and others by direction of the Kings Council to set an order and Rule between the said Parties The effect whereof was that after Evidences and Priviledges produced to â—he advantage of both it was firmly adjudged that â—f the Constable or any other Officer of the Tower would at any time take any Wheat or Victuals to the â—â—se of the King or the Tower he should come into
the City gave the Nomination to Aleyn â—â—wch and divers of the others cryed upon Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas at that time Prisoner in Windsor Castle â—herefore the said Sir Roger with the Assistance of â—he Mayor and others took those Persons and sent â—â—emun to divers Prisons So that what they could not â—o well get by fair means some seem resolved to obâ—ain by force And yet 't is not unlikely but they â—ould be ready enough to bear People in hand that â—uch was a free Election The Act against Disturbance 〈◊〉 Free Elections wherein the King commandeth upon Forfeiture that no man by force of Arms nor by â—alice or menacing shall disturb any to make Free â—lection was not at that time dreaded as not being 〈◊〉 yet enacted for it is plac'd in the third of Edward the First the following King wherefore the Distâ—â—bers might not then think they had such cause 〈…〉 having the Court also on their side as 〈◊〉 must have had since as soon as ever they should 〈◊〉 acted so imprudently as to bring themselves 〈◊〉 the laâ—h of that standing Law Observe we here 〈◊〉 Power and Esteem that usually accompanie◠〈◊〉 Mayoralty of this Honorable City since that 〈◊〉 Faction were for choosing one of their own 〈◊〉 Shall I further remark upon the whole of this 〈◊〉 what Party in a Nation 't is that sticks not at 〈◊〉 nor force to effect their Designs when fair 〈◊〉 is too weak to compass them But who will 〈◊〉 me that this will not be offensive Therefore to 〈◊〉 In this Year the Gentlemen who kept the 〈◊〉 Ely and liv'd there like Outlaws broke out 〈◊〉 times and did much harm in Norfolk Suffolk 〈◊〉 Cambridge Shire took Norwich and after spoiling 〈◊〉 carried away with them many of the rich men 〈◊〉 ransomed them at great sums of Mony This 〈◊〉 occasion the story says to Thieves and other 〈◊〉 dispos'd People to do many other hurts and 〈◊〉 in divers places of the Land and the blame was 〈◊〉 to those Gentlemen Then the Pope's Legate labouâ—â— with the King that those disinherited Gentlemâ—â— might purchase their Lands of him by Fine and 〈◊〉 some Whereupon it was agreed that they 〈◊〉 have their Lands again at five Years value some 〈◊〉 excepted and others of small Possessions to 〈◊〉 Fined at the discretion of the King's Councel 〈◊〉 this took no conclusion saith my Author Anno 52. Aleyn Sowch being Mayor Thomas â—â—singâ— and Robert de Cornehyll Sherists we read of anâ—ther broyl beginning which was like to have creaâ—â— no little disturbance in the Land had it not 〈◊〉 timely appeas'd and brought to an end by the inteâ—cession of wise Mediators For Gilbert de Clare Earl 〈◊〉 Glocester formerly a powerful Man among the Bâ—rons Party by reason of difference and disgust â—â—ising between him and the no less Potent Earl of 〈◊〉 of the same Party having turn'd to the King's side adding to it such considerable strength that it soon over powr'd the weakend Barons but â—â—w upon what occasion Fabian expresses not he refused the King and gathered to him a strong 〈◊〉 in the Marches of Wales To him likewise drew Sir John Eyvile and others of the disinherited 〈◊〉 So that after Christmas he comes with a â—ear Host near unto London When the Mayor and Aldermen of the City were aware of the Earls â—â—ming with so strong a Power and not knowing 〈◊〉 he were the Kings Freind they shut the 〈◊〉 against his Fore-Riders And for that neither 〈◊〉 King nor any of his Councel were then near 〈◊〉 City they went unto the Legate at that time â—â—dged in the Tower and required his Councel â—hether they should suffer the Earl to enter into the â—ay or not whereunto the Legate answered that 〈◊〉 thought not the contrary for the knew well that 〈◊〉 was the Kings true Subject and Friend Not 〈◊〉 after came a Messenger from the Earl to the â—ayor to have Licence to pass through the City 〈◊〉 Southwark where he intended to lodge with 〈◊〉 People which was granted and so the Earl â—â—ssed through the City and was lodg'd in Southâ—ark To him came shortly after by Surry-side 〈◊〉 John Eyvile with a great Company Then the â—ayor kept the Gate of the Bridge shut watchâ—â—g it dayly with armed Men and every night 〈◊〉 the Draw-Bridge to be drawn and the Waterside daily and nightly to be watched with Men in Arms. In short time after the Legate and the Earl agreed in such wise that the Earl by his advice was suffered with certain of his People to be lodged in the City By means whereof he daily drew more and more of his People into it so that finally many things were ordered by him and many of the Commons took his part against the Mayor and Aldermen The Commonalty of the City had had great Power put into their hands by the Statutes made at Oxford as appears before in the Meeting of the Folâ—moot at Pauls Cross they had been lately fin'd after the Barons overthrow for their standing in defence of those Parliament-Acts and but the last year had been disturb'd by the Mayor in their Election of a new Mayor by force of Arms and therefore now we may beleive it all remembred What shall we loose so seasonable an opportunity we may suppose they might then think if not to regain our former power yet at least to vindicate our selves against future affronts Here we may note not a little of the Earls policy After he had gathered together his People he comes away to London and getting leave to pass through it 〈◊〉 part of his Forces he settles himself as near the City as he might in Southwark and then by degrees gets himself and his Power into the City hoping doubtless to find a Party therein willing to second him which hopes we perceive by the sequel were not ill grounded Is not this a plain instance of the Cities Power Esteem and Influence in these days If any can produce plainer proof hereof let them as soon as they please I think here 〈◊〉 Mathematical Demonstration matter of Fact not of Fancy In Easter week we read that the Earl took the Keys of the Bridge and of the Gates from the officers of the City and deliver'd them to such as pleased him and received into the City many of the disinherited Perfons and gave them free liberty to pass the Bridge at all hours of the day and night Of all this the Mayor sent word to the King who then was gathering of this Power in Norfolk and made hasty speed towards London In the mean time the Earl with his Company made Bulwarks and â—â—â—bicanes between the Tower and the City casting 〈◊〉 and Trenches in some places thereof and forfâ—ited it wonderfully saith my Author Then many of the Citizens fearing a new Insurrection deparred from the City as secretly as they could whose goods the Earl seized to his own use or suffered his men to spoile them at his pleasure
Then the Commons fâ—â—getting their late punishment or rather too much remembring it and intending revenge withouâ— fear or dread of their King took certain of the Aldermen and cast them into Prison sequestring their Goods and spoiling much thereof And thereupon ran to Guild-hall and chose for their Mayor 〈◊〉 or Ruler of the City take which name you please Sir Richard de Culworth Knight and for Bayliffs Robert de Lynton and Roger Marshal and discharg'd the old Mayor and Sheriffs These the fruits of Civil Broils This being done we read in the next place that all such Prisoners that were in Newgate Ludgate and Criplegate or in any other Prisons within the City because of the Baron's War before passed were delivered and set at liberty Thus each Party when in Power strives to weaken and suppress their opposites and strengthen theâ—â— own side What avails Laws Customes and Ordinances in the midst of Armies How suddainly â— how unexpectedly is the wheele turn'd who knoâ—â— how soon the Barons War had been anew reviv'd had not Powerful Mediators interceded to the pâ—â—vention of more blood shedding The Oxford Sâ—â—tutes stood in deed repeal'd by the Winchester Parliament but who can divine what new devices the wit of men backt with Power might in time haâ—â— found out to retreive their late overthrown cause had not Providence so dispos'd mens minds to peaceable Councels as to bring these new troubles to 〈◊〉 quicker end When the Legate beheld all this Discord we are told he repented him of his former Counceâ— given to the Mayor which we may easily belieâ—â— without looking for any proofs thereof For thâ— Legate might well think himself accus'd in manâ— men's thoughts as one of the occasional Causes 〈◊〉 much of this disorder though it may be they migâ—â— not be so uncharitable as to believe him any otheâ—â— then an accidental not designed Causer thereof 〈◊〉 seems by the History to have endeavour'd somewhâ—â— to vindicate his Reputation when he saw he coulâ— not reform the Earl by threatning him with 〈◊〉 Censures of the Church and to accurse him as thâ— Disinherited were For that was always one oâ— the best Weapons the Popish Clergy were most deâ—trous at If any grievously displeas'd them no maâ—ter what the cause was good or bad allowable by the Divine Laws or not to Curse him with Bell Book and Candle was their usual accustomed Practise Whosoever believes me not let him go to the Martyrologies see whether he can then beleive his 〈◊〉 eyes Yet I do not find let the instance here 〈◊〉 that this their Cursing had so general an 〈◊〉 upon all men as they would have had it 〈◊〉 they got it well backt by the Civil Magistrates â—â—thority Therefore their common use was as 〈◊〉 had opportunity to inch out the Spiritual 〈◊〉 with the Temporal What did many value 〈◊〉 have their Souls given away to the Devil if they 〈◊〉 keep their Bodies out of Prisons from being â—â—livered over to the Secular Power by the Clergy 〈◊〉 seem thus as it were by craft to call the Maâ—istrate the Devil A plain case when Men to exalt â—â—eir own Worldly grandure or out of Animosity to â—â—venge a particular private peek or quarrel under â—â—â—tence of Religion usurpe a Power over Men's 〈◊〉 and Consciences which belongs not at all to 〈◊〉 or else turn the Edge of it to a use quite â—â—â—trary to the Primitive Institution it quickly 〈◊〉 its Ancient Vigour and Esteem and from a â—â—error it becomes a scorn to persons of understanâ—â—â—g able enough to discern men's wicked prevaâ—â—cation from true Religion Were it not for the 〈◊〉 De Excommunicato câ—piendo in some Cases Men 〈◊〉 little value Excommunication or look upon 〈◊〉 otherwise than a Scare-Crow to fright Children and Fools what 's hanging were it not for choakâ—â—g To proceed after this menace and threat of the 〈◊〉 we are told that he commanded Divine Service to be said without Note and the Church doors to be shut in time thereof and that no Bell â—â—ould be rung unto it to the Intent that the disinherited who stood accursed should not enter the Churches to hear it Upon three Weeks after Easter we hear that the King came to Ham a few miles from London whether likewise came the Legat soon after Then the King's host made divers assaults upon the City but it seems with little or no hurâ—to the Town it was so strongly fortified My Author makes mention of Guns and other Ordinances but I question whether he speakes not rather after the fashion of the Age he liv'd in than after the true use of armes in those more elderly times For the first invention of Gunpowder by Bertholdus Swart the Gâ—rman Monk is plac'd by Chronologers a considerable time after In this time of variance the Legate upon his Party and the King of Romans upon the other party for alliance between him and the Earl of Glocester labour'd so to the King that Peace was spoken of During the Treaty the Soldiers lying in Southwarke made many Robberies in Surry and other places Neither did the King's Palace at Westminister escape for we hear that some of them rowd over thereto and Spoil'd it drunk up the Kings wine brake the glass of the Windows wasting and destroying other Necessaries thereunto belonging and came likewiâ—â— sometimes into London and Robbed there Disorderly unruly Soldiers little regard any one unless they be kept under Strict discipline Sacred or Prophaâ—â— much the sameto many of them Some of these â—avenous Spoilers being taken are recorded to have had a severe Punishment inflicted on them through the Earl of Derby's means whose Body or Câ—gâ—zance they bare viz. bound hands and leggs put into a Sack and â—o cast into Thames About 〈◊〉 day was the Peace between the King and the Earl câ—â—cluded After this Conclusion the Earl removed out of the City and was lodg'd again in Southwark The King entred the City the Sunday before Midsâ—â—er day according to the Book And forthwith the King's Proclamation were made through it of the peace made between the King and the Earl Afâ—â—r was liberty given to the disinherited Persons of Eleven Days respit to shift for themselves either to depart to such Places where they might be in some Surety or else to agree to the former Composition made by the Legate viz. To pay the Fifth part of the Yearly Value of their Lands certain Persons only excepted as is before related As touching the Earl and such other as before were not disinherited together also with the Citizens of London they were clearly to be forgiven and Pardoned Then were restored to their Offices Aleyn Sowch Mayor Thomas Basynge and Robert de Cornhil Sheriffs And the Aldermen before deposed were again likewise restored to their Wards and Offices A happy Reconciliation Next comes the relation of the Legate's interdicâ—ing all the City the Wednesday following which endured from six of the clock in the Morning till three the next
Citizens disâ—greement But if such was the effect of the Ciâ—izens contest what then may we think of those who â—urposely create those differences and stir up dangerâ—us animosities among them upon slight trivial â—orn out pretences that from the like cause or occasion the like effect may follow At Candlemas by discreet and wise peaceable means the forenamed Sir Walter Harvy was set in Authority as Major and so remained the whole year after In the third year the King confirmed the Liberties of the City and granted some new Thus you see after a storm comes fair weather In this year we meet with a Relation concerning Walter Harvy how that in the first year of this King after long controversy and strife with the Aldermen he was made Major of London at a Folkmoot or Common-Hall at Pauls-Cross and so continued that year but in this third year occasion was found to remember and as the event seems to intimate revenge it For being accused of divers perjuries and other detestable deeds contrary to his Oath for them and for making Assemblies of the Commons who favour'd him he was depriv'd of his Aldermanship and turn'd out of the City Council for ever and for keeping the Kings peace within the City for the term of his life was bound to the good behaviour upon the suretiship of twelve persons 'T is not unusual for the Commonalty and heads of the City to be at difference each with other Here 's one who seems a promoter of the Commons power over-power'd himself by his Enemies for making assemblies of the Commons and other Crimes objected to him true or feigned I know not however thence was taken a pretence to thrust him out of his former power These Folkmoots or Assemblies of the Commons seem to have been very unpleasing tâ— the chief Rulers of the City and their power disgusted as may be guess'd from the fore-pass'd transactions in King Henry's days where we may remember that the Commons were the men whâ— had power allotted them by the Parliament at their Folkmoot or Common-hal to grant the King Licence to depart out of the Land for a Season 'T were they who most firmly adher'd to the Barons standing up in defence of those Parliament Statues made at Oxford but few of the chief Rulers of the City comparatively are noted to have appear'd openly in that fam'd contest of the Barons War In the fourth year occasion was taken against Michael Tony upon some demeaours of his in the Welch War to accuse him of Treason of which he was arraign'd judg'd and condemn'd and after drawn hang'd and quartered This man doubtless had been a noted stickler in the Barons War for I find one of that Name among the five persons so long kept in Prison in Windsor Tower after the Barons overthrow till mony bought them out as is before related Princes once highly offended may openly profess to forgive the offending party but they do not however so soon forget him Tho David pardoned Shimei during his life and swore to him not to put him to death with the Sword yet as good a Man as he was he charg'd his Son Solomon to bring down his hoary head to the grave with blood and so accordingly we find an occasion was afterwards taken by Solomon to revenge his former cursing his Father David by commanding Benaiah who went out and fell upon him that he dyed This year was the famous Statute of Mortmain first enacted that no man should give Lands or Rents to the Church without the Kings Special Licence which Statute had afterwards many additions annext to it to make it the stronger For the Lay-fee was in great danger to be devour'd by the Spiritualty such Arts did the Clergy use on mens minds to augment their power and Riches Tho now our Courts of Law are fixt at Westminster yet in these Ancient times it was not so for we read that this King in his sixth year remov'd his Courts of Kings-Bench Chancery Common-Pleas and Exchequer to Shrewsbury and afterwards return'd them back again to the no small damage of the Records thus carried to and fro This King held his Parliament at London in his seventh year for Reformation of his Coyn much clip't and diminish'd This storm fell chiefly upon the Jews by reason of the Inquest charg'd in London to enquire of this matter Whereupon were cast two hundred and ninety seven persons before the Major and other Justices sitting at London and afterwards Executed at sundry times and places My Author hath left upon Record that among these there were but three Englishmen all the rest were Jews or Jews born in England Famous is the 12th year for the Conquering and subâ—â—â—â—ing of Wales to the English Scepter and divâ—sion of it bâ— King Edward into Shires whereupon were ordain'd Sheriffs and other Officers therein as were then us'd in England David Brother to Lewellyn late Prince of Wales who was condemned to be drawn hang'd and quarter'd as a chief â—â—irrer and beginner of the Welsh War in time of a Parliament held at Shrewsbury was shortly after Executed and his head sent to London to be sâ—t by his Brothers which had been order'd to be plac'd the â—ear before on London-Tower In this year was Edward of Carnarvan born the first of our English Kings since William the first that I read of publickly unking'd and depos'd by his own Subjects The great Conduit standing against Saint Thomas of Acres in Cheapside owes his foundation to this year The 13th year may be noted for the Kings seizing the Franchises and Liberties of London into his own hands on the day kept in Memory of Saint Pauls Conversion so that he discharged the Major Gregory Rokisle and admitted for Custos or Guardian of the City Stephen Sandewich who continued till the Monday following the Purification of the Virgin Mary when being discharg'd Sir John Breton sâ—ands upon Record charg'd for the residue of the year My Author writes that the cause of this displeasure the King bore to the City is not shewn of a certainty He mentions an old Pamphlet whereby it appears that the Major took bribes of the Bakers and suffer'd them to sell bread lacking six ounces in a penny Loaf for which the King was sore displeased but to him this seem'd no convenient cause that the Liberties of the City should be seiz'd for one man's offence Wherefore he rather supposeth it was for a more grievous cause However it is observable from History that it was a Common thing in Elder times to seize the Cities Charters on pretences slight enough of any sense till the Citizens grew so wise as at convenient seasons to procure new grants and graces to prevent such seizures for the future And that it is not still so feasable and practicable is the grief I believe and heart-burning of some in the world The 14th year of this King may be accounted famous for the Statutes called Additamenta Gloucestriae made at a
Thomas Weyland Adam Stretton and others who being by the Kings order Examined and found guilty of the Trespasses laid to their Charge were â—ither out-law'd and lost their goods or else long â—mprisoned and deeply Fin'd A large Catalogue â—f them and their Fines are to be seen in Stows 〈◊〉 whence 't is observable how suddainly vengeâ—nce over-takes Oppressors let them be never so Rich High and Mighty in Office Power or Authority as soon as ever the Kings mind is inspir'd from above to inspect their actions and punish their crimes Remarkable is the 19th Year for the Jews Banishment which we find bought of thâ— King by the Commons at the price of a Fifteen In the 21st year we hear of a Parliament held at London and of the King of Scot's coming thither with divers of his Lords The punishment inflicted on three men for rescuing a Prisoner from an Officer belonging to the Sheriffs of London by striking off their right hands at the wrist in Cheapside is noted for one of this years actions Hence let us leap to the 24th year and there among thaâ— years deeds we find mention made of a new subsidy levied by the King upon Wool going out oâ— England Fels and Hides for his War with thâ— French King of his Commanding the Mony before granted by the Clergy towards the defence oâ— the Holy Land to be brought into his Treasury upon the Report he had from Rome of Pope Boniface the 8ths manners of the grant he got of thâ— Clergy of half their Spiritual and Temporal Lands from a Benefice of 20 Marks and upwards to bâ— paid in three years And of the Tax he had also granted him by the Lay-fee viz. the Tenth penny of their movables to be paid in two years time If any one be desirous to certifie himself whaâ— Relation Scotland stood in towards England foâ— many ages before let him read through the Relation of this years actions in Fabian's Chronicle and there he may be satisfied if it will conduce to his satisfaction to find that Scotland even in Elder times in a sort depended on England and waâ— so far from giving Laws or an Example and Patern thereto that it's Nobles were fain to submit themselves to the King of England's Judgmenâ— and decree and do him Homage and Fealty in effecâ— by the submission of their King whom King Edward had appointed and set over them Memoâ—able is the six and twentieth year for that thereâ—n the Londoners obtain'd of King Edward newâ—y come from beyond Sea into England and so to Winchester a grant of their Liberties and Franchises which had in some part been kept from them by â—he term of twelve years and more so that they â—gain chose a Major of themselves whereas in â—he aforesaid time their Custos or Guardian was appointed by the King or by such as the King would assign But we are to understand by the Chronicle that this was not redeem'd without a great Sum of money Some Writers it seems fixing it at three thousand marks As this King had many Wars especially with Scotland which put him to great charges and had much money granted him by his Subjects so he ceased not to devise other ways to raise more and get what was denied him For as much as divers men â—ichly benefic'd in the Land refus'd to aid him with their Goods as others had and for that end had purchased from the Pope an Inhibition that they and their goods should be free from the King's Taxes he put them this year out of his protection a strain of State policy beyond some other Kings and seis'd their Temporalties permitting them to enjoy their Spiritualties till they agreed with him Though this was a warlike Prince and oft successful in his undertakings yet the Clergy's power so over-top't the Laity's that he chose rather to make use of his Wits than his Arms in dealing with them So have I read in William the Second's days how when his Unkle being both a Bishop and an Earl grew troublesome to him he seis'd upon the Earl and clapt him in hold whereby he caught and revenged himself on the Bishop too without openly pretending to meddle with a Clergy Man An offence esteem'd piacular in those days to such an height of Pride were the Popish Clergy grown An other practice of King Edward was his suddain Condemning certain Coines of Mony call'd Pollards Crocardes and Rosaries in his twenty seventh year and causing them to be brought to a new Coynage to his great advantage as testifies the Historian Among others may be also numbred that Inquisition he caus'd to be made throughout the Land in the twenty eighth year which was after nam'd Trailbaston This we find made upon Officers as Majors Sheriffs Bayliffs Escheators and many others who had misborn themselves in their Offices and had us'd Extortion or treated the people otherwise than was according to the order of their Offices So vigilant appeared this Prince and careful of his people that they might not be abused nor oppressed by their fellow Subjects when got into power under pretence of being his Majesties Officers a thing we know common enough in the world In the twenty eighth year we have mention made of the City of London's Splendor and Magnificence upon the account of their receiving the new Queen Margaret Sister to the French King Thus runs my Authors short Relation hereof The Citizens to the number of six hundred Rode in one Livery of Red and White with the Cognizance of divers Misteries broidered upon their sleeves and received her four Miles without the City and so conveyed her through the City which then was garnished and hanged with Tapestry and Arras and other Cloths of Silk and Riches in most goodly wise unto Westminster This is the year wherein Fabian makes the first mention of Pierce of Gaviston in his Chronicle upon Occasion of the Bishop of Chesters complaining to the King of him his Eldest Son Edward and others for breaking the Bishops Park and riotously destroying the Game therein For this was the aforesaid Edward and his Accomplices Imprisoned So that under this famous King the very next Heir apparent scap'd not the Lash of the Law when he had offended even to an actual Imprisonment so far were men in those days from asserting him to be above the Law and not Lyable to condign punishment because the next Heir Afterwards the King Banished the aforesaid Gaviston out of England for fear lest he should debauch his Son But this Banishment was after his death annulled by his Son Edward when King to the great trouble and vexation of the Land afterwards The twenty ninth may be esteemed not unworthy of remark for the Kings giving to Edward his Son the Principality of Wales whereunto he likewis'd joyn'd the Earldom of Cornwal newly Vacant and return'd to the Crown In the 33d year we read of the taking arraigning drawing hanging and quartering of William Waleys who of an unknown
into Ireland Yet thither we hear of the Kings sending him oftentimes secret Messengers and comsorting him with many rich gifts and the next year we read of his being fetch'd home again to still the grudges springing up between the King and his Nobles and continue amity amongst them which prov'd but so much the more mischievous to the Realm For this exorbitant Favourite's power more and more encreasing he having the keeping of the Kings Treasure and Jewels convey'd many of them some of great value out of the Land and brought the King by means of his wanton Conditions to manifold Vices as Adultery and others whereupon by the Lords Counsel and Resolution taken at Lincoln he was shortly after exil'd into Flanders to the Kings great displeasure In comes Gaveston again though he had before abjur'd the Realm with this condition by the Barons added that if he were found again in any Lands subject to the King's dominions he should be taken as a Common Enemy and Condemned But being recall'd by the King he ventures on his favour and afterwards demeans himself worse and worse In so much that we read that he disdain'd the Lords of England and of them had many spiteful and slanderous words so that there 's the less wonder that the Queen and the whole Court were sorrowful because they saw the King as Stow words it not very sound so great was his Joy and Jollity for his receiving him in safety Whereupon the Lords of one mind saith my Author consented to put him to death which they soon after effected by taking the Castle wherein he was and so having him in their hands smote off his Head For this was the King grievously displeas'd with those Lords and vow'd we hear to revenge his Death so that after this he sought occasion against them to grieve and displease them If the foremention'd disorders with many before express'd by Authentick Writers to have fallen out under this King If Treachery Robberies Rapes Extortions Divisions Civil discords at home slights contempts and losses abroad and much blood-shed in Battels fought and lost both at home and abroad If murrain of Beasts and scarcity of Grain dearness of Victuals sickness and mortality of Men ravages and outrages of cruel insulting Enemies and almost a general desolation in several places of the Land be glories that can eternize a Man's memory to succeeding Generations I know not whether this Kings Name and Reign may ever be forgotten as long as England stands a fixt Island in the midst of the Ocean In the midst of these troubles and crosses you are not to suppose the City of London scap't free from partaking in the Common misery of the Land In the first of this King's Reign I find that he and his new Married Bride were received joyfully by the Citizens and so conveyed to Westminster but the times afterwards grew so cloudy and full of storms that I don't think they had over much reason to rejoyce more than the rest of their poor distressed fellow Subjects Yet Providence in good time delivered the City out of these troubles and with advantage too as may be observed and remark't in the end of this and beginning of the next Kings Reign Twice more particularly in this Kings Reign do we read of a breach made on the Cities Priviledges by constraining the Citizens at their own charges to raise and maintain a certain number of Soldiers and send them whether they were appointed but the last time it seems it was conditionally that it should not be made a President which possibly was to appease them when they refused to go out of the City to fight unless they might according to their liberties as Stow says return home again the same day before Sun-set For 't is plain how great soever their respect was towards their Soveraign that they had no great kindness for some about him And therefore when aid and assistance was requested of them against the Queen who with her Son Edward was newly Landed and pretended Reformation of abuses they made this plea or excuse as favouring rather Reformers than makers of Grievances yet with profession of due obedience and Honour to the King the Queen and their Son who was after his Father the Right and Lawful Heir to the Crown At the Parliament of Whitebands held in the twefth of this King whether the Barons came in Arms the Citizens were the Keepers of the Kings peace in the City a thousand of them well Armed by the Majors order watching by day and as many by night in divers Wards and at several Gates thereof under the inspection of two Aldermen with Officers assigned to Ride about every night to oversee them and the rest of the Citizens were enjoyned to have their Arms in readiness upon a very short warning for more surety And what pray now was the effect of all this but that the peace was kept the City guarded it and no disturbance hapned that I read of notwithstanding there was so great an Army then on foot Ill men were removed several things were ordained for the good of the Realm Transactions were carried on without violence or blood-shed the Parliament was peaceably dissolved and every one returned home in quietness safety and security But on the contrary afterwards in the later end of this Kings Reign when the Courtiers were much disgusted in the City by reason of many violences committed and much harsh dealing used by some towards their fellow Subjects in the time of their power under the wings of Authority and pretence of Law and Justice the Citizens were so far from keeping the King's peace as before that they soon shew'd openly their favour good will and kindness for the Queen who under the glozing pretence of reforming the ill Government was come into the Land with a considerable force of Soldiers and had sent to the Mayor and Commonalty for their aid help and assistance in carrying on this her pretended Reformation A work generally highly acceptable to all such as think themselves oppressed and glorious in the Eyes of the people but such is the misery fate and infelicity the frailty and imperfection incident to all sublunary attempts that it very seldom if ever fully answers the expectation of every one concern'd Neither was the Citizens affection to the Queen and her Party barely shewn in words and expressions but it went much farther and was publickly brought into Act by beheading such as they took to be the Queens enemies not so much as sparing the Bishop of Exeter himself a great man among the spiritualty who had been there left by the King to have the Rule of the City in his absence The occasion is said to have sprung from his stiff and peremptory demanding of the Keys of the City Gates by vertue of his Commission which highly exasperated the Commons against him and so much the more because as was the saying he had rais'd an Army to withstand the Queen a fault
then thought unpardonable by the Londoners who in words and deeds espoused the Queen's Cause seis'd on the Tower of London and kept it for the Queens use and not long afterwards received her into their City with great Joy and Honour A demonstrative evidence in my opinion of the City's strength and power For if London when she pleas'd could maintain the King's peace in the midst of Arms as was shewn above so inviolably as that none dar'd in opposition to break it and afterwards in the very same age and within the compass of half a dozen years did actually assert the Qeens cause and assist her in her proceedings as was pretended for Reformation of the Realm tho the Consequence thereof was in truth the unfortunate Kings resignation what greater instance can there be to shew her great influence upon the whole Nation in those unsetled times London having so visibly appeared in favour of the Queen the Prince and his party and contributed so much towards this notable revolution of affairs we have no reason to think but that out of Common gratitude her Citizens were to be aboundantly rewarded and that they themselves out of self interest and natural Prudence would so well and wisely look to their own affairs as to make hay while the Sun shines to the procuring new grants and Graces and so accordingly we find the event For in the first year of Edward the third Fabian tells us he confirmed the Liberties and Franchizes of the City making the Major Chief Justice in all places of Judgment within the same next the King every Alderman that had been Major Justice of Peace in London and Midlesex and such as had not been Justice in his own Ward Granting them also the Fee-farm of London for three hundred pounds and that they should not be constrained to go out of the City to â—o fight or defend the Land for any need A priviledge greater than what was claimed as their liberty in his Fathers days when unwilling to engage against the Queen and Prince they refused not to go out on condition of returning the same day as is related before But the most beneficial of all the grants was that the Franchises of the City should not be seized into the Kings hands but only for Treason or Rebellion done by the whole City It having before been a Common thing to have their Liberties seized on as hath been plainly manifested in the Precedent Relation on almost every petty disgust conceived by the Court against them were it but for the pretended offence of a particular Officer or for mony alledged to be owing by the City to some great ones at Court or some such like small trivial pretence But now at this time they took such care to have their Liberties setled and secured by this Royal Grant that it may be thought almost if not wholly a thing impossible for the City to forfeit her Charter and have it justly according to that grant taken from her The bringing of Southwark under the Rule of the City and the power allowed their Major to appoint such a Bailiff there as liked him best was a very advantagious favour at the same time by this King Edward bestowed on London but not comparable with the former grant which may most deservedly be esteemed Paramount to all others A particular Officer may offend and oftentimes does nay many may but for a City a whole City so great and glorious a City as London Traiterously to Rebel and so forfeit all her Liberties Priviledges and Franchises at one clap seems to me so great a contradiction as to imply little less than an Impossibility in Nature not to go a step or two higher This King being one of the most powerful Princes of his time and in the strength of his age very succesful in his Wars against the French King 't is not for us hastily to imagine there was any occasion given for so wise and good a King to contest with his Subjects much less with his Loyal Citizens We are rather to expect to hear of the City's Triumphs and glory the Joy and rejoyceing wherewith she often received her Victorious King returning Conquerour from France the frequent Justings Tiltings and Tournaments shewn thereat for his Recreation and entertainment the Wealth Riches and Ability of her head Officers whereof one to Londons great glory is said to have sumptuously feasted four Kings at once in the thirty first of this Kings Reign besides the famous Black Prince many Noble Knights and others to whom with the King he gave many Rich Gifts the splendor of the Citizens in general oâ— publick occasions and the harmonious concord of all in their own private and particular concerns relating more especially to the Cities good order and Government This King may be supposed too great and too good either to create or to permit differences and discord at home He had wherewithal to exercise his Wisdom and valour abroad in forreign Countries and such success too in his Enterprizes as might make him both feared and beloved by his Subjects at one and the same time Yet notwithstanding such still was Londons power strength and resolution to maintain her Liberties that this Victorious Prince Conquerour over others having sent out Justices into the Shires to make enquiry about his Officers offences and delinquences and the City of London not suffering as Stow tells us any such Officers to sit as Justices in their City as Inquisitors of such matters contrary to their Liberties he thought good rather to appoint those Justices their Sessions in the Tower for Inquisition of the damages of the Londoners and they refusing unless conditionally to answer there and a tumult thereupon arising among the meaner sort claiming their Liberties he esteemed it greater prudence to wave the Justices sitting as to that place and forgive all offences than to enter into a contest with such powerful tho Loyal Subjects as the Londoners were and such undaunted assertors of their own rights priviledges franchises and liberties For as 't is plain the City was very potent so we may as certainly perhaps conclude the Citizens no less suspicious of any thing done under the shadow of this Kings Authority if but looking towards the least breach of their Priviledges as the Commons of England in general seem to have appeared jealous of their Common liberty when upon this Kings laying claim to the Kingdom of France they procured a Law whereby it was enacted that the King should not Rule England as King of France and so Subject them to the insolencies of a fellow-Subjects Deputyship Would you know what esteem and respect the house of Commons in this King's reign had for â—he City Look in Cotton's abridgment of the Records â—n the Tower and there you may find the Commons â—ver and anon petitioning the King that the City â—f London may enjoy all her Liberties and the King's â—nswers generally to such petitions seem rather to â—rant than
know not of a certainty as not â—â—ding it mention'd in the History Possibly there â—ere none or at least they prov'd very ineffectual â—hich I the rather conclude because that when 〈◊〉 had made malitious Rhymes upon the Duke 〈◊〉 fastned them up in divers parts of the City â—â—other remedy was found out against them but haply as inefficacious viz. a Sentence of Excommunication at the Dukes request to the Bishops pronounced against them publickly by the Bishop of Bangor the Aldermen of the City assisting him To be Excommunicated did carry somewhat of terror with it in England in those Popish times among the vulgar and might probably again should Providence for our offences ever suffer Popery to be brought back into the Land but among Protestants and knowing understanding men Excommunication upon every slight account and trifling pretext is of little value esteem or regard and no more dreaded perhaps by some than 't was by Rablais when he beg'd it as a great boon of the Pope because the poor Country Woman thought her Faggot Excommunicated when she could not make it burn Besides these Indignities put upon the Duke at London in at and after the aforesaid Tumult of the Common people we are told also that all such as wore the Dukes Sign or Colours were fain to hide them conveying them into their bosoms so great a feaâ— and dread had seiz'd upon their Spirits Whether these Colours were Parsons Black True Blew Flourishing Green Orange Tawny or Blood Red the Historian hath not so far gratified us aâ— punctually to set down in his Relation of theâ—â— transactions But if I might have leave to pasâ— my Verdict herein I should be apt to conjecturâ— them to have been at least for the most part 〈◊〉 by the Red-letter'd people What sad Prognosticks may we think our Almanack-makers aâ— star-gazers then gave of the times when the saw England so likely to fall into such Feuds Factionâ— and disorders as those of the Guelphs and Gibelineâ— But one good turn 't is that Astrogolers Prognostications use commonly to be like the Popish Oracles old Almanacks soon out of date The City could much sooner influence the Nation than they could make the Stars influence the City in favour of the Dukes cause How the Citizens of London oppos'd the Duke we have seen but he is resolved it seems to shew his bitter resentments upon the next opportunity and accordingly after the Duke had obtain'd his desires of the two Houses of Parliament viz. A Poll-Bill or Tax of all the heads in the whole Realm he caused the King to send for the Major Aldermen and Sheriffs of London who soon came before him then very ill at ease as they were ordered into his Chamber of Presence where after the usual Ceremonies over past a certain Knight of the Court endeavoured by his Ciceronian Rhetorick and the Eloquence of his Oration to perswade the Citizens to confess their great and hainous offences against the King â—nd Duke and to submit themselves to their Mercy See here the Kings Name must be brought â—n right or wrong or else the Dukes cause and â—retensions would signify little But the Londoners were not so to be caught For they answered they had not Conspired against the Duke neiâ—her had there been any shameful thing spoken or done against him that they did know of or conâ—ent unto which they were ready to prove before their Soveraign Lord the King and the Duke â—imself The folly of the Common people they â—ffirm'd they could not stay and therefore requestâ—d of the King that he would not punish those â—hat were innocent and ignorant of the Fact but withal promised the Duke for Reverence of the King observe this that they would endeavour to bring in the Common people and compel them by Law to make due satisfaction and more said they we are not able to do for the Duke that may be to his Honour Not able to do more why What would his faction have had them to have done Was his favour to have been purchas'd at no less a price than an intire Resignation of all they had Bodies and Souls Lives Liberties and Estates at Discretion Must they have deny'd their senses and their reason too in charging themselves with what they neither sayd nor did felt heard nor understood to avoid Scandala Magnatum's and the Arbitrary Finâ—â— of byass'd Juries Leave we such Terms of accommodation to the insulting power and Pride oâ— Prelatical Consciences to impose upon their underling Curates Such is the continued cause of difference between the Molinists and Jansenists in France while one side fairly offers to disallow certain displeasing Propositions either by themselves or as Jansenius's if shewn to them in hiâ— works and the other party as pertinaciously insists upon their rejecting them as his becausâ— the Pope hath so condemned them Glad we may easily suppose the Londoners were when dismiss'd upon their aforesaid Answerâ— But it seems the Court was not yet satisfied 〈◊〉 afterwards we read of the Kings sending them 〈◊〉 Command secretly to call all the Citizens together and having made a Wax Candle with thâ— Dukes Arms in it to carry it solemnly in Procession to Saint Pauls there to burn continually 〈◊〉 the Cities charges which was accordingly performed by the chiefest and richest of the Citizens the meaner commonalty disdaining to be present at such a procession and therefore with indignation departing home when they heard the business and knew the occasion of their being call'd together But neither did this condescention of the greatest give the Duke content he threatned them look't upon it as a reproach and took it in great scorn that they had offer'd thus his Arms in a Wax Taper while he was alive and in good health notwithstanding they affirm'd they had expresly done that which his Father the King had Commanded them and would have done any thing that might have pleased him i. e. in reason For peace and quietness sake possibly and out of respect to the Kings Majesty they would not have refus'd the trouble of putting forth a few honorary Proclamations nor denied him the Complement of a volley or two of Holla's and Huzza's if that would have pleas'd But this did not answer the Dukes Expectations nor satisfie his Ambitious desires they knew he sayd his mind and were not ignorant how to make satisfaction Ay there 't was He would have us sayd the troubled Citizens amongst themselves Proclaim him King but this shall never be done and so they parted worse friends than they were before So much ado was there with one proud haughty Duke most injuriously aspiring to the Crown to the prejudice of his better belov'd Nephew whose claim title and right had been sometime before if I mistake not in my reckoning settled expresly by the Parliament or at least he had been declar'd by his Grand-Father his Heir and Lawful Successor Yet this the Ambitious Uncle thought probably easily to have evaded and
in this Case be by the advice and discretion of the Justices thereto assigned To mitigate it doubtless not inhance it at pleasure to ruin particular persons and annihilate the City's Liberties by pretending the loss of her Charter How respectful King Lords and Commons in Parliament assembl'd shew'd themselves to this honourable City hath been sufficiently declar'd prov'd and made manifest I presume already in the foregoing Relation Let us now call off our Meditations from this particular point and fix our thoughts upon an other Argument highly demonstrative of the City's power drawn from no less uncouth a Topick than tumults and disorders insurrections and Outrages of unruly people There having pass'd an Act of Parliament in the fourth of this King to impower him to Collect and Gather Poll money throughout the Land and many exactions thereupon and incivilities being committed by the new Collectors and other Officers some of the Courtiers having procur'd the Kings Commissions for a review and a more exact Collection under the notion of the Kings being cheated and defrauded through the unfaithfulness of his former Tax gatherers the Commons thought themselves so abus'd and oppress'd that in many places they took Counsel together to make resistance and in several Counties assembled themselves in great numbers to the no small disturbance of the Land Amongst these the Commons of Kent and Essex are reckon'd the greatest bodies gathered together under such heads as Wat Tyler Jack Straw and the like obscure Fellows These we find quickly coming to London where they soon obtain entrance notwithstanding the Mayors intended opposition and then quickly carry all before them behead whom they thought good do what they would burn great mens Palaces at their Pleasure the Gates of the Tower are set open to them the King rides to 'm in fear unarm'd and ill guarded at their sending for and grants them as large Charters as they desired none of his Courtiers daring to oppose or resist their Insolencies so that they seem to have had all things for a small season under their sole Power Direction and Command as remaining Masters of the Field without a stroak stricken by any opposite Party such a terrour did their numbers and boldness strike into mens minds at the first and so effectual was their success in getting within the Walls of London either through the joynt assistance of many Commons there inhabiting or else rather under the repute of having the whole City at their beck But when the first brunt was over and it was visible that the greatest best and most of the Citizens joyn'd not with the Country Commons to approve or abet them in their furious outrages and violences the tide was soon turn'd and deliverance brought both to the King and Court by the courage of this Loyal City The Mayor himself as their Head made the first open beginning was seconded by his Brethren the Aldermen and quickly followed by the worthy Citizens He being a man of great boldness by the Kings permission first arrested and afterwards grievously wounded one of the chiefest of the Rebells Jack Straw saith Fabian Wat Tyler saith Stow to the great encouragement of those about the King among whom this Arch Rebel receiv'd his death and daunting of the Rebellious Commons to which valiant Deed the City is indebted for Walworths Dagger some say inserted upon this Account in her Coat of Arms. After this Act away rides the Mayor with one Servant only the Annalist tell us into the City and crying out to the Citizens to come speedily to the Kings assistance raises a considerable strength who well arm'd under the leading of Sir Robert Knowles came in good time into the Field where the King was among the tumultuous Commons not so well attended but that the unexpected coming of the Mayor and the armed Citizens is expresly said to have caus'd rejoycing in the minds of the King and those few Knights and Esquires then about him and the Issue acquaints us with the great consequence hereof when we read of the Commons throwing down their weapons immediately falling also themselves upon the ground and beseeching pardon who but a little before gloried that they had the Kings life in their own power and so possibly might have continued boasting had not the Citizens thus rous'd up themselves to the Kings relief and timely dispers't these seditious Rioters in the midst of their insulting Pride That this was a piece of Loyalty as well as valour most timely and seasonably shewn is evident from the great influence what was but barely done at London though without London's consent had upon the Countrey For from the Annalist we are given to understand that there were the like Insurrections in Suffolk and Norfolk and in express words told that these overthrew House and Mannors of great Men and of Lawyers slew the Students of the Law c. according to the manner of them at London having for their Captain an ungracious Priest nam'd John Wraw who had been at London just before had seen what was done there and came thence with Instructions from Wat Tyler So that what 's done in the City is very likely to be imitated in the Countrey A disorderly Rout of people were got together round about and within the City and committed many unsufferable Outrages and several parts of the Country were resolv'd to follow the Fashion and do the like The Citizens courage quel'd these Tumultuous Commons in London and then they were quickly suppress'd we hear in other Places Then had the King reason to reward the Mayor and several Aldermen with the honour of Knighthood and other recompences and time to assemble an Army of his Loyal Friends and Subjects at London to guard him till the Principals of these dispersed Rebels were brought to condign Punishment by Law which was quickly done thanks to the worthy Londoners who had thus vigorously asserted the Kings Right defended his Royalty rescued his Person and regained him the exercise of his Kingly Power well near lost before through the Rebellion of his meaner Commons and cowardly Faintheartedness of his Courtiers Men it seems that could speak big at the Council-board and talk high upon the Bench under the shelter of the Kings Authority but when they were to come into the Field of War to fight for their Prince they prov'd meer Courtiers all words and no deeds The Citizens were the Men of valour They lay still the King was like to be undone and the Court ruin'd They appear'd to oppose the vaunting Enemies they fled before them and the King regain'd his own This one famous City the terror of her Enemies the joy of her Friends cooperates in the grand turns and changes of affairs in the Brittish world or else such attempts for the most part at least if not always prove vain fruitless and insignificant And where 's the wonder of this The whole City as a compact Body with Strength and Beauty fitly united may well be
esteemed most amiable and counted highly powerful since she is to be admired for the goodness and greatness under which comprehend the large Riches Power and Spirit of particular Citizens incorporated into Her For the first let me instance in the commendable diligence of her Mayor Adam Baume who upon a very great scarcity of Corn in the fifteenth of this King providently took care to have Corn brought to Lâ—â—don from forreign Parts to the relief of the whole Realm and add hereunto the Charity of the Aldermen who for the furtherance of so good a Work laid out each of them a sum of mony in those days very considerable to the same purpose and bestow'd the Corn thus procur'd in convenient places where the Poor might buy at an appointed price and such as had no ready mony upon Surety to pay the year following besides the common Act of the Mayor and Citizens in taking two thousand Marks out of the Orphans Chest in Guildhall for the same intent In Proof of the later viz. The Greatness Riches Power and Spirit of particular Citizens I challenge all the Cities in the world besides to shew me such another Example as that of John Philpot Citizen of London the Citizens Orator to this King in the beginning of his Reign who in the second year observing the young Kings inability the Nobles neglect and the oppressions of the poor Commons voluntarily hir'd Souldiers with his own mony rig'd out a Fleet at his own charge and hazarded his own Person to defend the Realm from Pirates Robbers and incursions of Enemies and therewith successfully took in a little time Mercer the Scot with all his Ships which he had before violently taken from Scarborow and fifteen Spanish Ships besides laden with much Riches which came to his Aid Can Rome her self shew me a like Parallel As for the Fabij they were a whole Family among the Patricians and Crassus himself a great Magistrate in the heigth of that Common-wealths Grandeur amidst Equals and Inferiors whereas this publick-spirited Person liv'd still a Subject under a limited Monarchy none of the greatest nor the strongest then in the World This noble Act some would have thought should have deserved great praise and commendation and so it had among the Common People but among the great Lords and Earls it met with Reproach and Detraction as being a manifest reproof of their carelesness and negligence and he himself was endanger'd thereby they speaking openly against it as done unlawfully without the Councel of the King and his Realm though his design could not be denyed to have been very honest in the general Had he suffered for that unpresidented Act because it was deficient in some formalities required by Law the Statesmen of the times therein instrumental without all peradventure had appeared as odious in the Eyes of the Commons as some of the chief Episcopal Clergy-men in a Protestant Country within the Memory of Man would have made themselves obnoxious to the Peoples Censure should they have publickly burnt Vindiciae Pietatis i. e. a Vindication of Godliness from the imputation of folly and fancy which I have heard intimated as if thought of because it wanted such an Imprimatur as the Law demanded and was writ possibly by an Author not altogether Episcopal in his declared Judgment But to pass on If such were the superemient and supererogating Acts of particular Citizens so many Ages ago to what an height of Wealth Greatness and splendor must we needs think the City to have arriv'd at this day some Centuries of years since that time If ten thousand Pounds was a Mayors Estate heretofore we may give a shrew'd guess at the Cities advancement and encrease in Riches since now that the same is made the limited sum for the Citizens to swear themselves not worth who desire to avoid the chargeable Honour and Honourable charge of the Shrievalry Nay to go a step or two further now adays we find her Sheriffs Revenue commonly reputed at double the value and others of her Citizens thought able to number their thousands by scores What if I had also added that some are esteem'd so wealthy as not to know an end of their Riches Certainly such if any must needs come under the denomination of men vastly rich in worldly goods So that this glorious and Triumphant City seems in many things able to vy with if not out-vy the Quondam Mistress of the World Rome her self She exceeds her in Antiquity as being founded in Fabian's Compute above four hundred years before her and hath this advantage of her now that whereas Rome is confest and acknowledged to be in the wane of her power and Greatness both as to her Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority London still continues on the rising hand Rome 't is visible hath suffer'd a considerable diminution as to her former extent and Jurisdiction in both capacities whether she be lookt upon as once head of the world or now pretended head of the Church but London plainly appears to be dayly getting ground both in Fame and Reputation as well as building And whereto she may come in time belongs to a Prophet not an Historian to declare She is already become the Fam'd Metropolis of this our little World and Rome was but Empress in a greater Neither was she anear so influential over the greatest part of that how much soever thereof she had under her Dominion as London is known to be at present over all ours Having thus shewn the influence this Honourable City had upon the Commons of this Land in Peace and amidst tumultuous disorders and the great respect both King and Nobles in Conjunction had for her I should now proceed to disengage my self of an obligation I presume lying on me from part of a promise before made to declare the esteem the Lords when singly consider'd had of her strength and power But before I pass on more immediately thereto I crave leave to observe the great variety and difference in Parliamentary transactions and proceedings under this King within the compass of whose Reign we find but two years on Record viz the nineteenth and twenty second wherein there was not a Parliament called and assembled in one place or other by his Authority sometimes oftner and so those Acts of Edward the third were exactly kept for eighteen years running wherein it is ordained and established that a Parliament shall be holden once every year and more often if need be which being omitted but one year in twenty one and not observed in the twenty second we may easily think it prov'd fatal to the unfortunate King that in the next Parliament he should be depos'd by his own Subjects and the Crown set upon anothers head And is it any wonder to see things so injurious and unjust sometimes done in National Assemblies when in a vein of contradiction they make Ordinances so diametrically opposite each to other as was done in this Kings time For we find parties
mutually clashing in publick and what was ordain'd in one Parliament for the Commons good as was then pretended by an other repealed in favour of the other side former Laws Annull'd Pardons revok't Grants recall'd and new punishments inflicted for oâ—d offences And yet in an other Revolution within a very small space of time the last Parliaments Acts were casher'd and thrown out of doors to make room for the revival and Establishing the Elder Parliament Statutes Such changes were then Rung and so much contesting between Priviledge and Prerogative as if the differences were whâ—lly and altogether irreconcilable or at least made to seem so by some mens poliâ—ies the better to carry on their own more particular Intreagues And therefore when fair words were fear'd not likely to prevail Arms were prepar'd to force and there was danger oâ— hâ—ving Swords drawn Bows bended and Arrows shot for the promoting the designs on foot But of all Statutes Acts Ordinances Laws and Grants most memorable and observable is the Petition of the Commons and the Answer thereto given in the Parliament begun at Westminster April 25th in the second of this Kings Reign The Petition is to be seen among the Commons Petitions in Cottons Abridgment of the Records in the Tower so often mention'd and Printed 1657. pag. 169. Tit. 28. in these words That Answer reasonably may be given to all their Petitions now or hereafter to be moved and that Statutes be thereupon made before departure of every Parliament The Answer hereto runs thus such Bills as Remedy cannot otherwise be had but in Parliament reasonable Answer shall be thereto made before such Departure Now we are to understand that Petitions in the old are Bills according to the new Stile which in this Parliament were thus ordained to be produc'd at least for the Royal Assent if not to be passed formerly into Laws So that if the Houses were so minded by straining this grant to its utmost bounds though perhaps further than was design'd at the first 't was no hard matter for them to sit e'n as long in a manner as they pleas'd and the old King of late Memory his present Majesty's Royal Father may hereby very easily be vindicated from the Censures of those undutiful Subjects who pretend to blame his conduct and Arraign if not condemn his Judgment for passing the continuing Act in the Parliament of forty whereby he more plainly and immediately put the dissolution thereof out of his own hands whereas before he had been haply lyable to have been trickt out of it with greater affront to his Prerogative by the quirks that nimble wits would have been apt enough at that conjuncture to have started out of this Grant For what would not they have attempted in that posture of affairs who actually did so much afterwards by the noise of an Ordinance a term new to the vulgar but weil enough known though possibly never in that use and extent before to the Learned Lawyers who can easily inform the Questionist out of the Records in the Tower that in the thirty seventh of Edward the third they met with the name and nature in a demand of the Chancellors to the whole Estates whether they would have such things as they agreed on to be by way of Ordinance or of Statute and in the Answer thereto made by way of Ordinance with this reason then and there given that they might amend the same at their pleasure If we wonder at this grant which seems to trail after it such inconveniencies to the Regal Power as were before hinted or at least might be made an Inlet to pretences as prejudicial to the Royal Prerogative we are to understand that this was obtain'd in the Kings Nonage though not perhaps in times absolutely factious for I don't read but that things were carried then calmly and quietly enough But when the King came to full Age then we may observe that he or his bosome Favourites were not well pleased with this or other Grants that confined the Regal Power within stricter Boundaries than their own desires peâ—mitted them to like and therefore there was striving amain to remove the ancient Landmarks and the Court effected it at last for a short space but with so ill an event that the issue proved as fatal to the King himself as thâ—s counterplottings had been dâ—structive to many others before People hereupon may say what they think fit and pass their Verdicts as they please But can any blame that mans Will and Desire to disintangle himself from Fetters and Chains who thinks himself born free and so would fain live according to his own pleasure and good liking 'T is his Judgment rather that is to be quessioned when it suggests to him that he may command and ought to be obeyed in such things where no obedience was before due by nature or consent and the goodness of his Intellectuals are liable to be doubted of when they make him to fancy he may be absolute where known Laws and long continued Custom hath authoriz'd the contrary Such seems to have been Englands Case of old where the Subjects have oft put on Arms to prevent encroachments upon their dearly belov'd and many times deaâ—ly bought Liberties And such the Nations State under this King he being come to his full Age when several of the Barons headed by the Duke of Glocester his Uncle thought it their main interest and concern to speak high and look big with Armour on their backs and Swords by their sides though it subjected them to much obâ—â—quy and displeasure at Court and brought themselves and all theirs into much hazard and danger But this it seems they little thought of or as little valued That the Court highly resented the actings of such as indeavoured in Parliament time to bring some oâ— the Prime Favourites to Judgment â—or Crimes laid to their Charge is evident in that they had laid a Plot to invite the Principal Lords to a Supper in London and there murder them as such who crossed the King's coursâ—s But the present Lord Mayor utterly refused to do it though mov'd thereto saith my Author by the King himself and thereupon this design miscarried But then other Rodds were laid in Lavender and contrivancâ—s secretly carried on to intrap and suppress the Country Lords The King calls all the High Sheriffs of the Counties before him and demands what strength they could make for him against the Lords if there should be occasion But they answered that the Common People did so favour the Lords as believing them to be loyal and true to the King that it was not in their power to raise any great Force against them Then they were commanded to take care that no Knight nor Burgess should afterwards be chosen to any Parliament but those whom the King and Council should name whereto they replied It was an hard matter in those times of Jealousy and Suspicion to deprive the People of their ancient Liberties
some persons of Quality were coming up to Westminster to the King which he and Sir Thomas Trivet privately sent away to London upon the discovery thereof That he was a sutable Tool to carry on great mens intreagues or at least thought fit enough to be made a Property to work upon why may we not conclude in that we find him elected at the latter part of the last Kings Reign and admitted at the Tower of London into the Mayoralty when the proud haughty Duke of Lancaster had got the other Mayor put out of his Office as not quick enough it seems to run along with that aspiring Dukes designs who aimed at that time to have put by his Nephew from the Throne and have intruded thereunto himself contrary to right reason and justice and the publick interest of the Nation Who knows likewise by whose influence and for what intents he was kept in the Office of Mayor for three years together in the seventh eighth and nineth of this King What a vast difference was there as to Principles and Practices between this man and the fam'd John Philpot his fellow Sheriff in the forty sixth of the precedent King The one prov'd as great a Patriot to his Country before in and after his Mayoralty as the other shew'd himself an ambitious Courtier under a Gold Chain in the City But what great wonder is this to see men once joyn Partners in an Office vastly differing each from other in their Judgments and Actions when raised to places of higher Dignity and Prâ—ferment I don't think but 't is easie enough to find an instance at present if there were any great occasion or necessity thereof 'T is said of this Sir Nicholas Brembar that if he had liv'd he had been created Duke of Troy or of London by the name of Troy What a pity 't was that he had not had a Patent ready sign'd and seal'd lying by him to have shrowded himself and all his old crimes under this new Dignity upon Occasion But this I Fancy would never have past upon that Parliament either Lords or Commons to have sheltred him from the Law of the Land though he had become really in act as well as desire and design a Peer of the Realm However this intention of his if truly related sufficiently shews us his Ambition to become a Titulado unless we shall venture upon a conjecture that some of the Courtiers sham'd upon him with the empty promise of this titulary honour when they wheadled him out of the directions they had before sent him for the better management of their designs which they were unwilling to let remain in his hands after they had made as much use of his Place and Power as opportunity would permit that they might not be produc'd as Evidences against them in a day of Tryal which they probably fear'd might one time or other come upon them and did it seems in this Parliament with a Vengeance For I will take the boldness to conclude that it was some other more skilful hand hid behind the Curtain that order'd the Scenes and manag'd the Machines though he was made the publick stalking horse to deceive the vulgar Herd the Skreen to shelter other mens heads from the violence of popular fury the open Actor in the face of the world the common Engine to set the Wheels of more politick mens contrivances a going though against Water Wind and Tide It being very unbecoming the Apes subtilty to put her own foot into the fire when she may make use of the Cats But if the Worshipful Sir Nicholas suffer'd himself thus impolitickly to be trapann'd whom had he to blame but himself if he were made at laâ—â— to pay so dear for his own folly and imprudence And that such is the ominous fate of less wary men who venture upon Actions not warranted by Law to serve a present turn and humour their own ambitious desires or other mens greatness is evidently demonstrable as in general from History and Experience so more particularly from an instance in Spain under one of the Philips of a certain Officer of that Kings who having by the Kings Order done an Act for which he was afterwards questioned and thrown into Prison and upon fair words and promises parted with the Kings Letter which he could have produc'd for his Warrant was soon after left in the lurch and suffer'd to fall a Sacrifice to his own imprudent Credulity and the Law of the Land Whether I have been exact as to all circumstances of the story I shall not positively affirm as not being fully sure but my Memory may deceive me in twelve or thirteen years space and being uncertain in what Book to look for it now or where I read it at first unless in some of the famous Fullers works perhaps in his holy or prophane State but as to the substance and truth hereof I dare aver it from Historical Relation and leave the Application to more Philosophical Logicians that I may press further forwards towards the mark the end intention and scope of this my present undertaking viz. To shew the respect and esteem several of the Nobles in particular had for this honourable City and their solicitous care for her welfare under this King Richard How that before the Parliament that wrought wonders was ended particular care was taken expresly to have the Citizens of London included in â— general Pardon to prevent doubtless new exactions upon old pretences hath been before related amongst the Commons requests as a sign of their good will and therefore now to be wav'd though it would not be impertinent in this Point to shew the Lords affection if that be a truth which is delivered by a modern Writer that in our Ancestors time most of the Members of the house of Commons thought it an honour to retain to some great Lord and to wear his blew Coat to make up his train and wait upon him from his own house to the Lords and make a Lane for him to enter thereto which argues how much the Lords did or might over-rule them in their frequent Petitions on the City's behalf But I shall pass over the consequence of this Conclusion as an Argument depending on the Readers Will and Choice which he may grant or deny at pleasure and produce an instance or two less dubitable and not left so much at discretion How hard a matter it hath generally prov'd to bring Offenders if great in Power Place and Authority to Justice is plain from History and Experience As evident likewise is it that the Offences to such imputed have been Exactions Extortions oppressions corrupt Abuses of the Law Illegal Principles Arbitrary Designs Unjust Actions and the like National Grievances ordinarily comprehended under the name 〈◊〉 ill Government dayly heapt up under weaâ— or negligent Princes by the exorbitant Power oâ— headstrong Favourites who through the excess of their Soveraign's kindness the easinesâ— of his Nature the mildness
of his Disposition weakness of his Judgment or fondness of 〈◊〉 Affection grounded mostly on humour anâ— fancy having grasp'd all publick affairs in Church and State into their own hands too too oft make no better use thereof than to Hector over those who were before their Superiours suppress their Equals oppress their Inferiors and inslave the poor Commons the easier thereby to raise themselves and their own Families upon other mens ruins When these things happen and the reins of Government fall into such men's hands the rich are sure to be the greatest sufferers and such as have most of this Worlds goods are certain to be most watch'd and carpt at and all opportunities greedily laid hold on to bring them under the Lash that they may be squeez'd like Spunges and large sums exacted of them to buy out their Pardons and procure forgiveness till another occasion offer it self to make them be thought Offenders anew of this London sufferings in the fifteenth of this King are attesting proofs For the Londoners having refus'd to lend the King mony as was requested and some abuses being offer'd to the Merchant Stranger that proffered to lay it down Stow tells us the King was marvellously inrag'd hereat and calling a Council of his Nobles at Stamford causes the Mayor Sheriffs and best of the Citizens to be Arrested and afterwards the Mayor and Sheriffs being depos'd sends them to several Prisons there to be kept till he and his Council had consider'd and decreed what should be done with them and it was also further determined that from thenceforth the Londoners should not chose nor have any Mayor but that the King should appoint one of his Knights to be Ruler of the City their Priviledges were revok'd their Liberties disannull'd and their Laws abrogated Neither was this all The Terms likewise and the Courts of Kings Bench Common-pleas Chancery c. Were remov'd from London to York such was the displeasure conceiv'd against them by the King or the ill Offices done them by some busie Courtiers about him For Fabian gives us another account of this affair and says the occasion arose from a contest between the Citizens and the Bishop of Salisburies Servants about one of their fellow Servants who had taken a Loaf out of a Bakers basket openly in the streets and then broke his head with his Dagger for attempting to regain it which grew so high the Citizens striving to have the offender seiz'd on and Committed to Ward and the Bishops Servants rescuing him and shutting up their Gates that the Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs had much ado by their perswasion presence and Authority to stop further outrages and contain the multitude within bounds though at last they effected it and dismis'd the people home in peace and quietness But the angry Bishop so highly resented this business notwithstanding the fault sprung Originally out of his own House that he and the Arch-Bishop of York incens'd the King all they could against the Londoners even so far that one expresly affirms he was once resolv'd to have utterly ruin'd and destroy'd the whole City A very sharp punishment certainly for such an offence and for a City publickly endow'd with such transcendent Grants and Priviledges as not to be lyable to a just legal seizure of her Liberties and Franchises unless for Treason or Rebellion done by the whole City as hath been before observ'd in the first of Edward the third and the seventh of this present King Now how Treason or Rebellion could be justly charg'd upon the whole City at this time and in these instances which soever of them we give credit to I cannot well conceive The most methinks that could be made of it in the worst construction could amount no further than a Riot notwithstanding the great and hainous matters laid unto the Mayors charge though not a syllable prov'd that I read of as that he no otherwise Rul'd the City but suffered the Citizens to make such assaults upon the Kings head Officers to the Kings great dishonour and hazard of the Kings Treasure then in his Custody The Statute of the twenty fifth of Edward the third which makes it Treason to slay the Treasurer must surely have been very far stretched to have brought the whole City within the compass thereof because some of the meaner Citizens assaulted the Treasurers House upon an injustice first done by one and â—n affront afterwards offered by others of his own Servants in refusing to deliver the Offender or â—uffer the Constable to enter to seize him he himself being as many Miles distant at that time as Windsor is from London and so not capable of receiving then the least injury in his own person â—uch less to be kill'd out-right without which no Treason lies in the Case upon this Act. But if â—he King and Council would have it so or at least â—ct as if it were so contrary to an establish'd â—aw and his own Grand-Fathers grant who â—ould who would who durst contradict Here â—as no Parliament then Sitting that I read of â—o House of Commons in Being nor Lords erough present their Friends to stave off the first brunt though at length we hear of a Reconciliation depending before a Parliament was call'd and that too by the mediation of powerful Friends some of them no less than the Principal Lords besides the Queen her self Baker and Stow name the Duke of Gloucester the Kings Uncle who was ever reputed by the Commons a great Friend and Patriot to his Country and his untimely end afterwards severely reveng'd on the Actors and Contrivers thereof and made the occasional cause of enraging the People against the King himself who within few years after the aforesaid Dukes violent Death was publickly dethron'd by such as under the popular pretence of reforming ill Government aim'd at their own Advancement to the chiefeâ—â— Honours Preferments and Dignities in Church and State Through this Noble Peer's Suit and Mediation among others we hear the King was somewhat pacified and by little and little abated the rigour of his purpose calling to mind the divers honours and great gifts he had received of the Londoners as certainly the securing his right to the Crown against the ambitious pretensions of his aspiring Uncle and thâ— defending his Life and Person from the furiouâ— Outrages of his mutinous Commons were no mean pieces of Service done him by them whereupon he determined to deal more mildly with them and gives them hopes of Grace and Pardon Fabian tells us of a Reverend Bishop a Spiritual Lord that joyn'd with the Queen 〈◊〉 procure the Kings favour for them and 〈◊〉 their Liberties restor'd them again That the Queen did successfully interceed in their behalf we may perhaps not without some shew of reason conclude from the many great rich and costly Presents made her by the Citizens at the Kings publick entrance into the City about the latter end of August in the same Summer Nay one Writer goes
Neither were indeed these latter proceedings attempted till after that by several tricks and devices as naming Sheriffs fit to serve turns and imposing such Representatives on the Borough Towns as would be byass'd to betray their Country besides a violent seizure of the Country Lords likely to oppose the Court had got a Parliament to their minds that would do their own business not the Nations and prefer the private gain of some few before the publick benefit of the whole Common-wealth What sort of Parliament this was and how fairly things were carried we may inform our selves out of Stow's Annals where we find it upon Record in the twenty first year of this King how that all of a suddain in the midst of a great calm and outward serenity the King caus'd the principals of the party thought most opposite to Court designes to be feiz'd on and imprison'd and among the rest his own Uncle as Chief so unsecure is Kindred and Alliance among Kings and Princes tells the Commons by Proclamation that their apprehension was founded on new Transgressions not old Crimes though these afterwards were the great offences laid to their charge procures their Indictment at Nottingham suborns several Nobles to impeach them in the next Parliament Assembles many Malefactors of the County of Chester in the nature of a Guard and then summons the Parliament Thither came the Nobles with an Armed Retinue for fear of the King such Knights are chosen Prolocutors as are described to be void of all manner of goodness as in whom nought was to be found but a natural Covetuousness unsatiable Ambition Intollerable Pride and Hatred of the truth and the Clergy upon pain of losing their Temporalties injoyn'd to chose them a Common Proctor who thereupon appointed Sir Henry Percy Steward of the Kings Houshold to assent in their Names to all things done in the Parliament How then things were likely to be ordered in the two Houses 't is no hard matter for us to guess especially when we remember that the Annalist tells us the Parliament House was compass'd about with four thousand of the Kings Archers who seem to have been ready prepar'd on all occasions for an Onset and once more particularly mistaking the noise usually made at the Parliament's Men coming out of the House for a Tumultous Broil and Contention with their Bows bent Arrows fitted and drawing they were upon the point of shooting to the terrour of all present till the Kings coming rectified their mistake and pacified them To tell of recalling of Pardons disannulling of Charters making void of Commissions revoking former Judgments impeaching arraigning condemning and actually punishing the opposite Party some with loss of Estates Lives and all others with forfeitures of all worldly Goods and perpetual irrevocable imprisonment I esteem a needless labour Suffice it therefore to remark how sollicitous the Court was at this juncture to render their own Party as Saints and the others as most guilty Criminals to take off the contesting Lords as disloyal Traytors and restore in the Eye of the Law the Reputation of Courtiers formerly condemn'd in the eleventh year of this King as if they had been the honestest and loyallest Subjects in the Nation and undo as much as in them lay what ever was then done in the Parliament that wrought wonders not withstanding that in many things they imitated that Assembly when they thought it for their peculiar advantage as in Lords Appellants Oaths to make all the Judgments Ordinances and Statutes unrepealable and Excommunication of the Breakers or Impugners of them but in others far out did it as in revoking all Pardons pleaded by the opposite Lords under the notion of being unlawfully made or so by the King granted unto them as not to be against himself and excusing those equally guilty of the same actions because look'd on at that time as useful Instruments in carrying on the Court Intreagues viz. suppressing the principal Assertors of Liberty and Property in passing a general Pardon with the Exception of fifty Persons not express'd by name whereby any one at pleasure might be made liable to censure as one of the Persons excepted if thought a Favourer of the contrary side and conserring the whole Power of the Parliament upon certain Lords and Commons fully to answer all Bills and wholly to determine all other matters mov'd in Parliament and not determined with all their Dependants as mischievous a President as Sylla's Proscription though 't is hoped not as practicable besides the prejudging and confining of Parliament Debates by the Judges Opinions That when Articles are propounded by the King to be handled in Parliament if other Articles be handled before those be first dâ—termined that it is Treason in them that do it Such being the Acts of this Assembly and the consequences of the Courts present success in taking off the Heads of the other Party who durst at every turn contest therewith in behalf of those freeborn English Twins Liberty and Property under which the Nation with silent murmurs languished and lamented when they so soon after the end of this Parliament at Shrewsbury and the Kings Progress into the West saw no less than seventeen Counties in East England indicted by the Kings command and as a grievous offence laid to their charge that they had been against him with the Duke of Glocester Earls of Arundel and Warwick the late Principals amongst the contesting Lords but now secur'd fast enough the two first under the undissolvable Bonds of Death the other under the Chains of a perpetual Imprisonment in the Isle of Man and several honourable Persons sent to induce the Lords Spiritual and Temporal to make a Submission by Writing seal'd with their own Hands acknowledging themselves Traytors to the King though they never offended him in Word or Deed Besides the compelling all the Religious Gentlemen and Commons to set their Seals to Blank-Charters that they might be oppress'd severally or all at once at pleasure some being made to pay a thousand Marks some a thousand Pounds And an Order issued out through every Shire in England that all Gentlemen and Men of Substance should be sworn firmly to maintain according to their power all the Statutes Articles and Constitutions ordained in the last Parliament We may easily conclude the Court thought the Citizens of London were not over much in love with these enslaving Statutes unaccustomed Oaths insnaring Blanks and inforc'd Submissions and suspected them ready enough upon occasion to oppose and withstand these manifest encroachments of Antinomian Prerogative upon the Liberty of the Subject and strive to strike off these Fetters and Shackles of Slavery upon the next opportunity before they were thorowly rivetted by Time and Prescription and therefore esteemed it their wisest Course to begin with them first by the usual Method of Indictments while they had the Reins of Government in their own hands and so consequently power enough to manage the Law as they themselves pleased to
wind and turn it about to their interests and bend it to their own irregular Desires and Designs since that they lik'd not to have them confin'd within the limits and bounds thereof This manner of acting however by the by appears to me the most beaten Path to Destruction and the high way to the Actors unavoidable Ruin and I think I have reason History and Experience all on my side This the City seems well to have understood and therefore with Prudence chose rather to yield to the times for a season than presently to strive against the running stream and immediately to fall a rowing against high wind and Tide but as soon as ever the flowing waters began to Ebb and the tide was a turning the City Barge struck in with the returning waves and assisted to steer the Ship of the Common-wealth to a quite different Haven from that whither the Court was furiously driving her before And then for the most favourable of the Citizens to shew themselves but faint Regardless friends was far less beneficial to the desolate forsaken King than for others of them to appear earnest Enemies in so critical a Juncture was disadvantagious to this unfortunate Prince as he may well be term'd either for having none but ill Councellors and faithless Trencher-friends about him and hearkning so much to their pernitious and destructive advice or else for the defect of his Judgment in not discerning between their private self ends and his own special and particular interest viz. Impartiality in doing Justice to all States and Persons from the highest to the lowest squaring all his own actions by the known Rules of the Law of the Land to the pleasing of his people not by the compass of other mens unstable fancies and anomalous Plat-forms to the loss of his Subjects love and affection and the unhappy fate that attended him upon this his ill conduct when he was violently thrown out of the Chair of State into a profound Abyss of miseries and infelicities and irrecoverably cast out of a Regal Throne into an unavoidable Prison between which and his grave he had but few steps to make For we are to know that as in the tuming of fortunes wheel the spoke that is got upermost presently begins to decline and so runs downwards till it comes to be the under-most of all or like as Sysiphus stone forc'd up e'en almost to the very top of the Hill presently tumbles down again to the bottom with a swiftness and violence not to be stop't by the strength of art or nature so this Prince arriv'd in a manner to the heigth of his desires by the Caprice of fortune or rather by the over-ruling power of a superior Being was suddenly and unexpectedly beyond Recovery hurl'd down from the Grandeur of a Potent King into the lowest Station among Men the Confinement of a Prison and that too occasion'd by the very same way and means whereby he thought to have secur'd to himself amore fixt and setled enjoyment of his greatness as comes now of course to be shewn in manner following After the suppression of the opposite Party under the shadow of Law and Justice diffention happening between the two Dukes of Norfolk and Hereford both then great at Court to the mutual accusation of each other the King greedily lays hold on the opportunity and instead of permitting them according to the Custom of those times where clear proofs were wanting to make good their accusations by the Sword in a single Combat as had been also before appointed unadvisedly banishes them both the Land the first for ever and the latter for a term of years with this hard measure into the bargain that they should not sue for a release of their Judgments on pain of Treason whereby he made both his Enemies and the latter so much the more dangerous the nearer he stood Related to the Crown and the more inveterate in that the King had procur'd the Letters Pattents before granted him to sue by Attorney for Lands descended to him to be revok'd by Assent of Parliament and declar'd to be against Law and had afterwards upon his Father John of Gaunts death violently seis'd on all his Estate whereto Hereford was Heir Then amidst the murmurs of the People for misgovernment and ill guidance of the Realm away goes the King for Ireland with a puissant Army when he thought he had left all things secure in England by the advantage he had made of the last Parliament by engrossing whatever he pleased into his own hands by the tricks found out to raise Money of the Subject by Blanks c. and the Subsidy he had gain'd in Parliament during his Life upon the continuance whereof without molestation he openly declar'd his general Pardon should stand and no otherwise and managed his Arms therewith success enough but ill news out of England that the Duke of Hereford by his Fathers death Duke of Lancaster was landed in England under colour of claiming his Inheritance and rais'd people as he went alarm'd him and bad advice afterwards which detain'd him longer than his promise in Ireland so loath were his Counsellors to spare his company under the shelter of whose Person and presence lay their greatest hopes of protection quite ruin'd him For coming over and finding the Army gone away which the Earl of Salisbâ—ry had rais'd against his coming and had newly voluntarily disbanded it self upon the Kings tarrying too long behind the Earl in Ireland his courage fail'd him and he trusting more to flight than fighting the treachery of his Principal Officers deceiv'd him and he himself also by soothing words and faiâ— promises was decoy'd into the Duke of Lancaster's hands who soon secur'd him fast enough withoâ—â— any intent to let him loose again in haste Now the King is in hold let us see how the Citizens behav'd themselves in this great Turn and Change of the Times They had in this Kings Nonage in his Grandfathers dayes appear'd the undaunted Assertors of his Right and Title and in the beginning of his Reign contributed much to his Security and Settlement on the THRONE But a new Generation being sprang up in Twenty Years space and their old Services at last so ill requited by new attempts on their Liberties by Inditements and blank-Charters instead of standing up with their Lives and Fortunes in the Kings Defence and Vindication they openly devoted themselves to anothers Service and became the known Favourers of that Party which assisted to Depose this unhappy Prince and set up in His Room the Duke of Lancaster under the Name and Title of Henry the Fourth As is provable both from statute-Statute-Law viz. the Act made in the First of this New King to be seen in the Statute-Book Cap. 15. An. 1. H. 4. Where we find express mention of the good and lawful behaviour of the Mayor Sheriffs and Aldermen and all the Commonalty of the same City of London towards him and Stow's general Chronicle
Law to the Destruction of the Duke of Glâ—ucester and the Earls of Arundel and Warwick at Shrewscury For that the King against his Promise procured the Duke of Ireland sundry Rebells about Cheshire where diverse Murders by him were committed For that the King against his own Promise and Pardon at the Solemn Procession apprehended the Duke of Gloucester and sent him to Callice there to be choked and murdered beheading the Earle of Arundel and banishing the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Cobham For that the Kings Retinue and rout gathered out of Cheshire about the apprehension of those Nobles committed diverse Murders Rapes and other Fellonies besides refusing to pay for their Victuals For that the King condemned the Nobles aforesaid for divers rodes made within the Realm contrary to his open Proclamation For that the King doubly Fined Men for their Pardons For that the King to oppress his whole subjects procured in his last Parliament that the Power thereof was committed to certain Persons For that the King being sworn to Minister right did notwithstanding enact in the last Parliament that no mediation should be made for the Duke of Lancaster contrary to his said Oath For that the Crown of England being freed from the Pope and all other forraign Power the King notwithstanding procured the Popes Excommunication on such as brake the last Parliament in derogation of the Crown Statutes and Laws of the Realm For that the King banished the Duke of Lancaster for 10 years without any Cause as the same King openly affirmed For that the King unlawfully revoked the Letters Patents made to the said Duke of Lancaster in An. 21. For that the King contrary to the Laws and will of the Justices suffered Sheriffs to continue longer than one year and placed such therein as were unfit For that the King repayed not to his Subjects debts of them borrowed For that the King in the time of Truce and Peace exacted great Subsidies and wasted the same about frivilous matters For that the King refused to execute the Laws Saying that the Laws were in his Mouth and Breast For that the King by procuring by Statutes that he might be free as any of his Progenitors did under colour thereof subvert Laws according to his Will For that the King procured Knights of the Shires to be made to serve his own will For that the King enforced Sheriffs to be Sworn to execute all Commandemens under the Great Seal Privy Seal or Signet contrary to their accustomed Oaths For that the King to wrack mony from his Subjects procured 17 several Shires to submit themselves to his Grace whereby great sums of mony were Levied For that the King being Sworn to observe the Liberties of the Church notwithstanding at his Voyage into Ireland enforced diverse Religious Persons to give Horse Armour and Carts For that the Justices for their good Councel given to the King were with evil Countenance and threats rewarded For that the King of his own Will in passing into Ireland carried with him the Treasures Reliques and other Jewels of the Realm which were used safely to be kept in the Kings own Coffers from all hazard and for that the same King cancelled and razed sundry Records For that the King by writing to Forreign Princes and to his own Subjects is reputed universally a most variable and dissembling man For that the King would commonly say among the Nobles that all Subjects Lives Lands and Goods were in his hands without any forfeiture For that the King suffered his Subjects to be condemned by marshal-Marshal-Law contrary to his Oath and the Laws of the Realm For that the Subjects being only bound by their Allegiance were yet driven to take certain New Oaths for serving the folly of the King For that the King by his private Letters would charge the Ecclesiastical Ministers in any new Canonical matter to stay contrary to his Oath For that the King by force in his Parliament banished the Arch Bishop of Canterbury without any good Ground For that the King by his last Will passed under the Great Seal and Privy Signet gave unto his Successors certain Money and Treasure upon Condition to perform all the Acts and Orders in the last Parliament which being ungodly and unlawful he meant as ungodlily to dy in For that the King in the 11th of his Reign in his Chappel in the Manour of Langley in the presence of the Duke of Lancaster and Yorke and others received the Sacrament of the Lords Body that he would never impeach the Duke of Gloucester his Uncle for any thing before done and yet to the Contrary procured him to be murdered For that the King most fraudulently and untruely against his own Oath Banished the Arch Bishop of Canterbury and wasted his Goods in which Article in private Conference between the said Arch Bishop the King in a manner prophesied and doubted that the like would happen of himself and thereupon shewed a special Token to the Arch Bishop That if he sent the same at any time that the Arch Bishop should look that the King would come to him These were the Imputations laid to his charge and that they were then thought true or at least not contradicted is self-Evident all seeming highly desirous of a Change and few dispos'd to espouse the depos'd Kings Cause and Interest so furious and violent was the Current of the Times as to bear away well nigh all before it That Parliament being so full of the new Kings Favourers and so empty of the old Kings true and cordial Friends that I remember to have read of but one viz. the Loyal Bishop of Carlisle who after a little Demur of a few dayes time upon a Motion made in Parliament about the disposal of King Richard stood up boldly and undauntedly for his old Lord and Master in the midst of his professed and declared Enemies and known Deserters His Speech as a rare Example of Fidelity giving us the very Quintessence of Loyalty I shall venture to set down out of Sir Richard Bakers Chronicle with the Consequents as follows My Lords The Matter now propounded is of marvellous Weight and Consequence wherein there are two Points chiefly to be considered The First whether King Richard be sufficiently put out of his Throne The Second whether the Duke of Lancaster be lawfully taken in For the First How can that be sufficiently done when there is no Power sufficient to do it The Parliament cannot for of the Parliament the King is the Head and can the Body put down the Head You will say but the Head may bow it self down and may the King resign It is true but what force is in that which is done by force And who knows not that King Richard's Resignation was no other But suppose he be sufficiently out yet how comes the Duke of Lancaster to be lawfully in If you say by Conquest you speak Treason For what Conquest without Arms And can a Subject take Arms
the Honour and Renown of this so famous and powerful a City without offering at all the attesting Proofs and confirming Evidences that are to be found on Record And if this Attempt shall be well accepted it may haply be an encouragement to some more Learned more Able more Skilful Pen to produce the other more convincing Arguments scatter'd up and down in the Annals Chronicles and other Monuments of Historians and by gathering together all the divided fragments of Remark reduce them into one solid firm and lasting Peice or make better improvement of the Arguments and Evidences here produc'd Come we now to Henry the 5th A Prince not so wild in his Youth when a Subject and by his Father supsected of ambitious designs thoughâ— Causlesly and on no better grounds and reasoâ—â— than the Calumnies Slanders and detractions oâ— evil dispos'd persons about the Court as celebrated when King for the prudent Reformation oâ— his own Person wise Conduct of his affairs and happy Government of the Realm for his Valour Magnanimity and Heroical Actions and the 〈◊〉 Glorious Achievements of his Reign being one oâ— the most Martial Princes that ever sate upon thâ— English Throne and beyond all his Predecessoâ—â— Succesfull in his French Expeditions So that 〈◊〉 Cressy and Poictiers have highly advanced 〈◊〉 Name and Renown of the famous Black Prinâ—â— Agincourt shall eternize Henry of Monmâ—â—â—â— through all Generations and with this addition 〈◊〉 unparalleld Glory That he liv'd and dyed in thâ— heighth of Grandeur and his Victories were not sullied with after Reproaches Under therefore so Renowned a Conqueror and so Good a King 't is no marvel that we read of no troubles in our English Jerusalem nor hear of Complaints in her Streets We may expect rather to hear of the Gallantry of Rareeshews and fine sights Pageants and Presents the harmonious concent of Trumpets and Drums and the tunable Musick of Bells the loud sounding Acclamation of People and the unaccountable Number of Bonfires and fire-works the Common consequents of Victories and Tryumphs and the usual Entertainment of Conquerours Wherefore I should now pass on of course to the next Kings reign but that by the way I shall venture to trespass a little upon the Readers Patience and to make an Observation or two upon the grounds and occasional Causes of reviving the War with France which was under this King attended with such a Train of Victories We are to know then from such Authentick Authors as â—abian Baker and the like that the Commons â—arping upon the same string they did in Henry the 4th days viz. the Clergies Temporaltyes by bringing in a Bill to take them away the Bishops to divert the storm put the King upon claiming France as his Right and offered him considerable sums of mony to engage and assist him â—herein whereby the Cloud before hanging over â—heir heads was made to break upon the French Coasts they who by their Office should have apâ—â—ov'd themselves the Peace-makers of the world 〈◊〉 up the Furies of War destruction and inciâ—â—d their Country-men to sheath their Swords in their Neighbours Bowels to preserve to themselves â—â—eir large Revenues and worldly grandeur their much envied Lands Honours and Preferments Another advantage they likewise laid hold on to Promote their own Earthly advancement by making use of this opportunity to suppress the growth and encrease of the Wicklivists the Puritans and Presbyterians of the age whose Numbers began now more and more to encrease in City and Country and grew formidable to the whole Popish Hierarchy These men whom they could not vanquish by dint of Argument so conformable were their Doctrines to the Scriptures they thought it easier to oppress by the Civil Authority and the Power of the Magistrates Sword whereon they had of late set a keener Edg by procuring some laws to be made against them under the Name and Notion of Lollards And yet such was the ill fate of opposing the spreading of the Gospel that these Assertors of it's verity like the Primitive Christians of old dayly encreast in Numbers and Repute under their oppressions and grew every age more mumerous in spight of all the malice and opposition of their cruel and blood thirsty Enemies and much too by the same way and methods the Evidence of truth and influence of good lives and Exemplary Conversations Like the ancient Christians they were driven into holes and secret places into private Conventicles and separate Assemblies And though they were not like them at every turn cal'd upon to be cast to the Lions for disobeying the Emperours Edicts and Commands yet away with them to the fire and to burning of the Hereticks or in a little softer phraise to putting the Kings Laws in Execution were the common outcryes made against them But because the diversity of their Religion and their difference in opinion from the rest of the Nation were not thought Incentives strong enough to stir up the popular Rage Fury a more Compendious way was found out instead of charging on their account all the Mischiefs Miseries and Disasters of the Times to lay the detestable Crimes of Treason and Conspiracy at their doors Hence may we conclude sprung the Informations given into the King of some that had conspir'd suddenly to have Slain Him and his Brethren and of numerous Assemblies meeting in St. Giles's Fields to that End Hereon possibly may we ground the Rumour spread abroad of great offers made of Money by Sir John Oldcastles Favourers to the Scots to invade the Realm in the Kings absence in France of the meeting of Sir John himself who was a known Wicklivist with Douglas the Scot at Pomfract on the same Errand and of Indentures and other Writings made betwixt him and the Duke of Albany containing Instructions to the Scots to besiege Roxborough and Barwick Such Stories may we look upon as Reports likely enough to have been purposely spread abroad to stir up the Peoples Animosities against the Dissenters of the times Hitherto likewise haply may we impute the Original of the Schedules said to be nail'd upon the Church doors in London with threats of an hundred thousand Men ready to rise upon Occasion Stow indeed out of Walsingham the Monk charges them upon Wicklists favourers yet have we reason to suspect the first Author as too partial in the Case and question whether these were not Popish Shams put upon the Nation by the Wicklivists Enemies to raise a colour for an Out-cry against them For at the Parliament of the Fifth of this King we read in Cotton's Abridgment of an haynous complaint against Insurrections in the end mind this they suspect they were Lollards Traitors which made a way for a Request that Commissions at all times be granted to enquire of them Whoever was Originally in fault we may see from this where the blame should light and the severest Prosecution too could the Popish Prelates have had their Will notwithstanding the
slightness of their thin-spun pretences and weakness of their groundless Imputations A pretty device to make Riots and Insurrections and then accuse the contrary Party of them as if they had been so Fanatical as tumultuously to meet together vi armis without any Arms about them or Weapons in their hands to disturb the Kings Peace and with no worse design than the Warrant of annual Customs whereon some in an unheard of manner without Law or Reason and contrary to common sence intruded to deprive them of the benefit thereof Out of the forementioned Monkish Writer Stow tells us of an Army of Twenty Five Thousand that were to have met Sir John in St. Giles's Fields and yet for all this great Cry we find not One Hundred taken though he affirms Sixty Nine of them to be condemn'd of Treason upon such kind of proofs perhaps as these whereon the Composer of Sir Walter Rawleigh's Life makes him to have been found Guilty of Treason in the First of King James for which he had the honour to be Beheaded about Forty Years after upon his Return from his unsuccessful Guyana Voyage and Thirty Seven Hang'd But the Record out of the Kings-Bench the most authentick Evidence mentions only That Sir John Oldcastle and others to the number of Twenty Men call'd Lollards at St. Giles did conspire to Subvert the State of the Clergy this it seems then was the principal Offence the rest Aggravations without which the Scales could not have been well weigh'd down and to Kill the King and his Brother and other Nobles as any English Reader may see in Cottons Abridgment at the afore-cited Parliament of the Fifth of this King Where now are any good grounds for this malicious Out-cry upon the Dissenting Wicklivists for Traiterous Plotters and Conspirators And what 's become of the great Army that Fame and Report had Rais'd But perhaps the Inn-keepers in the adjacent Hamlets and neighbouring Villages were not only their familiar Friends but intimate Acquaintance as Mr. Bags ingenuity to the elevating and surprizing of our Minds hath taught us to express it how otherwise this Achilles and his dreadful Army of Mirmidons could have continued thus unseen and slipt away in Disguise seems not reconcileable to Sence and Reason And yet how such great Numbers could have lain hid within the compass of a Readmote or have been put like Homers Iliads in a Nut-shell is a thing that passeth all my understanding to conceive If ever such a thing was as doubtless it never hapned in Europe nor amongst either our antient or modern Reformers certainly then this unconceivable Wonder must have fell out in the Reign of Queen Dick King of no Lands upon the Terra incognita of some other of the Fairy Islands bordering upon Vtopia where Prince Oberon and Queen Mab liv'd in dayly dread and fear of King Arthur Sir Lancelot and Sir Tristram and the rest of the Knights of his round Table or miserably perplext themselves every hour and minute with needless Scruples Jealousies and Suspicions about the unimagin'd Designs of the Noble Duke Ogier to advance himself and his little Mervine who afterwards did such heroick Exploits upon the Souldan of Babylon and his bloody cut-throat Army of Sarazens when he turn'd to the Assistance of the famous Câ—arlemain and his Peers But laying aside these idle Stories of the Monkish Romancers I pass on from our famous win-All Henry of Monmouth to the unfortunate English lose-All Henry of Windsor a far better Man than King as being more intentive upon the Devotions of the Times than the Government of his Realm and better skill'd in his Beads than his Scepter and therefore seems rather cut out for a Priest than a Prince In this Kings Minority while such great States-men and Patriots as his most renowned Uncles Bedford and Gloucester sate at the Helm and steadily Steer'd the Ship of the Common-Wealth one by his Arms the other by his Arts Honour and Renown attended upon the English Banners in France and the Land at Home in peace and quietness Flourished under the benign Influence of their successful Councels for the most part free from civil Broils and Commotions King Henry being in actual Possession of both Crowns under the conduct of such noble and worthy Directors But when Death had snatch'd away one from his Regency in France and the other was dismist from his Protectorship in England through the course of time The King being grown in Years and come to ripeness of Age though not it seems to such a degree of understanding as might capacitate him to act the part of a King further than in Name and Shew his Affairs in forreign Parts soon went miserably to wrack and being turn'd out of almost all beyond Sea deadly Fewds and Annimosities the usual attendants of ill Success abroad encreast so fast at Home between the Nobles and great Persons of the Realm and such intestine Jars sprung up in the Nation that after many Battles fought and much Royal Blood spilt the York Party prevail'd over the Lancastrians and the poor King himself though the Miracle of Age for Devotion lost his Crown Life and All at last Whether 't was purely the ill success abroad or the ill management of the State at home the unhappy Fate attending the Kings Matching with Queen Margaret to the breach of a former Contract or the unseasonable stirring of her and her accomplices to Suppress Ruine and Root out the other Party whereby they were compell'd for their own Security to link themselves together in the strictest bonds of Confederacy and stand continually upon their own Guard Whether the weakness of the King or the restless Spirit of the Queen too Active for her Sex The much resented Death of the Duke of Glocester or the subtle Arts and Devices of the Duke of York into the particulars whereof I will not now descend as being the Subject of a distinct Treatise by it self and the Popularity of the great Earl of Warwick Whether 't was any of these single or all of them joyntly concurring or rather the over-ruling Providence of an Almighty Being that made this strange Alteration in the Face of things to the dethroning of one Prince the most devoted of his time to religious Exercises and exalting of another as much given to Women as the former to Religion whereby the White Rose overtopt the Red Certain it is the City of London had a great Influence upon these Transactions and the favour the Citizens bore to the Duke of York and his Party contributed highly to the advancing of his Interest above the King Regnants if they were not the only grand causes under Heaven that produc't such wonderful and stupendious Effects This the more clearly to demonstrate I shall not oblidge my self exactly to trace the whole Series of State affairs through the following Princes Reigns nor over-scrupulously confine my self to the Life of this or that King distinctly and apart But design to
receive him with Demonstrations of great Joy and Gladness for his safe and happy arrival there The Habit of the Mayor Aldermen and Citizens were either Scarlet or Violet and his Reception was in great State and Pomp they meeting him in orderly Array without the City and so conveying him through it to St. Pauls Neither may we think him insensible of their Favours if Baker records the truth as indeed I am not able on any good grounds to contradict him when he says that the City of London was this King's Paradice nor provably consute the Reasons he gives for his Assertion viz. That what good Fortune soever befel him he thought he enjoy'd it not till he acquainted them with it And can we fancy he had not good Grounds and Inducements for this honourable Acknowledgment of their Kindness and Goodness shewn him by them besides the first Expressions thereof in the beginning of his Reign when he was so far from being well warm'd in his Seat that he was not yet enter'd upon the Throne by the Solemnity of a Coronation nor had taken possession of the Government with the usual Ceremonies and Customary Formalities Certain it is that I read in Fabian Shâ—riff of London in his days that he had considerable Sums of Money of the City more than once twice or thrice an Assistance as requisite often times as Men in Arms and not seldom more difficult for Princes to obtain There being idle men enough generally at all times ready to come in at the Sound of Trumpet or Drum if there be but an Assurance or Probability of good Pay which to compass is commonly a difficulty not so easily surmounted even by great Kings and Princes so scarce a Commodity is Gold and Silver Coin Neither do I find the City at any time complaining or opposing or joyning with his Enemies For notwithstanding his settlement on the Throne and his uniting the two Families into one by marrying Edward the Fourth's eldest Daughter he had a Lambert and a Perkin to disturb his Quiet and Repose about Title A Favour therefore doubtless this was not inconsiderable in those days For the City of London is known to have been able to do much had she been so inclined Whereof we may well believe the King was very sensible and so were the opposers of his peaceable tranquility were it only from this consideration that when in the Second of his Reign it was bleer'd about by his Enemies that the Earl of Warwick George Duke of Clarences Son was escap'd out of the Tower and a counterfeited Earl was provided to act the part of the true one to draw People to their Assistance which might have created no little trouble to the King and greatly endanger'd his Person and Dignity to disappoint and frustrate their Designs and fully lay open the Cheat of all Parties and Places of his Kingdom he chose London to shew therein the right Earl of Warwick to the People though the principal Scene of those Affairs were then laid in Ireland And the other side appear'd so fearful of the Effect thereof upon the Londoners and their Influence doubtless upon the rest of the Nation even Ireland it self though so far distant that to buoy up the Spirits of their own Party they thought it most effectual to report about the Island that that was a Counterfeit purposely train'd and taught by King Henry and shew'd by him in London to blind the Eyes of the Simple and Ignorant So sollicitous were both to encrease the number of their Adherents and draw the People of the Land to a belief of the honesty and sincerity of their Intentions and Equity of their Actions among whom the City of London is certainly the greatest Body fitly joyn'd together by good Laws and Constitutions greatly confirm'd by an orderly succession of her Magistrates and much strengthned by a long and large train of continual Successes But the City continued fix to the King's Interest and therefore the others Devices and Pretences work'd little or nothing upon the Citizens They were rather ready to rejoyce on all occasions for his victorious Success than pronâ— to take part with his Enemies against him whereof they gave him sufficient Testimonies at several times and seasons when they had opportunity to express their Affections in a more free and open way at such glorious Solemnities as Coronations Installations publick Receptions and Royal and Princely Marriages 'T is confess'd that towards the latter end of this King's Reign some of her principal Officers her Mayors and Sheriffs were sore troubled and vext in the King's Courts and large Sums of Money demanded of them for things pretended to be done by them illegally in their Offices and such of them imprison'd as refus'd to pay those Arbitrary Fines as may be seen in Stow's Annals but these were Troubles only of particular Men and common also to many others of the King's Subjects when Empson and Dudley were got into Authority and to humour the old King 's covetous itch after Riches a Vice incident mostly to Old Age reviv'd old forgotten Laws and rais'd large Sums of Money upon Offences against Penal Statutes wherein they acted so exorbitantly and took such arbitrary illegal and unjust Ways many whereof Baker reckons up in his Chronicle to compass their Ends that they themselves at length were become the principal Grievances of the Nation and suffered accordingly in the beginning of the next King's Reign both of them by the hands of Justice being made to pay their Heads for satisfaction to the People and their Promoters most shamefully Pillory'd and Imprison'd So little did it avail them to pretend they put the Laws in Execution or to call themselves the King's Promoters or Informers King Henry the Eighth as soon as he came to the Crown more regarding the Commons Crys and the Complaints of his People than he valued the pretended Loyalty of such profligate Villains as had no other way to pick up a Livelihood than by raking it out of other Mens Miseries and Troubles This Prince in his youth was so much addicted to Pleasures and Pastimes fine Sights and Shews Masks Justs and Tournaments and in his elder years to Cruelty and Tyrannical Oppression that one might be apt to expect and perhaps with some colour of reason that little was to be found in London in the beginning of this King's Reign but Jollity Joy and Rejoycing gaudy Shews and pleasing Objects delightful to the Eye and grateful to Sense a King's Example commonly drawing along with it his Subjects Imitation and that in the latter end scarce any durst presume to make opposition to a Man of so domineering a Spirit as by his own death-bed Confession never spar'd Woman in his Lust nor Man in his Anger And yet notwithstanding we meet with under this Prince Instances of the City's Power Boldness and undaunted Resolution and of the King's Favour to the Citizens The last may haply be concluded even from the Effects of
if some could prevent it For they that shot off his good Uncle's Head would hardly stick at attempting secretly upon his health and security who otherwise might have liv'd to avenge the Protectors Death But the chief Projector Northumberland had but little joy of his ambitious designs though King Edward was dead and he had got his two Sisters put by and the Lady Jane his Daughter in Law proclaimed Queen of the Realm by sound of Trumpet through London For when he might have thought himself most secure then was he most disappointed and he that could do so much in the City with the Magistracy either for fear or love quickly lost that branch of his Power when he was gone from the City though at the head of an Army and thereby in effect his Life The same Mayor who had before consented in appearance to secure the City for the Lady Jane a little after upon a motion from the Council going straight ways and proclaming the Lady Mary Queen And then she was quickly acknowledged for such all over the Land So that here we see two Queens proclaimed in London within a very short space of time but she who was last proclaimed and the Citizens stuck to continued Queen and the other was laid by as useless and afterwards brought to the Block as a guilty Criminal Had the City stuck to the first the other probable had still been counted the Offendor and might perhaps have suffered accordingly But the Stream was turn'd with the Tide and it was hard rowing against the Current Queen Mary at first had addressed her self by Letter to the Lord Mayor to proclaim her and the Cities affections may be thought inclinable from the beginning unto her be it only from Northumberland's expression of his thoughts to the Lord Gray in his passage through Shoreditch with his Army against her and her Forces who observed that the People pressed to see them but could not hear one that bid them Gods speed Is it so considerable to have the Voice of the Citizens how much more than their Hearts Thus came in Queen Mary and with her Popery upon the Protestants shoulders For the Suffolk men were the first that espous'd her Interest upon Condition that she would make no alteration in Religion which she then most readily promised but kept it afterwards like a Papist i. e. broke it and 't is somewhere observed that many more of that Country suffered for Religion in the Marian Persecution than of any other So sutable she acted to that avow'd Principle of her own Religion that no faith is to be kept with Hereticks a position publickly authorized by the Council of Constance and often since confirmed by many undeniable Instances and Examples But 't was well for her that the City of London whose concurrence with the rest of the Nation first mounted her up into the Throne and from whose Citizens she received so great respect the day before her Corononation by costly Pageants those dumb shews of respect and other honorary expressions of their affections continued firm in their Allegiance otherwise she might perchance have paid dear enough for the breach of her promise upon Sir Thomas Wyats insurrection For could he but have got into the City either by the Bridge or by Ludgate how much of his purpose he might have brought to effect is easier to be guessed than declared in so uncertain a matter But he was repulsed at both places and deceived in his expectations and hopes of aid from London he himself was taken his party routed and all his designs vanished into smoak to the loss of his own life and ruin of many of his principal Friends and Followers So unsuccessful is an enterprize on what grounds soever and appearing likelyhood of success at first undertaken wherein the Londoners refuse to ingage themselves whereas had but the City joyn'd her Forces to Wyats let him in within her Walls and not stood firm to the Quens Interest he might perhaps have been able to have commanded what Conditions he pleased Of this we may well believe the Queen and Court were extreamly sensible For we find the Queen her self her Lords and her Ladies came from Westminster to Guildhall where the Commons of the City were assembled in their Liveries before Wyat drew near to the City and by fair words and promises endeavour'd to confirm the Citizens minds and satisfie them of the sincerity of her own intentions and the insolent behaviour of her Enemies Which I think was no more than the case required and the necessity of her affairs obliged her to for her own security The five hundred Men which the City at the Lord Treasurers request had sent out ready Arm'd to oppose that insurrection having turn'd to the other side at the perswasion of their Captain and Leader and there being so great a Consternation at Westminster upon Wyats approach that the Serjeants at Law and other Lawyers pleaded in their harness But the Queens Speech having secur'd the generality of the Citizens affections strict Watch and Ward continued to be kept in London the Mayor and Sheriffs Commanded each Man to shut down their Shop-windows and stand ready Arm'd at their Doors they themselves being likewise in Armour the draw-bridge was cut down the Bridg-gate shut and convenient forces sent to keep it and others set in fit places of the City whereby Wyat's purpose was defeated and his expectations of assistance frustrated as he himself complain'd in the Message he sent the Londoners by Merchant Dorell upon his March out of Southwark toward Kingstone For before he came with such confidence towards London that he hoped for present entrance An eminent instance doubtless of the Cities great power and the influence it had on that bold undertaking which seems to have stood and fallen e'en as London stood affected and influenced But though the Queen prevail'd thus upon the Londoners yet death could not be brib'd nor sham'd by any promises or pretences for die she must and die she did after a short though bloody Reign of five years and somewhat better and so way was made for the famous and ever Renowned Queen Eâ—izabeth of blessed Memory in whose entrance into the Throne we find the Londoners interesting themselves notwithstanding she was publickly known to be of a quite different Religion from that at present Established she being forthwith Proclaimed in London upon knowledge and notice given of her Sister Queen Maries Death and coming from Hatfield within three or four days after Stow tells us she was very dutifully and honourably met by the Lord Mayor and the whole estate of London and so conducted to the Charter-house and some time after Rode through the City in great Majesty to Westminster to her Coronation At which Solemnity the Citizens gave her ample demonstrations of their affections by the stately Pageants and sumptuous Shews wherewith they entertain'd her Her settlement caus'd the Reduction encrease and progress of the Protestant Religion
of England wherein we read at the latter end of the Life and Reign of King Richard the Second That after the Duke was come from Coventry to St. Albans about five or six Miles before his coming to London the Mayor and the Companies in the Liveries with great Noise of Trumpets met the Duke doing more Reverence to him than to the King Rejoycing that GOD had sent them such a Prince that had Conquer'd the Realm i. e. the Court-party within one Months space Whereupon when the Duke was come within two Miles of the City he stopt his Army as if out of Reverence and Acknowledgment and in Submission thereto and ask't Advice of the Commons thereof what they would do with the King who Answered they would He should be led to Westminster upon which to them He was delivered and they led him accordingly to Westminster and from thence by Water to the Tower Nay some of the Londoners publickly shew'd themselves so much His Enemies as to Assemble together with an intent to have met Him without the City and there to have Slain him for his former Severities But the Mayor and Rulers and best of the Commonalty upon Information hereof with some difficulty reclaim'd them therefrom After the Citizens had thus receiv'd the King into their Custody and in effect thereby made a publick Declaration of their Minds and Opinions as to the great Change succeeding the Duke we are told entred London by the chief Gate and Rode through Cheapside to St. Pauls and there Lodg'd for some time so secure was he of the Citys good Will and Affection to him and afterward in October held a Parliament in Westmimster-Hall where the old King's Deposition and the new King's Election were compleated I shall not stay to make a long Paraphrase upon the Cityes proceedings in this Affair it being Matter of Fact and undeniable that the City consented hereto from the aforesaid passages which may be likewise thought very much to have influenc'd the Nation in their Elections to that Parliament if from the Annalists Computation we may safely and truly aver that the Parliament-Men were chosen after these Transactions at London because Forty dayes at least interven'd between this time and the first Wednesday in October whereon he sayes the Parliament began If any be desirous of another Observation I leave them to their own Liberty to infer from History and the Premises that it much conduc't to facilitate the King's Deposition that he had no known and generally acknowledg'd Heir of his own Body lawfully begotten boldly to stand up for Him and strongly plead his Cause in Armour for his own particular Interest as well as out of a due sence of his Duty Neither indeed do I well see how he could have any since that he had none by his first Wife that I read of his second Queen was too young another Heir was publickly pointed out to the Nation and he himself was also loosely addicted as seems plain beyond dispute His Lascivious living being hinted to us in Burton's Historical Remarks of London among the Articles drawn up against him and we have great reason to think it was an imputation too true when we read of several Ladyes expell'd the Court in the Eleventh of his Reign by the Procurement of the contesting Lords and a little before the sitting of the Wonder-Working-Parliament and take Notice out of Cotton's Abridgment of the House of Commons Request in the Twentieth Year for the avoiding the outragious Expences of the King's house and namely of Bishops and Ladyes and the King's Answer thereto made That he would be free therein and that the Commons thereby had offended against him his Dignity and Liberty Such was his Indignation against them for desiring to controul him in this Point and so highly incens'd was he thereat that to Appease him the Exhibiter of the Bill was adjudg'd to dye as a Traytor though upon some great Ones importunity his Life was for that time spared and he himself at length restor'd in Blood and to the recovery of his Goods Livings Lands and Tennements at the next King 's comming to the Crown But how I trow come the Bishops to be complain'd of by the Commons among the Misses Were they such Courters of Ladyes as instead of rebuking to follow or rather give bad Examples to the King and Country Yet now I think on 't these were Popish not Protestant Bishops Though I scarce believe every one of them that to the view of the World gives himself a Protestant Title is able well and truly to plead not Guilty If Noli-fet-ole-chery be a Motto rightly father'd upon one of our Western Diocesans How all things in a manner concur'd to further King Richard's Deposition and that he was actually depos'd hath already been spoken of which nevertheless barely did not content the Party but they would needs have it done in a formal and solemn way First the King must make a publick Renunciation of all Right Title and Claim to the Crown then Commissioners are by the States appointed in their Names to pronounce the Stentence of his Deposition from the Throne and make to him a Resignation of their homage and fealty for their Loyalty seems plainly enough to have been gone before Neither did they think this enough but were resolv'd over and above to leave Articles against him upon Record wherein are expressed the ill things done by others in his Reign and as they say by his Authority whereby they designed to justifie what they had done towards the unhappy Kings Deposition which visibly pav'd the way to his Grave So pernicious is it for Princes to suffer their Authority to be abus'd to shelter other mens Crimes or their Names to be made use of without a Present Resentment to carry on Designs hateful to the People though they never consent thereto themselves as their own Act and Deed. For I hope we may charitably Conclude what the worshipful Knights Sir Mayor and Sir Haughty the other-ill belov'd wight did in laying a trap to catch the Contesting Lords in the 11th year of this King was without the Kings privity because he swore it as in page 〈◊〉 though possibly they shrouded themselves under the shelter of his Authority and pretended his Warrant and Command for what they design'd and endeavoured And perhaps they had as Sir Richard Bakâ—r words it a warrant Dormant to prosecute the Kings Ends without the Kings Knowledge The Articles and Objections laid against the King are to be found in Cotton's Abridgment 1. H. 4. whence I trust I may securely transcribe them without hazarding the Courteous Readers Displeasure to shew him the grievances of the age as they are there exprest in this form of words Besides the Kings Oath made at his Coronation First for wasting and bestowing of the Lands of the Crown upon unworthy Persons and over-charging the Commons with Exactions For that the King by undue means procur'd divers Justices to speak against the