others of that faction ran euery man like connies to their couerte Yea the king betooke himselfe to the Tower of London and there made prouision for his winter aboade hauing all his courses now crossed first rashnesse in taking armes and afterwards by cowardise in maintaining them The Earle of Darby signified this successe to his associates by letters yet without any vauÌ„ting or enlarging tearms his speaches also were moderate rather exstenuating his fact then extolling it but by stopping his fame it much increased when men esteemed his high thoughtes by his lowely wordes and his conceite in great exploites by his contempt of this Then the Lords met and marched together towards London whether they came vpon S. Stephens day hauing almost forty thousand men in their armie first they shewed themselues in battaile array in the fieldes neare vnto the Tower within the viewe of the King afterwardes they tooke vp their lodging in the suburbes the Maior and aldermen of the citty came forth and gaue liberall allowance of victuall to the souldiers offering vnto the Lordes entertainment within the Citty but they did not accept it Now this discord seemed to draw to a dangerous distraction of the common-wealth the vanquished parte being ful of malice and the conquerors of presumption the one wanting power the other right to command and rule The Archbishop of Canterbury and certaine others of the neutrality fearing the sequele perswaded the king to come to a treaty with the lordes but he made shewe of very light regarde of all these dealings let them stay saide hee vntill they haue wearied themselues with maintaining this multitude and then I will talke further with them When the lordes vnderstood the drift of his deuise they beset the thames all other passages and protested that they woulde not departe vntill they had talked with him to his face The king hauing neyther strength to resist nor scope to scape conseÌ„ted to a treaty and to that end desired the lordes to come to him into the Tower but they refused that place of meeting vpon feare of false measure vntill the king permitted them to search as diligently and come as strongly as they thought it meete So they came vnto the King well guarded and after a fewe colde kindnesses and strange salutations they laide before him his proceedings against them at Nottingham his letters which he sent to the duke of Ireland contrary to his worde for the raysing of armes against them his agreement with the French King for the yeelding vp of Callice and other strong holdes which he possessed in those parts with diuers other pointes of dishonourable dealing and negligent gouernment What should the King then haue said or done all these matters were so euident and so euill that there was no place left either for deniall or defence Therefore ingenuously first with silence and patience afterwardes with teares he confessed his errors And certainely the stiffe stomack of the lordes relented more to these luke warme drops then they would haue done to his cannon shot Then it was agreed that the next day the King shoulde meet with them at westminster and there treat further both of these and other necessarie affaires of the realme So the Duke and the rest of the lords departed except the earle of Darby who stayed supper with the king and all that time stayed him in his promised purpose but when hee was also gone some of the secrete counsailers or corrupters rather and abusers of the King whistled him in the eare that his going to Westminster was neither seemely nor safe and would cause not onely to his person present danger and contempt but also both abasement and abridgement to his authority afterwards The Kings minde was soone changed but the Lords being now stirred and feeling the Kings hand weake to gouerne the bridle became the more vehement and sent him worde that if hee did ieofaile with them and not come according to appointment they would chuse another King who shoulde haue his nobility in better regard This peremptorie message so terrified the King that he not onely went to Westminster but suffered the Lords to doe there euen what they woulde So they caused him much against his liking to remooue out of the courte Alexander Neuill Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Foorde Bishop of Durisme Frier Thomas Rushoke Bishop of Chichester the kings Confessor Likewise they remoued the Lord Souch the Lord Haringworth Lord Burnell Lord Beaumonte Sir Albred Vecre Sir Baldewine Bereford Sir Richard Alderburie Sir Iohn Worth Sir Thomas Clifford Sir Iohn Louell taking suerties for their appearaÌ„ce at the next Parliament Also certaine Ladies were expelled the Court and put vnder suerties to wit the Lady Mowen the Lady Moling and the Lady Ponings which was the wife of Sir Iohn Woorth Furthermore they arested Simon Burlye William Elinghame Iohn Salisburie Thomas Triuet Iames Berneis Nicholas Dagworth and Nicholas Brambre Knights Richard Clifforde Iohn Lincolne and Richard Motford Clearkes Iohn Beauchampe the Kings Steward Nicholas Lake Deane of the Kings Chappell and Iohn Blake counceller at the Law all these were committed to diuers Prisons where they were forth-comming but not comming foorth vntill the Parliament next following After the feast of the Purification the Parliament began at London and yet the King vsed many meanes either to dash or deferre the same to which the Lordes came attended with the number and strength of a full armie vpon colour to represse any ryote that might happen to arise but in truth that by this terrour they might draw the whole manage of affaires vnto themselues This assembly continued vntill Whitsontide next following with verie great feare of some men and hope of others and expectation of all Herein was Iustice Trisiliane by counsaile of the Lordes against the Kings minde condemned to bee drawne and hanged which iudgement was presently executed vpon him the like sentence and execution passed vpon Sir Nicholas Brambre Sir Iohn Salisburie Sir Iames Barneis Iohn Beauchampe the Kings steward and Iohn Blake Esquire who had framed the Articles which were exhibited against the Lordes at Nottingham Also the Iustices who gaue their iudgement concerning those Articles Robert Belkâ—ape Iohn Holte Roger Fulthorpe and William Burghe were condemned to perpetuall exile and yet they did not interpose themselues but intermeddle by constraint Sir Simon Burlye was also beheaded who was keeper of Douer Castle and had conspired to deliuer the same vnto the Frenchmen hee was infinitely haughtie and proude equall to the meanest in virtue and wisedome but in brauerie and traine inferiour to no Duke Diuers other were either put to death or banished and some as it happeneth when the reyne of furie is at large without any great cause The Earle of Derby furthered no mans death but laboured verie instantly for the life and libertie of many in so much as hoat speeches did arise betweene the Duke of Gloucester and him whereby he purchased a fauourable opinion
haue fostered it as they did with Garlandes statues trophies and triumphes in which notwithstanding it is but temporary and short but in histories of worth it is onely perpetual This Cicero perceiuing he dealt with Luceius to commit his actions to the monuments of his writings and Plinie the yonger did wish that he might bee mentioned in the histories of Cornelius Tacitus because he did foresee that they should neuer decay But these are such as are not led away with a lust eyther to flatter or to deface whereby the creadite of historie is quite ouerthrowne Yet the endeuour to curry fauour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of seruility and therefore Alexander when he heard Aristobulus read many things that he had written of him farre aboue truth as he was sayling the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the Riuer and sayd that hee was almost mooued to send Aristobulus after for his seruile dealing but enuious carping carieth a counterfeite shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a history what beginning what continuance and what meane is to be vsed in all matter what thinges are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to be treated at large how creadit may be won and suspition avoyded what is to bee obserued in the order of times and discription of places and other such circumstances of weight what liberty a writer may vse in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and euentes of thinges done how farre he must bend himselfe to profit and when and how he may play vpon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should run into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will here close vp onely wishing that all our English histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them myght more easily bee attayned THE FIRST PARTE OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING Henry the fourth Extending to the end of the first yeere of his raigne THe noble and victorious Prince king Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long prosperous raigne ouer this realme of England much strengthned and adorned by natures supply of seuen goodlye sonnes Edward his eldest sonne prince of Wales commonly called the Blacke Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These sonnes during the life of their renowmed Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could be annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holdes are so great defences to a prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away eyther by varietie of fortune or inconstancie of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaueth close vnto him not so much in the blisses of prosperitie which are equally imparted to others as in the crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their ofspring the seminarie of diuision and discord to the vtter ruine of their families and great wast and weakning of the whole Realme for they that haue equall dignitie of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soueraigntie but vpon euery offer of occasion wil aspire to indure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kinde is most dispitefull deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humor caused Remulus to embrewe the foundations of the Cittie and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day beginne their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of warre in his time dyed during the life of his father And although he was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame he liued with the longest hauing in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobiliâ—e He left behinde him a young some called Richard who after the death of King Edward was Crowned King in his steade and afterward died childe-lesse William of Hatfield king Edwards second sonne dyed also without issue leauing no other memorie of his name but the mention onely Liâ—â—â—ll Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speach and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admired nor contemned as rather voide of ill partes then furnished with good He had issue Philip his only daughter who was ioyned in marriage to Edmunde Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the Reigne of King Richard was in the right of his wife declared heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without children but not many yeares after hee dyed leauing issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elienor Edmund and Elienor dyed without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edmund of Lâ—ngley Duke of Yorke the fift sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard 〈◊〉 Duke of Yorke who by the right â—â—uolued to him from his mother made open claime to the Crowne of England which was then possessed by the family of Lancaster first by law in the Parliament holden the thirtieth yeare of the Raigne of King Henrie the sixt where either by right or by fauour his cause had such furtherance that after King Henrie should die the Crowne was entayled to him and to the heires of his bloud for euer But the Duke impatient to linger in hope chose rather to endure any daunger then such delay Whereupon he entred into armes soone after against King Henrie in the fielde But being carried further by courage then by force hee coulde beare through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest sonne who with inuincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great varietie of fortune at the last atchieued it Iohn of Gaunâ— Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardie spirite but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast He had two sonnes Henrie Earle of Derby of whome I purpose chiefly to treate and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother
c. 5 Item how are they to be punished who resisted or letted the King in exercising his royall power by remitting any penalties or debts whatsoeuâ—r 6 Item when a Parliament is assembled and the affaires of the Realme and the cause of assembling the Parliament by the Kings commaundement declared and commonâ— Articles limited by the King vpon which the Lordes and commons in the said Parliament should proceed if the Lords commons will proceed vpon other Articles and not vpon the Articles limitted by the King vntill the King hath first giuen answere to the Articles propounded by them notwithstanding that the contrarie were enioyned by the King whether in this case the King ought to haâ—e the rule of the Parliament and so to order the fact that the Lordes and commons should first proceede vpon the Articles limitted by the King or that they should first haue answere of the King vpon the Articles propounded by them â—efore they proceede any further 7 Item whether may the King when he pleaseth dissolue the Parliament and commaunde the Lordes and commons to depart or no 8 Item since the King may aâ— his pleasure remoue any of his Officers and Iustices and punish them for their offences Whether may the Lordes and commons without the Kings will accuse his Officers and Iustices in Parliament for their offences yea or no 9 Item what punishment haue they deserued who 〈◊〉 in Parliament that the Statute whereby King Edward Carnaruane was deposed should be brought forth by view whereof the new Statute ordinance and commission aforesaid were framed 10 Item whether the iudgement giuen in the last Parliament holden at Westminster against Michael Delapoole Duke of Suffolke was erronious and reuocable yea or no These questions or rather quarrelles were drawne by Iohn Blake a Counceller at the Law by direction of Iustice Trisilian whilest the King made his stay in Wales to the which the Iustices afore-named some in discharge of their owne malice and some to satisfie the mindes of other made answere as followeth To the first that they did derogate from the prerogatiue of the King because they were against his will To the second and third that they are to be punished by death except it pleaseth the king to pardon them To the fourth and fifth that they are worthy to be punished as traitours To the sixth that whosoeuer resisteth the kings rule in that point deserueth to be punished as a traitour To the seuenth that the king may at his pleasure dissolue the Parliament and whosoeuer shall afterwards proceed against the kings minde as in a Parliament he is worthy to be punished as a traitour To the eighth that they can not and whosoeuer doeth the contrary he deserueth to be punished as a traitour To the ninth that aswell the motioner as also the bringer of the sayd statute to the Parliament are worthy to be punished as traitours To the tenth they answered that the said iudgement seemed to them erronious and reuocable in euery part In witnesse whereof the iustices aforesayd with Iohn Locktone the kings sergeant at law haue subscribed and set their seales to these present c. When these bloody sentences of death and treason were vnder generall large termes thus fastened vpon the lords the king supposed his attempts against them whether by violence or by couler of law sufficiently warranted but his power both wayes as it was terrible against weake resistance so against such mighty defendants it was of small force to effect that which he so much affected Yet he did not omit his best indeuour and first accounting the lordes as condemned persons he made diuision of their lands and goods among those that he fauououred Then he waged souldiers to be in a treadinesse for his assistance and sent the earle of Northumberland to arrest the earle of Arundell at his castle in Reygate where he then lay But the earle of Arundell either vpon aduertisement or suspition of the kings minde bandâ—d himselfe so strong that when the earle of Northumberland came vnto him he dissembled his intent and left his purpose vnperformed Thus were these proceedings of the king as now in counsell so afterwards in euent not much vnlike that which the Fable telleth of a certaine hunter who first solde the skinne of the beare and then went about to take her but when he came within the forrest either by vnskilfulnesse or misaduenture he not onely missed his pray but fell himselfe into danger of the beast The duke of Gloucester hauing secret intelligence of the kings displeasure and of his drift sent the bishop of London to perswade the king to entertaine a more fauourable opinion of him making faith to the bishop with a solemne oath that he neuer entended any thing to the preiudice of the king either in person or state The Bishop not vnskilfull to ioyne profitable perswasion with honest declared to the king that his displeasure against the Lords was not grouÌ„ded vpon iust desert but either vpon false suggestions of their enemies or erronious mistaking aâ— some of their actions how desirous they were of his grace and fauour how faithfull and forward they promised to persist in all dutifull seruice how honourable this agreement would be to the king how profitable to the realme and how daungerous to both these troubles might encrease The king seemed to giue good eare credit to the bishops speech but Michael Delapoole a turbulent man and against quiet counsell obstinately contentious standing then by the king soone stiffened his minde against all impression of friendship Heereupon contention did arise betweene the Bishop and the Earle and brake forth violently into heat of words The Earle applied to the Lordes those obiections wherewith great men are vsually charged sparing no spight of speech and vsing all arte to aggrauate matters against them The bishop replied that the Earle was thus fiercely bent not vpon his owne necessity nor loue to the king but onely to satisfie his bloody and ambitious humour wherein he was so immoderate that rather then the lords should not be destroyed he would ouerwhelme them with the ruines of the state for tumults might in deed be raised by men of little courage but must be maintained with the hazzard and ended with the losse of the most valiant that neither his counsell in this matter was to be followed being the principall firebrand of the disturbance not his complaints against any man to be any thing regarded being himselfe a condemned person and one that held both his life and honour at the pleasure of the king At these words the king was exceedingly wroth and charged the bishop with menacing threats to auoid his presence When the duke of Glocester had knowledge heereof he signified the daunger to the earles of Arundell Warwicke and Derbie aduising them to take armes and vnite themselues for their common defence for in so doubtfull and suspected peace open warre was the onely hope of safety
Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make ware on the foresaid Lords and suffered them to robbe and spoile without correction or reproofe 6 Item that although the king flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions doone within the realme yet he laide to them in the Parlament rebellion and manifest treason 7 Item he hath compelled diuers of the said Lords seruants by menace to make great fines extreame paiments to their vtter vndooing and notwithstanding his pardon to to them graunted he made them fine a new 8 Item where diuers were appointed to common of the estate of the realme and the commonwealth of the same the king caused all the roules records to be kept froÌ„ them contrary to his promise made in parlament to his opeÌ„ dishonor 9 Item â—e vncharitably commaunded that no man vpon paine of losse of life and goods should once entreate him for the returne of Henrie now duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after he had obteyned diuers acts of Parlament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then he procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streitly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and auncient priuiledges of this realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his deuoyre against Thomas Duke of Northfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said king without reason or ground banished him the realme for ten yeares contrarie to all equitie 12 Item before the Dukes departure he vnder his broad Scale licenced him to make atturneys to prosecute and defend his causes the said king after his departure would suffer none atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said king put out diuers Shiriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes diuers others of his owne minions subuerting the lawe contrarie to his oath and honour 14 Item he borowed great summes of money and bound himselfe vnder his letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one peny paide 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his vnhappie counsaile and the same treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the realme were in his head and sometimes in his brest by reason of which phantasticall opinion he destroyed noble men and impouerished the poore commons 17 Item the parlament setting and enacting diuers notable statutes for the profit and aduancement of the commonwealth he by his priuie friends and solicitours caused to be enacted that no acte then enacted should be more preiudiciall to him then it was to his predecessours thorow which prouiso he did often as he list and not as the lawe ment 18 Item for to serue his purpose he would suffer the Shiriffes of the shires to remaine aboue one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of parlament when the Knights and Burgesses should be elect and the election had fully proceeded he put out diuers persons elected and put in others in their places to serue his will and appetite 20 Item he had priuie espials in euery shire to heare who had of him any communication and if he communed of his lafciuious liuing and outragious dooing he straightwayes was apprehended and made a grieuous fine 21 Item the spiritualtie alledged against him that he at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without lawe ot custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when diuers Lordes and Iustices were sworne to say the trueth of diuers things to them committed in charge both for the honor of the realme and profit of the king the said king so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobilitie he caryed the Iewels and Place and treasure ouer the sea into Ireland to the great impouerishing of the realme and all the good recordes of the common wealth against his extortions he caused priuily to be embeaseled and caryed away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to be concluded and sent to the sea of Rome and other regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once beleeue him nor yet his owne subiects 25 Item he most tyranouslie and vnprincely said that the liues and goods of all his subiects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that he contrarie to the great Charter of England caused diuers lustie men to appeale diuers olde men vpon matters determinable at the common law in the court Marciall because that in that court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the sayd aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselues to his mercie whom he fined and ransomed vnreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily deuised certaine priuie oathes contrarie to lawe and caused diuers of his subiects first to be sworne to obserue the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great vndooing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellour according to lawe would in no wise graunt a prohibition to a certaine person the king graunted it vnto the same person vnder his priuie â—eale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterburie without cause or iudgement and kept him in the Parlament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the bishops goods he graunted to his successor vpon condition that he should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsburie Anno. 21. and the statutes made Anno 22. at Couentree 31 Item vppon the accusation of the Archbishop the king craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and aduised him not to come to the Parlament and so without answere he was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laide which particularlie did concerne the said Archhishop by whose dooing chiefly the king was vtterlie vndone Then was demaunded of the Nobilitie and commons of the realme what they iudged both of the trueth and desert of these articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that king Richard was worthie for the same to be deposed from his princely dignitie The noble men gaue their voyces part corrupted by fauour part awed by feare and the commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one dooth flye all will follow Herevpon Commissioners were appointed by both the houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against king Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen VVe Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbote of Glastenburie Thom. Earle of Gloucester Thom. Lord
qualitie in high degrees of office and seruice then proclamations were made that if any man had been oppressed by these Lords or by any officers vnder them he should prooue his complaint and receiue recompence It was made a question whether it was not meete that these noble men should be put to death the importunitie of the people and the perswasion of many great men drew that way but policie was against it and especially the opinion of clemencie which seemed needfull to the setling of a new risen state In this parlament also the Lorde Fitzwater appealed the sayd Duke of Aumerle sonne to the Duke of Yorke vpon points of high treason likewise the Lord Morley appealed Iohn Montacute Earle of Salisburie and moe then twentie other appeilants waged battaile but the king purposing to laye the foundation of his realme by fauour and not by force gaue pardon and restitution alike to all vppon sureties and band for their alleageance and in a sweet and moderate oration he admonished and as it were intreated the one part that ould griefes and grudges should not be renued but buried together with the memorie of former times wherein men were forced to doe many things against their mindes the other part he desired to be more regardfull of their actions afterward and for the time past rather to forget that euer they were in fault then to remember that they were pardoned No punishment was laide vppon any saue onely the Earle of Salisburie and the Lord Morley who had beene in especiall grace and fauour with King Richard these two were committed to prison but at the sute of their friends they were soone released the rest the King receiued freelye to fauour but most especially the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Excester Lord Gouernour of Calice The Duke of Aumerle was cousen germane to both the kings Iohn Holland Duke of Exceâ—â—â— was halfe brother to King Richard and brother in lawe to King Henrie whose sister the Lady Elizabeth he had taken to wise The greatest matter that was enforced against them was their loyaltie vnto King Richard a grieuous crime among rebels because they did not onlie stomacke and storme at his deiection but stirre also more then others and assaye to raise forces on his behalfe The Dukes bouldly confessed the accusation that they were indeed vnfortunately faithfull to King Richard but as those who once are false doe seldome afterwards prooue soundly firme so they that haue shewed themselues true to one prince may the better be trusted by any other The King did rather admit this as a defence then remit it as a fault affirming that such examples were not to be misliked of Princes so he entred with them into great termes of friendship and put them in place neerest his person endeauouring by courtesie and liberalitie to make them fast and faithful vnto him this fact was diuerslie enterpreted according to mens seueral dispositions some admiring the kings moderation others disliking and disallowing his confidence and indeed although these meanes haue to this purpose preuailed with some yet the common course may mooue vs commonly to coniecture that there is little assurance in reconciled enemies whose affections for the most part are like vnto Glasse which beeing once cracked can neuer bee made otherwise then crazed and vnsound Furthermore to qualifie all preiudice and hard opinion which other princes might chaunce to conceiue King Henrie dispatched Embassadours to diuers countries neere vnto him to make it knowne by what title and by what fauour and desire of all the people he atteyned the kingdome To the court of Rome hee sent Iohn 〈◊〉 Bishop of Hereford Sir Iohn Cheyney Knight and Iohn Cheyney Esquire into Fraunce hee sent Waker Shirlowe Bishop of Durham and Lord Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester into Spaine he sent Iohn Treuor Bishop of S. Assaphâ—â— and 〈◊〉 William Parrâ— and into Almaine he sent the Bishop of Bangor and certaine other Most of these Princes as in a matter which little concerned eyther their honour or their harme seemed eyther not to regarde what was doone or easely to bee perswaded that all was doone well But Charles King of Fraunce was so distempeâ—ed at this dishonourable dealing with his sonne in lawe King Richard that by violence of his passion he fell into his oulde panges of phrensie and at the last by helpe of Phisicke returning to the sobrietie of his sences he purposed to make sharpe warre vpon that disloyall people as he termed them for this iniurie against their lawfull and harmlesse Prince Many noble men of Fraunce shewed themselues verye forwarde to enter into the seruice but especially the Earle of Saint Paule who had maryed King Richards halfe Sister So letters of defiance were sent into England and great preparation was made for the warre Likewise the newes of these nouelties much abashed the Aquitanes who were at that time vnder the English subiection and plunged their thoughts in great perplexities Some were greiued at the infamous blemish of the English nation who had disteyned their honour with the spot of such disloyall dealing others feared the spoyle of their goods and oppression of their liberties by the Frenchmen against whose violence they suspected that the realme of England beeing distracted into ciuill factions eyther would not attend or should not be able to beare them out but the Citizens of Burdeaux were chiefely anguished in respect of King Richard partlie fretting at his iniurie and partlie lamenting his infortunitie because he was borne and brought vppe within theyr Cittie And thus in the violence some of theyâ— anger some of theyr griefe and some of their feare in this sort they did generally complaine O good God sayd they where is the world become saintes are turned to Serpents and Doues into diuels The English nation which hath been accompted fierce onely against theyr â—oes and alwayes faithfull to their friends are now become both fierce and faith lesse against their lawfull and louing Prince and haue most barbarouslie betrayed him Who would euer haue thought that Christians that ciuill people that any men would 〈◊〉 haue violated all religion all lawes and all honest and orderlie demeanure And although the heauens blush at the view and the earâ—â— sweat as the burthen of 〈…〉 and all man proclaime and exclaime open shame and confusion against them yet they neither feele the horrour nor shrinke at the shame nor feare the reuenge but stand vpon tearmes some of defence for the lawfulnesse of their dealing and some of excuse for the necessitie Well let them be able to blinde 〈◊〉 worlde and to resist 〈…〉 yet shall they neuer be able to escape 〈…〉 desire to be powred vpon them Alas good King Richard thy nature was too gentle and they gouernement too milde for so stiffe and stubborne a people what King wil euer repose any trust in such 〈…〉 them with lawes as theeues are with 〈◊〉 What 〈◊〉 hee 〈◊〉 can recouer theyr credite What time wyll
too weake for warre did many times preuaile by peace that now they had got into their handes many Townes and Holdes appertaining to the crowne of England they were willing to conclude a peace to exclude the King thereby from his possessions but whensoeuer occasion shoulde change for their aduantage they would be then as ready to start from the friendshippe as at that present they were to strike it that the French Kings daughter being but a child was very vnmeet for the marriage of King Richard as well for disparitie of age as for that the King had no issue by his first wife and was not like to haue any by this except perhappes in his olde and withered yeeres When the Duke saw that with these motiues he did nothing preuaile he suborned the Londoners to make petition to the King that seâ—â—g there was peace with France he would release them of the Subsidie which they had graunted to him in regard of those warâ—es This suite was instantly followed and much perplexed the King vntill the Duke of Lancaster declare to the people that the King had beene at the charge and dispense of three hundred thousand poundes in his voyage into France for the procuring of this peace whereupon they were pacified and desisted from their demaund The yeere following Guido Earle of S. Pauls was sent into England by Charles King of Fraunce to visit and salute in his name King Richard and Queene Isabell his wife the French Kings daughter To this Earle the King did relate with what feruencie the Duke of Gloucester contended to make disturbance of the peace betweene England and France how because his minde was not therein followed hee mooued the people to seditious attempts bending himselfe wholly to maintaine discord and disquiâ—t rather in his owne countrey then not at all He further reported what stiffe strifes in formertâ—â—es the Duke had stirred which howsoeuer they were done yet as they were declared they sounded very odious and hard When the Earle heard this he presently answered that the Duke was too daungerous a subiect to be permitted to liue that greatnesse was neuer safe if it grow excessâ—ue and bolde that the King must not affect the vaine commendation of clemency with his owne perill and that it touched him both in honour to reuenge the disgraces which he had receiued and in policy to preuent the daungers which he had cause to feare These words of sharpened the Kings displeasure that from thencefoorth he busied his braines in no one thing more then how to bring the Duke to his end Now he began to pry more narrowly into his demeanour to watch his words to obserue actions adn alwayes to interpret them to the woorst framing himselfe to many vaine and weedlesse feareâ— Often times he would complaine of him to the Duke of Laâ—ster and the Duke of Yorke how fierce and violent he was in his speeches and crosse to him in all matters The Dukes would make answere that the Duke of Gloucester their brother was in deed more hoat and vehement then they did commend yet his fiercenesse was ioyned with faithfulnesse and his crosnesse proceeded from a care least the Common-wealth should decrease either in honour or in possessions and therefore the King had neither need to feare nor cause to disslike About that time the Dukes of Lancaster and of Yorke withdrewe themselues from the court to their priuate houses the duke of Gloucester also went to ly at Plashey neere Chelmessorde in Essex vpon aduantage of which seperation the King stoode distracted in minde betweene feare to differ and shame to auow the destruction of the Duke least he might happily bee disapointed by the one or dishonoured by the other Hereupon he entred into counsaile with Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his halfe brother and Thomas Mowbray Earle of Notingham howe the Duke of Gloucester might be suppressed or oppressed rather the cruclty which was but wauering in the King yea wanting by nature was soone confirmed by euill aduise and being once inclined to bloud he did not faile either of example ofâ—ewd action to followe or direction of cruell counsaile what to doe so the plotte was contriued and according thereto the King and the Earle of Noâ—tingham rodâ— together into Essex as though it were to disporte themselues in hunting when they were in the middest of the Forrest the Earle made stay and the King passed forth with a smal and vnsuspicious company to the Duke lying at Plashey there he stayed dinner and then pretending occasion of present returne he desired the Duke to accompany him to London the faire entreatie of a Prince is a most forceable commaunde therefore the Duke supposing that onely to bee intended in deede which was pretended in shewe 〈◊〉 to horse-backe with the King taking such small attendance as vpon the sudden could be in a readinesse and appointing the rest to come after him to London So they rode together vsing much familiar talke by the way vntill they came neere the place of await then the King put his horse forwarde and the Duke comming behinde was suddenly intercepted and stayed crying aloud and calling to the King for his helpe the King continued his iourney as though he had not heard and the Duke was violently carried to the Thames and there shipped in a vessell layed for the purpose and from thence conueyed ouer to Calice When the King came to London he caused the Earle of Warwicke also to be arrested and sent to prison the same day that hee had inuited him to dinner and shewed good countenance and promised to be gracious Lord vnto him Vpon the like dissembled shewe the Earle of Arundell and his sonne and certaine others were arrested also and committed to prison in the Ile of Wight The common people vpon the apprehending of these three noble men whome they chiefely and almost onely fauoured were in a great confusion and tumult and there wanted but a head to drawe them to sedition euery man sorrowed murmured and threatned and daring no further stood waiting for one to leade them the way all being readie to followe that which any one was loath to beginne The Duke of Lancaster and of Yorke gathered a strong armie and came therewith to London where they were readily receiued by the citizens although the King had commaunded the contrarie but this seemed to be done rather for garde to themselues then regarde to any others The king all this time kept at a village called Helhame within foure miles of London hauing aboute him a great power of armed men which he had gathered out of Cheshire and Wales and to paciâ—â—â— the common people hee caused to be proclaimed that the Lordes were not apprehended vpon olde displeasures but for offences lately committed for which they should be appealed by order of law and receiue open triall in the Parliament next following the like message was sent to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke lying
Henry the third but they were not able yet were they able to depose King Edward the second and to constitute his young sonne Edward King in his steade these are not all and yet enough to cleare this action of rarenesse in other countries noueltie in our The difficulty indeede is somewhat because the excellencie is great but they that are affraide of euery bush shall neuer take the bird your selfe had once some triall hereof when without battaile without bloud or blowes you had the King at such a lift as he held his Crowne at your courtesie euen at that time when his grieuances were neither for greatnes nor continuance so intollerable as now they are growne and by reason of his tender yeres not out of al compasse both of excuse for the fault and of hope for an amendement And as concerning the lawfulnesse Nay said the Duke where necessity doth enforce it is superfluous to vse speach either of easinesse or of lawfulnesse necessitie will beate thorow brasen Walles and can be limited by no lawes I haue felt verie deeply my part in these calamities and I would you knew with what griefe I haue beheld your for what other reward haue I receiued of all my trauailes and seruices but the death of my vncle and dearest friends my owne banishment the imprisonmeut of my children and losse of my inheritance and what haue beene returned to you for your bloud so often shed in his vnfortunate warres but continuall tributes scourges gallowes and slauerie I haue made sufficient proofe both of pacience in my owne miseries and of pittie in your remedy them hither to I could not If now I can I will not refuse to sustain that part which yonr importunitie doth impose vpon me if we preuaile we shall recouer againe our libertie if wee loose our state shall be no worse theÌ„ now it is and since we must needs perish either deseruingly or without cause it is more honorable to put our selues vpon â—he aduenture eyther to winne our liues or to dye for deserte and although our liues were safe which in deede are not yet to abandon the state ane sleepe still in this slauerie were a poynt of negligence and sloath It remaineth then that we vse both secrecie and celeritie laying hold vpon the oportunitie which the Kings absence hath now presented vnto vs for in al enterprises which neuer are commended before they bee atchieued delayes are daungerous and more safe it is to be founde in action then in counsaile for they that deliberate onely to rebell haue rebelled already So the messengers departed into England to declare the Dukes acceptance and to make preparation against his arriuall both of armour and of subiection and desire to obey Presently after their departure the Duke signified to Charles king of Fraunce that he had a desire to goe into Brittaine â—o visite Iohn Duke of Brittaine his friend and kinsman The King suspecting no further fetch sent letters of commendation in his fauour to the Duke of Brittaine but if he had surmised any dangerous drift against King Richard who not long before had taken his daughter to wife in stead of letters of safe-conducte he would haue founde lettes to haue kept him safe from disturbing his sonne in lawes estate Assoone as the Duke was come into Brittaine he waged certaine souldiours and presently departed to Calice and so committed to sea for England giuing forth that the onely cause of his voyage was to recouer the Duchie of Lanchaster and the rest of his lawfull inheritance which the King wrongfully deteyned from him In his companie was Thomas Arundell the Archbishop of Canterburie and Thomas the sonne heire of Richard late earle of Arundell who was very yong and had a little before escaped out of prison and fled into France to the Duke The residue of his attendants were very few not exceeding the number of fifteen lances so that it is hard to esteeme whether it was greater maruaile either that he durst attempt or that he did preuaile with so smal a company but his chiefest coÌ„fidence was in the fauour assistance of the people within the realme So he did beare with England yet not in a streight course but floated along the shoare making head sometimes to one coast and sometimes to another to discouer what forces were in a readines either to resist or to receiue him As he was in this sort houering on the seas L. Edmund duke of Yorke the kings vncle to whom the king had committed the custody of the Realme during the time of his absence called vnto him EdmuÌ„d Stafford bishop of Chichester L. Ghancellour W. Scroupe earle of Wiltshire L. Treasurour of the Realme also Sir Iohn Bushie Sir Henry Greene Sir William Bagot Sir Iohn Russell and certain others of the kings Priuy councell and entred into deliberation what was best to be done At the last it was concluded deceitfully by some vnskilfully by others and by all perniciously for the king to leaue the sea coasts and to leaue London the very walles castle of the Realme and to goe to S. Albons there to gather strength sufficient to encounter with the duke It is most certaine that the dukes side was not any wayes more furthered then by this dissembling and deceiuable dealing for open hostility and armes may openly and by armes be resisted but priuy practises as they are hardly espied so are they seldome auoided And thus by this meanes the duke landed about the feast of Saiud Martin without let or resistance at Rauenspur in Houldernesse as most writers affirme Presently after his ariual there resorted to him Lord Henrie Pearcie Earle of Northumberland and Lord Henry his son Earle of Westmerland Lorde Radulph Neuill Lorde Rose Lord Willoughby many other personages of honor whose company encreased reputation to the cause and was a great couutenance and strength to the Dukes further purposes And first they tooke of him an oath that hee should neither procure nor permit any bodily harme to be done vnto King Richard whereupon they bound themselues vpon their honours to prosecute all extremities against his mischieuous counsailers And this was one step further then that which the Duke pretended at the first when hee tooke shipping at Callice which was only the recouery of his inheritance but that was as yet not determined nor treated and of some perhaps not thought vpon which afterwardes it did ensue and so was that place easily insinuated into by degrees which with maine and direct violence would hardlier haue bin obtained Then the common people desperate vpon newe desires and without head head-long to matters of innouation flocked very fast to these noble men the better sort for loue to the common-wealth some vpon a wanton lenetie and vaine desire of change others in regard of their ownâ— distressed and decayed estate who setting their chiefe hopes and deuises vppon a generall disturbance were then most safe when the common state was
any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away all doubt they make expresse mention of the euill For the power and authoritie of wicked princes is the ordinance of god and therfore Christ told Pilate that the power which he had was giuen him from aboue and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus being a prophane and heaâ—â—en Prince the Lords anoynted For God stirreth vp the spirit euen of wicked Princes to doe his will and as Iehoshaphat sayd to his rulers they execute not the iudgement of man but of the Lord in regard whereof Dauid calleth them Gods because they haue their rule and authority immedyatly from God which if they abuse they are not to bee adiudged by theyr subiects for no power within theyr dominionis superior to theirs but God reserueth them to the sorest tryall Horribly and sodainly saith the Wiseman will the Lord appeare vnto them and a hard iudgement shall they haue The law of God commaundeth that the Childe should be put to death for any contumely done vnto the parents but what if the Father be a robber if a murtherer if for all excesse of villanyes odious and execrable both to God and man surely he deserueth the highest degree of punishment and yet must not the Sonne lift vp his hand against him for no offence is so great as to be punished by parricide but our country is dearer vnto vs then our parentes and the Prince is pater patriae the Father of our Country and therefore more sacred and deere vnto vs then our parentes by nature and must not be violated how imperious how impious soeuer hee bee doth he commaund or demaund our persons or our purses we must not shunne for the one nor shrinke for the other for as Nehemiah saith Kinges haue dominion ouer the bodyes and ouer the cattle of their subiectes at their pleasure Doth he enioyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God we must neyther wholy obey nor violently resist but with a constant courage submit our selues to all manner of punishment and shewe our subiection by enduring and not performing yea the Church hath declared it to bee an heresie to holde that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his subiectes for any disorder or default eyther in life or else in gouernment there will be faultes so long as there are men and as wee endure with patience a barren yeere if it happen and vnseasonable weather and such other defectes of nature so must wee tollerate the imperfections of rulers and quietlye expecte eyther reformation or else a change But alas good king Richard what such cruelty what such impiety hath he euer committed examine rightly those imputations which are layde against him without any false circumstance of aggrauation and you shall finde nothing obiected eyther of any truth or of great moment It may bee that many errours and ouersightes haue escaped him yet none so grieuous to be termed tyranny as proceeding rather from vnexperienced ignorance or corrupt counsaile then from any naturall and wilfull mallice Oh howe shall the world bee pestered with tirantes if subiectes may rebell vppon euery pretence of tyranny howe many good Princes shall daylye bee suppressed by those by whome they ought to bee supported if they leauy a subsedy or any other texation it shall be claymed oppression if they put any to death for trayterous attemptes against theyr persons it shall be exclaymed cruelty if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people it shall bee proclaymed tyrannie But let it be that without authority in vs or desert in him king Richard must be deposed yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne or what reason haue wee without his right to giue it to him if hee make title as heyre vnto king Richard then must he yet stay vntill king Richards death for no man can succeed as heyre to one that liueth But it is well knowne to all men who are not eyther wilfully blinde or grosely ignorant that there are some now aliue lineally descended from Lionell Duke of Clarence whose ofspring was by iudgement of the high Court of Parlament holden the viii yeere of the raigne of King Richard declared next successour to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue Concerning the tytle from Edmund Crouchbacke I will passe it ouer seeing the authors thereof are become ashamed of so absurde abuse both of theyr owne knowledge and our credulity and therefore all the clayme is now made by right of conquest by the cession and graunt of King Richard and by the generall consent of all the people It is a bad wooll that can take no colour but what conquest can a subiecte pretend against his Soueraigne where the warre is insurrection and the victory high and heynous treason as for the resignation which king Richard made being a pent prisoner for the same cause it is an acte exacted by force and therefore of no force and validity to binde him and seeing that by the lawes of this land the king alone cannot alienate the auncient iewels and ornaments pertaining to the Crowne surely hee cannot giue away the Crowne it selfe and therewithall the kingdome Neyther haue we any custome that the people at pleasure should electe theyr king but they are alwayes bound vnto him who by right of bloud is next successour much lesse can they confirme and make good that title which is before by violence vsurped for nothing can then be freely doone when liberty is once restrained by feare So did Scilla by terrour of his legions obtayne the lawe of Velleia to bee made whereby hee was created dictator for fourescore yeeres and by like impression of feare Caesar caused the law Seruia to be promulged by which he was made perpetuall dictator but both these lawes were afterwardes adiudged void As for the deposing of king Edward the 2. is no more to be vrged then the poysoning of King Iohn or the murdering of any other good and lawfull Prince we must liue according to lawes and not to examples and yet the kingdome was not then taken from the lawfull successour But if we looke backe to times lately past we shall finde that these titles were more stronge in King Stephen then they are in the Duke of Lancaster for king Henry the first being at large liberty neyther restrained in body nor constrained in minde had appointed him to succeed as it was vppon good credite certainly affirmed The people assented to this designement and thereupon without feare and without force he was anoynted King and obtained full possession of the realme Yet Henry Sonne of the Earle of Aniowe hauing a neerer right by his mother to the Crowne notwithstanding his father was a stranger himselfe borne beyond the seas raysed such rough warres vppon King Stephen that there was noe end of
Father espied it in his bosome and demaunded what it was the Sonne humbly craued pardon and said that it nothing touched him by S. George quoth the Father but I will see it and so whether vpon a precedent iealosie or some present cause of suspition he tooke it away from him by force When he perceiued the contents he sodainely arose from the table with great fiâ—rcenesse both of countenance and speech vttered to his Sonne these wordes I see traytor that idlenesse hath made thee so wanton and mutinous that thou playest with thy faith as children doe with stickes thou hast been once already faithlesse to King Richard now again art false to King Henrie so that the like fish Sepia thou troublest all the waters wherin thou liuest Thou knowest that in open Parlament I became suertie and pledge for thy alleageance both in bodye and goods and can neither thy dutie nor my desert restreine thee from seeking my destruction in faith but I will rather helpe forwarde thine With that hee commaunded his Horses to bee made readie and presentlye tooke his iorneye towardes Windsore where the King then laye The Duke of Aumerle had no time eyther to consulte with his friends or to consider with himselfe what was best to bee doone but taking aduise vppon the sodaine he mounted likewise on horsebacke and posted towardes Windsore another way It was no neede to force him forwarde his youthfull bloud and his sodaine daunger were in steed of two winges to keep his horse in Pegasus pace so that he came to Windsore was alighted at the Castell before his stiffe aged Father could come neere Then hee entred the gates and caused them to be surely locked and tooke the Keyes into his owne hands pretending some secret cause for which he would deliuer them vnto the King When he came in presence he kneeled downe and humblie craued of the King mercie and forgiuenesse The king demaunded for what offence Then with a confused voice and sad countenance casting downe his eyes as altogether abashed partly with feare of his daunger and partly with shame of his discredit he declared vnto the King all the manner of the conspiracie The King seemed neither rashlie to beleeue nor negligentlie to distrust the Dukes report neyther stood it with pollicie to enterteine the discouerie with any hard and violent vsage therefore with gracious speeches he comforted the Duke and if this bee true sayd he we pardon you if it be feined at your extreame perrill be it By this time the Duke of Yorke was rapping at the Castle gates and being admitted to the Kings presence he deliuered to him the endenture of confederacie which hee had taken from his sonne When the King had redde it and was thereby perswaded of the trueth of the matter he was not a little disquieted in minde complaining of the vnconstant disposition of those men whom neyther crueltie he said could make firme to King Richard nor clemencie to him but vppon dislike of euery present gouernment they were desirous of any change So being possessed with deeper thoughts then to gaze vppon games he layde his iorney aside and determined to attend at Windsor what course his enemies would take and which waye they would set forward knowing right well that in ciuill tumults and aduised patience and opportunitie well taken are the onely weapons of aduantage and that it is a speciall point of wisdome to make benefit of the enemyes follie In the meane time he directed his letters to the Earle of Northumberland his high Constable and to the Earle of Cumberland his high Marshall and to others his most assured friends concerning these sodaine and vnexpected accidents The confederates all this time hearing nothing of the Duke of Aumerle and seeing no preparation for the Kings comming were out of doubt that theyr treason was betraied And now considering that once before they had beene pardoned the guilt of this their rebellion excluded them from all hope of further mercie wherevpon they became desperate and so resolued to prosecute that by open armes wherein their priuie practises had â—ailed And first they apparrelled Magdalen a man very like to King Richard both in stature and countenance and of yeares not disagreeable in princely attire and gaue foorth that hee was King Richard and that eyther by fauour or negligence of his keepers he was escaped out of prison and desired the faith and ayde of his louing subiects Then they determined to dispatche messengers to Charles King of Fraunce to desire his helpe and assistance on the behalfe of his sonne in lawe if need should require The common people which commonlie are soone changeable and on the sodaine as prone to pittie as they were before excessiuely cruell most earnestlie wished the enlargement of King Richard and earnestly wishing did easely beleeue it in which imaginarie conceit being otherwise men of no deepe search the presence of Magdalene most stronglie confirmed them and so eyther vpon ignorance of truth or delight in trouble they ioyned themselues in great troops to the Lords desiring nothing more then to be the meanes whereby King Richard should be restored as in a manner resuming their first affections and humors towards him Then the Lords of this association with great force but with greater fame as the manner is of matters vnknowne aduanced forward in battaile arraye towards Windsore against King Henrie as against an enemie of the common state hauing in theyr company aboue fortie thousand armed men The King vpon intelligence of theyr approache secretlye with a few horse the next Sunday night after Newyeres day departed from Windsore to the Tower of London and the same night before it was daye the confederates came to the Castle of Windsore where missing their expected praye they stood doubtfull and deuided in opinions which waye to bend their course Some aduised them with all speede to follow the King to London and not to leaue him any leaue and libertie to vnite an armie against them that Winter was no let but in idle and peaceable times that in ciuill discentions nothing is more safe then speede and greater aduantage alwayes groweth by dispatching then deferring that whilest some were in feare some in doubt and some ignorant the Citie yea the realme might easilye be possessed and that many armies whose furie at the first rush could not be resisted by delayes did weare out and waste to nothing Others who would seeme to bee considerate and wise but in verye deede were noe better then dastardes perswaded rather to set King Richard first at libertie for if their counterfeiting should be discouered before they possessed themselues of his person the people vndoubtedly would fall from them to the certaine confusion of them all Herevppon they gaue ouer the pursuite and retired to Colebrooke and there delayed out the time of dooing in deliberating beeing neyther courogiouslye quicke nor considerately stayed but faintlie and fearefullye shrincking backe and when they once beganne