House it self without any report at all of their proceedings to the House authorizing Committees to secure imprison close imprison cashire banish condemn execute many persons sequester confiscate sell dispose their Inheritances Offices Lands Tenements Benefices real and personal estates to deprive them of their callings professions to search and break up their houses by Soldiers and others without any legal sworn Officers day and night to seize their Letters Papers Horses Arms Plate Money yea debts in other mens hands at pleasure to indemnifie and stay their legal actions sutes Judgements at Law and null their executions at their pleasures yea to commit them till they released all sutes actions Judgements and paid costs and damages to those they justly sued and recovered against to adde affliction to affliction and cruelty oppression to injustice These are the bitter fruits of Commons usurped judicature whereof there are thousands of most sad presidents which may hereafter be objected to prove the sole Power of Judicature to reside of right not in the K. or House of Lords but in the Commons House alone and every of their Committees especially for Examinations Plundered Ministers Sequestrations Indempnity Haberdashers and Goldsmiths Halls Privileges sales of Delinquents the Kings Queens Princes Lands and Estates Excise the Army Navy and the like yea in their new created High Courts of Justice who have acted as absolute arbitrary unlimited lawlesse Courts of justice in the highest degree to the subversion destruction of the antient Liberties Freeholds Properties Great Charters and fundamental Laws of the Nation in general and of thousands of the highest lowest degree of English Freemen in particular with as much ground of reason Warrant from the many late Presidents of this Nature as these here objected to prove a soâ—e right of â—udicature in the Commons House in cases of undue elections retorns misdemeanors privileges relating to their Members and their seruants Which strang exorbitant Presidents and Proceedings if they should be made Patterns for future Parliaments and Committees I shall desire all sober minded men to consider of the dangerous consequences of them thus notably expressed by the late King in his Answer concerning the Ordinance for imposing and levying the 20th part of mens estutes 29 November 1642. After this Ordinance and Declaration t is not in any sober mans power to believe himself worth any thing or that there is such a thing as Law Liberty Property left in England under the jurisdiction of these men and the same power that robs them now of the twentieth part of their estates hath by that but made a claim and entituled it self to the other nineteen whne it shall be thought fit to hasten the general ruine Sure if the minds of all men be not stubbornly prepared for servitude they will look on this Ordinance as the greatest prodigie of Arbitrary power and tyranny that any age hath brought forth in any Kingdom other grievances and the greatest have been conceived intollerable rather by the logick and consequence than by the pressure it self this at once sweeps away all that the wisdom and justice of Parliaments have provided for them Is their property in their estates so carefully looked to by their ancestors and so amply established by Us against any possibility of Invasion from the Crown which makes the meanest Subject as much a Lord of his own as the greatest Peer to be valued or considered here is a twentieth part of every mans estate or so much more as four men will please to call the twentieth part taken away at once and yet a power left to take a twentieth still of that which remains and this to be levied by such circumstances of severity as no Act of Parliament ever consented too Is their liberty which distinguishes subjects from slaves and in which this freeborn Nation hath the advantage of all Christendom dear to them they shall not only be imprisoned in such places of this kingdom a latitude of judgement no Court can challenge to it self in any cases but for so long time as the Committee of the House of Commons for Examination shall appoint and Order the House of Commons it self having never assumed or in the least degree pretended to a power of Judicature having no more authority to administer an Oath the only way to discover and find out the truth of facts than to cut off the heads of any our Subjects and this Committee being so far from being a part of the Parliament that it is destructive to the whole by usurping to it self all the power of King Lords and Commons All who know any thing of Parliament know that a Committee of either House ought not by Law to publish their own results neither are their conclusions of any force without the confirmation of the House which hath the same power of controling them as if the matter had never been debated but that any Committee should be so contracted as this of examination a stile no Committee ever bore before this Parliament as to exclude the Members of the House who are equally trusted by their Country from being present at the Counsels is so monstrous to the privileges of Parliament that it is no more in the power of any man to give up that freedom than of himself to order that from that time the place for which he serves shall never more send a Knight or Burgesse to the Parliament and in truth is no lesse than to alter the whole frame of government to pull up Parliaments by the roots and to commit the lives liberties and estates of all the people of England to the arbitrary power of a few unqualified persons who shall dispose thereof according to their discretion without account to any rule or authority whatsoever Are their friends their wives and children the greatest blessings of peace and comforts of life pretious to them would their penury and imprisonments be lesse grievous by those cordials they shall be divorced from them banished and shall no longer remain within the Cities of London and Westminster the Suburbs and the Counties adjacent and how far those adjacent Counties shall extend no man knows The 3 sort of Presidents and Objections are such as Lilburn and Overton insist on to prove That the King and Lords have no power at all to judge or censure Commoners in our Parliament The only Record they insist on is the Lords own Protestation in 4 E. 3. n. 2. 6. in the case of Sir Simon Bareford which because I have already fully answered p. 323 324 325. and cleared by sundry subsequent presidents and there being no one president in any Parliament since to contradict it I shall wholly pretermit and proceed to their objections which are only two The first and principall objections whereon they most insist and rely is the Statute of Magna Charta chap. 29. That no Free-man shall be imprisoned outlawed exiled or any other may destroyed Nor we shall not passe
A Plea for the LORDS AND HOUSE of PEERS OR A full necessary seasonable enlarged Vindication of the just antient hereditary Right of the Earls Lords Peers and Barons of this Realm to sit vote judge in all the PARLIAMENTS of ENGLAND Wherein their Right of Session and Sole Power of Judicature without the Commons House in Criminal Civil Ecclesiastical causes as well of Commons as Peers Yea in cases of Elections Breach of Privilege misdemeanors of the Commons themselves are irrefragably evidenced by solid reasons punctual Authorities memorable Presidents out of Histories and Records in all ages most of them not extant in any Writers of our Parliaments Whose Errors are here rectified the Seditious Anti-Parliamentary Pamphlets Libels of Lilbourn Overton and other Levellers against the Lords House and Right of judging Commoners fully refuted and larger Discoveries made of the Proceedings Iudgements of the Lords in Parliament in Criminal Civil causes Elections Breaches of Privilege of their Gallantry in gaining maintaining preserving the Great Charters Laws Liberties Properties of the Nation and oppugning all Regal Papal Vsurpations Exactions Oppressions illegal Ayds Taxes required or imposed and of the Commons first summons to and just Power in Parliaments than in any former Publications whatsoever By William Prynne Esquire a Bencher of Lincolnes Inne Prov. 22.28 Remove not the antient Land-mark which thy Fathers have set LONDON Printed for Henry Brome at the sign of the Gun in Ivie Lane and Edward Thomas at the Adam and Eve in Little Britain 1659. To all the truly Honourable Heroick Lords and Peers of the Realm of England who are real Patriots of Religion their Countries Fundamental Liberties Properties Great Charters Laws against all arbitrary Tyranny Encroachments illegal unnecessary Taxes and Oppressions Right Honourable THough true Nobility alwayes founded in vertue and real piety needs no other tutelar Deity or Apologie but it self amongst those ingenious Spirits who are able to discern or estimate its worth yet the iniquity of our degenerated Age and the frenzie of the intoxicated ignorant vulgar is such that it now requires the assistance of the ablest Advocates to plead its cause and vindicate the just Rights Privileges of the House of Peers against the licentious Quills Tongues of lawlesse sordid Sectaries and Mechanick Levellers who having got the Sword and reines into their hands plant all their batteries and force against them crying out like those Babylonian Levellers of old against the House of Lords Rase it Rase it even to the foundation thereof and lay it for ever â—ver with the very dust beholding all true Honor worth and Nobleness shining forth in your Honors heroick Spirits with a malignant aspect because they despair of ever enjoying the least spark therof in themselves and prosecuting you with a deadly hatred because better greater than ever they have hopes to be unless they can through Treachery and violence make themselves the onely Grandees by debasing your highest Dignity to the lowest Peasantry and making the meanest Commoners your Compears This dangerous seditious Design hath ingaged me the unablest of many out of my great affection to Royalty and real Nobility and a deep sence of the present kid tottering condition of our Kingdom Parliament the very pillars and foundations whereof are now not only shaken but almost quite subverted voluntarily without any Fee at all to become your Honors Advocate to plead your Cause and vindicate your undoubted hereditary right of sitting voting judging in our Parliaments of which they strenuously endeavour to plunder both your Lordships and your posterities and to publish these subitane Collections to the world now enlarged with many pertinent Additions to still the madness of the seduced vulgar whom Ignoramus Lilburn Overton Walwin and their Confederates have laboured to mutinie against your Parliamentary Jurisdiction treading upon Princes as upon mortar and as the Potter treadeth the clay in their illiterate seditious Pamphlets whose Arguments Pretences Presidents Objections Allegations I have here refuted by Scripture Histories Antiquities and Parliament-Rolls the ignorance whereof joyned with their malice is the principal occasion of their error in this kind And truly were all our Parliament Rolls Pleas Iournals faithfully transcribed and published in print to the eyes of the world as most of our Statutes are by authority of both Houses of Parliament a work as worthy their undertaking and as beneficial for the publike as any I can recommend unto their care it would not only preserve them from imbezelling and the hazards of fire and warr to which they are now subject but likewise eternally silence refute the Sectaries Levellers ignorant false Allegations against your Honors Parliamentary Jurisdiction and Judicatur resolve clear all or most doubts that can arise concerning the tower jurisdiction privileges of both or either Houses keep both of them within their due bounds the exceeding whereof is dangerous grievous to the people except in cases of absolute real present urgent not pretended necessity for the saving of a Kingdom whiles that necessity continues and no longer chalk oâ—â— the â—miâ—ent regular way of proceeding in all kinds of Parliamentary affairs whatsoever whether of warr or peace Trade or Government Privileges or Taxes and in all civil or criminal causes and all matters whatsoever concerning King or Subject Natives or Foreiners over-rule reconcile most of the present differences between the King and Parliament House and House Members and Members clear many doubts rectifie some gross mistakes in our printed Statutes Law-Books and ordinary Historians add much light lustre ornament to our English Annals the Common Statute Laws and make all Lawyers all Members of both Houses far more able than now they are to manage and carry on all businesses in Parliament when they shall upon every occasion almost have former presidents ready at hand to direct them there being now very few Members in either House Lords Lawyers or others well read or versed in antient Parliament Rollâ— Pleas Iournals or Histories relating to them the ignorance whereof is a great Remora to their proceedings yea oft times a cause of dangerous incroachments of new Iurisdictions over the Subjects persons estates not usual in former Parliaments of some great mistakes and deviations from the antient methodical Rules and Tracts of parliament now almost quite forgotten and laid aside by new unexperienced ignorant Parliament Members who think they may do what they please to the publike prejudice injury of posterity and subversion of our Fundamental Laws Rights Liberties in the highest degree by new erected arbitrary Committees exercising an absolute tyrannical power over the Persons Liberties Estates Freeholds both of Lords themselves and all English Freemen Your Lordships helping hand to the speedy furthering of such a necessary publike work and your industrious magnanimous unanimous imitation of the memorable heroick presidents of your Noble progenitors in gaining regaining enlarging confirming perpetuating to posterity the successive Grand Charters of our Liberties when
ever violated in oppugning all arbitrary tyrannical Proceedings Taxes Oppressions Encroachments ill Counsellors and bad Instruments both of Kings and Popes themselves in inflicting exemplary punishments upon all Traytors Enemies to the publike both in our Parliaments and the Field too when there was occasion the principal whereof I have here presented to your view in a Chronical method will be a great accession to your Honour the best vindication of your antient undoubted Parliamentary Jurisdiction Right Power Judicature against all Opposites till the accomplishment whereof I shall humbly recommend this enlarged Plea in your Honors defence to your Noble Patronage who can pitch upon no better nor readier means to support your declining Honor and Authority or to re-indear your selves in the Peoples affections than in these distracted dangerous stormy times to ingage all your interest power activity speedily to settle secure Gods Glory Truth Worship the publike Laws Peace Liberty Safety of the Kingdom against all open Opposers and secret Underminers of them to unburthen the people of their long-continued heavy Taxes the Souldiers insolencies free-quarters to redress all pressing grievances all oppressing arbitrary Committees proceedings contrary to the rules of Law and Iustice to right all grieved Petitioners especially such who have waited at least seven years space at your doors for reparations to relieve poor starved Ireland raise up the almost lost honor power freedom reputation of Parliaments by acting honourably heroically like your selves without any fear favour hatred or self-ends by confining your selves with the Commons House to the antient bounds rules of Parliamentary Jurisdiction proceedings and by endeavouring to excel all others as farr in Iustice Goodness and publike resolutions as you do in Greatness and Authority Which that you may effectually perform as it is the principal scope of this Plea for your Lordships which whether you stand fall or by way of Remitter recover your antient rights again after a violent discontinuance of them for a season will remain as a lasting Monument to all Posterity of your undubitable just Right to sit and judge in all English Parliaments So it shall be the constant prayer of Your Lordships devoted Servant WILLIAM PRYNNE From my Study in Lincolns Inne 7. Junii 1647. To the Ingenuous READER THis Plea for the LORDS and House of PEERS was first suddenly compiled and published by me in the year 1647 when Lilburn Overton with their Iesuitical and Anabaptistical levelling Confederates endeavoured by sundry seditious Pamphlets libels Petitions then printed dispersed in the City Army Country to extirpate the Lords and House of Peers together with the King and Monarchy by engaging the vulgar Rabble Souldiers and Commons to suppresse pull down or cast off their superiour just antient legal authority over them not only against the expresse Laws of God and the Realm their own Oaths of Supremacy Allegiance Protestation Covenant but the very Law of Nature it self universally received amongst all Nations whatsoever Haec enim lex Naturae apud omnes Gentes recepta est quam nullum tempus delebit UT SUPERIORES INFERIORIBUS IMPERENT Which Law these unnatural Bedlams would now quite obliterate endeavouring to set up that Aâ—axy disorder in Government which Solomon and God himself by him so much complain of Eccles 10.5 6 7. There is AN EVIL I have seen under the Sun as AN ERROR that proceedeth from the Ruler Folly or persons of mean fortune parts birth is set in high dignity and the rich set in low place I have seen Servants upon Horses and Princes walking as Servants upon the earth Which disorder he thus censures Prov. 19.10 Delight is not seemlâ— for a fool much lesse for a Servant to have rule over Princes The sad effects whereof he thus relates Prov. 30.21 22. For three things the Earth is disquieted and for a fourth which it cannot bear the 〈◊〉 and chief whereof is this For a Servant when he reigneth To which David subjoyns another ill consequence Psal 12.8 The ungodly walk on every side when the vilest of the Sons of men are exalted which the Chaldâ— paraphrase thus glosseth In circuitu improbi ambulant tanquam sanguisugae qui sugunt sanguinem filiorum hominum the peasantry when exalted above the antient Nobility and Gentry being usually both intollerably proud insolent cruel bloâ—dy according to the old observation of Claudians and others Asperius humili nihil est cum surgit in altum Cuncta ferit dum cuncta timet desaevit in omnes Vt se posse putent nec bellua tetrior ulla Quam servi rabies in libera collâ— furentis Agnoscit gemitus et paenae parcere nescit This was experimentally verified not only in Wil. Langhamp heretofore and other particular persons advanced from low degree to places of greatest honour but in the popular insurrections of John Cade Jack Straw Wat Tyler and others who intended to murther the King destroy the Nobles Judges Prelates Lawyers and chief Gent. they could meet with than to seise upon their lands estates and make themselves Kings Lords in their steads and share the Kingdom Government between them and by the Anabaptists proceedings of like Nature at Munster and other places in Germany whom the present Levellers of this sect would doubtlesse imitate could they get but sufficient power into their hands My absence in the Country whiles this Plea was printing caused many material mistakes of words and one grosse mutilated transposition in Cheddars case in its first Edition p. 48 52. which I could not correct most of the Books being dispersed before I could get an Errata printed and the small time I had to compile it necessitated me to omit many material Records Presidents Histories pertinent to this Argument Whereupon to right my self with the Lords whose cause I pleaded and the Readers I soon after resolved to publish a corrected much inlarged Impression thereof but other publike Imployments and publications retarding it and the whole House of Lords some few Months after being forcibly suppressed my self with sundry other Members of the Comunions House secured secluded and after that dispersed and sent close prisoners by Mr. Bradshaws illegal Warrants unto several remote Castles without any hearing or cause expressed or recompence for the Injuries damages thereby sustained this much augmented Plea hath lyen dormant ever since and had never been awaked to walk abroad in publike had not the late loud unexpected Votes at Westm of a NEW KING AND HOUSE OF LORDS under the Name Notion of ANOTHER HOUSE passed by some who had lately c suppressed decryed engaged against them both as uselesse dangerous oppressive burthensom tyrannical c. revived and raised it out of the Grave of Oblivion The Subject matters principally debated and vindicated in it are only two First That all the Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts Barons Lords of England have an undoubted antient just Right Privilege to sit vote in all Parliaments
though amiable delightfull in themselves and gratefull to all true Philopaters Philologers and learâ—ed Nobles Statesmen Lawyers Scholars in this degenerous age wherein all sorts of Learning and insight in Records or Parliamentary Antiquities are very much decayed will yet be very displeasing to some sorts of ignorant heady extravagant persons who love darkness more than light because their deeds are evil but more especially to the Anabaptistical Levellers Lilburnians innovating Publicans and Republicans much like the Chaldeans of old a bitter and hasty Nation lately marching through the breâ—th of the Land to possesâ— the dwelling places that are not theirs they are terrible and dreadfull their judgement and dignity proceedeth of themselves they are all for violence they scoff at KINGS AND PRINCES ARE A SCORN UNTO THEM as appears by their late Votes Declarations Engagements not only against Kings and Kingship but the whole House of Lords and to â—lliterate self-conceited Lawyers and ignorant Members of the Commons House who deem that House and its Committees if not every Member of it the only Supream Judges and Judicature of the Realm paramount our Kings Lords Laws Liberties Great Charters and all other Courts of Justice having an absolute arbitrary unlimited power to act vote and determine what they please without appeal or consult which this Plea irrefragably disproves as a most gross and dangerous mistake for which they will frown upon it if not â—ate and prosecute me as their Enemy But the Sun must not cease from shining because weak and sore Eyes will be offended with its splendor nor seasonable truths of most publike concernment be concealed smothered in time of greatest need because ignorant erronious sottish â—air-braind Levellers or Innovator will be displeased with and storm against them they being always Sweet and lovely in themselves yea precious to the best of men and will prove victorious in conclusion though clouded suppressed maligned for the preâ—ent yea he who by the publication of such truths rebukes wise ingenuous mens extravagant actions and opinions for the present shall afterwards find more favour with them when they come to know themselves and their mistakes by meditating on the truths revealed to them heâ— he that flattereth them with his lips in their exorbitant actions or erronious opinions I shall therefore recommend this Plea for the Lords and all the truths therein discovered asserted to the omnipotent â—rotection and effectual blessing both of THE LORD OF LORDS and GOD OF TRUTH whose Eyes are upon the TRUTH in this sad age of Errors Falshoods Lies Fraud and desperate Hypocrisie wherein truth is fallen in the Streets and he that dares boldly assert it is reputed mad and maketh himself a prey And shall leave it as a lasting monument to posterity of my Cordial affection to the antient Parliamentary proceedings Lords Peers Laws Liberties Properties Great Charters of the English Nation and my sincere endeavours to plead their cause in the worst of times against all their Antagonists and professed Enemies though never so numerous and formidable albeit to my own private prejudice Whatever the Reader shall find wanting in this Plea relating to the Constitution Summons Proceedings of our antient English Parliaments in general or to the power Judicature Rights privileges transactions of our Kings Lords or House of Com. in Parl. in particular you may read at leisure in my Preface and Tables to An Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower of London from the reign of King Edward the 2. to Richard the 3. and in the Abridgement it self collected by that famous Antiquarie Sir Robert Cotton lately published which will better instruct the Readers in all Parliamentary affairs than all the slight unsatisfactory Treatises of our Parliaments hitherto published except this Plea which I humbly submit to the friendly Imbrace and impartial Censure of every Judicious Reader especially of my own profession for whom it is most proper whose general ignorance and mistakes in Parliament Antiquities proceedings and matters of the Crown hath brought some disparagement upon the function and led others into dangerous publike Errors which that this Plea may wipe off and rectifie hereafter for the common benefit ease settlement re-establishment of our late dissipated Parliaments and confused distracted Nations shall be the Vote and dayly prayer of Thy unfeigned Friend and his Countries publike unmercenary Servant WILLIAM PRYNNE Lincolns-Inne 6 Decemb. 1657. A Plea for the LORDS AND HOUSE of PEERS OR A short yet full and necessary Vindication of the Judiciary and Legislative Power of the House of Peers and the Hereditary just Right of the Lords and Barons of this Realm to sit vote judge in the high Court of Parliament THe treasonable destructive design of divers dangerous Anabaptists Levellers Agitators in the Army City Countrey and of Lilburn Overton their Champions Ring-leaders in this Seditious Plot to dethrone the King unlord the Lords new-model the House of Commons extirpate Monarchâ— suppress the House of Peers and subvert Parliaments the only obstacles to their pretended Polarchy Anarchy are now so legible in their many late printed Petitions Lâ—bels Pamphlets so visible in their actings and publike proceedings that it rather requires our diligence and expedition to prevent than hesitancy to doubt or dispute them they positively protesting against yea denying both King and Monarchy in their late printed Pamphlets Remonstrances with the Power Judicature of the House of Peers and their undoubted just Hereditary right to vote act or sit in Parliament because they are not elecâ—ed by the people as Knights and Burgesses are asserting That they are no natural issues of our Laws but the Exorbitances and Mushromes of Prerogative the Wenns of just Government the Sons of Conquest and usurpation not of choice and election intruded upon us by power not made by the people from whom ALL POWER PLACE and OFFICE that is just in this Kingdom OUGHT TO ARISE meer arbitrary Tyrants Vsurpers an illegitimate and illegal power and Judicatory who act and Vote in our affairs but as INTRUDERS who ought of right not to judge censure or imprison any Commoner of England even for libelling against them refusing to appear before them reviling and contemning them and their Authority to their faces at their very Barr as Lilburn Overton boast and print they did or breaking any of their undoubted Privileges To accomplish this their design the better they endeavour by their most impudent flattery to ingage the House of Commons against the House of Peers the better to pull them down stiling and proclaming the Commons in their Petitions and Pamphlets The ONLY Supreme legal Judicatory of the Land who ought BY RIGHT to judge the Lords and their proceedings from whom they appeal for right and reparations against the House of Peers affirming That in the Commons House alone resides the formal and legal Supreme Power of England who ONLY are chosen by the People and THEREFORE IN THEM ONLY
is the power of binding the whole Nation by making altering or abolishing Laws without the Kings or Lords concurrent assents to whom they now absolutely deny any Negative voice making the Commons a compleat Independent Parliament of themselves therefore present all their Petitions add esses to them alone without any acknowledgment or notice of the House of Peers to whom they deny any right or title to sit or vote in Parliament unless they will first divest themselves of their Peerage and Barons right of Session and submit to stand for the next Knights and Burgesses place in the House of Common that shall fall void where if they may have any voice or influence the meanest Cobler Tinker Weaver Waterman shall be elected a Knight or Burgess sooner than the best and greatest Peer and every John of Leyden preferred before King or Prince Charls himself Sic Sceptra ligonibus aequant Which Petitions and Pamphlets of theirs have so puffed so bladdered up many Novices and raw Parliament-men in the Commons House unacquainted with the original Constitution bounds proceedings Laws Customs of the Parliaments of England that they begin to act vote dispose of the Army Navy c. without yea against the Lords not expecting their concurrence contrary to all former proceedings of Parliament the Lords just Privileges and their own Solemn League Covenant to maintain them which may prove very destructive to both Houses the Parliament King Kingdom oppressive to their Representatives the people who generally dislike it if not timely redressed and breed such a deadly feud between the Houses as may soon ruine them both and the Kingdom to boot The end of these Anabaptists Levellers Lilburnians being only to destroy the Parliament by setting both Houses at variance they inveighing as bitterly against the power proceedings Ordinances Votes Members undue Elections unequal Constitution of the House of Commons as they do against the Lords Hereupon they have most earnestly pressed in their Pamphlets their late Remonstrances Engagements from their Confederates and Agitators in the Army a speedy period and dissolution of this Parliament a new modelling and more equal distribution of the Members in the very House of Commons for the future c. All which Petitions Papers Remonstrances Pamphlets of theirs tending to the utter subversion of Parliaments the fundamental Laws Government of the Kingdom yea to an introduction of arbitrary popular Polarchy and Tyranny are rather to be ranked among and more agreeable to Jack Cades or the Earl of Straffords and Canterburies Treasons which they exceed by many degrees than to be slighted or countenanced as they are the keeping up the honour of our Peers the rights Privileges of both Houses within their just bounds without interfeiring or incroachment upon one another or invading the peoples Liberties being the only probable means of their of our preservation settlement security Upon which consideration I shall here endeavour as briefly yet fully as I may to vindicate the undoubted Right of the Lords or Peers of this Realm to sit vote in Parliament notwithstanding they are not elected by the people and to make good their right power of Judicature as well of Commoners as Peers against all the cavils of Jesuited Anabaptistical Levellers Lilburnians Sectaries Agitators whom I hope so farr to silence and stop their mouths if not convince their judgements that they shall never be able to reply hereunto SECTION 1. Proving the Lords antient undoubted Right to sit and vote in all English Parliaments with the Grounds thereof though not elected by the People THe sum of all these Levellers object against the Lords right of sitting voting judging in Parliament is this That they sit there only by Patent by the Kings will Tenure or descent not by the Peoples free Election alone as the Knights Citizens and Burgesses doe That the people never intrusted nor invested them with any power but the King That they represent themselves only not the Commons and are the Sons only of Conquest of Usurpation brought in by the Conquerour not of Choice and Election 1. To this I answer first That our Lords Dukes Earls Barons Nobles yea Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors too who held by Barony â—ate antiently in all our General National Councels and Parliamentary Assemblies many hundred of years before the Conquest both in the Britons and Saxons reigns by right of their Peerage and Tenures as now they doe as I have unanswerably proved in My Historical Collection of the antient Parliaments and Great Councils of England My Antiquity triumphing over Novelty p. 56. to 80. And in my 1 2 and 3. Parts of A Seasonable and Legal Vindication and Chronological Collection of the good old Fundamental Laws c. of all English Freemen Which is likewise attested by Modus tenendi Parliamentum Sir Edward Cook Vowel others and all our Historians Therefore this is a gross mistake That they are the Sons of Conquest introduced by the Conquerour The rather because in all Empires Kingdoms in the world though free and never conquered their Princes Dukes Nobles Lords and great Officers have ever sate in all their Parliaments Senates and General Councels of State by reason of their Honors and places only without any popular Elections as is clear by these Texts of Scripture 1 Chron. 23.1 2. c. 28.1 2. c. c. 29.1.6.24 2 Chron. 1 2 3. c. 5.3 4. c. c. 23.2 3.20 21. c. 30.2 3 6 12. c. 34.29 30. c. 35.7 8. Neh. 9.38 c. 10. Esther 1.13 to 22. Dan. 3.2 3. 2 Chro. 29.30 c. 32.3 Ezra 9.1 c. 10.8 1 Sam. 5.8 c. 29.3 to 10. Psa 68.27 Prov. 8.15.16 Isa 19.11 12 13. Jer. 17.25 c. 26.11.16 c. 36.12.14 c. 37.14 15. c. 38.4.25.27 Dan. 6.1 6 7 8. Jonah 3.7 Psa 2.2 Isa 1.23.26 compared together and by all Historians and Polititians testimonies 2. Secondly that they sit there only by the Kings Patent is false For first many Peers Nobles have been created in and by Parliament at the Commons earnest Petitions by Patents confirmed in Parliament of which there are many Presidents Secondly though the Kings Writ or Patent create others of them Peers Barons without the peoples consent yet the Laws and Statutes of the Realm made by the Commons consents and approved by the people allow the King this power yea authorize enjoyn all Lords Barons to sit in Parliament when thus creaned if there be no just exceptions taken to them by the Houses therefore though they are created Lords and sit in Parliament by the Kings Patents or Writs onely by way of instrument or conveyance yet originally they are made Lords and sit there only by the Laws and Statutes of the Realm to which all the people have consented of which more hereafter Thirdly all antient and new Cities Burroughs who send Citizens or Burgesses to Parliament and Counties who send Knights to Parliament were originally created and invested with this power to elect
Citizens Burgesses and Knights for the Parliament only by our Kings Letters and Charters not by the Peoples inherent Right of Election since none of them doe or can choose or send Knights Citizens or Burgesses to Parliament without the Kings Charters authorizing them and his Wrâ— to elect them first directed to them but only by power and vertue of them Therefore if the Lords sitting in Parliament be illegal unwarrantable because they sit only by Patents and Writs from the King the sitting of Knights Citizens Burgesses must be so too because they are elected only by the Kings Writ and the people enabled to elect them only by his Patents the power of creating Counties Cities Boroughs Knights being originally in the King as well as the power of creating Lords and Barons 3 Thirdly that the general election of the people is not absolutely necessary nor essential to the making of a Lawfull King Magistrate Counseller of State Peer Member of Parliament nor yet of a Minister as the Objectors falsly pretend who take it for granted as an infallible truth and Maxim of State For then it will necessarily ensue from hence 1. That God himself is no lawfull King or Governour over all the World and creatures in it because not chosen or elected by the General Voice of the Creatures and Mankind to be King over them and because the greatest part of men reject his Yoak Laws Government Exod. 5.2 Psal 2.1 2 3 4. Lu. 1.14.27 yet the Lord still reigneth as a Lawfull King over them by his own Right of Creatorship and Godhead Psal 95.3.5 Ps 96.10 Ps 97.1 Ps 99.1 Ps 100.3 Ps 103.15 Jer. 10.7 Dan. 4.32.34 Ps 10.16 Psal 22.28 Ps 48.7 2ly That Jesus Christ himself who is a King by birth-right Sonship and inheritance only being born King of the Jews sitting upon the throne of David his Father and reigning over the house of Jacob for ever by vertue of his Sonship only as Mat. 2.2 Lu. 1.32 33. Ps 2.6 7 8. Heb. 1.5 8 9. Acts 13.22 23 33. Ezech. 34.23 24. c. 37.24 25. Mar. 11.9.10 Isa 3.6 7. c. 11.1 2 c. Jer. 33. 15 17 20 21. c. 23.5 6. c. 30.4 Hos 3.5 Rev. 2.2 c. resolve was not chosen King â—is Saints Church Subjects people but chuseth them to be his Leiges John 15.16 Eph. 1.4 1 Pet. 2.9 Rev. 17.14 Deut. 14.2 Ps 132.13 Psal 135.4 shall upon this account be no lawfull King or Governor over his Saints Church and Subjects but a meer Usurper Intruder Tyrant over them as they stile Kings by Birthright not popular Election which is the highest blasphemy to affirm 3ly Then it will likewise inevitably follow That neither Moses Joshua Nehemiah Saul David Solomon nor any of the pious Kings of Juda nor Christ himself and other Kings who came to the Crown by Gods immediate designation or by descent birth-right and lineal succession were just lawfull Governors or Kings which none dare averr That the 70. Elders the Princes Nobles chief Captains Judges and Rulers under Moses and their Kings with other Governours and the Jewish Sanhedrim were no lawfull Judges Magistrates Counsellers of State or Members of their general Congregations Parliaments assemblies since we read of none of them chosen by the people but only designed by God himself or made created such by their Kings Governours who both called and summoned them to their general congregations assemblies judicatures as the premised texts and others evidence That Joseph Mordecai Daniel Shadrac Mesec Abednego were no lawfull Rulers or Magistrates because made such even by Heathen Kings not by the peoples choice And that none of the Levites Priests High Priests or Prophets under the Law were lawfull because none of them that we read of were made Levites Priests High Priests or Prophets by the peoples own choice but by descent and succession in the selfsame Tribe or by Gods own immediate call and appointment as John Baptist Christ himself the Apostles the 70 Disciples and others under the Gospel were made Ministers Apostles Evangelists preaching Elders without the peoples call yet our opposites dare not deny their Ministry and Apostleship to be lawfull being not of men but by Gods and Christs own call without the peoples Fourthly then it will from hence also follow that all Hereditarie Kingdoms which Politicians and Divines generally hold the best of Governments being the title of Christ himself to his kingdom all Patents Commissions in all Empires Kingdoms States of the world creating Princes Dukes Earls Lords and such like Titles of Honour whereby they are inabled in all Christian kingdoms to sit vote in their Parliaments and Assemblies of State for making Privy Counsellers Judges Justices and other Magistrates are void null illegal and so all the Laws Orders Ordinances made Acts done and Judgments given by them are void or erroneous because they were not chosen called to these publike places Counsels Judicatures by the people but by Emperors Kings and Supreme Governours of 〈◊〉 and what a confusion such a Paradox as this would â—â—eed in all our Realms in all States Kingdoms of the world let wise men consider and those fools too who make this Objection 5. Fifthly if there be no lawfull Authority in any State but from the Peoples immediate election then it will necessarily follow that Sir Thomas Fairfax is no lawfull General his Officers Councell of Warr no lawfull Officers or Councel yea Colonell and Lieutenant Colonell Lilburn no lawfull Colonel or Lieutenant-Colonel and ought not to use or retain these titles as they doe because none of them were called chosen to those places by the People or common Souldiers but made such by Commission from the Parliament General or Lords alone 6. Sixthly This paradox of theirs touching the peoples choice call to inable Peers to sit in Parliament or bear any office of Magistracy or Judicature is warranted by no law of God in old or new Testament both which contradict it by no Laws or Statutes of these Kingdoms Nations which absolutely disclaim it and enact the contrarie by no Original Law of Nature which as all Polititians and Divines assert and the Scripture manifests at first gave everie Father a Magistratical and Judicial rule power over his children progeny Family and made him a King Prince Lord over them without either their choice or call the Father and first-born of the family being both the King Prince Lord over it and Priest to it from the Creation till the Law was given as is generally acknowledged by all Divines as God himself is King over all the earth world as Creator and Father thereof 7ly It is very observable that God himself expresly denied to his own people Israel the free election of their Kings and Supreme Governors reserving the choice of them only to himself as his own Prerogative witness that notable text of
13.1 2 3 c. commands Every Soul to be subject to the higher powers not only for fear but conscience sake upon this ground For there is no Power but of God the powers that are are ordained or ordered of God and they are the Ministers of God to men for good Hence God and Christ are stiled The only Potentate THE KING OF KINGS AND LORD OF LORDS The Prince of the Kings of the Earth 1 Tim. 6.15 Rev. 1.5 c. 17.14 c. 19.16 because they only by meer original right dispose of all Kings Lords Potentates kingdoms Upon which reason the Apostle concludes That all created things in heaven and in earth whether they be Powers or Principalities or Dominions or Powers are created BY AND FOR CHRIST that in all things he might have the preheminence might and dominion being exalted far above all Principalities and Powers Col. 1.16 17 18. Eph. 1.20 21. By what divine natural inherent just right or Title then the Commons or Vulgar people of our own or other Realms can challenge to themselves the sole power of electing setting up and pulling down their Kings Princes Lords Judges kingdoms Principalities Powers Dominions at their arbitrarie pleasures of setting up pulling down or electing their Supreme or subordinate Governors Magistrates and all Peers of Parliament at their wills of disposing kingdoms Powers Lordships to whomsoever they please as these Bedlam Objectors plead they may without contradicting all these Sacred Texts and intruding upon these royal incommunicable Preheminences Prerogatives of God and Christ let all popular pretenders to or advocates for such a power in the people and Commons of the Realm resolve me and all others when they are able against all these Texts oppugning this their claim and interest 9. Ninthly I answer that a particular explicit actual choice and election by the people of any to be Kings Magistrates Judges Ministers Peers or Members of Parliament is neither necessarie nor convenient to make them just and lawfull except onely when the Laws of God of Nature of Nations or the kingdom expresly require it but onely a general implicit or tacit consent especially when the antient Laws of the Land continuing still in full force and the custom of the Kingdom time out of mind requires no such ceremonie of the peoples particular election or call in which case the peoples dissent is of no validitie til that Law and custom be repealed by the general consent of the King Lords and Commons in Parliament Now the antient Laws Statutes and Customs of the Kingdom enable all Lords who are Peers and Barons of the Realm to sit in Parliament when ever summoned to it by the Kings Writ without any election of the people and if the Laws and Customs of the Realm were that the King himself might call two Knights Citizens and Burgesses to Parliament such as himself should nominate in his Writ out of every County City and Borough without the Freeholders Citizens and Burgesses election of them by a common agreement and consent to such a Law and usage made by their Ancestors and submitted and consented to for some ages without repeal this Law and Custom were sufficient to make such Knights Citizens and Burgesses lawfull Members of Patliament obliging their posterity whiles unrepealed as well as their Warranties Obligations Statutes Feofments Morgages Oaths and alienations of their Lands as the Objectors must acknowledge therefore they must of necessity grant their present sitting voting and judging too in Parliament to be lawfull because thus warranted by the Laws and Customs of the Realm 10. If all Power in Government all right of sitting judging and making Laws or Ordinances in Parliament be founded upon the immediate free election of all those that are to be Governed and if it be of necessity that all who are to be subject and obey ought to be represented by those who have power in Government the Sum of Lilburns Overtons and the Levellers reasons against the Lords Jurisdiction then it will of necessity follow If this be good Divinitie and Law that the Laws of God Moses and Christ himself should not bind the Jews or Christians because made without their common consents or any to represent them Then the Laws Decrees of the Medes and Persians made by their Kings alone or by them and their Princes without any representative of their People as is evident by Esth 1.13 to the end ch 3.8 to 15. ch 8.8 9 c. c. 9.32 ch 10.1 Ezr. 1.1 c. ch 4.6 to 24. ch 5.13.17 c. 6.1 to 15. c. 7.11 to 27. Jonah 3.6 7 8. Dan. 6 7 8 9. were meer nullities and not binding to the commonalty Then the Laws of David his Captains and Princes concerning the Levites Priests Temple c. 1 Sam. 30.2.45 2 Chron. c. 22. to ch 29. with all our own antient Britâ—sh and Saxon Laws made by our Kings and Nobles alone without any Knights Citizens or Burgesses elected by or representing the people as were all our Laws and Acts before Henry the 3d his reign both before and after the Conquest as we usually call it though many of them yet in force and vigor With all antient Lawes made by Kings alone being the only Law-makers in all Nations at first as Justine and others attest and Ezr. 7.26 Esth 3.8 Isay 33.22 intimate whence they are stiled the Kings Laws c. should be meer Nullities by this Doctrine because not made by the Peoples previous consents and representatives Yea then the Orders Votes Ordinances and Laws made or consented to by the Knights Citizens and Burgesses in Parliam ought not to bind any Ministers Women Children Infants Servants Strangers Freeholders Citizens Burgesses Artificers or others who cannot well properly be represented but by persons of their own sex degrees trade calling so each sex trade in each county Corporation of Engl. should send Members of their own to Parliament to represent them but only such Freeholders and Burgesses who had voices in and gave free consent to their Elections not any who have no voices by Law or dissented from those elected and returned Yea then it will necessarily follow that those Counties Cities and Boroughs whose Members have been injuriously impeached suspended driven away or thrust out of the House of Commons by the Objectors and the Armies practise violence contrary to all former presidents are absolutely free exempted from and not bound by any Votes or Ordinances made or taxes imposed by the Commons House because they have no Members to represent them residing in Parliament and that those Counties and Boroughs whose Knights and Burgesses are dead or absent are no wayes obliged by any Votes Ordinances or Grants in Parliament And then how few in the Kingdom will or ought to yield obedience to any the Acts Ordinances or Votes of this present Parliament or to any Mayors Sheriffs Aldermen or Heads of Houses made by their Votes and Authority usually made by election
and chief men in the Parliament together with the evident testimonie of the twelve Peers c. The reason is Because there was wont to be a cry or murmur in the Parliament for the Kings absence because his absence is hurtfull and dangerous to the whole Commonalty of the Parliament and Kingdom Neither indeed ought or may he be absent but only in the case aforesaid After which it follows The Archbishops Bishops and other chief of the Clergy ought to be summoned to come to the Parliament and also EVERY EARL and BARON and their PEERS OUGHT TO BE SUMMONED and COME TO THE PARLIAMENT c. Touching the beginning of the Parliament The Lord the King shall sit in the midst of the great bench and is bound to be present in the first and last day of Parliament And the Chancellort Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer and Justices were wont to record the defaults made in Parliament according to the order following In the third day of the Parliament the Barons of the Cinqueports shall be called and afterwards the BARONS of England after them the EARLS Whereupon if the Barons of the Cinqueports be not come the Baronie from whence they are shall be amerced at an hundred marks and an Earl at one hundred pounds After the same manner it must be done to those who are Peers to Earls and Barons After which it relates the manner of placing the Earls Baron and Peers in Parliament Then adds The Parliament may be held and OUGHT every day to begin at one of the clock in the afternoon at which time the King is to be present at the Parliament and all the Péers of the Kingdome None of all the Peers of the Parliament may or ought to depart alone from the Parliament unless he have obtained and that in full Parliament leave from the King and all his Péers so to doe and that withall there be a remembrance kept in the Parliament roll of such Leave and Libertie granted And if any of the Peers during the term of the Parliament shall be sick or weak so as he is not able to come to the Parliament then he ought three dayes together send such as may excuse him to the Parliament or else two Peers must go and view him and if they find him sick then he may make a Proxie Of the Parliament the King is the Head the beginning and ending So this Treatise The Statute of 5 R. 2. Parl. 2. ch 4. enacts by Command of the King and Assent of the Prelates Lords and Eommons in Parliament That all and singular persons and Commonalties which from henceforth shall have the Summons of the Parliament shall come from henceforth to the Parliament in the manner as they be bound to doe and hath been accustomed within the Realm of England of old time And every person of the said Realm which from henceforth shall have the said Summons be he Archbishop Bishop Abbot Prior Duke Lord Baron Baronet Knight of the Shire Citizen of City Burgess of Burgh or other singular person or Commonalty do absent himself or come not at the said Summons except he may reasonably or honestly excuse himself to our Soveraign Lord the King he shall be amerced and otherwayes punished according as of old time hath béen used to be done within the said Realm in the said case Which relates unto and agrees expresly with that forecited out of Modus tenendi Parliamentum which took it out of this Act. If then all the Lords Peers in Parliament are bound to attend in Parliament being oft times there all called for by name and ought not to depart from it without the Kings and Houses leave under pain of Amercement and other punishment as this Statute resolves and 3 Ed. 3.19 Fitzh Coron 161. Stamford l. 3. c. 1. f. 153. Cook 4 Instit p. 15 16 17.43 28 E. 3. Nu. 1 2. 5 R. 2. n. 2. 8 H. 4. n. 55. and 31 H. 6. n. 45. Where fines were imposed on absent Lords most fully mamanifest then questionless they ought of right to sit in Parliament else it were the height of Injustice thus to fine them In the tenth year of King R. 2. this King absented himself from his Parliament then sitting at Westminster residing at Eltham about forty daies and refusing to come to the Parliament and yet demanding from them four Fifteens for maintenance of his Estate and outward Warres Whereupon the whole body of the Parliament made this answer That unless the King were present they would make therein no allowance Soon after they sent the Duke of Glocester and Bishop of Ely Commissioners to the King to Eltham who declared to him among other things in the Lords and Commons behalf how that by an old Ordinance they have an Act if the King absent himself 40 dayes not being sick but of his own mind not heeding the charge of his people nor their great pains and will not resort to the Parliament they may then lawfully return to their Houses And now sir said they you have been absent a longer time and yet refuse to come amongst us which is greatly to our discontent To which the King answered Well we do consider that our own people and Commons go about to rise against us wherefore we think we can do no better than to ask aid of our Cosen the French King and rather to submit us to him than unto our own subjects The Lords answered Sir that Counsell is not best but a way rather to bring you into danger c. By whose good perswasions the King was appeased and promised to come to the Parliament and condiscend to their Petitions and according to his appointment he came and so the Parliament proceeded which else had dissolved by the Lords departure thence in discontent aâ—d the Kings wilfull absence Ranulf de Glanvil the first writer of our Common Laws in his Prologue to his book De legibus consuetuainibus Regni Angliae used in the reign of King H. the 2. under whom he flourished and his Predecessors writes thus of the Parliamentary Councils in that age and their Members power to enact Laws Leges Anglicanas licet non scriptas leges appellari non videtur absurdum cum hoc ipsum Lex sit quod Principi placet et legis habet vigorem eas scilicet quas super dubiis in Consilio desiniendis Procerum quidem Concilio et principis accidente authoritate constat esse promulgatas And lib. 13. cap. 32. f. 110. Cum quis itaque infra assisam Dom. Reg. id est infra tempus A Dom. Rege de consilio Procerum adhoc constitutum quod quandoque majus quandoque minus censetur So as the Parliaments under this King and his Ancestors consisted only of the King and Nobles who then made and enacted Laws by the Kings royal assent without any Knights Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people of which I find no mention in the Parliamentary Councils under
should alwayes be summoned to and bear chief sway in our Parliaments in respect of their Peerage Power Nobility only without the peoples election This reason of their sitting in Parliament we find expresly recorded in Bracton l. 2. c. 16. fol. 34. and in Fleta l. 1. c. 17. The King say they hath a Superiour namely God also the Law bâ— which he is made a King likewise his Court to wit THE EARLS BARONS because they are called Counts as being the KINGS FELLOWS and he who hath a Fellow hath A MASTER And therefore if the King shall be without a bridle that is without a Law debent ei frâ—num imponere THEY OUGHT TO IMPOSE A BRIDLE ON HIM c. which the Commons being persons of less power and interest were unable to do Andrew Horn in his Mirrour of Justice ch 1. § 2.3 renders the like reason In all the contests in Parliaments and Wars between K. John Hâ—n 3. Edw. 2. Rich. 2. concerning Magna Charta the Charter of the Forest the Liberties Properties of the Subjects and opposition of unjust Taxes Ayds Exactions the Lords and Barons were the Ring-leaders the chief Opposers of these Kings Usurpations Exactions and Encroachments on the Great Charters Laws Rights Liberties of the people as all our Histories and Records relate whence they stile the Wars in their times THE BARONS WARS and before this the Nobles were the principal Actors in resisting the Tyranny of K. Sigebert and K. Bernard and dethroning them for their misdemeanours as is clear by Mat. Westminster in his Flores Historiarum An. 756. 758. To give some pregnant Instances of this kind not vulgarly known or taken notice of to clear this truth beyond contradiction Upon the death of William Rufus An. 1100. Magnates the Nobles of England not knowing what was become of Robert Duke of Normandy who had been 5. years absent in the holy Warrs thereupon Henry his Brother Congregato Londoniis Clero Angliae populo universo to wit the Lords Spiritual and Temporal expressed by these terms not the inferiour Clergy Knights Citizens Burgesses and Commons of the Realm as some Antiquaries and others mistake who derive their sitting in Parliaments from the beginning of this Kings reign promisit emendationem legum quibus oppressa fuerat Anglia tempore Patris sui Fratris nuper defuncti ut animos omnium in sui promotionem accenderet et amorem et illum in Regem susciperent et patronum Ad haec CLERO respondente et MAGNATIBUS CUNCTIS the Clerus populus there summoned quod si animo volente ipsis vellet concedere et Charta sua communire illas Libertates et Consuetudines antiquas quae floruerunt in Regno tempore Regis Edwardi in ipsum consentirent et in Regem unanimiter consecrarent Henrico autem libenter annuente et se id facturum cum juramento affirmante consecratus est in Regem favente Clero et populo cui continuo à Mauritio Londonensi Episcopo et à Thoma Eboracensi Archiepiscopo corona capiâ—i imponitur Cum fuerat diademate insignitus has Libertates subscriptas in regno ad exaltationem sanctae Ecclesiae et pacem populi tenendas concessit His Charter is recorded at large in Matthew Paris Bromton and others It begins thus Henricus Dei Graâ—ia Rex Angliae c. Sciatis me Dei misericordia Communi Consilio Baronum Regni Angliae Regem esse coronatum which proves that the Clerus Angliae Populus forementioned were only the Spiritual and Temporal Barons not ordinary Clergy and Commons as contradistinguished from them et quia regnum oppressum erat injustis exactionibus Ego respectu Dei et amore quam erga vos omnes habeo sanctam Dei Ecclesiam liberam facio c. et omnes malas consuetudines quibus Regnum Angliae injuste opprimebatur inde aufero quis malas consuetudines in parte hic pono Si quis Baronum meorum Comitum c. Lagam Regis Edwardi vobis reddo cum illis emendationibus quibus Pater meus eam emendavit Consilio Baronum suorum This Charter was subscribed by all the Bishops Earls Nobles and Barons of England Et factae sunt tot Chartae quot sunt Comitatus in Anglia et Rege jubente positae in Abbatiis singulorum Comitatuum ad monimentum So Matthew Paris relates William of Malmsbury records In regem electus est aliquantis tamen ante controversiis INTER PROCERES agitatis atque sopitis Which done aliquarum moderationem legum revocavit in solidum Sacramento suo et OMNIUM PROCERUM ne luderentur corroboravit Simeon Dunelmensis records that Consecrationis suae die Sanctam Dei Ecclesiam liberam fecit ac omnes malas consuetudines et injustas exactiones quibus regnum Angliae opprimebatur abstulit Legem Regis Edwardi omnibus in commune reddidit c. MAJORES NATU ANGLIAE MAGNATES TERRAE CONGREGAVIT LONDONIAE The Chronicle of Bromton records the same in the self-same words and so doth Henry Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 2. c. 8 9. Polychron l. 7. c. 12. Roger de Hoveden Annal. pars 1. p. 468. and that the Lords procured this Charter King Stephen being elected and crowned King à PRIMORIBUS REGNI against his own and their former Oaths Omnes tam Praesules quam Comites et Barones qui filiae Regis et suis haeredibus juraverant Fidelitatem consensum Stephano praebentes In pursuance of his Coronation Oath Anno 1136. EPISCOPOS PROCERES REGNI SUI regali Edicto in unum convenire praecepit cum quibus GENERALE CONCILIUM CELEBRAVIT Oxoniis Wherein he confirmed all their Laws and Liberties by a special Charter in which there are these Clauses among others Sanctam Ecclesiam liberam esse concedo et debitam reverentiam illi conservo Omnes exactiones et injustitias et meschemingas sive per Vicecomites sive per alios quoslibet male inductas funditus extirpo Bonas leges et antiquas et justas consuetudines in hundris placitis et aliis causis observabo et observari praecipio et constituo This Charter was subscribed by all the Bishops Earls and Barons who procured it in this Common Council at Oxford Which they promised inviolably to observe generaliter se servaturum juravit sed nihil horum quae Deo promiserat observavit writes Matthew Paris Henry Huntindon Holinshed and others observe that the Archbishops Bishops and Nobles who contrary to their Oaths of Allegiance to Henry the 1. Mawde and their heirs elected Stephen King for this their detestable perjury soon after came to exemplary ends especially Roger the great Bishop of Salisbury qui secundum illud Sacramentum praefatum fecerat et omnibus aliis praedicaverat unde justo Deo judicio postea ab eodem Stephano quem creavit in Regem captus et excruciatus miserandum sortitus est
exterminium et omnes Magni qui Stephano juramentum fecerunt MISERVM SORTITI SUNT FINEM In the 16. and 17. years of K. John An. Dom. 1214 1215. The Prelats Earls Nobles and Barons being assembled together in a great Parliamentary Council held at Pauls after at St. Edmunds there was produced and read before them a Charter of King Henry the 1. which the Barons received from Stephen Archbishop of Canterbury which Charter conteined certain Laws and Liberties of King Edward granted to the holy Church and the great men of the Realm with some other Liberties which the said King had added thereunto of his own grant Which being read thereupon the BARONS ALL swore in the Archbishops presenc that if need were they would spend their blood in its defence And afterwards at St. Edmonds Bury the BARONS swore upon the High Altar That if King John refused to confirm and restore to them those Liberties and Rights of the kingdom they would make War upon Him and withdraw themselves from his allegiance till he had ratified them all by his Charter under his Great Seal Which they accordingly performed The King promising to confirm their Liberties and the Charter of King Henry the 1. which the Barons publikely read in 3. of their Great Parliamentary Councils and yet deâ—aying the same thereupon all the Nobles and Barons assembled together at Stamford with their horses friends and followers amounting to many thousands resolving to force the King to grant and ratify the same Whereupon the King sent the Archbishop of Canterbury William Marshal Earl of Pembroke and other prudent men to the Earls and Barons to demand of them Quae essent Leges Libertates quas quaerâ—bant Who thereupon produced a schedule of them to the Messengers quae ex parte maxima Leges antiquas regni consuetudines continebat Capitula earum partim in Charta Regis Henrici 1. superius scripta sunt partimque ex Legibus Regis Edwardi antiquis excerptâ— The Barons affirming quod nisi Rex illas in continenti concederet et Sigilli munimine confirmaret ipsi per captionem Castrorum suorum terrarum possessionum IPSUM REGEM COMPELLERENT donec super praemissis satisfaceret competenter The Archbishop returning to the King and repeating the Articles and Liberties they demanded to him by heart when he understood their contents with great indignation and scorn answered Et quare cum istis iniquis exactionibus BARONES non postulant regnum Vana sunt iniquit et superstitiosa quae petunt nec aliquo rationis titulo fulciuntur Affirmavit tandem cum iuramento fuâ—ibundus quod nunquam tales illis concederet Libertates unde ipse efficeretur servus When the Archbishop and William Marshal the Earl could by no means induce the King to consent thereto they returned by his command to the Barons relating all that the King had said to them in order Whereupon tota Angliae Nobilitas in unum collecta all the Nobles of England collected together into one body constituted Robert Fitzwalter General of their Militia calling him MARESCALLV MEXERCITVS DEI ET ECCLESIAE SANCTAE and flying to their arms besieged several of the Kings Castles Who thereupon seeing himself generally deserted almost by all men and fearing the Barons would take his Castles without any resistance though he bare an inexorable hatred against the Barons in his heart yet thinking to be revenged of them singly afterwards when he could not do any thing against them all being united he sent Messengers to assure them quod pro bono pacis ad exaltationem Regni sui et honorâ—m Gratanter concederet Leges et Libertates quas petebant desiring them to appoint a fitting time and place for them to meet and conferr together and perform what they desired Whereupon the King all the Nobles and Barons meeting together at a Conference in Running Mead he after many debates granted them the Laws and Liberties they desired confirming them by his Charters under his Great Seal the Tenor whereof is at large recorded in Matthew Paris and in the Red Book of the Exchequer being almost the same in Terms with Magna Charta and Charta Forestae afterwards granted confirmed in 9 H. 3. printed in all our Statute Books and so needless to transcribe These Charters being sealed and confirmed by the King he at the Barons request sent Letters Patents through all the coasts of England firmly commanding all the Sheriffs of the whole Realm that they should cause all men of what condition soever within their Bayliwicks to swear that they would observe the foresaid Laws and Liberties and that to the best of their power they would constrain the King himself by the seising of his Castles to perform all the things aforesaid as they were conteined in his Charter In mean time the King sent Letters to Pope Innocent to vouchsafe to confirm the Liberties and Charters he had granted with his Bull. After which for their more inviolable observation it was concluded and enacted That there should be 25 BARONS chosen by the LORDS not Commons who should to their utmost power cause the Great Charter confirmed by K. John to be duly observed That if either the King or His Justicier should transgress the same or offend in any one Article 4 of the said Barons should immediately repair to Him and require redress of the same without delay which if not done within forty days after that then the said 4 BARONS and the rest should distrain and seize upon the Kings Castles Lands and Goods till amends was made according to their arbitration Rot. Patent Anno 17. Johannis Regis in the Tower m. 21 22. n. 23. Dorso Writs were sent to all the Sherifs Counties of England to swear all the people to those 25 Barons to aid and assist them in the premises under pain of seizing their lands into the Kings hands and confiscation of all their goods to him if they refused to take the Oath within 15 dayes And the City and Tower of London were put into the Barons hands till the King had performed his agreement with them Such confidence and power was then reposed in the BARONS alone In the Patent Roll of 16 Johannis Regis pars 1. dors 3· I find this memorable Grant to the Barons well explaining the Statute of Magna Charta c. 29 Sciatis quod concessimus BARONIBUS qui contra nos sunt quod eos nec homines suos capiemus nec dissaiseamus nec super eos per vim vel per arma ibimus nisi per legem Regni nostri vel judicio Parium suorum in curia nostra A very excellent Privilege Law Liberty purchased by the Barons industry inserted into K. Johns Great Charter soon after published ratifying it in these terms Comites Barones non amercientur nisi per Pares suos non nisi secundum modum delicti Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur vel
ad ipsum Regem confirmationem omnium istorum sub sigillo suo tanquam ab eo qui 〈…〉 â—tus erat cedendum malitiae temporis censuit obtinuerunt Pro eonfirmatione et harum rerum omnium dedit populus Anglicanus Regi denarium nonum bonorum suorum Clerus vero Cantuariensis Decimum et Clerus Eboracensis Quintum qui propiordamno fuit So Walsingham truly relates the History of this transaction These Statutes thus obtained by the Earls and Barons from the King are printed in our Statutes at large with the excommunication of the Prelates then denounced against the infringers of them in Rastals Abridgement of Statutes Sir Edward Cooks 2 Institut p. 527. to 537. being thus intituled Confirmationes Chartarum de Libertatibus Angliae et Forestae et Statutum de Tallagio non concedondo made both in the 25 year of Edward 1. not in the 34 as our Statute books and Sir Edward Cook misdate the latter of rhem The differences between the King these Earls and Nobles touching these liberties with his confirmation of them and the aid granted him for the same are likewise recorded in the Patent Roll of 25 Ed. 2. par 2. m. 6 7 9. And Claus 25 E. 1. m. 2.5.14.18.76 dors there are sundry Writs and Proclamations sent to all the Sherifs for the keeping of Magna Charta in all its articies and to the Bishops to excommunicate the Infringers of them agreeing with Walsinghams relation Anno 1299. the 26 of King Edward the first the king holding a Parliament at York the foresaid Earls because the Confirmation of the Charters forementioned was made in a forein land requested that for their greater security they might be again confirmed by the King in England which the Bishop of Durham and three Earls engaged he should doe upon his return out of Scotland with victory Whereupon this King the next year being the 27 of his reign holding a Parâ—iament at London Ubi rogatus a Comitibus saepe dictis ut Chartarum confirmationem renovaret secundum quod in Scotia promiserat post aliquas dilationes instantiae eorum acquievit hac additione Salvo jure Coronae nostrae infine adjecta Quam cum audissent Comites cum displicentia ad propria recesserunt sed revocatis ipsis ad quindenam Paschae ad votum eorum absolute omnia sunt Concessa And thereupon the Statutes intituled Articuli super Chartas 28 E. 1. in our printed Statutes and Cooks 2 Institutes whereas it should rather be 27. were then made and published by these Earls and Nobles procurement and Writs sent to all the Sherifs De quibusdam Articulis in MAGNA CHARTA contentis Chartae de Foresta Henrici Patris nostrae observandis Rot. Claus 27. E. 1 m. 17. And Pat. 28 E. 1. m. 14. Commissions are sent into all Counties de Artic. in mag Chart. content Stat. Regis apud Winton edita observandis and that whosoever did not observe every Article should be punished per imprisonamentum redemptionem vel amerciamentum secundum quod transgressio exigeret there being no certain way of punishment before ordained And Claus 28 E. m. 7 8. There are Writs sent to every Sherif to read proclaim magna Charta in his County 4 times every year to proclaim Articulos super Chartas à Rege populo concessos But the Execution of the Articles of the Forest being deferred notwithstanding these Proclamations thereupon King Edward held a Parliament at Stanford the 29 year of his reign ad quod convenerunt Comites et Barones cum eqnis et armis eo prout dicebatur proposito ut executionem Chartae de Foresta hactenus dilatam extorquerent ad plenum Rex autem eorum instamiam importunitatem attendens eorum voluntati in omnibus condescendit To omit all other Presidens these forecited abundantly evidence the gallantry stoutness heroical courage care vigilancy of the Lords in all our Parliamentary Councils to maintain and defend the fundamental Liberties Properties Great Charters of the Realm and to perpetuate them to posterity without the least violation to vindicate re-establish them when infringed and to withstand oppose all unjust aids taxes subsidies when either demanded levied exacted by our Kings though in cases of pretented or real necessity to supply their wants maintain their wars and protect the Realm from forein enemies I shall only produce three of four Historical Presidents more demonstrating what great Curbs Remoraes Obstacles some particular potent Noblemen of great estates alliance publike spirits have been to the exorbitant arbitrary wills power proceedings of our Kings who most endeavoured openly to subvert or cunningly to undermine our publike Laws and Liberties Mat. Paris speaking of the death of Geoffry Fitz-Peeter one of the greatest Peers of that age writes thus of him This year Anno 1218. Geoffry Fitz-Peeter Chief Justice of all England a man of great power and authority TO THE GREATEST DETRIMENT OF THE KINGDOM ended his dayes the 2. day of Octob. ERAT autem FIRMISSIMA REGNI COLUMNA for he was the most firm pillar of the Kingdom as being a Nobleman expert in the Laws furnished with treasures rents and all sort of goods and confederated to all the great men of England by blood or friendship whence the King without love did fear him above all men for he governed the reigns of the Kingdom Whereupon after his death England was become like a ship in a storm without an helm The beginning of which tempest was the death of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury a magnificent and faithfull man neither could England breath again after the death of these two When K. John heard of Fitz-Peeters death turning to those who sate about him He said By Gods feet now am I first King and Lord of England He had therefore from thenceforth more free power to break his Oaths and Covenants which he had made with the said Geoffry for the peoples Liberty and Kingdoms peace Such Pillars and Staies are great and stout Peers to a Kingdom and Curbs to tyrannical Kings which caused Vortigern the British Kingâ— who usurped the Crown with the treacherous murder of his Soveraign Nobiles deprimere et moribus et sanguine ignobiles extollere quod maximè regiae honestati contrarium est to secure his throne thereby against their predominant power as other Usurpers and Tyrants since have done Therfore of meer Right they ought to have a place and voice in Parliaments for the very Kingdoms safety and welfare without the peoples election William Duke of Normandy having slain the Usurper King Harold with many thousands of Englishmen in the field routed his whole Army and caused the City of London and most parts of England to subject themselves unto him as their Soveraign out of base fear thereupon Stigand Archbishop of Canterbury and Eglesine Abbot of St. Augustine chief Peers of the Realm and Lords and Governors of Kent to preserve themselves their Country Laws and
Barons being no such Knights Citizens or Burgesses as the writ enjoyns them to elect and return 3. By all the Statutes for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses recorded in Rastall Tit. Parliament the Lords being not within their words or intention 4. By the Great Charter of King John and express Statutes of 5 R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 4.31 H. 8. c. 10. Rot. Par. n. 10. which disable them to sit amongst the Commons but only in the Lords house among their Peers 5. By the very words of the Patents of their Creation which authorize and prescribe all Dukes Earls Viconts Barons in direct terms Quod in omnibus tenerentur tractentur et reputentur ut Duces Comites Barones quod haeredes sui masculi et eorum quilibet habeat teneat possideat sedem locum et vocem in Parliamentis publilicis Comitiis et Consiliis nostris Haeredum et Successorum nostrorum infra Regnum nostrum Angliae inter alios Duces Comites et Barones not amongst the Knights Citizens and Burgesses ut Duces Comites et Barones Parliamentorum Publicorum Comitiorum et Consiliorum not as Knights Citizens or Burgesses 6. By Sir Edward Cooks 4 Institutes p. 46 47. and Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour p. 736 737. who resolve That a Baron or Lord of Parliament is not eligible to be a Knight Citizen or Burgess of the House of Commons as was resolved in the case of Thomas Camoyes who was not only a Baronet but also a Baron and Lord of Parliament The Lord Camoyes being elected by the Freeholders of the County of Surrey for one of the Knights of the Shire to serve in Parliament for them Anno 7 R. 2. thereupon the King by advice of Council declared his election to be null and void in Law and commanded a new election of some other fit person to be made in his place by this memorable Writ extant on record Rex Vicecomiti Surriae salutem Quia ut accepimus tu Thomam Camoyes Chivaler qui Baronettus est sicut quamplures antecessorum suorum extiterunt ad essendum unum Militum venientium ad proximum Parliamentum nostrum pro Communitate Comitatus praedicti de assensu ejusdem Comitatus eligisti Nos advertentes quod hujusmodi Baronetti ante haec tempora in Milites Comitatus ratione alicujus Parliamenti elegi minime consueverunt ipsum de officio Militis ad dictum Parliamentum pro communitate Comitatus praedicti venturi exonerari volumus Et ideo tibi praecipimus quod quendam aâ—ium Misi em idoneum et discretum gladio cinctum in loco ipsius Thomae elegi et eum ad diem et locum Parliamenti praedicti venire facias cum plena et sufficienti potestate ad consentiendum hiis quae in Parliamento praedicto sicut juxta renorem prioris Brevis nostri tibi pro electione hujusmodi militum directi et nomen ejus Nobis Sciri facias Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium octavo die Octobris 7ly Both Houses of Parliament in their Remonstrance of Nov. 2. 1642. declare and publish in print to all the World This to be so clear and fundamental a privilege of Parliament That no Member of either House of Parliament is to be taken away or detained from the service of the House whereof he is a Member until such time as that House hath satisfaction concerning the cause and the cause be heard in Parliament first and dismissed from it That the whole freedom of Parlament dependeth upon it For who seeth not that by this means under false pretences of crimes and accusations such or so many Members of both or either Houses of Parliament may be taken out of it at any time by any persons to serve a turn and to make a MAJOR PART of whom they will at pleasure So as the freedom of Parliament dependeth in a great part on this privilege yea without it the whole Body of the Parliament will be destroyed by depriving it of its Members by degrees some at one time and others at another time as both Houses further remonstrate in their Declaration of October 23. 1642. Which as it infallibly demonstrates that the Lords House or Members cannot be taken away or taken from them against their wils without the destruction subversion of the whole Parliament of which they are chief Members the Judicial power of Parliaments residing principally in that House if not wholly So it likewise clearly resolves that no Peer or Member of the Lords House can be elected a Member of the Commons house For if the election of the Freeholders Citizens or Burgesses of any County City or Borough of a Duke Earl Lord or Baron of the Realm to be a Knight Citizen or Burgess in Parliament should be valid in Law to make them legal actual Members of the Commons house it would then lie in their powers to un-Peer un-Lord and degrade any Nobleman yea all the Earls Peers Lords Barons of the Realm and their Posterity at their pleasures to reduce them and the whole House of Peers into the Commons inferiour house and so quite dissolve the Lords House in high affront dishonor of the Lords and their House and of the Kings Soveraign royal Authority the fountain of all Honor and that without any legal trial or Judgment by their Peers or just cause of degradation on their parts against the express words and meaning of Magna Charta c. 29. And if any Lords upon such Elections should so far degenerate debase or degrade themselves as to accept thereof and ignobly sit and vote as Members of the Commons House both they and their posteritieâ— for such an ignoble act meritoriously deserved to be for ever degraded from their Nobility and secluded from all future sitting in the Lords House as Peers becoming thereby the very shame scorn scandal of Nobility fit only to be ranked with the basest Peasants to whom these Levellers would now equallize them Yea it would be now no less than wilfull perjury in any Freeholders Citizens Burgesses to elect them Knights or Burgesses and in themselves to accept of such Elections when chosen and in the whole House of Peers and Commons too once to permit allow approve or connive at such elections after their late Protestation Vow and Solemn League and Covenant to maintain to their power the Rights Privileges of Parliament and both Houses of Parliament whereof this is an unquestionable Right and Privilege That no Member of the Lords House should be elected a Knight Citizen Burgess or brought down from thence to sit only as a Commoner in the Commons House so long as he continues a Peer or Member of the Lords House a distinct House from and superior to the Commons House in all ages as its Title of the Lower House and their standing alwayes bare before the Lords with other evidences demonstrate nor any Knight Citizen or Burgess a true real Member of the House of Peers
in barr of the Writs of Summons directed to them because those writs themselves did ennoble and make them their posterity successors Peers of Parliament though they held no Lands by Barony 8ly it is undeniable by sundry presidents that the Kings general writs of Summons create none Lords or Peers of Parliament for life or Inheritance if they hold not by Barony which I shall evidence by these presidents in point To the Parliament of 49 H. 3. there were no less than 64 Abbots 36 Priors the Master of the Temple and 5. Deans of Cathedral Churches namely of York Exeter Salisbury Lincoln Bath and Wells summoned by general writs as the Bishops Earls Barons and other Nobles were yet this did not make themselves nor their Successors Barons or Peers of Parliament for neither of these Deans nor their successors were ever afterwards summoned to Parliament as they would and must have been had this writ made them or their successors Barons and Lords nor any of the Abbots or Priors but such only who held by Barony who were constantly summoned but those who then held not by Barony or Militare servitium if casually summoned to one Parliament were yet upon their complaints thereof omitted and discharged in the next as the Writs of Summons themselves attest and Mr. Selden manifests out of them Therefore the Writs did neither create them Barons for life much less their successors after them for then they should still have of right been summoned to succeeding Parliaments and ought not to have been discharged In the 18 of Ed. 2. A Writ of Summons was sent by the King Magistro Gilberto de Middleton Archidiacono Northampton Officiali Curiae Cantuariensis Magistro Roberto de Sancto Albano Decano de Arcubus London But no writ was ever directed to them afterwards but in this one Parliament only therefore it made them not Lords and Barons for life inheritance or succession The like is evident by the forecited presidents of the Abbots of St. James Leicester and other Priors So the Gardians of the Spiritualties of Bishops during the vacancy and their Vicars Generals during their absence beyond the Seas have been frequently summoned to Parliaments by writs But being summoned only as substitutes or in the right of the Bishops or Bishopricks it made them no Barons or Peers neither were they ever esteemed such heretofore or at this day as Mr. Selden informs us And as it was thus amongst Abbots Priors Deans and other Clergy-men that these writs made them not Barons for life nor yet in succession so by the selfsame Law and Reason they made no Laicks who held not by Barony such for life or inheritance Whence we find many such in the summons to Parliament of King Henry 3. Ed. 1 2 3. R. 2. H. 4 5 6. who were summoned once twice or thrice but never afterwards nor any of their name or posterity of which no other solid reason can be given but that these general writs of summons made them neither Barons for life nor inheritance no more than they did Abbots Priors or Clergymen For example I find Edmond Barstaff Robert de Crendon H. Huse Ader de Estlye Serton de Hansladorn and sundry others summoned by Writ to Parliament in 33 E. 1. Peter Corbet Andrew de Hamloe Henry Tregor Maurice de Buen Roger Banuent and some others in 13 E. 2. Simon Ward Henry Dandle William Blunt in 4 E. 3. Roger de Claudes Ralph de Bevil William de Kineston in 14 E. 3. Ralph Bulmer Thomas Bugworth in 22 E. 3. William de Ridehal in 27 E. 3. Robert de Colvil John de Kirton John de Wodhurst John Northwood John de Strivelin in the Parliament summons of 37. and one of them again of 38 E. 3. Henry Quarts in 6 H. 4. Henry Cuart in 7 H. 4. William Cheyney Chief Justice in 4. 6 H. 6. But neither of their persons nor any of their posterity were ever after summoned that I find to any other Parliaments as no doubt they would have been had those their writs of summons made them Lords and Barons In the Clause Roll of 5 E. 3. m. 12. dorso the King sent writs into Ireland to William de Burgh Earl of Ulster James de Botâ—ler Earl of Ormond William de Bremigham Knight and Walter de Burgh strictly enjoyning them with all speed to come over into England Nobiscum tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri concerning his intended Voyage in person into Ireland and setting the peace and affairs therof and I read in the reign of King Henry 3. Edward the 1. 3. and other of our Kings that the King of Scots and his Nobles were oft summoned by Writs to our English Parliaments concerning the affairs of Scotland yet these writs made none of them Peers and Barons of our English Parliaments From all which I may safely conclude Sir Edward Cooks and others Opinions to be no Law but a clear mistake that a general writ of Summons doth or can create any who hold not by Barony Peers or Barons for life much less in fee or fee-tayl Therefore such may be afterwards elected Knights or Burgesses of Parliament and be Members of the Commons house and refuse to sit or serve in the Lords house upon summons without contempt or fine but no Baron or Peer of the Realm may be thus chosen or neglect his service in the Lords house Finally Mr. Cambden in his Britannia p. 120 122. Apologia p 11. and Mr. J. Selden in his Titles of Honour part 2. chap. 5. Sect. 31. p. 708. to 718. assert That as some Spiritual Barons who were conceived to be Barons by writ as well as by tenure though sometimes summoned to Parliament by writ were wholly omitted at length as not having of right Voice and Place with the rest because they held not by Barony So sundry of the Lesser Barons and Tenants in Capite holding only of the King as Vavasors by Knights service and not by an intire Barony were likewise excluded the Parliament and not summoned thereunto by King John Henry the 3. Edw. the 1. being not great and honourary Barons nor having estates sufficient to support that dignity and that as Mr. Selden conceites by some Law made not long before the Great Charter of King Iohn procured by MAJORES BARONES who foreseeing that their power and dignity might suffer much diminution if the new tenants in chief or Patentees of Escheated Baronies and the rest that were decayed should have equality with them and be indifferently Barons of the Kingdom every way as they were procured a Law in some of the Parliaments that preceded the Great Charter of King John by which themselves only should hereafter be properly stiled summoned as BARONS and the rest only Tenants in chief or Knights which Titles shold be given them as distinct names from Barons which could not but much lesen the dignity and honor of the rest
of Attainders in cases of high Treason did not institute them Judges of these persons nor give them any share in the judicial right and power of Parliaments 1. Because most of these persons thus attainted by Bill were Queens Dukes Earls Lords Barons and Peers of the Realm who were triable to be judged only by their Peers none else by the Common Law of England Magna Charta c. 29. and sundry other Acts not by the Commons who are not their Peers 2ly Because most of these parties thus attainted by those Bills were first attainted tried judged condemned in Parliament by the Lords alone as their proper Judges upon the complaints or impeachments of the Lords Appellants or of the Commons themselves or else before some other Judges upon indictments and legal tryals and those Acts did only confirm and ratifie their precedent attainders recited in them 3ly Because in many of these Acts the Commons did only petition that their Attainders might be ratified by Bill and the King and Lords assents thereto which was done at their request as Petioners not Judges 4ly Because their Judgements and Attainders passed formerly by the Lords and Judges were good in Law though thus ratified afterwards by Bill for the greater terror certainty and satisfaction and these Bills did pass no new Judgements and Attainders upon the parties but only ratifie the old and in cases where there was no precedent Attainder they attaint them only by vertue of their Legislative power without any indictment tryal or hearing of the parties themselves as Judges of them some of them being dead when attainted taking all the charges in the Bills pro confesso and notoriously true and proved such by some other precedent legal convictions and evidences 2ly There is a formal proper Judgement given in our Parliaments both in criminal and civil causes upon complaints Articles Petitions Impeachments Inditements Informations Writs Appeals Reports References and that either against or concerning Peers themselves or against or concerning Commoners and other Laicks or Clergy-men And in all such cases proceedings the King and Lords alone have a proper judiciary power or right of Judicature without the Commons vested in and executed by them which I shall abundantly evidence and make good by sundry memorable Presidents out of our Histories and Records in all ages not vulgarly known and for the most part never yet remembred by any who have wriâ—ten of our Parliaments and the proceedings in them whose Treatises are very slight unsatisfactory and in many things of this nature erronious I shall begin first with presidents concerning Ecclesiastical Temporal Lords alone proceeded against impeached judged censured in our Parliaments for sundry criminal causes Offences Treasons wherin the House of Commons can challenge no share or voice in the Judicature especially in the case of Temporal Lords who are such in their own right and sit in Parliament ratione Nobilitatis but the Lords alone and that by the express Letter and Resolution of the Great Chariers of King John and of King Henry 3. and Ed. 1. c. 14.29.15 E. 3. c. 2 3 4. and roâ— Parl. n. 6.8.11 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 6 7.5 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 12.28 H. 6. ror Parl. n. 51 52 53. 20 H. 6. c. 9.26 H. 8. c. 13.28 H. 8. c. 7.18.31 H. 8. c. 12.32 H. 8. c. 4.33 H. 8. c. 12 20 23.35 H. 8. c. 2.1 Ed. 6. cap. 12. 1 Mar. c. 6.1 2 Phil. Mar. c. 3.4 5 Phil. Mar. c. 4.1 Eliz. c. 1.5.5 Eliz. c. 11.13 Eliz. c. 1.14 Eliz. c. 1 2 3. 18 El. c. 1.23 El. c. 1 2.27 El. c. 2.3 E. 3.19 Fit Corone 16â— 1 H. 4.1.10 E. 4.6 Brooke Trial 142. Stamford l. 3. c. 1. f. 152.33 H. 8. Brookâ— Trial 142.34 H. 8. Bro Corone 172.13 H. 8.11 Br. Treasons 29.38 H. 8. Br. Treasons 2.33 Dyer 99.107.208.360 Cook 6 Rep. f. 52.9 Rep. f. 30.87 and Cooks 2 Instit f. 28 29 48 49 50. and his 3 Instit c. 1. 2. p. 27 28 29.30 31. All which declare enact resolve That the Peers of this Realm shall not be tried or proceeded against but only by the lawfull judgement and verdict of their Peers The Lords and Barons of Parliaments trial by Peers alone of their own rank being so essential that they cannot waive nor put themselves upon the trial of the Country by 12. ordinary Freeholders as was resolved in the Lord Dacres case Pa. 26 H. 8. Cooks 3 Institutes f. 30. much less then can they waive their Peerage it self and sit as Commoners in the Commons house as I have formerly proved The first president I meet with in our Histories of this nature is in the reign of Cassibelan the British King who having repulsed Julius Caesar upon his first landing in this Island and forced him to return into France Edictum fecit ut omnes Proceres Britanniae convenirent to the City of â—roynovant now London where Evelin nephew to Androgens Duke of Troynovant slaying Heralgas nephew to Cassibelan upon a sudden quarrel as they were playing together Cassibelan thereupon commanded Evelin to be brought before him talem sententiam quam Proceres regni judicarent subire which Androgeus opposing â—aying sese suam Curiam habere in illa diffiniri debere quicquid aliquis in homines suos clamaret thereupon Cassibelan threatned to waste his Country with fire and sword if he refused to deliver up his Nephew to justice to undergo the sentencâ— quam Proceres dictarent which he accordingly executed for refusing to put his Nephew upon the Trial and Judgement of the Nobles for this murder The next president I find is that of Wilfrid Archbishop of York who for refusing to divide his Bishoprick into two Bishopricks more and for endeavouring to perswade Queen Emburga to become a Nun and desert her husband Egfrid King of Northumberland was through that Queens malice and prosecution in two several Parliamentary Councils Anno 678. 692. twice deprived of his Archbishoprick and banished the Realm by King Egfrid Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury and the rest oâ— the Bishops and Nobles of the Realm assembled in these Councils and at last restored to his Archbishoprick again in another Council An. 705. by King Osred his will and consent About the year of our Lord 924. Elfred a Nobleman who opposed Aethelstans title and election to the Crown though in vain intended to seise upon him at Winchester and put out his eyes but his Treason being discovered he was apprehended and sent to Rome to purge himself thereof by Oath where he abjuring the fact before the Altar of St. Peter in the presence of Pope John the 10th fell down suddenly to the ground as dead and being thereupon carried away thence to the English School he there expired within 3 dayes after The Pope acquainting the King therewith and craving his advice what to do with him and whether he should have Christian burial the King thereupon
Vice-Chamberlain before the King and Lords of divers offences against the King who taking the accusation to be good because of the Bishops order and that he was of the kingâ— linage pardoned the said Bishop all his misprisions done against his person and reconciled the Bishop and Sir Thomas one to another And n. 30 31. all the Lords Temporal whose names are there recorded being 25. in number by assent of the King declared and ADJUDGED Thomas Holland late Earl of Kent John Holland late Earl of Huntingdon John Mountague late Earl of Salisbury Thomas le Despencer Sir Ralph Lumley Knight and divers others who were for their Rebellions and Treasons in levying war against the King taken slain or beheaded by certain of the Kings Subjects to be Traytors and that they should forfeit all such Lands as they had in fee the 5. of January the first year of the King or at any time after with all their goods and chattels The Record is Toutz les Seigneurs temporelz esteantz en Parlement per ussent du Roy declarerent et adjuggerent les ditz Thomas c. pur Trayteurs pur la leve de Guerre encountre lour Seignior le Roy nient obstant qils furent mortz sur le dâ—t leve de guerre sanz process de ley Lo here the Lords alone by the Kings assent declare and adjudge what is Treason both in the case of Lords and Commoners too and â—taint and give Judgement against them both without the Commons after their deaths without legal trial In the Parliament of 5 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 11 12 13 14. On Friday the 18 of February the Earl of Northumberland came before the King Lords and Commons in Parliament and by his Petition to the King acknowledged that he had done against his Lawes and allegeance and especially for gathering power giving of Liveries for which he put himself upon the Kings grace and prayed pardon the rather for that upon the Kings Letters he yielded himself and came to the King at York whereas he might have kept himself away Which Petition by the Kings command was delivered to the Justices to be examined and to have their counsel and advice therein Whereupon the LORDS made a Protestation que le Juggement appentient a â—ux tout soulement THAT THE JUDGEMENT APPERTAINED ONLY TO THEM And after the said Petition being read and considered before the King and the said Lords as Peers of Parliament aus queux teils juggemeâ—t apperteignent de deoit to whom such Iudgements appertained of right having had by the Kings command competent deliberation thereupon and having also heard and considered as well the Statute made in the 25. year of King Edward the Kings Grand father that now is concerning the Declaration of Treason as the Statutes of Liveries made in this Kings reign ADJUDGED That that which was done by the said Earl contained within his Petition was neither Treason nor Felony but Trespas for which the said Earl ought to make fine and ransom at the will of the King Whereupon the said Earl most humbly thanked our Lord the King and the said Lords his Peers of Parliament for their rightfull judgement and the Commoners for their good affections and dâ—ligence used and shewen in this behalf And the said Earl further prayed the King that in assurance of these matters to remove all jealousies and evil suspitions that he might be sworn a new in the presence of the King and of the Lords and Commons in Parliament and the said Earl took an Oath upon the Crosier of the Archbishop of Canterbury to be a faithfull and loyal liege to our Lord the King the Prince his Son and to the heirs of his body inheritable to the Crown according to the Laws of England Whereupon the king out of his grace pardoned him his fine and ransom for the trespass aforesaid After which num 17. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal humbly thanked the King sitting in his royal Throne in the white Chamber for his grace and pardon to the said Earl of his fine and ransom and likewise the Commons thankâ— the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for the good and just Iudgement they had given as Peers of Parliament to the said Earl From this memorable Record I shall observe First that though this Declaration of this Earls case was made by his Petition in the presence of the King Lords and Commons in Parliament according to the Statute of 25 E. 3. yet the Lords only by Protestation in presence of the King and Commons claimed to be the sole Iudges of it as Peers of Parliament and belonging to them OF RIGHT Secondly That this claim of theirs in this case was acknowledged and submitted to both by the King and Commons and thereupon the Lords only after serious consideration of the case and Statutes whereon it depended gave the definitive sentence and judgement in this case that it was neither Treason nor Felony but Trespass only c. Thirdly That the Earl thanked the King only for his grace the Lords for their just Iudgement and the Commons only for their good hearts and diligence having no share in the judgement though given by the Lords both in the Kings and their presence and that the Commons themselves returned special thanks to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament for their good and just judgement Fourthly That this judgement of the Lordr only was final and conclusive both to the King and Commons who acquiesced in it In the Parliament of 2 H. 5. rot Parl. num 13 14. Thomas Mountague Earl of Salisbury son and heir of John Mountague Earl of Salisbury exhibited his petition in Parliament to reverse a judgement given against his said father in the Parliament at Westminster in the second year of King Henry the fourth rot Parl. n. 30 31. forecited wherein amongst others he was attainted of Treason by judgement of all the Temporal Lords in Parliament and thereupon he exhibited certain reversals of Judgements given in Parliament as making on his behalf to the Lords consideration reversed for some errors assigned in those judgements to wit one judgement given against Thomas heretofore Earl of Lancaster before King Edward the second at Pomfract the Monday before the feast of the Annunciation in the fifteenth year of his reign and another Judgement against Roger de Mortymer late Earl of March in the Parliament of King Edward the third the Monday after the feast of St. Katherine in the fourth year of his reign at Westminster Which Judgements being distinctly and openly readâ— and fully understood It seemed to the King and Lords that the case of the death and execution of the said John late Earl of Sarum and of the judgement aforesaid against him given is not nor was like to the case of the executing of the said Th. heretofore Earl of Lancaster nor to the case of the putting to death of Roger Earl of March nor to any judgement given against
inform us In the Parliament of 2. Caroli the Duke of Buckingham impeached the Earl of Bristol and the Earl of Bristol impeached this Duke before the Lords in sundry Articles for divers misdemeanours touching the Spanish match King Prince to seduce him in his religion praying judgment of the Lords thereupon against each other In the Parliament of 3. Caroli the Duke of Buckingham was accused and Impeached by the Commons before the Lords for sundry high Misdemeanors and the Parliament thereupon dissolved to prevent his censure In this very Parliament of King Charls now sitting Thomas Earl of Strafford was accused and impeached by the House of Commons of High Treason and other misdemeanors comprised in sundry Articles which they transmitted â—o the House of Lords desiring that he might be put to answer them and such proceedings examination trial and judgement thereupon had and given against him by the Lords as is agreeable to Law and Justice Hereupon he was openly tried in Westminster Hall before the House of Lords there sitting as his Judges where the House of Commons prosecuted and gave in Evidence against him sundry dayes and in conclusion demanded the Lords to give Iudgement against him in the Iudicial way After which they proceeded against him by way of Bill not to decline their Lordships Iustice in a Iudicial way but to husband time by preventing some doubts and as the speediest and soonest way Upon the passing of which Bill he was beheaded and executed as a Traytor On the 26 of February 1640. William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury was accused and impeached of High Treason by the House of Commons of 14. Articles then transmitted by them to the House of Lord The first whereof was this That he had trayterously endeavoured to subvert the fundamental Laws and Government of the Realm and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law And the last of them this That he had laboured to subvert the rights of Parliament and the ancient Course of Parliamentary proceeding which the New-modellers of our Parliaments more guilty hereof by many degrees than he may do well to consider Upon which they prayed from the Lords such proceedings examination trial and Iudgement against him as is agreeable to Law and Justice Upon these Articles he was brought to a publike Trial in the Lords House the 12. of March 1643. and after 17. whole dayes spent in his meer Trial and proof of the Charge against him and his defence thereto morning and evening and several other dayes spent in the hearing of him and his Council and the Commons Reply touching his Charge and the matters of Law whether the Charge prâ— against him amounted to High Treason the Lords upon most mature deliberation voted him Guilty of all the Articles and matters of fact charged against him and also of High Treason and thereupon passed an Ordinance for his Attainder by vertue whereof he was beheaded as a Traytor on Tower-Hill January 10. 1644. To these I might add the seveeal Articles of Impeachment transmitted by the House of Commons this Parliament to the Lords against Matthew Wren Bishop of Norwich the 20. of July 1641. against William Pierce Bishop of Bath and Wells and against the Bishops of Winchester Coventry and Litchfield Glocester Chichester Exeter St. Asaph Hereford Ely Bangor Bristol Rochester Peterborough and Landaffe August 4. 1641. requiring such proceedings from the Lords against them as to Law and Justice shall appertain All which are a superabundant impregnable Evidence of the Lords inherent Judicial power and right of Judicature in our English Parliaments even by the Commons House own Impeachments and acknowledgements against the Levellers pretences to the contrary By all these forecited presidents it is most apparent 1. That the King and Lords in our Parliaments in all ages both before and since the Commons admission to sit and vote in Parliaments have been the sole Judges of Ecclesiastical Peers and Lords in all criminal cases without the Commons 2ly That the Lords and Peers of the Realm except only in case of appealâ— both in and out of Parliament are triable only by their Peers And therefore the Trial condemnation and execution of any of them by Marshal Law or now misnamed High Courts of Justice by Commoners and others who are not their Peers is most illegal unjust and nought else but murther as the Parliaments of 1 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 45. of 1 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 18. resolve and as it was adjudged in the case of Thomas Earl of Lancaster Paâ—ch 39 E. 3. Coram Rege Rot. 92. Wiâ— Cooks 3. Institutes p. 52 53. Secondly The next and main question now conâ—roverted will be Whether the King House of Peers have any lawfull or sole power of Judicature in and over the persons of the Commons of England as well as over Peers in criminal causes misdemeanours offences or breaches of their Parliamentary privileges so farr as to fine imprison censure judge or condemn them in any kind without the House of Commons concurrent vote or judicature This the ignorant sottish Levellers Sectaries seduced by their blind guides John Lilburn and Overton peremptorily deny the contrary whereof I shall here infallibly make good to their perpetual shame and refutation by unanswerable Reasons and presidents in all ages 1. I have already manifested That the Parliament being the supremest Court of Judicature in the Realm must consequently have a lawfull Jurisdiction over all persons and members of the Realm whether Spiritual or Temporal Lords or Commons in all criminal and civil Causes proper for Parliaments to judge or punish That this power of judicature was originally and primitively vested in the King and Lords alone before there were any Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commons summoned to our Parliaments as is evident by the antient writers Glanvil Bracton Fleta Horn the Parliament of Clarindon Anno. 1164. and other forecited authorities and never transferred by them to the House of Commons upon or after their admission into our Parliaments but remaining intirely in the King and Lords as at first as the whole House of Commons acknowledge upon record 1 H. 4. rot parl n. 79. Therefore they may lawfully exercise this their judicial power and jurisdiction over the Commoners of England in all such causes now and hereafter and that of right as this record resolves they may do in positive terms 2ly Our Histories Law-books and Records agree that in ancient times our Earls who were called Comites or Counts from the word County had the chief Government and Rule of most of the Counties of this Realm under our King and that they and the Barons were the proper Judges of the Common people both in criminal and civil Causes in the Tourns County-Courts even by vertue of their Dignities and Offices as our Sheriffs are now in which Courts they did instruct the people in the Laws of the Land and administer Justice
E. 2. dors 17. 17 E. 3. n. 24.21 E. 3. n. 60.40 E. 3. n. 14 15.14 E. 3. n. 30 31.1 R. 2. n. 95.1 E. 3. f. 6 7.39 E. 3.21 a. 40 E. 3.34 b. Cook 8 Rep. f. 158.3 Instit p. 6 7.4 Instit p. 67 c. 2 Instit p. 408. West 2. c 24. and Bracton l. 2. c. 16 l. 3. c. 9. Fletae l. 2. c. 6. resolving that all difficult causes are to be declared to and determined in and by Parliaments This case being examined and debated by and between the Lords and Commons was afterwards there declared bâ—fore the King and determined and agreed That this fact and murder is Treason and a crime against the Kings Majesty in which case no privilege of Clergy ought to be allowed to any man Whereupon 7 R. 2. rot 8. Kirby and Algar were attainted of High Treason in the Kings Bench and executed as Traitors Walsingham writes this Parliament was held at Northampton against the consent of most of the Realm but especially against the will of the Londoners that so revenge might be taken upon Kirkeby for this murder they fearing that if the Parliament were held at London the Londoners would not suffer him to be executed without some danger to those who condemned him whereupon he was condemned drawn and executed at Northampton To this I answer first That Kirby and Algar were not impeached arraigned tried or condemned in Parliament for this Treason but in the Kings Bench for if they had the Lords only had judged and given sentence against rhem as in all the premised cases 2ly Their case being new was thought fit to be propounded to the Commons by the Kings direction as well as to the Lords who upon debate agreed it to be Treason 3ly When it had been debated it was declared and finally resolved and agreed before the King in full Parliament and that by Bill and the Legislative not Judicial power as Mr. Sâ— John informs us Therefore it makes nothing for the Commons right and power of Judicature which after all these presidents all the Commons in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 79. confess to have been alwayes of right in the King and Lords and not in them which sways away all the forecited presidents at once as impertinent and misapplied For the presidents of 21 R. 2. n. 29. 2 H. 5. n. 13 28 H. 6 n. 19. misrecited by Sir E. Cook 4 Instit p. 23. 3 Inst p. 22. they are already answered p. 296 297 299 344. And for those of Sir Giles Mompesson Sir Iohn Michel Viscount St. Alban and the Earl of Middlesex himself confesseth and I have here cleared p. 303 304. that the notable Iudgements against them were given by the Lords at the prosecution of the Commons who were only their prosecutors not Iudges These are all the Presidents I finde that are objected to give the Commons a share with the King and Lords in the Judicature in our Parliaments which evince it not but clearly disprove it The 2. sort of Presidents insisted on by Sir Ed. Cook are to prove a Judicial Authority in the House of Commons alone without the Lords in cases of their own Members and Servants in matters of elections breach of Privilege or misdemeanors in the Commons house for which they have imprisoned and sometimes fined Serjeants Baylifs Sherifs committed their own Members adjudged their elections void suspended excluded ejected them the house The 1. ease is that of Muncton 2 Aprilis 1 Mariae committed by the Commons to the Tower for striking William Iohnson a Burgess The 2. of Thomas Lucy 8 Eliz. removed out of the House for giving 4 l. to the Mayor of Westbury to be chosen a Burgess and the Maior fined and imprisoned The 3 of Arthur Hall 23. Eliz. who for discovering and publishing the Conferences of the House and writing a Book to the dishonour of the house was committed to prison These matters were examined and adjudged in the House of Commons Secundum legâ—m Consuetudinem Parliamenti and he thereupon committed to the Tower for 6. Moneths fined 500 marks and expelled the House And in that Parliament 18 Martii a fine was assesâ—ed by the House on every Member that was absent without leave To these alleged by Sir Edw. Cooke I shall superadd the ensuing Sir Robert Brandling was committed to the Tower 27 Eliz. for striking Witheâ—ington a Burgess 3 Jacobi one was fined for causing a Members Servant to be arrested though he claimed his privilege 12 Jacobi Locke and More were ordered by the Commons to ride both on one horse with their faces to the horses tail for arresting a Servant of Mr. Whitlocks then a Member against his privilege which was accordingly executed In 2 Caroli Sir George Hastings being elected knight for Leicestershire and he then being arrested his witnesses had their charges given them against the Sherif and he fined In the Parliament of 3. Caroli Sir Thomas Savils case 29. April 1628. Thomson Sherif and Henloe Alderman of York for abuses in the election were ordered to be committed to the Serjeant of the House during the pleasure of the Commons House to acknowledge their offences at the Barr on their knees and pay all due fees and to make a submission in York In 3. Caroli Mr. John Baber was suspended the house about billetting Souldiers In 3. Car. the Commons house committed Mr. Laughton and Mr. Trelawny to the Tower during pleasure and Sir William Wray and Mr. Edward Trelawny to the Serjeant at Arms and ordered them to make a submission acknowledgement of their offences in the House at the Bar and in the County at the Assises they kneeling at the Barr all the while the Speaker pronounced the Judgement against them for writing menacing Letters to Sir John Elliot and Mr. Coriton and to others of the County of Cornwall disturbing their election and contemning the warrant of the House when sent for In this Parliament of 17 Caroli now sitting the Commons house turned out sundry Members who were Projectors and voted out many others for Delinquency ordering New elections in their places without the King or Lord. I answer 1. That all these objected presidents are of very puny date within time of memory therefore unable to create a Law or custom of Parliament or any right of sole Judicature in the Commons House 2ly They were all made by the Commons themselves unfit Judges in their own cases much less over one another being all of equal Authority and so unable to seclude imprison or fine one another no more than one Judge or Justice to fine imprison or uncommission another since Par in parem non habet imperium 3ly They are all against Law because coram non Judice the Commons House having no right or power of Judicature much less of sole Judicature in our Parliaments but only the King and Lords as I have formerly proved by reasons and presidents in all ages 4ly These
made and if he do not he shall be attainted of the said deed and pay to the party grieved his double damages to be taxed by the Judges of the said Bench for the time being or by Enquest if need be and also he shall make fine and ransom at the kings will which was accordingly executed as appears by 8 H. 4. f. 13 14. And moreover it is accorded in the same Parliament that likewise it be done in time to come in case like By which Petition and Act it is most apparent 1. That the King and Lords have the sole power of judging and punishing the breaches of Privilege of Parliament by batteries wounding or imprisonment and that both in the cases of Knights Citizens and Burgesses and of their menial seruants in such and the like cases 2ly That this Act gives the Commons no power at all to punish any man for breach of privilege in like case but only prescribes a certain remedy for time to come by imprisonment action double damages fine and ransom at the kings pleasure in the Kings Bench not Commons House or Parliament who are not fit to be troubled with such particular cases of privileges which would interrupt the more publike affairs Hence THE KING willing to provide for the ease and tranquillity of them that came to his Parliaments and Councils by his commandment hath ordained and established upon the Commons Petition by the Statute of 11 H. 6. c. 13. That the self same remedy proceeding damages and punishment shall be had in the Kings Bench not Commons House or Parliament as was prescribed in 5 H. 4. c. 6. against any person that shall doe any assault or affray to any Lord Spiritual or Temporal Knight of the Shire Citizen or Burgesse coming to the Kings Parliament or Council by his command How then the Commons can judge or determine such violation of privileges now against these Statutes and presidents and create themselves Judges of them transcends both my Law and reason In the Parliament of 7 H. 4. as I find in a special note though not in the Parliament Roll Sir John Tibetot the Speaker prayed que plest le Roy Seigniors That it would please THE KING AND LORDS that Robert Clifford companion of Richard Chiderough chosen knights for the County of Kent might appear for them both and doe all in both their names as if both of them were present in Parliament which the king and Lords assented to In the Parliaments of 8 H. 4. n. 83. 139. and of 11 H. 4. n. 54. Upon Petitions and complaints of the Commons to the king and Lords there were two Statutes made to prevent the abuses and false retorns of Sherifs touching the Elections of knights of Shires to inflict penalties on them by a Law which formerly were arbitrary at the kings and Lords discretion 7 H. 4. c. 15. and 11 H. 4. c. 1. The penalty inflicted by these Acts on the Sherif for a false return contrary to these Acts is only 100 l. fine to the king and such undue retorns are from thenceforth to be examined and tryed not by the Commons alone by information without Oath as now but by the Justices assigned to take assizes and that by Enquest and due examination upon trial before the said Justices which is likewise afterwards ratified by the Statutes of 6 H. 6. c. 4. 8 H. 6. c. 7. 32 H. 6. c. 15. wherof if the Sherif be found guilty he shall forfeit 100 l. to the king and the knights of Counties unduly returned shall lose their wages of the Parliament of old time accustoned not be turned out by a Committee of Privileges and others chosen in their places by the Commons Order as now And the Statutes of 1 H. 5. c 1. 6 H. 6. c. 4. 8 H. 6. c. 7. 12 H. 6. c. 2. 32 H. 6.15 touching elections of knights Citizens and Burgesses made since the former do not alter this Law nor give the House of Commons the least power or authority to judge or determin the legality or illegality of any elections but leave this to the King and Lords to redress as at first before their making and give the knights duly chosen but not returned 100 l. damages against the Sherif and Citizens and Burgesses 40 l. against Mayors and Baylifs who make false returns by way of action of Debt in the kings Courts at Westminster where the parties must sue for relief or in the Starchamber before the Kings Lords and Council as in Bronkers case Trin. 1. Eliz. not in the Commons house as these Statutes and presidents in our Law-books Dyer f. 113.168 Plowden f. 118. to 131. Old Book of Eniries f. 446 447. resolve How then the Commons are now becom sole Judges of all false returns and elections and that per legem et consuetudinem Parliamenti against all these Acts and presidents let Sir Edward Cooke and others resolve me and the intelligent when they are able not by the objected late arbitrary presidents which are of no value but by antient usage and Law of our Parliaments and solid reason which cannot be produced for to justifie these late Innovations and extravagances It is most true that in the cases of undue elections and breaches of privilege of the Commons house Members or Servants the King and Lords were antiently sole Judges not the Commons in any one case and that upon the Commons own Petitions as the premises evidence and I shall fully manifest by these ensuing punctual presidents In the Parliament of 8 H. 6. n. 39. The Commons petitioned the King for a Law to be made to prevent the manifold tumults uproars at and disorders in the election of knights of the shire by the vulgar rabble and meaner sort of people of small or no estate most busie and tumultuous in them having then a voice that the King by advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal would seclude all from having voices at such elections for the future but freeholders who held 40 s. freehold by the year above all reprisals more than 40 l. a year now or upwards Which the King and Lords assented to and the Statute of 8 H. 6. c. 7. was hereupon made agreeable to this petition with that of 10 H. 6 c. 2. by like Petition in pursuance of it In this very Parliament of 8 H. 6. rot parl n. 57. One William Lake servant to William Mildred a Burgess of London was taken in execution for a Debt and committed Prisoner to the Fleet contrary to the privilege of the Commons house whereupon the Commons petitioned the King that by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal at the special request of the Commons he might be enlarged which the King and Lords assenting unto gave order for his release and authorized the Chancellor to appoint certain Commissioners to take him again in Execution after the Parliament ended The Commons not then claiming the least power
Dantzick or Hamborough in France Spain Denmark or Germany within the Ward of Cheape London a suggestion never made before his time in or by any Law-Book or Record only to rob the Admiralty of its antient unquestionable right and Jurisdiction 3ly That the words of the Statute of 13 R. 2. c. 5. whereon Sir Edward Cook and other Judges ground their Prohibitions to the Admiralty That the Admirals and their deputies shall not meddle from henceforth with any thing done within the Realm of England but only of things done upon the Sea c. are clearly strained and construed by them directly against the words meaning and intent of the Law-makers and Commons Petition whereon it was made For the later clause but ONLY of things done upon the Sea is put in opposition and contradistinction to the precedent words with any thing done within the Realm of England or within the bodies of the Counties as well by land as by water as the Stat. of 15 R. 2. c. 3. 5 Eâ—l c. 5.27 Eliz. c. 11.25 E. 3. c. 2. directly interpret and explain the sense thereof And they strain and apply them to contracts made by Merchants and Mariners not within the Realm of England or bodies of the Counties thereof by land or water but beyond the seas and quite out of the Realm being no part of the Realm or within the body of any County of England or Kings Dominions Than which a greater Solecism and contradiction cannot be imagined against the scope and letter of these Statutes For by this construction they may likewise strain the very Oath of Supremacy That no foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction power c. Ecclesiastical or Spiritual WITHIN THIS REALM With the Statute of 13 Eliz. ch 2. for the abolishing of the usurped Iurisdiction of the Bishop and See of Rome WITHIN THIS REALM and against raising sâ—dition bringing in Bulls Agnus Dei Crosses Pictures c. WITHIN THIS REALM and other the Dominions thereof to the punishment of all such as shall avetr that any forein Prince Person Prelate State Potentate or the Pope have or ought to have any Jurisdiction power or Authority OUT OF THIS REALM or the Dominions thereof or shall raise any sedition or vent Popes Bulls c. in any forein Kingdom or Country as France Spain Italy Poland Germany out of the Realm as if they had done it within this Realm of England 4ly That by the opinion resolution agreement of the Judges of the Kings Bench 1575. and of all the Judges of England whereof Hutton and Crook were 2. 4 Febr. 1632. Hiâ— 8. Caroli the original whereof I produced subscribed with all their hands If sute he commenced in the Court of Admiralty upon Contracts made and other things personal done beyond the Seas or upon the Sea no Prohibition is to be awarded contrary to Sir Edward Cooks opinion This being the Iudgment of all our Judges in former ages wherein no record or president could be produced of any such Prohibition from Richard the 1. till the later end of Queen Elizabeths or King James his reign The Lords upon my Argument were so fully satisfied in this point of Law that they all unanimously and immediately adjudged and ordered notwithstanding Iustice Bacons and Reeves opinions upon the late presidents to the contrary that the Rule for the Prohibition in the Kings Bench should be vacated and that the Delegates should proceed to Sentence in the cause which they did And so my Client got both Judgement and Execution soon after against these Sureties I might here very fitly inform our Levellers and their Confederates That the Lords in Parliament as they did antiently so since the Commons admission unto this Great Council have made not only some Acts for the Government of London without the Commons as in 17 R. 2. n. 25 26 27. Granted Ayds for themselves to the King and likewise for the Merchants by the Merchants consents confirmed Charters Patents in Parliament reversed attainders restored persons attainted and their heirs to Lands and bloud elected the Kings Great Officers Privy Counsellers and prescribed them Laws Rules Orders appointed a Protector during the Kings Minority limited his power and discharged him from his place without the Commons confirmed an imposition upon Cloth by the King against the Commons petition to take it off Ordered a Subsidy to be paid absolutely which the Commons granted but conditionally called receivers of Subsidies and Monies to account without the Commons and opposed the Commons encroachments upon their privileges as you may see in the Parliament Rolls of 13 E. 3. n. 5 6. Parl. 1. Parl. 2. n. 8.15 E. 3. n. 41.21 E. 3. n. 16. Par. 2 R. 2. n. 22. to 27.57 5 R. 2. n. 16. 5 H. 4. n. 51. to 58. 4 H. 6. n. 22. 6 H. 6. n. 22 23. 8 H. 6. n. 13.27 28.14 H. 6. n. 10. 31 H. 6. n. 34. In Claus 50 E. 3. m. 3. 4. De essendo in Parliamento there are writs directed to particular persons in this form Sis coram Nobis et cateris Proceribus et Magnatibus regni nostri Angliae in praesenti Parliamento without mentioning the Commons apud Westm convocato hac instante diâ— Sabbatâ— proxime post futur ad informandum Nosipsos Proceres et Magnates not the Commons super quibusdam de quibus per te volumus informari c. 4. Junii Per Concilium in Parliamento And for the Nobles of Ireland I find this Record Claus 2 E. 3. m. 17. Rex dilecto et fideli suo Johanni Darcy de Nevien Justiciario suo Hyberniae salutem Ex parte quorundam hominum de Hybernia Nobis exstitit supplicatum uâ— per statutum inde faciendum concedere volumus Quod omnes Hybernici qui voluerint legibus utantur Anglicanis ita quod necesse non habeant super hoc Cartas aliquas a Nobis imperrare Nos igitur certiorari volentes si sine aliquo praejudicio praemissis annuere valeamus vobis mandamus quod voluntatem Magnatum terrae illius not of the Commons in proximo Parliamento nostro ibidem tenendo super hoc cum diligentia praesentari facias de eo quod inde inveneritis una cum vestro consilio advisamento Nos distincte aperte cum celeritate qua potestis certificetis hoc Breve nostruÌ„ Nobis remittentes c. upon which Petition the use of the English Laws was afterwards granted as appears by Clause 5 E. 3. part 1. m. 25. But I shall close up this Plea and Supplement with a few Presidents more pertinent to demonstrate the Lords undoubted Right of Judicature Council and Advice in publike affairs both in and out of Parliament In the Parliaments of 5 E. 2. n. 31.4 E. 3. c. 14.36 E. 3. c. 10.50 E. 3. n. 181.1 R. 2. n. 35.2 R. 2. n. 5. It was enacted that a Parliament
should be holden once every year or more often if need be to redress divers mischiefs and grievances which daily happen especially delayes in Judgements and sutes at Law through difficulty or diversity of Opinions among the Judges To prevent which the Statute of 14 E. 3. c. 5. enacts that from henceforth at every Parliament shall be chosen a Prelate two Earls and two Barons which shall have Commission and power of the King to hear by Petition delivered to them the complaints of them that will complain of such delayes and grievances and to cause the records of such Judgements to be brought before them and to hear the cause and reasons of such delayes and by the assistance and advice of the Chancellor Treasurer Justices of both Benches and as many other of the Kings Council as shall seem convenient shall proceed to take a good award and make a good judgement therein And that the Judges shall proceed hastily to give Judgement according to their determination And in case it seemeth to them the difficulty be so great that it may not well be determined without the assent of the Parliament that the said Prelate Earls and Barons shall present the tenor or tenors of the said record or cause to the next Parliament and there shall be a final accord taken what judgement ought to be given in his case And according to this award shall be commanded to the Judges before whom the plea did depend that they shall proceed to give Judgement without delay And to begin to give remedy upon this Ordinance it was assented that a Commission and power be made to the Archbishop of Canterbury the Earls of Arundel and Huntington the Lord of Wake and the Lord Raufe Basset to endure till the next Parliament After which I find this Commission made in pursuance of this Ordinance Edwardus Dei gratia c. authorizing the Bishop of Chichester the Earls of Huntingdon and Devonshire and Tho. Wake of Lidell and Thomas de Berkley Barons assigned to hear querelas omnium qui se de gravaminibus dilationibus sibi factis coram Iustic et aliis conqueri voluerint per avisamentum Cancell Thes Iustic de atroque Banco aliis dâ— Consilio Regis according to the Ordinance made in Parliament 14 Ed. 3. c. 5. that Unus Praelatus Duo Comites et Duo Barones should have Commission and power to hear and determine such complaints Test Rege apud Westm nono die Iunii There is this Petition of the Commons to the King for declaring Treasons in 25 E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 17. Item come les Iustices nostre Seignior le Roy assignez en diversâ—es Countees ajuggent les gentz que sont empeschez devant eux come Traiteurs pur diverses Causes desconues a la Comune estre Treason que please a nostre Seignior le Roy per son Counseâ—l eâ— per les Grantz et sâ—ges de la terre declarer les pointz de Treason en cest present Parlament Quant aâ—la Petition touchant Treason nostre Seignior le Roy ad Fait declarer les Articles de Y celle en maneâ— que ensuit as in the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. â— By which Petition Act and the like Petition in 21 E. 3. n. 15. it is apparent That the Right of declaring Judging what is High Treason in Parliament belongs originally to the King himself by the advise of his Councel Great men and Sages of the Land and not unto the Commons House at whose request the KING then made a Declaration of the Articles of Treason as in this Statute by his Nobles Councils and Iudges advice Therefore the Declaration of all other Treasons in particular cases not within this Statute belongs wholly to the King Lords Council and Judges in the Lords House not to the Commons alone or joyntly with them within the later branch of this Act as well as the Treasons within the body thereof viz. Because that many other like cases of Treason may happen in time to come which a man cannot imagin nor declare at this present time it is accorded that if any other case supposed Treason which is not before specified shall happen de novel before any Iustice the Iustice shall demurâ— without going to Iudgement of the Treason tanque per devant le ROY EN SON PARLEMENT soit le case monstre et declare de que leceo doit estre a jugge Treason ou autre Felony Against the Opinion of Sir Edward Cooks 3 Institutes p. 22. The Commons having no power at all to declare and judge what shall be Treason in such new particular cases but only when a New Treason is made or declared for the future by Bill or Act of Parliament wherein their concurrence is necessary as in all new Acts concerning Treasons since 25 E. 3. as is evident by Mr. Sr. Iohns Argument at Law this very last Parliament at the Attainder of Thomas Earl of Strafford and Mr. Samuel Browns Argument at the Lords House Bar to prove and satisfie the Lords House that he and Archbishop Laud were guilty of High Treason upon the Articles of their several Impeachments exhibited and proved against them of which the Lords and King alone were the proper Iudges but the Commons only their Impeachers and Prosecutors in the Iudicial way of Parliamentary Proceedings as I have formerly evidenced Therefore all the late Votes knacks Declarations of the Commons House alone before or without the Kings House of Lords Declarations Resolutions of sundry things to be high Treason and divers persons to be Traytors upon bare informations suggestions though not within the Letter of 25 E. 3. c. 2. are but meer illegal innovations extravagancies yea Nullities in Law fit to be eternally exploded especially by Lawyers the chiefest Innovators Promoters of them rather out of ignorance or rashnesse than Prudence Law or solid Iudgement for which they can produce no presidents in former ages In the year 1392. the 15 of King Rich. the 2. we have this memorable President of the Lords Iudicature together with the King assembled in a Great Councel without the Commons in the case of the Mayor Sherifs Citizens and City of London thus related by Walsingham at large Misit Rex ad Cives Londoniarum petens ab eis mutuo mille libras cui procaciter et ultra quam decuit restiterunt Sed quendam Lumbardom volentem accommodare regi dictam summam male tractaveâ—unt veâ—beraverunt er paulominus occiderunt Quae cum Rex â—udisset iâ—aâ—us est valde et convocaas omnes regnipene Majorâ—s apperuit proterviam civium Londoniarum et de praesumptione conqueritur eorundem Qui omnes infesti Civibus propter diversas causas consulunt ut reprimatur citius eorum insolentia et superbia destruatur Eranc quippe tunc inter omnes fere nationes gentium clarissimi arrogantissimi et avarissimi ac male creduli in deum traditiones avitas Lolardorum sustentatores
heretofore or to any Judges Justices Governours Generals Captains or other Militarie Officers made by their Commissions or appointment without the generality of the peoples Votes or consent especially when above half or three full parts of the Members were absent or driven from both Houses by the Objectors violence and menaces These Answers premised which have cut off the head of the Objectors Goliah and chief Argument against the Lords sitting in Parliament I shall now proceed to the proof of the Lords undeniable Right and Authority to sit Vote and give Judgement in our Parliaments though not actually elected nor sent to them by the people as Knights and Burgesses are 1. It is evident by the Histories Records of most antient and modern Kingdoms and Republikes in the world that their Princes Nobles Peers and great Officers of State have by their Original Fundamental Laws and Institutions by right of their very Nobility Peerage and great Offices without any particular election of the people a just right and title to sit consult Vote enact Laws and give Judgement in all their General Assemblies of State Parliaments Diets Councels as might be manifested by particular instances in the Kingdoms Republikes Parliaments Diets and General Assemblies of the Jews Aegyptians Grecians Romans Persians Ethiopians Germans French Goths Vandals Hungarians Bohemians Polonians Russians Swedes Scythians Tartars Moors Indians Spaniards Portugals Danes Saxons Scots Irish and many others Hence Dionysius Halicarnasseus Antiquitatum Romanorum l. 2. Sect. 2. affirms That both hereditary and elective Kings even in the antientest times CONSILIUM HABEBANT QUOD EX OPTIMATIbVS CONSTABAT had a Council which consisted of Nobles and Great men as Homer and the most antient Poets attest Neque ut nostro seculo Regum priscorum dominatus erat nimium sui juris neque ab unius sententia pendebat Now to deny the like privilege to our English Peers and Nobles which all Nobles Peers in all other Kingdoms Nations Republikes antiently have enjoyed and yet doe constantly enjoy without exceptions or dispute is a gross injury injustice over-sight yea a great dishonour both to our Nobility and Nation Secondly By and in the very primitive constitution of our English Parliaments for many hundred years together there were no Knights nor Burgesses at all but only the King and his Nobles after which when elected Knights gestes were first sent to Parliament about 49 H. 3. it was granted by the Kings grace and unanimously agreed by the kingdoms peoples general consents that our Parliaments should alwayes be constituted and made up not of Knights and Burgesses only elected only by Freeholders Burgesses not by the generality of the vulgar people who would now claim usurp this right of Election but likewise of the King the Supreme Member by whose writs the Parliaments were and ought to be alwayes summoned and of the Lords Peers Barons ecclesiastical civil and great Officers of the Realm who ought of right to sit vote make Laws and give Judgement in Parliament by vertue of their Peerage Baronies Offices without any election of the people the Commons themselves being no Parliament judicatorie or Law-givers alone without the King and Lords as Modus tenendi Parliamentorum Sir Ed. Cook in his 4. Institutes ch 1. Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour part 2. ch 5. Vowell Cambden Sir Thomas Smith Cowell Minshaw Crompton with others who have written of our English Parliaments assert and all our Parliament Rolls Statutes Law-books resolve without whose threefold concurrent assents there is or can be no legal Act nor Ordinance of Parliament made since the Commons admission to vote in Parliament and assent to Bills which was but of later times out of the Kings frâ—e Grace Thirdly This right of theirs is confirmed by prescription and custom from the very first beginning of Parliaments in this kingdom till this present there being no president to be found in History or Record of any one Parliament held in this Island since it was a kingdom without the King personally or representatively present by a Protector Custos Regni Commissioners as he ought to be or without Lords and Peers antiently stiled Aldermen Heretockes Senators Wisemen Princes Dukes Earls Counts Nobles Great men c. by our Historians who make mention of their constant resorting to sitting voting judging in our General Assemblies and Parliamentary Councils under these Titles without the peoples Election for many hundreds of years before the Conquerors time in the antientest Parliamentary Councils we read of under the Britons and Saxons witness Beda Ingulphus Geoffry Monmouth Huntingdon Matthew Westminster Florentius Wigorniensis Malmsbury Hector Boetius Speed and others in their Histories Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britannicae Spelmanni Concilia Tom 1. Mr. Lambard his Archaion Sir Edward Cook in his Preface to the 9. Report and fourth Institut c. 1. M. Seldens Titles of Honor part 2. c. 5. which I have largely manifested in my Truth triumphing over Falshood Antiquity over Novelty p. 56. to 90. My Historical Collection of the antient Great Councils Parliaments c there being little if any express or direct mention at all of any Knights of Shires Citizens or Burgesses in any of our Parliamentarie Councils before the Conquest or in the Conquerors time nor yet in the reigns of King William Rufus Henry the 1. Stephen Henry 2. Richard 1. King John or first part of the reign of Henry the 3d the first direct Writ of Summons for any Knights Burgesses or Commons to our Parliaments now extant being that of Clause 49 H. 3. m. 10 11. dorso before which no evident testimony can be produced for their sitting or voting in any great Councils or Parliaments as Members but onely out of the Spurious pretended antient though in truth late ridiculous Treatise stiled Modus tenendi Parliamentum on which Sir Edward Cook and others most rely And whereas some conclude that even in the antient Saxon Great Councils the Commons were usually present as Members being comprehended under the Titles of Sapientes Seniores populi Aeldermanni c. which in the dialect of those times signifie rather Lords and Great Men than Commons or Burgesses as all accord or at least wise under these phrases praesentibus omnibus Ordinibus illius Gentis cum viris quibusdam Militaribus rather Soldiers than knights of which we find mention in the Council of Bechenceld Ann. 697. or omnium Sapientum Seniorum POPULORUM totius Regni coupled with these pre-eminent Titles of Omnium Aldermannorum Principum Procerum Comitum who met together in a General Council under Ine Anno 713. Or cujuscunque Ordinis viros in the Council of Clovesho An. 800. which expressions are now and then mentioned in some antient Councils and Parliaments though rarely yet these are rather conjectural or probable than direct or punctual proofs of what they assert whenas the Lords Title to sit and vote in them is most direct and infallible And
if that of Ingulphus with other our Historians and some Lawyers be true which Sir Edward Cook and Mr. Selden deny that King Alfred first divided the Realm into Counties as all grant he did into Hundreds and Tithings and erected Hundred Courts wherein Knights of the Shire were alwaies yet are and ought to be elected there could be no Knights of Shires at least if any Citizens or Burgesses to serve in Parliament before this division though there were Earls Dukes Barons before his reign who were present by the Kings summons not peoples elections at our Great Councils or Parliaments as Mr. Selden and Sir Henry Spelman undeniably manifest and I have elsewhere proved at large Their sitting voting judging therefore in Great Councils Parliaments being so antient clear and unquestionable ever since their first beginning til now and the sitting of Knights Citizens Burgesses by the peoples election in our antientest Great Councils Parliaments not so clearly evident by History or Records as theirs we must needs acknowledge subscribe to this their Right and Title or else deny the Knights Citizens Burgesses rights to sit vote in our Great Councils Parliaments rather than theirs who have not so antient nor clear a Title or right as they by many hundreds of years Fourthly This Right and Privilege of theirs is vested legally in them by the very Common Law and Custom of the Realm which binds all men By the unanimous consent of all our Ancestors and all the Commons of England from age to age assembled in Parliament since they sat in any Parliaments who alwaies consented to desired and never opposed the Lords sitting voting power or Judicature in Parliament and by Magna Charta it self signed and ratified by King John wherein it is expresly granted Ad habendum COMMUNE CONCILIVM REGNI de auxiliis assidendis de Scutagiis assidendis submoneri faciemus Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates Comites MAJORES BARONES REGNI singulatim per Literas nostras c. And in the Great Charter of King Henry the 3. they are first mentioned and provided for Hereupon King Henry the third not long after Magna Charta was granted and at the same time it was proclamed confirmed with a most solemn Excommunication in the presence of all the Lords and Commons by all the Bishops of England against the infringers thereof summoning a Parliament at London in the year 1255. to aid him in his warrs in Apulia the Earls and Barons absolutely refused to give him any assistance or answer at all for this reason Quod omnes Barones tunc temporis non fuerunt juxta tenorem Magnae Chartae suae vocati ideo sine Paribus suis tunc absentibus nullum voluerunt tunc responsum dare vel Auxilium concedere vel praestare That ALL THE BARONS were not summoned by him to this Parliament as they ought to be according to the tenor of Magna Charta whereupon they departing in discontent and refusing to sit longer the Parliament was first adjourned and at last dissolved And upon this very ground among others the Parliament of 21 R. 2. with all the Acts and proceeding therein were totally repealed and nulled by the Parliament of 1 H. 4. because the Lords who adhered to the King were summoned by him to the Parliament and some of the opposite party imprisoned impeached unsummoned and many of the Knights of the shire were elected only by the Kings nomination and Letters to the Sherifs And the Parliament it self kept by force viris armatis et sagittariis immensis brought out of Cheshire as an extraordinary guard quartered in the Kings Court at Westminster and about Charing Crosse and the Muse of which Grafton and other Historians write thus That they fell into so great pride of the Kings favour that they accounted the King to be as their fellow and they set the Lords at nought yet few or none of them were Gentlemen but taken from the plough and Cart and other Crafts And after these rustical people had a while courted they entred into so great a boldness that they would not let neither within nor without the Court to beat and slay the Kings good Subjects to take from them their victuals and pay for them little or nothing at their pleasure as our free-quarâ—erers do now falling at last to ravish mens wives and daughters And if any man fortuned to complain of them to the King he was soon rid out of the way no man knew how or or by whom so as they did what they listed the King not caring to doe justice upon them but favouring them in their mis-doings confiding in them and their guards against any others of the kingdom which gave the Lieges of his kingdom great matter of commotion and discontent The bringing up of which guard to Westminster to force and overawe the Parliament to effect his designs is one principle Article exhibited against him by the Parliament of 1 H. 4. wherein he was forced to resign his Crown and then deposed I pray God our new armed Guard and Courtiers at Whitehall and the Muse of as mean condition as those fall not by degrees to the self-same exorbitances contempt of the King Lords Parliament and oppression of the people to their general mutining and discontent In the Parliaments of 6 E. 3. N. 1. Parl. 2 N. 5.6 8 9 8 E. 3. N. 5. 15 E. 3. N. 4. 17 E. 3. N. 2. 20 E. 3. N. 5. 21 E. 3. N. 4. 22 E. 3. N. 1. 25 E. 3. N. 1. 29 E. 3. N. 4. 30 E. 3. N. 1. 37 E. 3. N. 1. 42 E. 3. N. 1. 50 E. 3. N. 1. 51 E. 3. N. 3. 1 R. 2. N. 1. 2 R. 2. N. 1. 3 R. 2. N. 1. 4 R. 2. N. 1. 5 R. 2. N. 65. 6 R. 2. N. 6. 7 R. 2. N. 1. 9 R. 2. N. 1. 8 H. 4. N. 54. We find in these Parliament Rolls that these Parliaments have been usualy prorogued adjourned from the days they were summoned to meet and have not saie nor acted at all because sundry of the Lords some Commons were not come but absent by reason of foul weather shortness of warning or other publique imployments all their personal presence in Parliament being reputed necessary and expedient And 20 R. 2. N. 8. The Commons themselves in Parliament required the King to send for such Bishops and Lords who were absent to come to tho Parliament before they would consult upon what the Chancellor propounded to them in the Kings name and behalf to consider of To recite no more antient presidents In the Parliament of 2 Caroll the Earl of Arundel not sitting in the Parliament being after his summons committed by the King to the Tower of London about his Sons mariage May 25. 1626. without the Lords privity and consent whereby their privileges were infringed and the House deprived of one of their Members presence thereupon the House of
Peers made this memorable Petition and Remonstrance of their Privileges to the King The humble Remonstrance and Petition of the Peers MAy it please your Majestie we the Peers of this Realm now assembled in Parliament finding the Earl of Arundel absent from his place amongst us his presence was therefore called for But thereupon a message was delivered us from your Majestie by the Lord Keeper That the Earl of Arundel was restrained for a misdemeanor which was personal to your Majesty and lay in the proper knowledge of your Majesty and had no relation to matter of Parliament This Message occasioned us to inquire into the Acts of our Ancestors and what in like cases they had done that so we might not erre in a dutifull respect to your Majesty and yet preserve our right and privileges of Parliament And after diligent search made both of all Stories Statutes and Records that might inform us in this case we find iâ— to be an undoubted Right and constant Privilege of Parliament That no Lord of Parliament sitting in Parliament or within the usual time of Privilege of Parliament is to be imprisoned or restrained without sentence or order of the House unlesse it be â—or Treason or Felony or for refusing to give surety for the Peace And to satisfie our selves the better we have heard all that could be aleged by your Majesties learned Counsel at Law that might any way infringe or weaken this claim of the Peers and to all that can be shewed or alleged so full satisfaction hath been given as that all the Peers in Parliament upon the question made of this Privilege have una voce consented that this is the undoubted right of the Peers and hath been inviolably enjoyed by them Wherefore we your Majesties loyal Subjects and humble Servants the whole body of the Peers in Parliament assembled most humbly beseech your Majesty that the Earl of Arundel a Member of this Body may presently be admitted by your gracious favour to come sit and serve your Majesty and the Commonwealth in the great affairs of this Parliament And we shall pray c. Upon which Remonstrance and Petition the King refusing to inlarge him thereupon the Lords to maintain their Privilege adjourned themselves on the 25 and 26 of May without doing any thing and upon the Kings refusal to release him they adjourned from May 26 till June 2. refusing to sit and so the Parliament dissolved in discontent his imprisonment in this case being a breach of privilege contrary to Magna Charta In this very Parliament the Lord Digby Earl of Bristol being omitted out of the summons of Parliament upon complaint to the Lords House was by order admitted to set therein as his Birthright from which he might not be debarred for want of Summons which ought to have been sent unto him ex debito Iustitiae as Sir Edward Cook in his 4 Institutes p. 1. The Act for ttriennial Parliaments and King John great Charter resolve And not long after the beginning of this Parliament upon the Kings accusation and impeachment of the Lord Kimbolton and the five Members of the Commons House both Houses adjourned and sate not as Houses till they had received satisfaction and restitution of those Members as the Journals of both Houses manifest it being an high breach of their Privileges contrary to the Great Charter If then the Kings bare not summoning of some Pears to Parliament who ought to sit there by their right of Perage or impeaching or imprisoning any Peer unjustly to disable them to sit personally in Parl. be a breach of Privilege of the fundamental Laws of the Realm and Magna Charta it self confirmed in above 40 successive Parliaments then the Lords right to sit vote and judge in Parliament is as firm and indisputable as Magna Charta can make it and consented to confirmed by all the Commons people and Parliaments of England that ever consented to Magna Charta though they be not eligible every Parliament by the Freeholders people as Knights and Burgesses ought to be and to deny this birthright and privilege of theits is to deny Magna Charta it self and this present Parliaments Declarations proceedings in the case of the Lord Kimbolton a Member of the House of Peers Fifthly The Treatise intituled The manner of holding Parliaments in England in Edward the Confessors time befose the Conquest rehearsed afterwards before William the Conquerour by the discreet men of the Kingdom and by himself approved and used in his time and in the times of his successors Kings of England if the Title be true and the Treatise so antient as Sir Edward Cook others now take it to be When as its mention of the Bishop of Carlisles usual place in Parliaments which Bishoprick was not founded till the year of our Lord 1132. or 1134. as Matthew Paris Matthew Westminster Roger Hoveden Godwin and others attest in the later end of Henry the first his reign Its menâ—ion of the Mayors of London other Cities and writs usually directed to them to elect two Citizens to serve in Parliament whereas London it self had no Mayor before the year 1208. being the 9. year of King John nor other Cities Mayors til divers years after nor can any Writs for electing Knights of Shires Citizens or Burgesses to serve in Parliament which it oft times writes of be produced before 49 H. 3. nor any Writs to levy their expences or wages for their Service in Parliaments which it recites be produced before the reign of King Edward the 1. Nor was the name of Parliament which it mentions and writes of so much as used by any Author before the later end of King Henry the 3. his reign after whose reign this Modus was certainly compiled towards the end of K. Richard the 2. or after as other passages in it evidence beyond all contradiction This magnified Treatise be it genuine or spurious determines thus of the Kings and Lords rights to be personally present in all Parliaments The King is bound by all means possible to be present at the Parliament unless he be detained or let there from by bodily sickness and then he may keep his Chamber yet so that he lye not without the Manour or Town where the Parliament is held and then he ought to send for twelve persons of the greatest and best of them that are summoned to the Parliament that is two Bishops two EARLS two BARONS two Knights of the Shire two Burgesses and two Citizens to look upon his person to testifie and witness his estate and in their presence he ought to make a Commission and give Authority to the Archbishop of the Place the Steward of England and Chief Justice that they joyntly and severally should begin the Parliament and continue the same in his name express mention being made in that Commission of the cause of his absence thence which ought to suffice and admonish the OTHER NOBLES
be both Judge and Party it behoveth of Right that the King should have COMPANIONS for to hear and determine IN PARLIAMENTS all Writs and Plaints of the Wrongs of the King of the Queen and of their Children and of those especially who otherwise could not have common right concerning their wrongs These Companions are now called Counts after the Latine word Comites For the good Estate of the Realm King Alfred assembled the COUNTS or Earls and ordained by a Perpetual Law that twice a year or oftner they should assemble at London in Parliament to consult of the Government of the people of God c. By which Estate or Parliament many Laws and Ordinances were made which be there recites Bracton l. 1. c. 8. l. 2. c. 16. l. 3. c. 9. in Henry the 3d. his reign and Fleta l. 2. c. 2. p. 66. write thus in Edw. the first his reign in the same words Habet enim Rex cuâ—iaÌ„ suam in concilio suo in Parliamentis suis PRAESENTIBUS Praelatis COMITIBUS BARONIBUS PROCERIBUS aliis viris peritis ubi terminatae sunt dubitationes judiciorum novis injuriis emersis nova constituuntur remedia And l. 17. c. 17. he writes thus Rex in populo regendo superiores habet Videlicet Legem per quam est Rex Curiam suam to wit of Parliament videlicet COMITES BARONES Comites enim à Comitia dicuntur qui cum viderint Regem sine froeno Froenum sibi apponere TENENTVR ne clament subditi Domine Jesu Christe in Chamo froeno maxillas eorum constringe Sir Tho. Smith in his Commonwealth of England l. 2. c. 1. John Vowel and Ralph Holinshed vol. 1. c. 6. p. 173. Mr. Cambden in his Britannia p. 177. John Minshaw in his Dictionary Cowel in his Interpreter Title Parliament Powel in his Attorneys Accademy and others unanimously conclude That the Parliament consisteth of the KING the LORDS SPiRITUAL and TEMPORAL and the Commons which STATES represent the body of all England which make but one Assembly or Court called the Parliament and is of all other the Highest and greatest Authority and hath the most high and absolute power of the Realm And that no Parliament is or can be holden without the King and Lords Mr. Crompton in his Jurisdiction of Courts affirms particularly of the High Court of Parliament f. 1. c. This Court is the highest Court of England in which the King himself sits in person and comes there at the beginning and end of the Parliament and at any other time when he pleaseth ordering the Parliament To this Court come all the Lords of Parliament as well Spiritual as temporal and are severally summoned by the Kings writ at a certain day and place assigned The Chancellor of England and other great Officers or Judges are there likewise present together with the Knights Citizens and Burgesses who all ought to be personally present or else to be amerced and otherwise punished if they come not being summoned unles good cause be shewed or in case they depart without the Houses or Kings special license after their appearance before the Sessions ended And he resolves That the King Lords and Commons doe all joyntly make up the Parliament and that no Law nor Act of Parliament can be made to bind the subject without all their concurrent assents Sir Edward Cook not only in his Epistle before his ninth Report and Institutes on Littleton p. 109 110. But likewise in his 4. Institutes published by Order of the Commons themselves this present Parliament c. 1. p. 1 2. c. writes thus of the high and Honourable Court of Parliament This Court consisteth OF THE KINGS MAJESTIE sitting there as in his royal politick capacity and of the three Estates of the Realm viz. Of the Lords Spiritual Archbishops and Bishops being in number 24. who sit there in respect of their Counties or Baronies parcel of their Bishopricks which they hold also in their politick capacity and every one of these when the Parliament is to be holden ought ex debito Justitiae to have a writ of summons The LORDS TEMPORAL Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts and Barons who sit there by reason of their dignities which they hold by descent or creation And likewise EVERY ONE OF THESE being of full age OUGHT TO HAVE a writ of summons EX DEBITO JUSTITIAE The third Estate are the Commons of the Realm whereof there be Knights of Shires or Counties Citizens of Cities and Burgesses of Boroughs All which are respectively elected by the Shires or Counties Cities and Boroughs by force of the Kings writ ex debito Justitiae and none of them ought to be omitted and these represent all the Commons of the whole Realm and trusted for them and are in number at this time 403. He adds And it is observed that when there is best appearance there is the best successe in Parliament At the Parliament holden in the 7. year of H. 5. holden before the Duke of Bedford Guardian of England of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal there appeared but 30. in all at which Parliament there was but one Act of Parliament passed and that of no great weight In An. 50 E. 3. all the Lords appeared in person and not one by Proxy at which Parliament as appeareth by the Parliament Roll so many excellent things were sped and done that it was called Bonum Parliamentum And the King and these three estates are the great Corporation or body of the kingdom and doe sit in two Houses and of this Court of Parliament the King is Caput Principium Finis The Parl. cannot begin but by the Royal presence of the King either in person or representation by a Gardian of England or Commissioners both of them appointed under the great Seal of England c. And 42 E. 3. Rot. Parl. num 7. It is declared by the Lords and Commons in full Parliament upon demand made of them on the behalf of the King That they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disinherison of the King and his Crown whereunto they were sworn And p. 35. he hath this special observation That it is observed by antient Parliament men out of Records that Parliaments have not succeeded well in five cases First when the King hath been in difference with his Lords with his Commons Secondly When any of the great Lords were at variance between themselves Thirdly When there was no good correspondence between the Lords and Commons Fourthly When there was no unity between the Commons themselves in all which our present Parliament is now most unhappy and so like to miscarry and succeed very ill Fifthly When there was no preparation for the Parliament before it began every of which he manifests by particular instances From all these and sundry other Authorities it is most evident and transparent That both the King himself and Lords ought of
the Commons may sit alone as Cyphers but not as a Parliament or Council to vote impose or act any thing that is binding to the people since regularly they neither are nor ever yet were in any age no more a Parliament in any case without the King and Lords then the King and Lords alone are now a Parliament though antiently they were so of themselves without the Commons or the trunk of a man a perfect man without head or shoulders If 3. be joyntly impowred or commissioned to do any act by Commission Deed or Warrant any one or two of them can doe nothing without the third If many be in Commission of the Peace Sewers or the like three of the Quorum joyntly to act therein joyntly if any one of the three be absent or dead all the rest can doe nothing because their authority is joynt not single In Parliament it self if either house appoint a Committee of 3 5 or 7. to examine act or execute any thing if but one of this number be absent or put out the rest can doe nothing that is legal or valid even by course of Parliament neither can either House sit and vote as a House unlesse there be so many Members present as by the Law and custom of Parliament will make up an House as every mans experience can inform him If these Levellers then will absolutely cut off or exclude the King or Lords from the Parliament they absolutely null and dissolve it and the Act for continuing this Parliament cannot make nor continue the Commons alone together as a Parliament no more than the Lords or King alone without the Commons the King or either house alone being no Parliament but both conjoyned and enlivened with the Kings personal or representative presence The cutting off the head alone or of the head and shoulders altogether destroys and kills the body Politick and Parliament as well as the body natural If the King dies or resigns his Crown or be deposed the Parliament thereby is actually dissolved as it was resolved in the Parl. of 1 H. 4. n 1 2 3. 1 H. 5. n. 26. 4 E. 4.44 and Cooks 4 Institutes p. 46. The last Parliament of 21 Jac. dissolved by his death So if the Lords or Commons dissolve and leave their House without any adjournment or if the King by his Writ dismisse or dissolve either of the Houses the Parliament is thereby dissolved as the forecited Presidents and the latter clause of the writ for the election of Knights and Burgesses manifests And a new kind of Parliament consisting only of Commoners when the old one only within the Act for continuing this Parliament made up both of King Lords and Commons is dissolved neither will nor can be supported or warranted by the Letter or intention of this Law or any other Law custom or right whatsoever Ninthly All the Petitions of the Commons in all antient modern Parliaments to the King Peers for their redresse of grievances recorded in our antient Parliamentary Rolls The usual Prologue to most of our antient printed Statutes in the Statutes at large in Poulton The King at the request of the Commons of or by the assent of the Prelates Dukes Earls Barons and other great men there assembled hath ordained these things or Acts underwritten all Acts of Parliament now extant usually running in this form The King with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament hath ordained And be it enacted by the Kings moct excellent Majesty the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in this present Parliament assembled The famous Petition of Right 3 Car. so much insisted on beginning thus Humbly shew unto our Soveraign Lord the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled thus answered by the King Let right be done as is desired The Act for continuing this Parliament made by the King and Lords as well as by the Commons who never intended to exclude themselves out of this Parliament by that Act or that it should continue if either of them were quite dismembred from it with all Acts and Ordinances since Yea the very Protestation and Solemn League and Covenant taken by the Commons Lords and prescribed by them to all others throughout the three kingdoms which couple the Lords and Commons always together neither of them alone being able to make any binding Act nor Ordinance to the Subjects unlesse they both concurr and have the Kings royal assent thereto no more than one Member alone of the House can make a House and ranck the Lords always before the Commons and the King before them both so firmly hold forth establish the Lords and Kings undoubted Rights to sit and Vote in Parliament and decry this new invented Monopoly of a sole Parliament of Commons without King or Lords and that absolute Sovereign Power these Lilburnists new Lights have spied out and set up for them in Utopia that impudency it self would blush to vent such mad absurd irrational Frenzies and Paradoxes as these crack brain'd persons dare to publish and they may with as much truth and reason argue that one man is three that the Leggs and trunk of a man are a perfect man without head neck arms and shoulders or that the Leggs Ribs Bowels of the Body are and ought to be placed above the head neck shoulders as that the House of Commons are or ought to be an entire Parliament the sole Legislative Power the only Supreme Authority paramount both King and Lords who must not now have so much as a Negative voice to deny or contradict any of the Commons Votes or Ordinances though never so rash unjust dishonourable prejudicial or dangerous to the whole Kingdom as these new Dogmatists affirm Tenthly The Commons themselves in their joynt Declaration and Resolution with the Lords this Parliament concerning his Majesties late Proclamation 9 August 1642. printed by their special order declare and stile his House of Péers to be the Hereditary Counsellors of the Kingdom The like they declare in their Declaration of 16 January 1642. Mr. John Pym in his Speech at Guildhall in London 14 January 1642. made and printed by the Commons special order asserted That the Lords have an Hereditary interest in making Laws in this Kingdom The Commons House in their Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom 15 December 1641. affirm That the Peers are the Kings Great Council That the King summoned the Great Council of Péers to meet at York the 24. of September and there declared a Parliament to begin the 3. of November following In which Parliament when the Lords and Commons met they add But what can we the Commons doe without the conjunction of the House of Lords and what conjunction can we expect there when the Bishops and Recusant Lords are so numerous and prevâ—lent thereby confessing that without the Lords concurrence who are the Great Council of the Realm the
Kings accusation at the Bar of the whole House And for my part I am resolved to speak well of those that have done me justice and not to doubt they will deny it me till such time as by experience I find they doe it And at that time he was so much for the Loâ—ds that he writes most disgracefully derogatorily of the Commons House and other his Confederates by his example tells them of their want of power injustice and illegal proceedings quarrels only with them and their Committees for their delays and injustice towards him telling them to their faces in many of his former and late printed Libels That they have no power at all to commit or examin him or any other Commons of England without the Lords nor yet to give or take an Oath That they are but a peece and lowest part of the Parliament not a Parliament alone That they can make no binding Votes Ordinances or Laws nor commit nor command any Commoner without the Lords and in one or two Pamphlets more he endeavours to prove them to be now no lawfull house of Commons at all nor would he ever acknowledge them to be so and that he would make no more conscience of cutting theirs and the Lords throats the Tyrants and Oppressors at Westminster than of killing so many Weasels and Polcats with many other like scurrilous and mutinous expressions His own printed Papers Petitions Actions therefore are an unanswerable confutation of his malicious coÌ„tradictions of their Authority and judicature since for their exemplary justice on him And he must either now re-acknowlege thâ—ir right of sitting voting judging in Parliament to be lawfull or else renounce his own former Petitions and addresses to them for justice retract all his former printed Papers asserting their judicature and extolling their justice yea disclaim their judgement for vacating his own sentence in the Starchamber their awarding him damages and passing an Order to recover them as meerly null and void being made before no lawfull nor competent Judges as now he writes since not elected by the Peoples Vote Let those his followers who admire him for his Law observe these his palpable invincible contradictions and be ashamed and afraid to follow such an ignorant erronious guide who writes only out of malice faction not of judgement as his contradictions evidence 13ly The Acts for preventing the inconveniencies happening by the long intermission of Parliaments And to prevent the inconveniences which may happen by the untimely adjourning proroging or dissolving the Parliament made this Parliament and assented to by the King at the Commons importunity confirm the Lords interest right to sit and Vote in Parliament beyond all dispute and give them now power to summon a Parliament themselves in some cases in default of the King his Chancellor and Officers 14ly The antient form still continued till this day of dismissing and dissolving Parliament the King licenseth THE LORDS and COMMONS TO DEPART HOME and TAKE THEIR EASE 37 E. 3. n. 34. 38 E. 3. n. 18. 40 E. 3. n. 16. 43 E. 3. n. 34. 45 E. 3. n. 8.13 47 E. 3. n. 7. and all Parliaments since proves their right of sitting in and attending the service of the Parliament in person without special license of the King dispencing with their absence during its continuance in despite of all ignorant cavils to the contrary The Kings license of them to depart being void and nugatory if not bound by Law to attend the Parliament in person as well as the Commons 15ly Finally this hereditary right of the English Barons Lords is demonstrated resolved in this very clause of their Patents of creation when first created Earls or Barons inserted into all Patents since 20 H. 2. and implyed by our Laws though not precisely mentioned in all the antient Patents of creation before Volentes per praesentes concedentes pro nobis haeredibus successoribus nostris quod praefotus A. Comes vel Baro c. S. haeredes sui masculi ut Comites vel Barones de S. in omnibus teneantur tractentur reputentur et eorum quilibet habeat teneat et possideat sedem et locum in Parlamentis nostris haeredum et successorum nostrorum inâ—ra regnum nostrum Angliae inter alios Comites vel Barones ut Comes vel Baro. Than which nothing than be more positive and direct in point I shall close up all the premises with two memorable Clauses in two writs of Summons to Parliament evidencing not only the undoubted right but absolute necessity of the Lords personal fitting voting and advising in our Parliaments In the Parliament held at York in the 6 year of King Edward the third the Archbishop of Canterbury with some other Bishops and Nobles being absent thereupon the Prelates Nobles Knights and Burgesses there present refused to act any thing and resolved they could conclude nothing by reason of their absence whereupon they prayed the King to adjourn the Parliament and by a new Writ to summon the Archbishop and all other Bishops and Lords then absent personally to appear at York on the day whereto the Parliament was adjourned under a penalty as is evident by these Clauses in the Writs of Summons then issued Rex é venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuar. c. Verum quia dictis negotiis in eodem Parliamento praepositis quae salvationem jurium Coronae nostrae regni nostri intimè contingunt Et nobis incidunt multum cordi per Praelatos Proceres Milites Comitatuum tunc ibidem praesentes deliberato consilio responsum existit quod in tam arduis negotiis sine vestri ac aliorum Prelat ac Magnat et Procerum prodictorum absentium praesentia consilium et assensum praebere non possunt nec debent Ita quod nobis cum instaâ— a suppli◠〈◊〉 Paâ—liam illud usque ad diem Mercurâ—iâ— octavâ—s Sancti Hilari prox iâ—de futur continuari seu proâ—ogari inteâ—im vos eâ— caeteros Prelatos et Proceres tunc absentes convocari faceremus Ac nos quanquam huâ—usmodi â—iâ—tio noâ—s dâ—mâ—sâ— eâ— periculosa plurimum videâ—tur eorum Petitioni in hac parte annuentes c. Parliamentum praedictum usque ad octav praedictas duximus continuandum seu prorogandum Ac Praelatis Magnatibus Militibus Civibus Burgensibus injâ—nximus quod tunc ibid. intersint quacunque excusatione cessante ac omnibus aliis praetermissis Ne igitur contingat quod absit dicta negotia ad nostri regni nostri damnum dedecus per vestri seu aliorum ABSENTIAM ulterius prorogari vobis in fide dilectione quibus nobis tenemini et sub periculo quod incumbit districte iniungendo mandamus quod omni excusatione cessanie sitis personaliter apud Ebor. in dictis Octab. nobiscum cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus dicti regni nostri super dictis negotiis tractaturus et
Peers without joyning with the Commons num 6 7 18 c 26 27 35 37. which course they held in most following Parliaments In the Parliaments of 47 E. 3. numero 15. 50 E. 3. n. 8. 51 E. 3. n. 18. 1 R. 2. n. 14. 2 R. 2. n. 23. 5 R. 2. n. 14. 6 R. 2. n. 14. Parl. 2. n. 8. 7 R. 2. n. 9.19 4 H. 4. n. 10.11 The Commons Petition the King for certain Lords to be sent to them as a Commiâ—tee to assist and advise them in the matters propounded to them by the King and his Chancellor wherein their advise was required as being more able to advise and counsel them than any of their own Members In the Parliament of 6 R. 2. Par. 2. n. 7. The Commons being demanded their advice touching the war with Flanders and the Kings going thither in person with an Army answered That this consultation did properly belong to the King and Lords yet it being their pleasures to charge the Commons to deliver their conceits therein they thereupon did it with this Protestation that what they spake was not by way of COUNSEL but to shew their advice Whereto was answered for the King That there was but lâ—ttle difference between Counsel and Advice In the Parliament of 7 R. 2. n. 16 17. The Commons being charged to deliver their Opinions touching Peace with France For answer to Peace said That it beseemed them not to intermeddle with their Counsel therein And therefore referred the whole order thereof to the King and his Counsel of Lords Whereupon the Commons being urged to declare whether they desired Peace or Warr for one they must chuse Answered an honourable Peace for the King but for that in the Articles were conteined many terms of the Civil Law which they understood not and for that they understood the Articles were The King should hold Guienne of the French by Homage and Service they knew not what to say only they hope that the King meant not to hold Calice and other Countries gotten by the sword of the French In the Parliament of 17 R. 2. n. 17. The Commons being demanded their opinions concerning Peace with France declared by their Speaker That the same passed their capacity and therefore they referred themselves to the King Lords Council And the rather for that the Lords and Council affirmed that those woâ—ds Homage Soveraignty and Resort conteined in the Indenture of Peace should be modâ—rated c. In the Pâ—rliament of 20 R. 2. n. 9. The Commons excuse themselves touching the Embassadors and Embassie sent to France for peace referring the same to the Kings own pleasare and the Lords I shall conclude with one President more most suitable to the present deplorable condition of our State and worthy imitation In the Parliament of 5 Hen. 4. Rot. Parl. num 9 10. The Commons having presented to the King in Parliament divers grievances in the ill-managing of his Revenues the decay of his Castles Houses and Parks the great povertie and pressures of his Subjects and danger of the Enemies thereupon they most intirely and cordially prayed the King to consider the eminent perils of all parts of the Realm by reason of the Enemies and Rebels of which they had news from day to day and that as the case then stood if such mischiefs were not speedily and graciously remedied and reformed in this Parliament it might fall out upon sodain arrival of Enemies or by some other means this Parliament must of necessity be departed from by all and dissolved so as the Lords and Commons should never re-assemble again to redress the said Mischiefs and others which God defend And therefore that it would please the King considering the high Wisdoms and Discretions of the Lords and that they had knowledge of many Perils and Matters which could not be so clearly known to the King that he would now in this present Parliament charge all his Lords Spiritual and Temporal upon the faith they principally owe to God and the faith Homage and Allegiance which they owe to our Lord the King himself for the aid and salvation of themselves and of all the Realm that the said Lords would counsel and shew him their advice and wholesom counsel in this behalf severally and intirely without dissimulation or adulation having regard to the great mischiefs and necessity aforesaid And thereupon our Lord the King most graciously with his own mouth in full Parliament charged and commanded as well the Lords as the said Commons that they should doe their diligence and shew unto him their good and wholesom Counsels in this behalf for the aid of him and all his Realm And after the said Commons in the same Parliament made request to the said Lordt that seeing the King had given them such a charge and command and that in so high a manner of Record that they would do their diligence well and loyally to pursue the same without any courtesie made between them in any manner as they would answer before the most High and before our Lord the King and to all the realm in time to come and that the Commons themselves thereupon would do the like on their party Which if both Lords and Commons would now cordially and sincerely promise and engage to do without self-ends or inâ—ests we might see our Church and Kingdom speedily setled in a peaceable and happy condition In brief the Lords alone in the very Writs for chusing Knights and Burgesses are stiled The Common Council of the Kingdom and the Knights Citizens and Burgesses are called to effect and assent to that which they and the King by their common advice shall Ordain and 5 Rich. 2. Parl. 2. n. 3. 6 R. 2. n. 8 9 11 26. and Parl. 2 R. 2. n. 7.9 they are called THE GREAT COUNCIL OF LORDS by reason of their extraordinary wisdom and abilities And so are they expresly stiled by the whole House of Commons themselves in their first printed Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom 15 Decemb. 1641. Exact Collection p. 13. Therefore most fit to sit counsel advise voâ—e and judge in Parliament Secondly The Lords and great Officers of the Realm as such were ever reputed persons of greatest Valour Courage Power in regard of their great interests Estates worth many whole Boroughs of which divers of them are sole Lords their allies and retainers and so best able to withstand redress all publike grievances exactions encroachments of the King his Officers and others upon their own and the peoples Liberties Laws Great Charters in defence whereof they have in antient times been alwaies most ready active to spend not only their estates but bloud and lives too wherewith they have redeemed preserved those Laws Liberties Great Charters concerning their Freedoms we now enjoy and contend for And in this regard our Ancestors in point of wisdom policy reason right thought meet that ex congruo et condigno et debito Justitiae they
Liberties from vassalage to the Norman yoke assembling all the Commons of Kent to Canterbury informed them That they were born freemen that the name of bondage was never heard amongst them that nothing but servitude attended them if they unworthily submitted to the insolency of the invading Enemy as others had done And thereupon exhorted them manfully to fight for the Laws and Liberties of their County chusing rather to end an unhappy life by fighting valiantly for them in the field than to undergoe an unaccustomed yoke of bonduge or to be reduced from their known Liberties to an unknown and unsure slavery After which the Archbishop and Abbot chusing rather to dye in battel than to behold the misery and slavery of their Native Country became the Captains of the Kentish Army which they raised and by a Stratagem invironing Duke William and his whole Army at Swanscomb they procured this Grant and Concession from him That all the people of Kent should for ever enjoy their antient Liberties without diminution and use the Laws and antient Customs of their Country they being resolved as Stigand told the Duke rather to part with their lives than them Liberty being the proper badge of Kentishmen After which Duke William marching to London to be Crowned King Cumque â—eracta victoria Tyranni nomen exhorrescens et legitimi Principis personam induere Gestiens à Stigando tunc temporis Canâ—uariensi Episcopo consecrari deposceret Ille out of an heroick gallant English Christian spirit Viro ut aiâ—bâ—t Cruento et alienâ— juris Invasori manus imponere nullatenus adquievit Whereupon he was crowned by Aldred Archbishop of York King William for this his stoutness and opposition in defence of his Countries Laws and Liberties under a pretence of honor first carried him with him into Normandy as a Prisoner at large afterwards upon feigned pretences caused him to be deprived of his Archbishoprick and then shut him up Prisoner in the Castle of Winchester where he soon after died of grief or famine having scarce enough allowed him to keep soul and life together Such a curb and terror was he to him whiles he lived in place and power that he could not carry on his designs against the English to captivate or enslave them till he was removed out of the way of this Conqueror who came to the Crown by the effusion of so much Christian bloud that Gulielmus Neubrigensis gives this censure of it and let all other invaders of the Crown by bloud observe it Sane quod idem Christianos innoxios hostiliter Christianus impetiit et tanto sibi sanguine Christianum Regnum paravit quantae apud homines gloriae tantae etiam apud Deum noxae fuit Whence Stigand refused to crown him Simon Monâ—eâ—ort Earl of Leicester the greatest Pillar and General of the Barons in the wars against King Henry the 3d for the preservation corroboration of Magna Charta the Liberties and Properties of the People was so terrible to this extravagant oppressive King frequently violating both his Great Charters Laws Oaths That being perswaded to enter into his house in a tempest of thunder and lightning which he very much feared the Earl courteously meeting him and saying Why do you fear tht tempest is now past the King thereunto replyed not jestingly but seriously with a stern countenance I fear thundring and lightning above measure but by the head of God I tremble more at thee than at all the thundring and lightning in the world Being afterwards slain in the Battel of Eusham in defence of his Countries Liberties Rishanger gives this Encomium of him Thus this magnificent Earl Simon ended his dayes who not only bestowed his estate but his person and life also for relief of oppressions of the poor for the asserting of Justice and the Rights of the Realm A sufficient Ground for such Nobles and their Posterity to sit and Vote as Peers in Parliament without the peoples election In the 3 4 14 15 of K. Edw. 2. his reign Tho. Earl of Lancaster and other potent wealthy Barons were the chief Sticklers against Gaverston and the Spencers who seduced the King oppressed the people and were the principal Pillars of our Laws Liberties as our Historians relate at large procuring those ill Counsellors to be banished and removed from the King even by force of Arms. In 10 11 22. of King Rich. 2. the Duke of Gloucester the Earl of Arundel and other potent Lords were the principal opposers of the Kings ill Counsellors Tyranny the chief protectors of the Laws and peoples Liberties to the loss of some of their lives heads estates as our Statutes the Rolls of Parliament in those years and Historians witness whence Walsingham writing of the Duke of Glocester's death murthered by the Kings command at Calice who was the principal Anti-royalist and head of all the Barons useth this expression Thus died this best of men the Son and Uncle of a King in quo posita fuere spes solatium TOTIVS REGNI COMMUNITATIS in whom the hope and solace of the Commonalty of the whole kingdom were placed who resented his death so highly that in the Parl. of 1 H. 4. Hall who had a hand in his murder was condemned and executed for a Traytor his Head Quarters hung up in several places and K. Richard among other Articles deposed for causing him to be murthered Since then our Peers and Nobles as the premised Examples abundantly evidence have been alwaies persons of greatest valour power estate interest most able forwards to oppose the Tyranny Exactions of our Kings and to preserve the Great Charters of our Liberties first gained since preserved and transmitted to us by their valour bloud counsel cate with our other Laws which they have upon all occasions manfully defended with the hazard loss of their lives Liberties Estates and upon this ground were thought meet by the wisdom of our Ancestors to merit and enjoy this privilege of sitting voting judging in Parliament by vertue of their Peerage and Baronies And since we must all acknowledge that the Lords assembled in a Great Council by the King at York as the Commons themselves acknowledge and remonstrate Exact Collection p. 13. were the chief instruments of calling this present Parliament and were therefore in the Act for Triennial Parliaments principally intrusted to summon and hold all future Parliaments in the Kings Lord Chancellors or Lord Keepers defaults Being also very active in suppressing the Star-chamber High Commission Councel-Table Prelats and other grievances and those who fitst appeared in the Wars against the King and his party in defence of our Laws Liberties Religion Parliaments Privileges to the great encouragement of others witnesse the deceased Lord General Essex Brooke Bedford Stamford Willougbie Lincoln Denbigh Manchester Roberts and others it would be the extremity of folly ingratitude and injustice to deny our Peers this hereditary Right Privilege Honour now w ch
banish Peter Gâ—verston which he refusing to doe they pursued him with their arms cut off his head slighted the Popes Letters and Nuncios regulated his Extortions and enforced the King to confirm the Ordinances they made for the redress of all grievances both in Church and State with the Great Charter Laws and Liberties of the Church and people in whose defence and quarrel this Earl afterwards lost his life To these I could annex many other such like Letters resolutions oppositions of our Earls Lords Barons in Parliament against the Popes Usurpations Encroachments upon the Crowns Royalties of our Kings and Liberties Laws Customs of our Kingdom as 21 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 63.40 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 8. Cooks 4 Institutes p. 13 14.50 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 85. to 108. 27 E. 3. c. 1. 38 E. 3. c. 4. 16 R. 2. c. 5. wherein every one of the Lords temporal in Parliament answered and averred by himself severally and joyntly with the rest That neither King John nor any other could put himself or his Realm or people into subjection or Tribute unto the Pope without their common assents That the submission he made to the Pope was without their assents and against his Oath at his Coronation That if the Pope by process or otherwise would attempt to enforce the King or his Subjects to render him the Services and annual Tribute for England and Ireland granted him by King John they would resist and oppose him with all their power And moreover That they will stand with the Kings Crown and Royalty in all cases of the Popes usurpations clearly in derogation of the Kings Crown in all other cases which shall be attempted against the said Crown and Royalty in all points with all their power whose Gallantry loyalty stoutness have been the chief means under God to enfranchise our Kings kingdoms Church from the manifold Antichristian Tyrannies Usurpations Oppressions Taxes Vassallages Slavery of domineering Popes in all ages as the premises with other instances sufficiently evidence And upon this ground it was by reason of the Popes incessant Usurpations in former times upon the Royalties Rights Liberties both of the Crown Realm and Church of England that the Nobles in our Parliaments were in the very Writs of Summons ever called thereunto to consult and treat with the King Prelats Lords and Great men of the Realm of certain weighty and arduous affairs concerning the State and Defence of the Realm ET ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE and the Church of England the Defence of the Church as well as Realm against the Popes incroachments being one chief business of our Lords and Greatmen in our Parliaments which now it seems is no part of our New-modelled Parliaments as some stile them there beieg neither DEI GRATIA nor Statum defensionem ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE to be found in any of their New Writs that I have seen which had been an impious insufferable omission in all former ages This Clause engaging our Peers so stoutly to resist the Pope as the premises demonstrate which good service of theirs hoth in common Justice reason equity merited a Place and Vote for them and their Posterities in all our English Parliaments without any popular election Before I proceed to the next reason of our Lords sitting in Parliament I shall earnestly importune yea adjure all the antient Earls Barons Nobles and Great men of our Realm with all who have lately been or pretend to be any Knights Citizens Burgesses of real or pretended Parliaments our late and present swaying Grandees and all Lawyers Gentlemen Freemen of our English Nation seriously to review and cordially to ponder all the forecited memorable presidents of their Noble Gallant publike spirited Ancestors here recited and bundled up together for their information reformation and undelayed imitation in this and the precedent reason both in procuring regaining reestablishing the Great Charters of our fundamental Liberties Rights Properties Freedom with solemn New publications Excommunications Execrations Oaths Confederacies Penalties Laws Edicts for their own and their Posterities benefit In denying opposing resisting all unreasonable or illegal Aids Subsidies Tenths demanded intreated of or exacted from them by our Kings upon real or pretended Necessities Wants Wars or defence by Sea and Land their bold frequent unanimous magnanimous reprehensions of our Kings and their evil Counsellors to their faces for their Exorbitances Misgovernment Exactions Oppressions Violations of their Great Charter Laws Liberties Privileges Oaths Promises and unnecessary Warrs or Expences without their publike Counsel or advice in their resolute inflexible unanimous resolutions oppositions both in and out of Parliaments against all illegal Papal Encroachments Usurpations Exactions on the Rights Privileges of the Crown Kingdom Church Parliament Clergy People upon every fresh occasion and in their vigilant indefatigable zeal earnest care diligence with the hazard of their Limbs Lives Liberties Estates and effusion of their bloud for the publike Liberty Freedom Ease weal good Government of the Nation according to those wholsom Charters Laws and Ordinances which they procured for that end with much industry strife and opposition in many successive Parliaments And then let them all with confusion of face consternation of spirit and grief of heart seriously consider how stupendiously monstrously and incredibly they have all for near ten years last past most desperately apostatized degenerated both from the Heroick Noble Gallant Memorable Presidents Practices Courage Zeal of these their Renowned Ancestors in every of these particulars and from their own Praiseworthy Actions Remonstrances Councils Parliamentary and Military proceedings of like Nature under our two last Kings out of unworthy un-English unchristian Cowardize Fear Self-love Sluggishness Sottishness Supineness after all their late solemn publike Protestations Remonstrances Declarations Vows Oaths Leagues Covenants near ten years bloudy intestine Wars the overprodigal expence of many Millions of Treasure and whole Oceans of precious Christian Protestant English bloud for the real or at least pretended Defence alone and maintaining secuting those antient undoubted Fundamental Great Charters Laws Liberties Properties Privileges and Rights of Parliament exempting us from all future arbitrary tyrannical illegal Exactions Taxes Excises Imposts Imprisonments restraints exiles and executions which they have now all most ignobly submitted to without the least manly publike or private Opposition contradiction or care activity to break off those iron yoaks of bondage and intollerable perpetual burdens which some Impudent Intruders and new Aegyptian Tax-masters have most illegally imposed on them as if they were all resolved to renounce all their former Great Charters Laws Liberties Privileges and Rights of English Nobles Parliamentmen Freemen and to becom the basest bondslaves under heaven So that if these our Nobles Ancestors should now rise from the dead they might justly stand amazed at this their ignoble slavish cowardize and universal degeneracy yea disclaim them as spurious and none of their heroick English progeny and they all may justly demand this Question from themselves
Whether they be the genuine offspring of these their Noble Ancestors or natural Freeborn English Peers or Freemen and not rather the degenerate off-spring of Russian Vassals or Turkish Gally-slaves who never knew what English Freedom was as if now born only to the greatest servitude and Bondage that ever mortals voluntarily submitted unto through pusillanimous fear or baseness For alas where is the Nobleman Knight Citizen Burgess Lawyer Gentleman or English Freemen to be found who now dares manfully to claim plead avow defend or contend for the undoubted rights and privileges of his own Peerage or our Parliaments the famous Grand Charters of his own and the Nations Liberty and Freedom either in or out of Parliament after so many old late military and Parliamentary Contests Acts Oathes Excommunications Remonstrances Declarations Protestations Vows Leagues Covenants for their inviolable maintenance and defence in every Article especially those which concern Peerage Liberty Property Freehold Life the Members privileges of our Parliaments and that not only against their Soveraign and Superiors with whom they formerly contested but even against those late or present domineering Army-Officers and Vpstaris who but a few years since were not only their fellow Subjects but their Inferiors in all respects yea their Mercinary Servants Hirelings and Mechanicks of the lowest rank or against the meanest Publicans Officers or Excise-men Governors of our new-moulded Common-wealth who have trampled our Great Charters Laws Liberties properties and Parliaments themselves under feet and not only scorn deride but disgust the very Name and Mention of Magna Charta as offensive to their lawless tyranny and repute the urging of it to controll their arbitrary proceedings encroachments Taxes Excises little less than a capital offence For proof whereof I shall instance in One particulat In August 1650. during my close Imprisonment in Dunster Castle by Mr. Bradshaw and his Whitehall Associates lawless warrant there came an Order from them and the Committee of the Militia of Somersetshire with near 200 pioneers of the County to slight and demolish that Castle to the Ground without giving Mr. George Luttrel then owner thereof the least notice Who thereupon was advised by his Councel to send a Petition to Whitehall to stay the execution The Petition then drawn by his Council being long and imperrinent I did at his Wives request draw up another short one for him to this effect That Dunster Castle was the antient inheritance and chief Seat of his Ancestors and himself of which many Manors were held by Knight Service and Castle-Gard That his Father fortified and held it for the Parliament at his own charge for which he was kept and died a Prisoner under the King That his Vncle who was slain near the Castle and himself were both Colonels for the Parliament serving them gratis without any pay for which the Kings party had sequestred his estate felled his woods seised his rents to the value of ten thousand pounds at least that the Castle was regained from the Kings party principally by his means being his only Mansion house which if now suddenly pulled down he and his family must lye in the Streets and he sustain at least thirty thousand pounds new damage by it instead of a recompence for his former losses and publike unmercenary services which would expose both himself and thē to the obloquy of their malignant Enemies He thereupon humbly prayed that according to Magna Charta he might not be disinherited or disseised of this his Freehold without any hearing or Legal trial by this their Order but that they would suspend or revoke it This petition being sent to London was delivered to a Great Lawyer one of Mr. Bradshaws Associats and a then sitting Member to present who commanded the very name and mention of Magna Charta only to be struck out and the rest of the petition to be new written because the very name of it would give offence or distaste to the COVNCEL at Whitehall as he affirmed Which I then found true by experience my insisting on it in my Letters to them to demand my Liberty being so offensive that they would neither answer nor read my Letters but with indignation How others in late and present power have vilified and contemned the Great Charter the petition of Righr and all other Laws in confirmation of it by dissolving the House of Peers making and unmaking new forms of Parliaments at their pleasures condemning beheading Peers and others in new misnamed High Courts of Justice without trials by their Peers imprisoning close imprisoning confining banishing sequestring disinheriting disofficing Nobles Parliament-men and all sorts of Freemen at their pleasures without any lawful cause hearing or legal trial by breaking up and ransacking their houses by armed Soldiers day and night seising their horses arms Letters papers denying to grant them when imprisoned Habeas Corporaes or to return them when granted or bayl them when returned by imposing intollerable uncessant Taxes Excises Imposts payments penalties sequestrations forfeitures Treasons exiles restraints Engagements Disabilities on the people by commanding all Courts of Justice in their new Commonwealth and all Judges and Justices of the same Sherifs Committee-men Attornies Sollicitors and all other persons without any Opposition or dispute whatsoever to conform themselves to their most tyrannical Ordinances touching Taxes Imposts Excises though so much decried condemned by two Parliaments and themselves authorizing their Excisemen and Agents to levy their illegal new kind of Impositions by ex officio Oaths Distresses Fines Forfeitures sequestrations seisures both of their real and personal Estates breaking up of their houses which must stand open to their searches day and night without opposition by imprisonment of their persons by indemnifying all Officers who shall thus illegally abuse them giving them good costs and damages if sued staying all their actions at Law for their just relief and imprisoning all such Lawyers as grand delinquents who shall dare to move for their Liberties or plead their causes which not one dares doe since Mr. Conyes late case And how our New-modelled Parliaments as some stile them instead of complaining against and regulating these tyrannical oppressions Exorbitances Taxes Ordinances Excises and reprehending the Authors of them to their faces have countenanced them by their stupid silence confirmed them by new Edicts yea made it their principal business to burthen our 3. whole Nations with perpetual endless illegal New Taxes Excises Imposts Customs Payments unheard of by our ancestors in any former ages amounting to more thousands millions in one year than King Henry the 3. whom the Barons so much opposed and complained against for Exactions levied upon his Subjects by way of Tax or Ayds in all his 51 years reign yea to null the Great Charter it self with all our fundamental Laws Liberties and the Privileges Essence of Parliaments themselves by secluding disabling what members they please from sitting by depriving the people of their Votes freedom
in electing Members both in antient Boroughs and Counties by subjecting them to new imprisonments forfeiteres of Estate life and trials by Marshal Law in sundry particulars against this Charter instead of easing them of their long-continued illegal Taxes Excises Imposts Imprisonments Confinements c. confirming their former Liberties Franchises Properties Parliamentary privileges punishing the manifold high violations of them with those ill Councellers Projectors who were the chief contrivers of these intollerable grievances and resuming the antitient dissipated Lands Revenues of the Crown which should defray al publik ordinary expences yea how instrumental some of them have been to promote the desperate designs Practises Conspiracies of the Pope and Jesuits themselves now swarming amongst us under sundry disguises to ruine both our Kings Parliaments Church and State is so experimentally visible and well known to them all that I hope the consideration thereof compared with the forecited Presidents of our noble Ancestors and Parliamenâ—s will strike such a confusion of face such a compunction of heart into them for this their degeneracy Apostacy and breach of publike trust that they will now at last to regain their own lost reputations publikely renounce and abhor their former Exorbitances and study to equalize out act those their heroick predecesors by regaining re-establishing our lost Great Charters Laws Properties Liberties Parliaments privileges Peerage and make us once more a free thereby a happy and united Kingdom Church Nation that so they may be deemed worthy to sit vote in our future Parliaments It is storied of our renowned victorious warlike King Edward the 1. that in a Parliament held at Westminster in July 1297. he ascended upon a wooden scaffold before the great hall there with his Son Prince Edward the Archbishop of Canterbury and Earl of Warwick and there before all the people standing by erumpentibus lach ymis veniam de commissis humiliter postulavit dicens se minus bene tranquilliter quam Regem deceret ipsos rexisse portiunculas facultatum suarum quas sibi dederaut seu quas ministri ejus ipso inscio extorserant ideo acceptasse ut in â—urâ—osos hostium conatus sitientium sanguinem Anglicanum sumpta Rei publicae particula massa quietius possidendo potentius expugnaret Et addens ecce expositurus meipsum discrimini propter vos peto si rediero suscipiatis me velut in presentia habetis ABLATA OMNIA REDDAM VOBIS c. If our late or present all-swaying Governors Officers Swordmen will now make but the self same ingenuous acknowledgement as he before all the people that they have not governed them so well and peaceably as they should have done and became them to do that they and their Officers have much oppressed extorted from them not small but great sums of Money by undue and exorbitant means against their wills though with a publike intention to conquer those Enemies more effectually who thirsted after English blood for whose safety they are still ready to adventure their lives That they have sought their own wealth advantage honour preferment more than the publike or peoples welfare thereupon shall with weeping eyes humbly beg pardon of the whole Nation and those particular persons they have any ways ruined or oppressed and promise them full reparation of their injuries and what ever they have unjustly taken from them as this noble King Edw. did and confirm and enlarge all their Great Charters Laws Liberties as fully as freely as he then did upon his Nobles importunity they may then expect that reciprocal Love and dutifull respect to them as the Archbishop with the people then promised to King Edward and his Son with stretched out hands and be deemed worthy to sit and vote in Parliament notwithstanding their former miscarriages exorbitant arbitrary Ordinances and Provisions of which if they repent not I fear in conclusion what Matthew Westminster records of the Barons provisions at Oxon. Lewes and London will be recorded of them to Posterity Haec de provisionibus imo DE PRODITIONIBUS Oxon Lewens Londini dicta sufficiant quae variis aequitatis justitiae fictionibus dealbatae intus autem plenae Versutiae Provisores suos pessime prodiderunt which some of our late swaying republican Legislators have already found true by sad experience Fourthly our Nobles are persons of greater Estates Families Fortunes than others contribute most to all publike Taxes charges and have more to keep and lose than other ordinary Commoners and therefore in respect of themselves their families kinred tenants reretainers allies have greater interest in the Common-wealth and State affairs than they We see by Common experience in all kingdoms Nations and our own Realm that mens great estates innoble and inable them to bear publike Titles Places of Honour Dignity Trust Power as to be Lords Knights Esq Privy Counsellors Justices Sherifs Mayors Aldermen and the like which persons of mean fortunes unable to support these Dignities Offices places of trust and expence likewise are uncapable or unable to bear or manage Wherefore our Ancestors thought it meet just equal that they should have this privilege among others above ordinary Commoners to be present in all our Parliaments by Patent and Tenure only and that of right ex debito justitiae not by election as Knights Citizens and Burgesses are being persons of meaner estate quality and present in Parliament only in the right of others who elect them not in their own rights as the Lords are whose estates antiently were and still are far more worth yea their publike payment greater than many whole Burroughs put together and their families retainers followers far more in number And so their engagements to maintain the Laws Liberties properties of the Subject farr greater than inferiour mens Upon which ground all Barons and Peers of the Realm in cases of debt and executions are free from arrests of their bodres because by reason of their estates and Dignities the Law intends they have lands and assets to satisfie all their debts Fifthly It is one principal property of Members of Parliament to be constant stout inflexible and not to be bowed or turned from the right the publike good or liberties by fear favour promises rewards Now Peers of noble birth education and more generous heroick spirits than the vulgar sort of men are not so apt to be over-awed with regal threats terrified with menaces tempted with honours preferments wealth which they already injoy in a higher proportion than others nor seduced with rewards and privat ends from the common good and interest wherein their honour wealth safety are imbarqued as ordinary Commoners and men of meaner rank and fortunes are which experience of former ages and this present manifests Therefore it was thought just and reasonable by our Ancestors that the Nobles in this regard should sit in all our Parliaments in their own rights without the peoples election and to leave the people to
were first made never sate in Parliament Whereas this writ hath no operation or effect to enoble him or his posterity unless and until he actually sit in Parliament for if he die before he sit or sit not at all neither he nor his issue are Noble This distinction and concession of his contradicts his former opinion That the Writ it self doth not ennoble the person and his heirs for if it did then he and they should be ennobled by it though he died before he â—aâ—e in Parliament because they are thus ennobled by Letters Patents which create them Nobles or Peers and make them actually such though they never sit in Parliament 7ly Sir Edward Cook in his 4 Institutes p. 44 45. thus resolves If the King by his Writ calleth any Knight or Esquire to be a Lord of the Parliament he cannot refuse to serve the King there in communi illo confilio for the good of his Country But if the King had called an Abbot Peer or other regular Prelate by Writ to the Parliament to the Common Council of the Realm if he held not of the King per Baroniam he might refuse to sit in Parliament because quoad secularia he was mortuus in lege and therefore not capable to have a voice or place in Parliament unless he did hold per Baroniam and were to that Common Council called by Writ which made him capable And though such a Prelate regular had been often called by Writ and had de facto had place and voice in Parliament yet if in rei veritate he hold not per Baroniam HE OUGHT TO BE DISCHARGED OF THAT SERVICE AND TO SIT NO MORE For that the Abby of Leicester was founded by Robert Fitz Robert Earl of Leicester albeit the Patronage came to the Crown by the forfeiture of Simon de Mountford Earl of Leicester yet being of a Subjects foundation it could not be holden per Baroniam therefore the Abbot had no capacity to be called to the Parliament and thereupon the King did grant Quod idem Abbas successores sui de veniendo ad Parliamentum Concilia nostra vel haeredum nostrorum quieâ—i sint exonerati in perpetuum But all these Cases abovesaid and others that might be remembred touching this point as little Rivers do flow from the fountain of Modus tenendi Parliamentum where it is said Ad Parliamentum summoneri venire debent ratione tenurae suae omnes singuli Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates Barones Priores alii Majores Cleri qui tenent PER COMITATUM VEL BARONIAM ratione hujusmodi tenurae nulli minores nisi eorum praesentia necessaria utilis reputetur To which purpose he likewise cites the Act of Parliament of 10 H. 2. called the Assize of Clarindon and the Great Charter of King John in the 17 year of his reign here forecited p. 21 30 31. For Modus tenendi Parliamentum here so much magnified I have already p. 20 sufficiently discovered it to be a late forgery and imposture out of the very Treatise it self by undeniable proofs which I wonder Sir Ed. Cook Mr. Agar and other pretended judicious Antiquaries observed nor being so obvious yet though it be an imposture and erronious in other things I shall grant it true in this particular here cited As to the point in controversie had Sir Ed. Cook here thus distinguished in the case of Laymen Knights Esquires as he doth in case of Abbots Priors and Religious persons that if the King had by his Writ called any Laymen Knight ot Esquire to the Lords House of Parliament by his general Writ who held of him in fee or fee tayl per Baroniam and was a Baron by tenure that this had enobled him and his posterity as Barons he could not refuse to serve the King as a Baron in this Common Councel for the good of his Country his opinion might have passed for good Law For such who had lands in fee or fee tayl of the King by an intire Barony being Barons and Peers of the Realm by their very tenures ought of right by the express words of the Statute of Clarindon the Great Charter of King John and by the Common Law and Custom of the Realm to be summoned as Barons by the Kings special writs directed to them to all Parliaments and great Councils of the Realm by vertue of their Tenures as well as Bishops Abbots Peers and other regular Prelates who held by Barony yet the writ in this case doth not make them and their heirs Barons by writ nor give them a right to sit and vote in Parliament but only declare them and their heirs to be Barons and to sit there as Barons by their Tenure not by vertue of the Writ it self But if the King by this general Writ summon any Layman Knight or Esquire to the Lords House who holds not by Barony this doth no more make him a Lord or Baron in perpetuity to him and his heirs nor no more oblige him or his heirs to sit there than Abbots but that they may refuse to serve in Parliam if he were no Peer before being not obliged by any Law to sit and serve therein as a Baron or Member of the House of Peers by the Writ alone which doth not bind an Abbot Prior or regular Prelate or ennoble him and his Successors to be Peers and Barons of the Realm though they hold only by Frankalmoign not by Barony the Tenure By Barony being that alone which obligeth both of them to sit and serve in Parliament unlesse they be created Dukes Earls Viscounts Lords Peers or Barons by Patent or else by a special Wrir wherein the estate and dignity of a Baron is both created and limited as in the Writ that created Sir Henry de Bromflet Baron of Vescey in the 27 year of King Henry the 6 where after the Nullatenus omittatiâ— this Clâ—se is inserted Volumus enim vos haeredes vestros maâ—culos de corpore vestro legitime exeuntes BARONES DE UESCY EXISTERE Teste c. If a Layman who holds not by Barony be created a Duke Earl Baron or other Peer of the Realm for life in tayl or in fee by Letters Patents or an Abbot or Prior who holds not by Barony and his Successors be created Lords of Parliament by a special Patent of the King as Richard Banham Abbot of Tavestoke and his Successors were bâ— King Hen. the 8. to whom the King granâ—ed by special words Ut eorum quilibet qui pro tempore fuerit Abbâ—s sit erit unus de Spiritualâ—bus religiosis DOMINIS PARLIAMENTI NOSTRI haeredum successorum nostrorum gaudendo honoreâ— Privilegio libertaribus ejusdem This obligeth them to appear and serve in Parliament upon every Writ of Summons and they their heirs males and Successors cannot refuse to serve or voluntarily absent themselves without cause or license under pain of being fined
and otherwise punished for their contempt because bound therto by their voluntary acceptance of such a special Patent and dignity But if they be summoned only by a general Writ against their wills being no Lords of Parl. by special Patent or Writ before this doth neither make the one nor other Barons nor ennâ—ble their heirs males or successors nor oblige them to serne nor subject them to any fine for contempt for then the King by his Writ might summon all the Knights Esquires Gentlemen and any other Commoner Freeman Lawyer Clergy man of the Realm to the Lords House as a Member at his pleasure and fine them for a contempt in not appearing and thereby increase that House in infinitum and make it a mungril House of all sorts of degrees and professions of men instead of aâ— House of Lords to its utter subversion against the fundamental constitution and privilege of that House Therefore such Writs of summons must be void and null in Law as well as the Patent to Abbot Banham as Sir Ed. Cook asserts it for that he was neither Baro nor held per Baroniam Now whereas he asserts That Knights and Esquires who hold not by Barony cannot refuse when summoned by Writ to serve the King in Parliament but yet Abbots and other regular Prelates that hold not by Barony may because they are dead in Law as to secular affairs and therefore not capable to have voice in Parliament unless they hold by Barony and were called by Writ This reason of the difference is most absurd and unreasonable For 1. They are both Subjects to the king alike and so both equally obliged to serve and counsel him in Parliament 2ly If their tenures by Barony could make them capable to have place and voice in Parliament though dead in Law quoad secularia then much more the kings and the kingdoms need of their presence counsel and advice in Parliament touching the weighty affairs concerning himself and the defence and preservation of the Realm and Church of England when specially summoned by his writ to Parliament 3ly Though they were dead in some sence only in respect of their natural capacities to the world yet in their politick capacities they were not so but secular still to sue purchase advise c. as well as Laymen in the right of their Houses 4ly Parliaments being always summoned as well to advise of Ecclesiastical things touching the Church as of temporal things concerning the Realm of England their being dead to the world quoad secularia could no more enable them to refuse to serve in Parliament then Laymen quoad Ecclesiastica negotia therein treated of which concerned the Church and Laymen according to the doctrine in Popish times might as well refuse to serve in Parliament when summoned because they were no Ecclesiastical or religious persons who were properly to consult of the affairs of the Church of England as religious persons be exempted from and refuse to serve therein because dead to the world quoad secularia negotia concerning the King and Realm of England there debated and consulted of 4ly The true and only ground then why such Abbots Priors and all other Clergy men who held not by Barony might refuse to serve in the Lords House of Parliament when summoned by Writ was this that they held not of the King by Barony and upon this ground alone the Abbot of St. James without Northampton summoned to Parliament by Writ Anno 12 Ed. 2. upon his Proctors appearance and Petitions for him in Parliament recorded at large by Mr. Selden out of the Leger-book of the Abby worthy perusal being most full in point was discharged from his attendance his name struck out of the Roll and Register of the Chancery by the Chancellor and his Council as not one of the list of those who ought to be summoned for this very reason because NON TE NET PER BARONIAM nec de Rege in capite sed tantum in puram perpetuam Eleemosynam nec ipse Abbas nec Predecessores sui unquam in Cancellaria irrotulari fuerunt except only in 49 H. 3. m. 10. Schedula voluntarie nec ad Parliamentum citati hucusque VNDE PETIT habuit remedium And upon the self same reason the Abbot of Leicester and his successors were by special Patent in 26 E. 3. de veniendo ad Parliam Consilia nostra et haeredâ—m nostrorum de caetero quieti sint et exempti in perpetuum hough this Abbots predecessors had formerly been summoned to and sate in Parliaments interpolatis vicibus but noâ— continuè because idem Abbas aliquas terras senteâ—ementa de Nobis per Baroniam seis aâ—o modo non tenet per quod ad Parliamenta seu Consilia nostra venire teneatur The King reciting this as the only ground of his exemption and thereupon Nolentes Abbatâ—m indebite sic vexari granted him and his successors this Patent of Exemption upon which his name was cancelled in the Clause Roll of 25 E. 3. part 1. m. 5. dorso and this written in the margin against it Abbas Leicestriae cancellatur quia habet cartam Regis quod non compellatur venire ad Parliamentum And that of Dors Claus 11 E. 3. par 2. m. 11. 13 E. 3. par 2. m. 28. 1. cited by Mr. Selden Sir Edw. Coke in his Margin mentioned in a Bill in Parliament Que toutes les religioses que teignont per Barony sayent tenus de venier au Parlament is also direct iâ— point That those who hold not by Barony are not bound to serve in Parl. be they Religious persons or Lay persons who are not Peers or Lords of Parliament upon general writs of summons such Summons of them being AN UNDUE VEXATION OF THEM as King Edward stiles it in his Patent unless they voluntarily appear upon such a Summons as this Patent informs us those who were summoned in 49 H. 3. all did This reason therefore exempting all Abbots Peers and religious persons from service and attendance in the Lords House in Parliaments though summoned thereto by writ must necessarily exempt all Knights and Laymen from it there being the self same ground justice equity for it in both yea the selfsame unjustice vexation mischief to both and by consequence the selfsame Law And if this be Law as these Presidents Judgements Records expresly resolve it to be beyond contradiction Then it inevitably follows that the General writ of Summons to Parliament alone doth neither create the persons summoned to it nor their heirs or successors Barons Lords or Peers of the Realm unless they hold by Barony no although they sit once or twice in Parliaments by vertue of them or interpolatis vicibus but not continue as the Abbots of Leicester did for then they could not allege or plead their not holding Lands of the King in Barony or any other tenure binding them to sit and serve in Parliament
And if so then questionless such who hold not by an intire Barony and are not Majores Barones by Patent or Inheritance now cannot be created such by a meer general writ of summons neither can the King by his general writ create or make them such against this antient Law and usage ever since And the Earls Lords and Great honorary Barons who excluded all such from sitting in Parliament with them as Barons and their Peers then may much more exclude and refuse to admit such into their house or to sit with them if summoned now because their dignity honor power would suffer much diminution thereby and the King might by writ at any time call so many to their House as might overtop overâ—ote and alter their very Constitution as an House of Peers I shall close up this point of the Lords sole right to sit in Parliament with one or two memorable presidents In the 7. year of King Edward 2. as Walsingham stories in quindena Paschae per Regis brevia citatae sunt generaliter omnes Parliamentales personae pro Parliamento teuendo Londoniis Sed multis Proceribus praetendentes impedimenti causas nihil hâ—c vice factum suâ—t So Anno 1316. King Edward in the 9th year of his reign celebravit Concilium apud Clarindon sed Magnates noluerunt interesse Whereupon nothing was there effected The Lords presence being held then so necessary that by reason of the absence of divers of them upon some real or pretended impediments though all legally summoned by the Kings writs nothing was done or concluded by those who met who held themselves no compleat or legal Parliament without them Whereas in the Parliament of 5 E. 2. some of the Judges and Assistants departing from the Lords and divers Knights Citizens and Burgesses from the Commons house without license yet the Lords continuing all together and making Ordinances for regulating the Kings house and Revenues the Parliament still continued and these special writs were sent to recall the Judges and Lords Assistants quod redeant exinde et sine licentia nostra speciali durante Parliamento praedicto non recedatis Et hoc sicut indignationem nostram vitare volueritis nullo modo omittaris Teste Rege apud Haddely 12 Septemb. PER CONSILIUM And this general writ was sent to the Sheriff of Yorkeshire and all other Sheriffs of England to summon all the Knights Citizens and Burgesses in their several Counties to return thither or else to elect other fit persons in their places Praecipimus tibi firmiter injungentes quod illos Milites Cives Burgenses de Balliva tua quos nuper ad praesens Parliamentum nostrum apud London inchoatum de mandato nostro venire fecisti et qui ab eodem Parliamento certis de causis recesserunt quod redeant exinde c. vel alios ad hoc idoneos loco ipsorum SI AD HOC VACARE NON POSSUNT usque ad Westmonasterium ad dictum Parliamentum quod ibidem duximus continuandum c. proxime futur ad ultimum cum sufficienti potestate Comitatus tui Civitatum Burgorum praedictororum ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem contigerint ordinari c. Teste Rege apud London xi die Octobris This Parliament being thus continued Claus 5 E. 2. m. 25. Special license was granted to some LORDS to goe home who made Proxies to other Lords to supply their places by these words Deputamus in loco nostro in Parliamento and this in the Writ of Prorogation This I hope will suffice to convince all Levellers and Gainsayers of the LORDS undoubted antient Hereditary just Right and Title to sit vote in all ENGLISH PARLIAMENTS though not elected by the people SECTION II. Wherein the Lords House sole Right of Judicature in Parliament without the Commons is fully cleared by Presidents Histories Records in all ages and undeniable Reasons and that both in Criminal Civil Ecclesiastical Causes of all sorts as well in cases of Commoners and Clergymen as Temporal Peers persons of the highest degree proper for Parliament IT is the General confession resolution assertion both of Lawyers Law-books the Parliament and Statute of 31 H. 8. c. 10. and all who have written of our Parliaments That the Parliament of England is the antientest honourablest highest Court and Supremest Judicature in the Realm to whose Judicature all other Courts Persons Subjects of the Realm are subject accountable for all Injuries Oppressions Crimes Wrongs Corruptions Errors Abuses Grievances Misdemeanors Treasons Contempts Frauds false Judgments and matters of publike or privat concernment not properly triable remediable or punishable in other inferior Courts of Justice and that Court to whom all Appeals concerning Misproceedings Errors or Injustice in other Courts or places ought to be made and from whose Injustice and Sentence there is no appeal but only to another Parliament as in the case of General Councils as Divines assert there is no appeal but to another general Council in Ecclesiastical affairs concerning the Universal Church or matters of Faith This being an unquestionable Principle and Truth the sole Question will be in what House or Persons in Parliament this Supreme Judicatory or judicial power resides Whether in the King alonâ— or Lords alone or King and Lords jointly or in the House of Commons alone never made a question â—il now by Lilburn and Overton or in the King and House of Peers not separate from but joyntly with the Commons House And for my part I conceive it resides wholly and solely in the King and House of Lords not in the House of Commons which hath no part nor share therein singly considered in it self nor yet joyntly with the King and Lords but only in some special cases and proceedings as when and where the King and Lords voluntarily require their concurrence or where the judgement and proceedings in Parliament are by way of Bill or Act of Parliament or when a judgement passed or confirmed by Bill or Act to which the Commons consent was requisite is to be altered or reversed but in no cases else that I can find To make this ouâ— beyond contradiction it must be necessarily granted by all and cannot be gainsaid or disproved by any that this Supreme power of Judicature hath been vested in our Great Councils and Parliaments even from their beginning and original institution it being the antientest as well as highest and honourablest of all other Courts That it had this Soveraign Jurisdiction vested in and exercised by it both under our British Saxon Danish and Norman Kings I have elsewhere evidenced and shall anon make good by undeniable presidents Now the Great Parliamentary Councils under them consisted only of the King the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Lords Earls Barons Nobles without any Commons House or Knights of Shires Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people as I have already touched and manifested more fully in other Treatises yea
the most best Antiquaries and English Historians I have seen who Treat of our Parliaments except that Gross Impostor who composed that ridiculous Treatise stiled Modus tenendâ— Parliamentum when there was never any Parliament held in any age in England or Ireland in such manner as â—e there relates prescribes with Sir Edward Cook and some other injudicious Antiqâ—aries seduced by this pretended forged Antiquity have not presumed to derive the Antiquity of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses summons to and siâ—ting in our Parliaments higher than the Parliament held under Henry the 1. at Salisbury Anno Dom. 1116. the 16 year of his reign To which Polydor Virgil Hist Angl. An. 1116. Judge Dodridge and others in the Antiquity of the Parliamenâ—s of England p. 18 19 20 40 80 86 87. Holinshed in his Chronicle vol. 3. p. 38 39. John Speed in his History of Great Britain p. 438 439. referre their Original if not the beginning of Parliaments themselves But under these learned mens correction who produce no warrant from histories or records in that age for proof of what they affirme I dare confidently assert that there is nothing to be found in History or Record to warrant this their fancy but many direct evidences against it which I shall briefly clear being very pertinent to the present controversie and judicature of the Lords House 1. It is most clear that to this Parliamentary Council held at Salisbury Anno 16 H. 1. No Commons Knights Citizens elected by the people were called by this Kings Writs as some of these Authors with the Manuscript of Canterbury positively assert and others of them seem to incline unto but only the Lords spiritual and temporal of the Realm as Holinshed himself relates whom Speed stileth the Estates both Spiritual and Temporal This is evident by Eadmerus who then lived and thus records the proceedings of that convention under this King 13 Kal. Aprilis factus est Conventus Episcoporum Abbatum et Principum totius regni apud Serberiam cogente eos illuc sanctione Regis â—enrici Which Rog. de Hoved. thus seconds Comites et Barones totius Angliae apud Salisberiam convenerunt who as Mat. Paris and Mat. Westminster with them relate Jurarunt fidelitatem Willielmo filio suo Simeon Dunelmensis â—â—iles it Conventus Optimatum et Baronum totius Angliae wherein jussu Regis omnes Comites et Barones cum Clero totius Regni swore fealty to him and his Son as the Chronicle of Brompton also relates not any of our antient Historians making mention of any Commons Knights Burgesses but only of Bishops Abbots Earls Lords and Barons of the Realm there present at it In this Parliament after the Earls Barons and Great men had done homage to William the Kings Son and sworn allegiance to him the Cause and complaint between Ralph Archbishop of Canterbury and Thurstan elected Archbishop of York was there heard and debated which had been agitated between them a whole year before Thurstan being admonished by Ralph to make his subjection to the See of Canterbury and to receive his consecration from him after the ecclesiastical and usual manner Answered That he would willingly receive his consecration from him but he would by no means make that profession of subjection to the See of Canterbury which he exacted but only that which Pope Gregory and after him Pope Honorius the 6. had ordained who made this agreement between the two Archbishops of England Ut neuter alteri subjectionis professionem faceret nisi tantum ut qui prior ordinatus esset quamdiu viveret prior haberetur quod proprium est servorum Dei ut verahumilitate sibi invicem acclives sint nullus super alium primatus ambitionem exercere debet Sicut Dominus noster Verae humilitatis praedicator amator discipulos suos de hac re litigantes redarguens dixit eis Qui major est vestrum erit omnium minister Nullus siquidem post beatum Auguâ—â—inum â— qui non tam Archiepiscopus quam Apostolus Anglorum dicendus est Archiepiscoporum Cantuariensium primatum totius Angliae sibi vendicare praesumpsit usque ad Theodorum Archipraesulem cui propter singularem in Ecclesiastica Disciplina solertiam omnes Angliae Episcopi subjici consenserunt sicut Beda in Ecclesiastica Historia Angliae testatur Quamobrem Turstinus nullam aliam subjectionis professionem Cantuariensi Pontifici facere voluit nisi quam beatus Papa Gregorius instituiâ— Ralph on the other side pleaded the subjection of his predecessors made to his Predecessors Rex autem Henricus ubi advâ—rtit Turstinum in sua stare pervicatia aperte protestatus est illum aut morem antecessorum suorum tam in professione facienda quam in aliis dignitatis Ecclesiae Cantuariensis ex antiquo jure competentibus executurum aut Episcopatu Eboracensi cum benedictione funditus cariturum His auditis ille suo cordis consilio inpraemeditatus credens renunciavit Pontificatui spondens Regi Archiepiscopo se dum viveret illum non reclamaturum nec aliquam calumniam inde moturum qui cunque substitutus fuisset But Thurstan afterwards repenting of his rashness contrary to his agreement in Parliament going to the Pope against the Kings command to the Council at Rhemes was there consecrated Archbishop of York by Pope Calixtus himself contrary to his promise to the Kings agent and Canterburies who there publikely protested against his consecration without making any subjection to the See of Canterbury Whereupon the King prohibited Thurstan to return into England or any of his Dominions swearing that he should never return whiles he lived unless he would make his subjection to the See of Canterbury Which Oath he refused to violate at the Popes personal request to him though he then absolved him voluntarily from this Oath saying Quod dicit se quoniam Apostolicus est me à fide quam pollicitus sum absoluturum Si contra eandem fidem Thurstinum Eboraci recepero non videtur regiae honestati convenire hujusmodi absolutioni consentire Quis enim fidem suam cuivis polâ—câ—ntii amplius crederetur cum eam meo exemplo tam facile absolutione annihilari posse videret As in this famous Parliamentary Council of Salisbury so in all precedent and subsequent Great Councils and Conventions during the whole reign of king H. 1. the Prelates Earls Barons spiritual and temporal Lords were only summoned as Members not any Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commons elected by the people which I shall next make good In a Parliamentary Council in the 1. year of his reign Anno 1100. he was elected and crowned King of England abolished ill Laws confirmed King Edwards Laws and the Great Charter of Liberties under his Seal Communi Concilio Baronum regni Archiepiscoâ—is Episcopis Comitiâ—uâ— Proceribus Magnatibus et Optimatibus totius Regni Angliae there subscribing to his Charter then granted as witnesses See here p. 58
House nor any Speaker of their Houâ—e that we find in History or Record till 51 E. 3. Therefore doubtlesse they had no judicial power or jurisdiction 4ly When they became a House and had a Speaker they could neither chuse their Speaker in any Parliament without a command to and license first granted them by the King Lord Chancellor or the person implyed by the King to shew the causes of summoning the Parliament who gave them a command to elect their Speaker and then to present him to the King and Lords for their approbation of him at the time prescribed them who had then power to allow or disallow their Speaker and to order them to elect another then or afterwards incase of unfitness sickness imprisonment or any other just ground or excuse as our Parl. Rolls and others attest If then the Commons can neither elect their own Speakers nor approve nor remove them but by the Kings and Lords approbation who may discharge them upon just grounds and order rhem to elect others in their places and that against their wills as in the case of Thorpe hereafter cited Then certainly the judicature in all other cases as well as this of their very Speakers and Members too resided still in the King and Lords and was not communicated to the Commons House 5ly The Commons House inability to administer an Oath to any person in any case which the Lords alone have power to doe in Parliament 6ly Their Petitions Articles of complaint and Impeachments in all Parliaments delivered and sent up to the Lords against Delinquents in Criminal causes as well of Commons as Peers Clergy men as secular persons and their praying the Lord to judge and give sentence against them 7ly Their prosecuting and giving in evidence against all sorts of Deliquents at the Lords Bar as accusers 8ly Their standing always in such cases and that bare headed in the Lords House as Prosecutors Informers Grand-Jurymen whiles the Lords alone fit and that covered and only give pronounce the iudgement and that in the Comons absence for the most part not presence 9ly Their having no voice or share at all in the hearing examining debating reversing erronious Judgements in other Courts upon Writs of Error brought in Parliament but the Lords alone 10ly The Kings Judges not sitting amongst them but only in the House of Peers to authorize and assist them in their judgements are all infallible arguments and clear irrefragable demonstrations that the Judicatory or judicial power of Parliaments was never communicated to the Commons House upon their first admittance into Parliament nor since but remained intirely fully in the King and Lords alone as it did before That this is so in truth I have the express acknowledgement and confession of the whole House of Commons themselves long since in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 79. remaining on record to all Posterity with the Kings and Lords concurrent resolution both from the time of the Commons first admission and for all succeeding ages The Commons in this Parliament November 3. made their Protestation in the same manner they had done in the beginning of the Parliament and more over shewed to the King Come les Ioggementz du Parlement apperteignent soulement au Roy et Seignieur et nient as Communes c. That the Judgements of Parliament appertained only to the King and to the Lords and not unto the Commons And thereupon they praâ—ed the King out of his special grace to shew unto them the said Iudgements and the cause of them that so no Record migâ—t be made in Pâ—rliamenâ— against the said Commons which are or shall be parties to any judgement given or hereafter to be given in Parliament without that privity Whereunto the Archbishop of Canterbury gave them this answer by the Kings commandment That the Commons themselves are Petitioners and demanders Et que le Roy et les seigniours de tout temps ont eues et averont de droit les juggement in Parliament en manere come mesmes les Communes sont monstrez and that the King and Lords from all times have had for times past and shall have for time to come of right the Iudgements in Parliament in manner as the Commons themselves have shewed Saving that in Statutes to be made â—or in Grants and Subsidies or in such things as are to be doâ—e for the common profit of the REALM the KING will have especially their advice and assent By this memorable Record in Parliament it is apparent by the Commons own confession First That the Judgments in Parliament even in cases of Commoners themselves and Members of the Commons House as well as Peers appertain only to the King and to the Lords in the Affirmative Secondly That they appertain not to the Commons in the Negative Thirdly A Confession both of the Commons King and Lords That they have from all times in all ages before that Parliament appertained to the King and Lords and that of right not by usurpation or connivence Fourthly An express order and resolution that the King and Lord shall alwayes kéep and hold this their Right of Iudicature in all times to come without admitting the Commons to share therein upon this their Petition as not fit to be granted them Fifthly That if the Commons should be admitted at any time to be parties or privies to the Judgements in Parliaments as they then desired it would be meerly out of the Kings special Grace Sixthly That the special reasons ends of the Kings summoning the Commons to Parliaments at the first and ever since were only these especially 1. to have their advice in Statutes to be made 2. in Grants or Subsidies 3. in such things as are to be done for the common profit of the Realm not to give them the least share right or interest in the Judicature or Judgements of Parliament as it is the supremest Court of Justice The Judicial Power and the Judgements in Parliament being never transferred in part or whole by the King and Lords to the Commons House but intirely reserved to themselves as before their admission inâ—o our Parliaments as I have proved it follows inevitably from thence 1. That all Judgements given by the Commons House alone or by any of their Committees of Sequestrations Examinations plundered Ministers c. without the Lords are meerly void and null in Law being Coram non judice and may be justly questioned and vacated by the Lords upon appeal or complaint as Nullities 2. That the House of Commons have no more right or power to judge or vote down the Lords House or question or null their Judgements upon appeals to the Commons from them as Lilburn and Overton pretend they may than the Grand or Petty Jury have to Vote down the Judges and Justices of Assize or Sessions from the Bench or to reverse or repeal their Judgements and Orders Or the Common Council of London to
Seignour le Roy que ore est tenue a Westminstre lanquinzisme per examinent dez Praelates Contes Barones et tote la commune de Realm fuist notoriement trove que vostre piere vous Hugh fuâ—stez agardez TRAYTOURS enmys del Realm pur quel par assent commandment nostre Seigniour le Roy vostre Piere vous Hugh fuistez exules del Realm sanz james revenir si ceo ne fuist par lassent commmandment nostre Seignious le Roy ceo en playne Parlement duement al ceo summounz And for his returning into England against this Act and his manifold murders oppressions and misdemeanors since there recited at large he was condemned to be hanged drawn bowelled quartered and beheaded which was executed accordingly December 8. and his head fixed on a Poll and set upon London bridge The Repeal of the Spencers exile was not long after repealed and the Act for their exile re-confirmed in the Parliament of 1 E. 3. ch 1 2. in the Statutes at large which recites That they were exiled disinherited and banished out of the Realm by the Commons assent and award of the Peers and Commons of the Realm and by the assent of King Edward as Traytors and Enemies of the King and of his Realm And that he by the Common Counsel of the Prelates Earls Barons and other Great men and of the Commonalty of the Realm in his Parliament holden at Westminster did ordain and establish That the repeal of the said Exile which was made by Duress and force should be adnulled fâ—r evermore and the same exile made by the award of THE PEERS AND COMMONS BY THE KINGS ASSENT as aforesaid shall stand in its strength in all points after the tenour of every Article therein contained But this Act of repeal by the like power and assent was repealed as erronious and the heir of the Spencers restored to blood and Lands by the Parliament of 21 R. 2. Rot. Parl. u. 35. to 57. And that whole Parliament again repealed and nulled by 1 H. 4. c. 3. Cooks 4 Instit p. 25. This was the issue of this very first Attainder wherein the Commons concurred with the Lords being carried by force and power on all hands in those turbulent times In the Parliament of 11 R. 2. ch 1 2 3 4 5 6 7. in the Statutes at large Alexander Archbishop of York Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland Michael de la Pale Earl of Suffolk Robert Tresylien chief Justice R. Belknap with sundry other Judges Lawyers Knights Gentlemen Clergymen and other Commons and Prelates were impeached by the Duke of Glocester and other Lords Appellants of High Treason in 36 Articles thereupon attainted condemned judgement of death banishment forfeiture of their lands and estates given against them in Parliament by the Lords without the Commons After which the Lords exhibited a Petition to the King for the confirmation of the said Attainders and forfeiture Whereupon the King considering the matâ—er of the said Petition to be true at the request of the said Commons of the assent of the Prelates Dukes Earls Barons and all others of this present Parliament granted the request of the said COMMONS in all points after the form of the said Petition And moreover of the assent aforesaid passed sundry Acts touching their Attainders Judgements Exiles and forfeitures which all may peruse at leisure in the Statutes at large In the Parliament of 21 R. 2. upon the Petition of the Commons by the like assent c. 2. to 12. in the Statutes at large these Attainders Judgemens forfeitures and the whole Parliament of 11 R. 2. were repealed as erronious and nulled Yet after by the Parliam of 1 H. 4. c. 3. the Parl. of 21 R. 2. is nulled and that of 11 R. 2. revived and confirmed with all the attainders and Judgements therein given In the Parliament of 9 H. 6. c. 8. Owen Glendor formerly endited and attainted of high Treason for his grand insurrections and rebellions by the assent of the Lords spiritual and temporal and of the Kingâ— at the special request of the Commons was by special Act declared a Traytor and all manner of Indictments Inquisitions Processes Records Judgements Ordinances Statutes made against him authorized established for Law by assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament In the Parliament of 29 H. 6. c. 1. The King by the advice of the Lords spiritual temporal and at the request of his Commons by a special Act attainted John Cade of several High Treasons for traytorously imanâ—ging the Kings death the destruction and subversion of this Realm in gathering and levying great numbers of the Kings people and them exciting to make insurrection against the King his regalty crown and dignity and to make and levy war falsly and trayterously against the King for which they confiscated all his Lands Tenements rents and possessions to the king corrupt and disable his blood for ever and enact him to be called a false Traytor within the Realm for ever And in 31 H. 6. c. 1. with the advise and assent of the Lords and at the request of the Commons it is ordained established that the said John Cade shall be reputed had named and declared a false Traytor to the king and all indictments and proceedings had and made under the power of his Tyranny were clearly repealed and adnulled for ever and to be of no effect but void in Law and put in oblivion and destroyed for ever as purposed against God and Conscience and the Kings royal estate and preheminence and also dishonourable and unreasonable In the Parliament held Anno 38 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 5. to 26. Richard Duke of York with sundry other Lords and Commons were attainted of High Treason by Bill for conspiring and levying war againâ—t the King And in the Parliament of 1 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 12 17. to 37 King Henry the 4 H. the 6 Queen Margaret Edward Prince of Wales Henry Duke of Somerset the Earl of Devonshire with sundry other Knights Esquires and Gentlemen Priests and Yeomen were attainted of High Treason by Bills for levying war against king Edward the 4. In the Parliament of 4 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 2. to 39. the Duke of Somerset Henry Beauford Sir Ralph Piercie with sundry other Knights Esquires and Gentlemen were attainted of High Treason by Bill for levying war against the king most of which attainders in the Parliaments of 12 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 15. to 36.13 E. 4. n. 45.14 E. 4. n 45.27 28 29 31 32.17 E. 4. n. 19 20 21 22. E. 4. n. 23 were repealed by Bills and the parties or their heirs restored to blood and Lands In the Parliaments of 14 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 34 35 36 37. Sir Richard and Sir Robert Wells John Vere Earl of Oxford Sir Thomas Vere with sundry more Knights and Gentlemen were attainted by Bill of High Treason for Levying war against the king and some of
the Attainders repealed by Bill afterwards In the Parliament of 25 H. 8. c. 12. Elizabeth Barkin Richard Master Edward Barkin and sundry others were attainted and condemned of High Treason John Fisher Bishop of Rochester Thomas Gold and others of misprission of High Treason by Act of Parliament In the Parliament of 28 H. 8. c. 7. Queen Anne George Lord Rochford Sir Henry Norris Sir Francis Weston William Breerton Esquire and Mark Sutton were convicted and attainted of High Treason and their lands forfeited by Bill In the Parliament of 32 H. 8. Thomas Lord Cornwell was convicted and attainted of High Treason by Bill against Law and the great Charter without ever being called to answer or any legal hearing for the Treasons therein expressed according â—o his own intentions to have thus proceeded against others without legal tryal In the Parliament of 33 H. 8. c. 21. Queen Katherine Jane Lady Rochford were convicted and attainted of High Treason by Bill to which Act the king was enabled to give his royal assent by Letters Patents signed by him under his hand with his great Seal notified and published in the HIGHER HOUSE to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons there assembled without comming to the House in person to give his royal assent thereto In the Parliament of 2 3. Ed. 6. ch 17. Sir william Sharington Knight being indicted and attainted of High Treason for forging and coyning of mony called Testons his attainder was confirmed by Act of Parliament and his lands forfeited And ch 18 Sir Thomas Seymor Lord Seymor of Sudley and high Admiral of England for his trayterous aspiring to the Crown of this Realm and to be King of the same and for compassing and imagining by open Act to deprive the King of his royal estate and title of his Realms and for compassing and imagining the death of his Noblemen and most trayterously to take away and destroy all things which should have sounded to the let or impediment of this his most trayterous and ambitious enterprise as the Act recites and for other his misdemeanors innumerable untruths falshoods deceiptfull practises outrages against the King oppression manifest extortion upon the Subjects of the Realm was adjudged and attainted of high Treason by Bill and to sustain such pain of death and other forfeitures aes in cases of High Treason have been used being a Member so unnaturul unkind and corrupt and such a heynous offender of his Majesty and his Laws that he cannot nor may not conveniently be suffered to remain in the body of the Commonwealth but to the extreme danger of the Kings Highness being the head and of all the good Members of the same and of too pernicious and dangerous example that such a person so bound to his Majesty by sundry great benefits and so forgetfull of them and so cruelly and urgently continuing in his false and treacherous intents and purposes against his Highness and the whole estate of his Realm should remain among us In the Parliament of 1 Mariae ch 1. the Attainder of Queen Katherine is reversed by Bill and ch 16. the Attainders of John Duke of Northumberland Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury William Marquess of Northampton John Earl of Warwick Sir Ambrose Dudley with other Knights and Gentlemen formerly convicted and attainted of Treason according to the Law of the Realm for their detestable and abominable Treasons in proclaiming and setting up Queen Jane to the peril and great danger of the person of Queen Mary and to the utter loss disherison and destruction of the Realm of England if God in his infinite goodness had not in due time revealed their trayterous intents as the Act recites at the Petition and with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament were confirmed and ratified by a special Act. In the Parliament of 29 Eliz. c. 1. the Attainders of Thomas Lord Paget Sir Francis Englefield and sundry other Knights and Gentlemen who were lawfully indicted convicted and attainted of many unnatural detestable and abominable Treasons to the fearfull peril and danger of the destruction of the Queens Majesties person and of the Realm were confirmed by a special Act and ch 3. there is another Act to avoid fraudulent assurances made in certain cases by Traytors In the Parliament of 3 Jacobi ch 2. Sir Everâ—rd Digby Robert Winter Guy Fawkes Robert Catesâ—y and all the rest of the Gunpowder Traytors who undertook the execution of the most barbarous execrable and abominable Treason that could ever enter into the hearts of most wicked men by blowing up the Lords House of Parliament with the King Queen Prince Lords Spiritual and Temporal Judges Knights Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament therein assembled were attainted of High Treason and their former attainders and convictions confirmed by a special Act And in this very last Parliament the Earl of Strafford Lord Deputy of Ireland and William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury after judgement of high Treason upon their several impeachments and trials given against them by the Lords in their House were likewise attainted of Treason and their judgements ratified by a special Bill and Ordinance to which the Commons assented as well as the Lords their assents to Attainders by way of Act or Bill being so necessary that if the King in Parliament Wills that such a man shall be attainted of Treason and lose his lands and the Lords assent and nothing is spoken of the Commons in the Bill this is no Act nor good Attainder in Law and the petson shall be restored by the opinion of all the Judges 4 H. 7. f. 18. Broke Parliam 42. Fitz. 3.7 H. 7.14 11 H. 7.27 Broke Parliam 107. Plowden 79.32 H. 6.18 As the Commons in our English Parliaments have assented to all these and some other Bills and Acts of Attainder cited in Sir Edward Cooks 4 Institutes ch 1 2. and Mr. St. Johns Argument at Law concerning the Bill of Attainder of High Treason of Thomas Earl of Strafford printed by Order of the Commons House 1641. So I find that the Commons in Ireland have done the like in the Parliaments held in Ireland as the Printed Statutes of Ireland 28 H. 8. c. 1. for the Attainder of the Earl of Kildare and others of High Treason 11 Eliz. ch 1. for the Attainder of Shan O Neyle and others of High Treason of 13 Eliz ch 6. 7. for the Attainders of Fiâ—zgerald and others of High Treason Of 27 Eliz. ch 1. for the Attainders of Iames Eustace and others of High Treason of 28 Eliz. ch 8. 9. for the Attainders of the Earl of Desmond John Brown and others and of 11 Jacobi ch 4. for the Attainders of the Earl of Tyrone and others of High Treason for their several rebellions insurrections wars against their Soveraigns and other Treasons mentioned in these respective Acts abundantly evidence But yet the Commons assents to all these Bills
preserve to the King and his heirs for ever and Archbishop Becket amongst the rest The 11 Article was this Archiepiscopi Episcopi universae personae regni qui de rege tenent in capite habent possessiones suas de Domino Rege sicut Baroniam c. sicuâ— Barones caeteri debent interesse judiciis curiae Regis to wiâ— of his Court of Parliament as the protestation of the Archbishop and Prelates in the Parliament of 11 R. 2. rot Patl. n. 9.11 resolves it cum Baronibus quousque perveniatur in judicio ad diminutionem Membrorum vel ad mortem An unanswerable authority thaâ— rhe Barons and Peers in Parliament had antiently in the reigns of Henry the 1. and 2. and long before a judicial power even in criminal as well as canonical causes deserving loss of Member or death and that as well in cases of Commons as Peers It is observable that though according to this Article the Bishops in those days did not pronounce sentence nor were not actually present at the giving of judgement by the other Barons in cases of blood yet they took upon them the name of Barons and were present on that account at all the debates in criminal causes and gave their votes therein in our Parliamentary Councils absenting themselves only from the sentence and execution for which Petrus Blesensis Archdeacon of Bath under king Henry the 2. thus justly censures them Quidam Episcopi Regum munificentias eleemosinas antiquorum abusive BARONIAS REGALIA VOCANT in occasione turpissimae servitutis SEIPSOS BARONES appellant vereor ne de illis quereletur Dominus dicat Ipsi regnaverunt et non ex me Principes extiterunt ego non cognovi Scias te assumpsisse Pastoris officium NON BARONES Cerâ—e Joseph in Aegypto patrem suum fratres instruxit ut dicerent Pharoni viri pastores sumus Maluit eos profiteri Pastoris officium quam PRINCIPIS aut BARONIS c. Vacuum a secularibus oportet esse animum divinae servituâ—is obsequio consecratum c. Illud coelestem exasperat iram et plerisque discrimâ—n aeternae damnationis accumulat quod quidam Principes Sacerdotum et Seniores populi licet non dictent judicia sanguinis eadem tamen tractant disputando ac disceptando de illis seque adeo immunes a culpa reputant quod mortis aut truncationis Membrorum judicium decernentes a pronuntiatione duntaxat et executione paenalis sententiae se absentant The very words of this Article of Clarindon Sed quid hac simulatione perniciosius est Nunquid discutere diffinire licitum est quod pronunciare non licet Certe Saul de morte David multiplici machinatione tractabat let others observe it ut malitiam suam sub umbra innocentiae palliaret dicebat Non sit manus mea in eum sed sit super eum manus Philistinorum Sane quantum haec dissimulatio ipsum excusabat apud homines tantum apud Deum eundem damnabilius accusabat Expressa fimilitudinis forma in CONSITORIO illo in quo Christus ad mortem damnatus est Pharisaei Scribae dicebant Nobis non licet interficere quemquam cumque tamen clamarent dicentes crucifige sententiam in eo occisionis cruentae malignitate dictabant Quem occidebant gladio linguae publice protestabantur sibi occidere non licere eorumque iniquitas eo ipso detestabilior erat quia ut evaderent humanum judicium eam simulatione innocentiae occultebant Animabus praelatus es non corporibus nihil Praelato commune est cum Pilato Christi villicus es Vicarius Petri nec respondere oportet Coesari de commissa tibi jurisdictione sed Christo Quidam tamen per usurpatas seculi administrationes se vinculo curiali obnoxiant quasi renunciaverint suae privilegio dignitatis calculum durioris eventus expectant These Articles of Clarindon were not only sworn to but likewise subscribed and sealed by all the Bishops except Archbishop Becket who refused to sign or set his seal unto them unlesse the Pope would first confirm them by his Bill The King hereupon sent two Embassadors to Rome unto the Pope to crave his allowance of these Laws but Becket had so dealt with the Pope before hand who knew the cause to be more his own than Beckets that he rejected the sute and withall absolved Becket and the other Bishops from the Oath of allegiance they had taken to observe them Whereupon the King being highly offended with Becket summoned a Great Parliamentary Council of the Prelates and Nobles at Northampton wherein he demanded an account of 30000 l which came to Beckets hands during his Chancellorship which he excusing and refusing punctually to answer unto the PEERS and BISHOPS condemned all his moveables to the Kings mercy After which the Lords and Peers by joynt consent adjudged him guilty of perjury for not yeelding temporal obedience to the King according to his Oath taken at the Council of Clarindon The Bishops thenceforwards openly disclaiming all obedience to him as their Archbishop The next day whiles THE BISHOPS PEERS were consulting of some further course to be taken with him Becket caused to be sung before him at the Altar The Princes set and speak against me and the Ungodly persecute me c. And forthwith taking his silver Crosier in his hands a thing strange and unheard of before entred armed therewith into the Kings presence though earnestly disswaded from it by all who wished him well wherewith the King being inraged commanded the Peers there assembled in a Parliamentary Council to sit in judgement upon him as on a Traytor or perjured person who accordingly adjudged him both a Traytor and perjured Rebel and that he should be forthwith apprehended and cast into prison as such a one and forfeit all his goods and temporalties The Earls of Cornwal and Leicester who SATE AS JUDGES citing him forthwith to hear his sentence pronounced he immediately appealed to the See of Rome as holding them no competent Judges Whereupon all the Prelates and Nobles reviling him with the name of Traytor and perjured person he replyed That were it not for his function he would enter the duel or combate with them in the field to acquit himself from Treason and Perjury And so speeding away from them for fear of imprisonment and disguising himself under the name and habit of Dereman fled in a small Fisher boat into Flanders Thereupon the King seised all his goods and temporalties into his hands and sent Embassadors to the Earl of Flanders the French King and Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or foster within their Dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The Proceedings against this Traytor Archbishop Becket In this Magnum et solenne Concilium held at Northampton Anno 1165. being very memorable and more fully relating the manner of our Parliamentary Process in that age and the
ill counsellors about him neglecting hating banishing his own Nobles and natural Subjects as Traytors without any just cause or legal trial and subverting confounding their Lawes Liberties Justice c. 2ly To manifest the proceedings impeachments in these Parliaments against the Earls and Nobles refusing to appear at these Parliaments upon the Kings these successive Writs of Summons his outlawing them of high Treason and spoiling burning seising their houses Lands thereupon being adjudged by the Lords in Parliament to be illegal and afterwards reversed as unjust and against the Law Claus 18. H. 3. m. 19. 3ly To manifest that the Lords in Parliament would not act any thing in the absence of these eminent Lords refusing to appear 4ly To evidence the Sentence and Justice of the King and Lords against these ill Counsellors Aliens and Traytors to the Publique whom they caused to be removed from the King Court Kingdom put from their publike Trusts and Offices called to an account publikely arraigned before the King himself and his Justices by whom they were imprisoned their lands confiscated and better Counsellors of State and Judges put into their places Anno 1240. Accusatus est graviter Comes Cantiae Hubertus de Burgo CORAM REGE ET CURIA TOTA London ubi post multâ—s disceptationes ut iraâ—undia Regis quae immoderate nimis conâ—â—â— ipsum excanduerat quiesceret ADJUDICAâ—UM EST ut quatuor Castra sua Charissima scilicet Blancum Castrum Grosmunt Scenefrithz Haetfeild Domino Regiâ— resignaret ut caetera sibi cum Regis benevolentia in pace remanerent Anno 1258. The Nobles complained in Parliamnnt of the Kings advancing his half Brothers who were aliens swaying all things and impoverishing the Realm and of their intollerable pride insolency and injuries and the Earl of Leicester particularly complained to the Parliament of William de Valentia non tamâ—n Regi sed universitati praecordialiter est conquestus exigens instanter sibi justitiam adhiberi The same year the Great men and Nobles of the Land Videntes Regnum undique desolatum tum exactionibus tallagiis tam Curiae Romanae quam Regis quam etiam alienigenarum praecipue Pictavensium elatione praesumptuosa fivore regio in regno nimium in sublimi provecta tantas in Anglia Dominationes sibi usurpantium magisteria â—ost Pentecosten apud Oxon. COLLOQUIUM GENERALE CELEBRAVERUNT being summoned to this Parliament by the Kings Writ super hiis necnon status regni meliorationâ— efficaciter exquisite tractaturi Quo non sine armis equis electissimis muniti venerunt ut si Rex alienigenae suiâ— provisionibus statutis sponte contemnerent assentire vigore opposito cogerentur aut ipsi alienigeni universaliter sine morae regnum Angliae poenitus evacuarent Quas quidem provisiones Oxon. stat necnon ET MAGNAM CHARTAM TAM DE LIBERTATIBUS ET DE FORESTA tandem Domino Rege ad suorum PROCERUM observantiam statutorum inclinato per queÌ„dam de suis militibus tactis sacrosanctis jurameÌ„tum praestante 24 prudentium virorum Nationis Anglicanae quos ad Regni gubernationem sub eodem duxerint inter se eligendos consilio se commendavit considerationâ— His igitur pâ—ractis fidelitatem Regi regni ET AD CONSIDERATIONEM SUORUM PARIUM STARE omnes quotquot in regno commorare vellent fecerunt jurare The Nobles in this Parliament required that all the Poictovines might surrender up all the Castles they held in England into the Kings hands Whereupon they peremptorily swore by the passion and wounds of Christ that they would never doe it whiles they breathed Whereupon the Earl of Leicester said to William of Vairencia the most insolent of them all That he should either surrender up the Castles he held of the Kings without delay VEL CAPUT AMITTERET on he should lose his head Similiter ALII COMITES ET BARONES DICEBANT etiam constructissime assertione consistentes The Poictovines being very much terrified with these words not knowing what to doe and fearing to fly to any Castle lest they should there be besieged and soon taken or starved by the Lords fled secretly and speedily from the Parliament to Winchester not sparing their horses sides and setting spies upon hills and Towers to observe whether the Barons pursued them who hearing of their flight commanding all their followers to arm themselves and dissolving the Parliament without adjourning it to any certain day pursued them to Winchester where the King and Nobles holding another PARLIAMENT the Poictovines JUDIDIUM EXPECTARE NOLENTES nec ausi exhibitionem JUSTITIAE quae singulis secundum juramentum REGIS PROCERUM debebatur expestare being the sole judges of them in Parliam for their exorbitant offences they presently fled out of the Realm beyond the Sea to avoid their sentence Hereupon Significatum est literatorie ad multos etiam quos praedicti Pictavienses impudentur offenderant ut â—nerelam super hoc reponeâ—res ostenderent Maguatibus Regni daâ—a sibi a dictis Regis fratribus illata eas querelas dilucidantes constanter moras sequerentur ut sibi omnia secundum quod jus dictaret restituerentur Sed quia instabat tempus messium considerantes simultatem et instantes labores forte inutiles sequi renuerunt donec majorem cernerent opportunitatem The Lords in Parliament being willing to award them damages and reparations against the Kings own Brothers in Law upon complaint and clear proof of the injuries and damages they sustained by them Anno 1260. There falling out a great difference between King Henry the 3. and Prince Edward his Son Simon Earl of Leicester and other Nobles thereupon Convocato in praesentia Regis apud sanctum Paulum BARONAGIO habitoque prius tractatâ— de Eadwardo super injuriis Regi ut dicebatur illatis paratus est idem Eadwardus se omnium objectorum probare immunem et ad duorum Regum scil Patris sui et Avunculi provisionem in emendatione facienda se dare tractabilem dicens Omnes alios Barones et Comites sibi de jure non esse Pares nec suas in eum exercere discussiones Unde dâ—cuâ—a hinc inde veritate omniumque relatorum falsitate probata pacificato Regi concordatus est filius multiplicatis de jure inimicorum confusionibus Concordato itaque Eadwardo Regi et Reginae et aliis amicis mox querela subsequitur de Comite Leicestriae Simoâ—e super pluribus injuriis tam citra mare quam ultra contra Regem ut dicebatur perpetratis Praefixo igitur die ad respondendum se de objectis expurgandum idem Comes ad dictum diem licet breviorem paratus est quantotiens petitis satisfacere et ad discutiendam super oppositis veritatem omnium transmarinorum quam cismarinorum arbitrio obtemperare exceptis quinque tantum minutis tam suae quam Eadwardi discordiae seminatoribus Qâ—o audito Comes Gloverniae cum
suis consentaneis rimens sibi post praedicti Comitis purgationem gravissimas de se suscitati querelas US QUE AD ALIUD PARLIAMENTUM praefatum diem procuravit prorogandum Unde tumultu ad tempus sedato Rex proprium adivit Palatium cum gaudio Articuli vero praetactarum culparum cum suis fabricatoribus plures sunt ultra modum transgressibiles si veri essent Sed quia incredibiles sunt nulla fulciuntur veritate ne mendaciorum scriptor dicerer aâ—t fabricator eos huic paginae non arbitror annotari Jmo qui eos siâ—ienter audire desiderat a mendacâ— mondaâ—iâ— exâ—auriet me in noc relinquens alium relatorem exquirat Anno 1261. Prince Edward returning out of France brought William de Valentia the Kings brother-in-Brother-in-law with him lately banished out of the land who could then scarce obtain any admission into it but upon this condition Ut praestito in ingressu sacramento BARONUM PROVISIONI IN OMNIBUS OBEDIRET singulis contra eum dâ—posiâ—is quaerelis et deponendis si neceâ—se fuerit responderet Eadwardus vero super vanis Regis consiliis consiliariis edoctus eisdem valde iratus sponte se patris absentavit obtutibus fideliterut perjuraverat assensit Baronibus Inquisitis itaque diligenter praedictae contentionis fautoribus et cognitis unanimiter omnes cum Eadwardo conjurarunt quod nunquam regi consentirent in uno donec quoldam non nominandos a suo amoveret consilio Addentes quod per talium pacis perturbatorum suggestiones Rex saepe decipitur in praetacta papali absolutione juramenti sui to observe the provisions of the Barons made at Oxford provisio Regi regno salutaris infirmatur Unde revelato eorum secreto nunquam Rex talium consilio intermediante suo poterit BARONAGIO prout decet consentiâ— Comâ—â—es antem Gloverniae et Leicestriae pace sunt tunc firmissima confaederati simul cum Eadwardo aliis contestantes quod aut praedictorum perturbatocum a rege removerent consorrium aut guerâ—a viâ—iniore suscitanda alterutros se darent in interitum In pursuance whereof the Barons continued in arms so long till they forced the Kings ill Counsellors from him constrained him to reconfirm and assent to their provisions made at Oxford to banish all strangers out of the Realm and to put all his Castles into their hands Anno 1264. Richard King of Romans Prince Edward the Kings eldest Son caterique BARONES OMNES ET NOBILES praedicto regi Angliae constanter sincerae fidei devotionis operibus adhaerentes in their memorable Letter and answer immediately before the battle of Lewes Simoni de Monte forti Gilberto de Clara caeterisque universis singulis perfidiae suae complicibus who accused them of giving neither good nor faithfull Counsel to the King in their Letter then sent to them write thus in order to a legal trial in the Kings Court of Parliament by their Peers De hoc autem quod falso nobis imponitis quod nec fidâ—le nec bonum consilium regi Domino vestro damus nequaquam verum dicitis Et si vos domine Simon de Monte forti vel Gileberte de Clara velitis hoc idem IN CURIA DOMINI REGIS ASSERERE parati sumus securum veniendi ad dictam CURIAM procurare conductum nostrae super hoc innocentiae veritatem vestrum sicut PERFIDORUM PRODITORVâ—M mendacium declarare per ALIOS misprinted in some Copies alium NOBILITATE ET GENERE VOBIS PARES not parem relating to that of Magna Charta c. 29. Per legale judicium PARIUM SUORUM by which Peers only are legally triable In the year of our Lord 1265 being the 49 year of Henry the 3 his reign the Earl of Leicester Simon de Montefort and sundry other of the Barons being slain and the rest of them totally routed in the Battel of Evesham by Prince Edward thereupon the King being rescued out of their hands and restored to his royal authority summoned a Parliament at Winchester on the Nativity of the blessed Virgin In which Parliament REX ET REGNI MAGNATES ORDINARVNT as Mat. Westminster relates quod diâ—iores Civitatis Londinensis in carcerom truderentur quod Cives Civitas Londinensis Nota suis antiquis Privilegiis libertatibus privaretur OB SUAM REBELLIONEM quod stipites cathenas quibus Civitas fuerat roborata de medio tollerentur PRO EO QUOD Simoni de Montiforti Comiti Leicestriae IN REGIS CONTEMPTUM ET ETIAM DAMNUM REGNI FORTITER ADHAESERANT Capitunei etiam factionis contra Regem juxta voluntatem ejus plâ—ctendi carcere manciparentur Quod totum factum est Nam potentiores Civitatis apud Castrum Windesoram Carceri fuerunt mancipaâ—i qui post modo poena pecuniaria ad summam non modicam mulctabantur Libertas fuit civibus interdicta Turris London per stipites Cathenas Civitatis fortiâ—r facta Post hoâ— aprid Westmonasterium in festo Translatioâ—is Sancti Edwardi there was another Parliament held at London summoned by this Writ yet extant on Record Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae c. Cum post gravia turbationum discrâ—minadudum habita in regno nostro Carissimus filius Edwardus primogenitus noster pro pace in regno nostro assecurenda et firmanda obses traditus extitisset et jam sedata Benedictus Deus turbatione praedicta super deliberatione ejusdem salubriter providenda et plena securiâ—aâ—e et tranquillitate pacis ad honoâ—em Dei utilitatem totius regni nostri firmanda et totaliter complenda ac super quibusdam aliis regni nostri negoâ—â—is quae sine Consilio vestro et aliorum Praelatorum et Magnatum nostrorum nolumus expediri cuâ— eisdem traâ—tatum nos habere oportet Vobis mandamuâ— rogantes in fide et diâ—ectione quibuâ— Nobis teneminiâ— quod omni occasione postposita negotiis aliis praetertermissiâ— ad Nos Londoniis c. Nobiscum et cum Praedictis Praelatis et Magnatibus nosâ—ris quos ibid. vâ—c râ—cimus supeâ— praemiâ—is istis tracâ—a uri et Consil impensuri Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac veâ—â—rum necnon et communem regni nostri tranquillitatem diligitis nullatenus omittatis The Teste of this Writ to the Bishops bears date of Winchester where the former Parliament was held Decemb. 14. the Writs to the temporal Lords Abbots and Peers bâ—ar date at Woodstock the 24 of this Month there being no lesse than 64 Abbots 36 Priors the Master of the Temple and 4 Dears of Cathedral Churches summoned thereunto besides Knights and Burgesses now first summoned to that Parliament to settle peace most of them being VOLUNTARIE SUMMONITI and not bound of right to come not holding of the King by Barony In this Parl. by judgement of the King and Lords SENTENTIA EXHAEREDATIONIS IN REGIS ADVERSARIOS FEREBATUR '
iâ— regno Quid mihi suaderet vos prodere vel certe necare qui nihil lucri reciperem de vestra morte Nunquid hostes â—estri me ditiorem facerent in terra sua quam effectus sum in terra vestra et in natali solo Aut si regnum affectarem credendu â—ne est post vestram inteâ—fectinnem quod absit Dominos hujus Regni aquâ—nimiter ferre me posse Domini mei et patriae proâ—â—torem Deliâ—ere si placet fidem â—arâ—â—alia â—lerenâ—bus quia paratus sum more militis contra quemcunque mundi mihi in hac causa adversantem pugnare et meam innocentiam defendere et purgare Upon which and other words the King believed the Duke and received his excuses and committed the Frier at his request to the Custodie of the Lord John Holland usque ad diem quo causam diceret horum quae praeposuerat contra eum In ipsa nocte quae processit diem suae responsioniâ— the Frier was strangled and pressed to death by the said John and another Knight and the next day his dead corps was drawn through the street like a Traytor to take away the suspition of his unjust death Ipsi judices ipsi ministri ipsi tortores extiterunt Et hic fructus Parliamenti praesentis praeter hoc quod dominus Willielmus la Zouche quamvis gravissima detineretur aegritudine accersitus erat ad Parliamentum ad standium judicio Regis et Dominorum quia idem â—rater eum velut inventorem inceptorem et incentorem dixerat omnium quae scripserat extitisse Qui cum venisset lectica delatus quia propter guttam equitare non poterat compulsus est discinctus et discooperto capite ad haec omnia sibi objecta more latronum vel proditorum respondere Qui viriliter negavit objecta Sacramento firmans haec nunquam audisse vel hujusmodi cogitasse et ita demum absolutus est et domum redire permissus In this Parliament holden at Salisbury 7 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 11. to 16. John Cavendish a Fishmonger of London made his complaint first to the Commons and after to the Lords against Sir Michael de la Poole Chancellor of England demanding the Peace against him which THE LORDS granted after which he accused him for taking Bribes and delayes and injustice in a sute of his depending before him whereof he cleared himself by his own Oath and the Oaths of other witnesses sworn and examined before THE LORDS Whereupon the Lords being troubled with other weighty matters referred the Chancellors reparation for the Scandal to the ordering of the Judges The same Sir Michael de la Pole Earl of Suffolk and Chancellor of England in the Parliament of 10 R. 2. rot Parliamenti n. 6. to 18. was accused in full Parliament before THE KING BISHOPS LORDS by the Commons who exhibited sundry Articles against him recorded at large by Henry de Knyghton agreeing with the Parliament Roll. The effect of them was this That whiles he was Chancellor against his Oath to procure the profit of the King he had purchased lands and tenements of the King of great value at under rates and exchanged uncertainâ— customs and rents for good lands in deceipt of the King and for spending the Aids granted to the King the last Parliament to guard the Seas in another manner than they were granted whereby the Seas were not guarded and much mischief hapned to the Realm c. The Lords Commons refused to act any thing till the King came in person to Parliament and the Chancellor removed upon these Articles The Chancellor demanded of the LORDS 1. Whether he should answer these Articles without the Kings presence for things done whiles he was Chancellor for that he being Chancellor of England for the time represented the Kings person in Parliament during his absence thence Secondly Whether his Brother in Law Sir Richard Scroope might not answer for him whom he had by advice of his Counsel appointed to do it To which the LORDS answered and resolved It was honest and fit for him to answer for himself Whereupon he making protestation that he might adde to or diminish from his answer and that which might be honourable to him by advice of his Counsel the Lords granting thereunto He thereupon put in an answer and replication to all the Articles to which his Counsel added some things in making his defence The Commons replyed to his answer to w ch he by way of rejoyndâ—r replied and answered to them his defence sâ—eming very solid Yet the Commons upon his replication before judgement pressed the King then being in Parliament and she Lords that he might be committed for the grievous offences charged against him Whereupon he was arrested by the Kings command and committed to the custody of the Constable of England and after let to mainprise Ar last THE LORDS in full Parliament GAVE JUDGEMENT AGAINST HIM That for breach of his Oath all the Manors and lands which he had of the Kings gift contained in the Articles should be seised into the Kings hands to have them to him and his heirs for ever together with their mean profits and issues saving to him the name and Title of a Knight and Earl together with an annuity of 20 l. yearly granted him out of the profits of the County of Suffolk The like judgement was given against him for the lands exchanged by the King for the customs of Hull and the Priory of St. Anthony Walsingham addes That he was deprived likewise of his Chancellorship and adjudged worthy of death yet the Lords would not put him to death but sent him prisoner to Windsore Castle Rex autem non multo post annullavit quicquid in Parliamento statutum fuerat contra ipsum In the Parliament of 11 R. 2. rot Parl. â— 6 7. Thomas Duke of Gloucester kneeling before the King said that he understood the King was informed he went about to depose him and to make himself King Wherefore he offered to put himself upon his tryal in that behalf as the Lords of the Parliament would award Whereupon the King said in open Parliament that he thought the said Duke was nothing faulty and therefore held him excused After which all THE LORDS as well spiritual as temporal being in the Parliament claimed their liberties and franchises namely That all weightâ— matters in the same Parliament which should be after moved touching THE PEERS OF THE LAND ought to be discussed JUDGED AND DETERMINED BY THE M by the course of Parliament and not by the Civil Law nor yet by the Common Law of the Land used in other Couâ—ts of the Realm The which claim and liberties the King most willingly allowed and granted thereto in full Parliament After which Thomas Earl of Glocester Henry Earl of Derby Richard Earl of Arundel Thomas Earl of Warwick and Thomas Earl of Marshal Lords Appellants impeached Alexandâ—r Archbishop of York Robert de Vere
to them in all ordinary Civil and criminal causes For prooâ— whereof you may peruse at leisure M. Seldens Titles of Honour Part 2. c 5. Sect. 5. Sir Edw. Cooks Institutes on Magna Charta c. 35. His 4. Institutes c. 53. the Laws of King Edgar and Edward there cited Spelmanni Glossarium Tit. Comites Mr. Lambards Archaion f. 135. Horns Mirrour of Justices c. 1. Sect. 2 3. If then they were Judges of the Commons and people in every County by reason of their Honours Dignities even in antientest times in ordinary Causes there is great right and reason too they should be their Judges also in all their extraordinary causes as well criminal as civil even in Parliament 3ly The Lords Peers and great Officers of State in respect of their education learning experience in all proceedings of Justice and Law are more able fit to be Iudges of Commons in Parliament than ordinary Citizens and Burgesses especially if chosen out of the Cities and Boroughs themselves for which they serve as antiently they were and still ought to be by the Statutes of 1 H. 5. c. 1. 32 H. 6. c. 15. and by the very purports of the writs for their election at this very day de qualibet Civitate Com. praedict DVOS CIVES de quolibet Burgo DUOS BVRGENSES who have better knowledg skill in Merchandise and their several Trades than in matters of Judicature or Law Therefore the Right of Judicature was thought meet even after the Commons admission to our Parliaments to be still lodged and vested in the House of Peers as before who are the ablest and fittest of the two rather than in the Commons House 4ly Since the division of the Houses one from another if ever they sate together which cannot be proved the House of Peers are dis-ingaged and indifferent parties between the King and Commons and so fittest of all to he Judges between them as the Mirrour of Justices c. 1. resolves so it hath been stil furnished with the ablest Temporal and Spiritual persons for their Assistants in judgement and advice to wit with all the Judges of the Realm Barons of the Exchequer of the Coyâ— the Kings learned Counsel the Masters of the Chancery who are Civilians or Lawyers the Master of the Rolls the Principal Secretaries of State with other eminent persons for parts and learning and the Procuratores Gleri all which are called by Writ to assist and give their attendance in the upper House of Parliament where they have no voices but are to give their counsel and advice only to the Lords when they require their assistance especially in cases of Law and Judicature For proof whereof you may consult the Statutes of 31 H. 8. c. 10. The Register of Writs f. 261. Fitz. Nat. Brev. f. 229. a. b. M. Seldens Titles of Honor part 2. c. 5. Sir Edw. Cooks 4 Instit p. 4 5 6 44 45 46. and the Parliament Rolls and Authorities there cited by them seconded by our present experience Now the House of Peers being thus assisted with the advice of all the Judges of England the Kings learned Counsel and others ablest to advise them in all Criminal Civil or Ecclesiastical matters cases that come before them were in this regard thought fittest by our Ancestors and the Commons themselves who have no such assistants to have the principal and sole power of Judicature in all civil and criminal causes as well of Commoners as Peers that are proper for the Parliaments Judicature by way of censure or redress 5ly There can be no judgement given in any of the Kings Courts in Criminal causes but where the King is personally or representatively present sitting upon the Tribunal and where the proceedings are Coram Rege And therefore in the end of most antient Parliament Rolls we find the Title of Placita Coronae CORAM DOMINO REGE IN PARLIAMENTO SUO c. as in 4 E. 3. 21 R. 2. 1 H. 4. and other Parliaments Now as the Kings person is represented Judgements given Justice executed in all Criminal and Civil cases in the Kings Bench Eyres Goal Deliveries Oyers and Terminers and all his other Courts by his Judges and Justices in his absence So is it represented in our Parl. in the Lords house by his Commissioners and the Lords and Judgements given Justice executed by them in al criminal civil causes and no ways by the Commons who neither sit nor judge in the House of Peers Therefore the House of Peers only noâ— the Commons are the true and proper judicatoâ—y where the King the supream judge fits usually in Person and alwayes in representation in his absence 6ly There can be no legal trial or Judgement given in Parliament in Criminal causes or others without examination of witnesses upon Oath as in all other Courts of justice But the House of Peers alone have power to give and examine witnesses upon Oath and the whole House of Commons no such power but to take Informations without Oath which neither they nor their Committees can administer unless by special Order and Commission from the King or Lords Therefore the power of judicature in Parliament even in Commoners cases is inherent only in the House of Peers and not in the Commons House 7ly It is a rule both of Law and justice that no man can be an informer prosecutor and judge too of the persons prosecuted informed against it being contrary to all grounds of justice therefore he ought to complain and petition to others for Justice But the Commons in all ancient Parliaments and in this present have been informers and prosecutors in nature of a Grand Inquest to which some compare them being summoned from all parts of the kingdom to present publike Grievances and Delinquents to the King and Peers for their redress and thereupon have alwayes petitioned complained to the King and Lords for Iustice against all other Delinquents and offenders in Parliament not judged them themselves witness their many impeachments accusations complaints sent up and prosecuted by them in former Parliaments and this to the Lords not only against Peers but Commoners of which there are hundreds of presidents this very Parliament Therefore the House of Lords hath the proper right of judicatory vested in them even in Cases of Commoners not the Commons who are rather Informers Prosecutors and Grand Jury men to inform impeach than Judges to hear censure determine and give judgement as is resolved in 1 H. 4. n. 79. 8ly Those who are proper Judges in any Court of Justice whiles the cause is judging sit in their Robes and that covered on the Bench not stand bare at the bar sweat and examine the witnesses in the cause not produce them or manage the evidence and when the cause is fully heard argue and debate the businesse between themselves and then give the definitive sentence But in all cases that are to be tried and judged in Parl. the
dominum nostrum jam elapso irae tempore haec innotuisse Praeterea si aliquid â—iolentiae ipsi Henrico intuleritis ecce Episcopus Londinonsis qui spiritualem et alii amici ejus militares qui vindictam exercebunt materialem et sic in magna parte cessavit Extunc igitur procurante efficaciter Comite Richardo et Episcopâ— memorato mitius actum est cum eo Dictum enim est domino Regi secretius quod mirum est quod aliquis ei curat servire cum eis post ministerium etiam mortem nititur inferre Promissa igitur quadam pecuniae summa a mortis discrimine recessit liberatus After which he paying to the King 2000 marks for a fine and being reconciled to the King ad Curiam est reversus immemor laqueorum quos evaserat Here we have 1. A corrupt Judge accused of bribery by others and by the King of rebellion and sedition and that before the Lords in Parliament 2ly A Proclamation for all that were grieved to complain against him 3ly A rash unjust sentence given against him by the King himself for any man that would to kill him with impunity 4ly the Lords opposition and contradiction of this sentence and its execution as unjust and dangerous 5ly A remission of his sentence by the Lords mediation and a fine imposed and paid to the King for his offences In the 49 year of King Henry the 3. at the Parliament held at Winchester divers Commoners as well as Lords were attainted and condemned of High Treason for levying war against the King their persons imprisoned their lands and goods confiscated and the liberties of the City of London forfeited by judgement of the Lords Anno â—290 King Edward the 1. held a Parliament at London at which time Rex auditis multorum queremoniâ—â— fere Justiciarios omnes de falsitate deprehensos a suo Officio deposuit puniens eos juxta demerita grâ—vi mâ—a by the advice of his Lords in Parliament It appears by the Clause Roll of 5 E. 2. m. 22. dorso and Rot. Finium 5 E. 2. m. 11. in Schedula that in a Parliament held at Stamford 3 E. 2. the Commons of England exhibited sundry Articles of complaint to the King Amongst others that they were not used as they ought to be by THE GREAT CHARTER in taking Prises and Purveyances without mony c. That the King by his Ministers took ijs of every Tun of wine and ijs a cloth from Merchants aliens and 3 d. pur aver de poys to the damage of his people and hinderance of trade which new Impositions being against Law the King promised to redress for the future and to content himself with the Prises and Customs antiently due They likewise complained of the abuses oppressions and extravagances of Purveyors Constables of Castles and Escheators and abuses of Protections and Pardons granted by the King to Murderers and other Malefactors to their incouragement whereto redress was promised In their 6. Article they complained That the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament came up with divers Petitions for matters not remediable at the Common Law and could not finde to whom to deliver them Whereunto was answered The King willed that in his Parliaments for time to come certain persons should be appointed to receive Petitions and that they should be delivered TO HIS COUNCIL as was used in the time of his Father and examined and answered by him with their advice Whence we find in all our Parliament Rolls ever since in the beginning of every Parliament certain persons nominated by the King and Lords being Members or Assistants of the Lords house to receive the several Petitions of England Ireland Scotland Gascoigne Iersey Gernsey Alderney and other Isles and other persons of the LORDS House appointed to trie examin and answer them in the Kings name and behalf as he by their advice shall think meet and sundry Petitions of Grievances of all kinds presented to them and answered accordingly by the King and Lords in every Parliament as well by the whole house of Commons as by particular Counties Cities Corporations and private Persons a most clear Evidence that the King and Lords are the sole Judges of all criminal and civil causes and Grievances of the Commons in Parliament since they thus constantly petition them for redress and that the Commoners are only Petitioners not Judges as the Parliament roll of 1 H. 4. n. 79. resolves in direct terms Claus 8 E. 2. m. 7. dors The Chaplains of the House of Converts exhibited a Petition in Parliament against Adam de Osgodby the Keeper thereof for putting them out of their lodgings and placing his Clerks therein they being founded by King H. 3. to pray and sing Masses for his and his ancestors Souls and not to lodge the Clerks of the Chancery Upon consideration of the Petition by the Lords and Councel in Parliament it was referred to the Chancellor to examin and determine tanquam principali Custodi omnium Hospitalium et Domorum de eleemosyna Domini Regis fundatorum ut ipfe inde faceret quod de jure esset faciendum He sends a Commission to the House to inquire the truth of the complaint and finds the Complaint unjust and that the Keeper of the House was falsly charged and that especially by William de Okelines being one of the Chaplins Whereupon consideratum est per Cancellarium quod Willielmus idem nihil haberet de contentis in petitione sua praedicta sed quod committeretur ad custodiam suam pro falsâ— querela sua castigandus juxta discretionem dicti custodis Pasch 8 E. 2. Norfolk The Archdeacon of Norfolk was accused for citing the Countess of Warren being the Kings Neece and divorced from her husband to the damage of the King 2000 l. and it was adjudged by the Lords in Parliament against the Archdeacon quod nec citatio nec summonitio fieri debet versus eot qui sunt de sanguine Regis quia illis Major reverentia debita est and therefore he was fined About the year 1316. when the Northumberland Soldiers like some in this age raised against the Scots de tyronâ—bus facti sunt Tyranni de defensoribus destructores de propugnatoribus proditores c. one John Tanner said openly that he was heir of England Therefore at Northampton before the King and Lords he was proved false and hanged and drawn See more of him in Fabians Chronicle part 7. Anno 1314. p. 169. who relates that he reported he was son to King Edward the 1. but was stoln out of his cradle by a false nurse and Edward who was anothers son laid in the cradle for him and that he had a Fiend in form of a Câ—t whom he served 3. years which assured him he should be King of England In the Parliament of 18. E. 1. the Prior of Trinity in London and Bago de Clare were attached brought into the Parliament there
fined a 1000 l. to Edmond Earl of Cornwal and 2000 marks to the Abbot of Westminster and committed to the Tower of London by JUDGEMENT of the King Earls Barons and Iustices in full Parliament for citing and attaching the said Earl of Cornwal in Westminster hall to appear before the Archbishop sitting the Parliament whereof he was a Peer against his Privilege and the privilege of Sanctuary granted to the Abbot of Westminst and remained prisoners there till they put in Sureties and paid the 1000 l. fine to the Earl notwithstanding their plea of ignorance of these their Privileges In the Parliament of 4 E. 3. n. 2 3 4 5 6. Sir Simon Bereford knight John Mautravers Boso de Bayons John Deverall Thomas de Gournay and William of Ocle confederates with Roger Mortimer Earl of March in all his Treasons and misdoings for which he was then impeached and condemned and guilty of the murders of King Edward the 2. after his deposition in Berkley Castle and of the Earl of Kent his Brother were attainted and condemned of High Treason by the Lords Barons Péers in Parliament as Iudges of Parliament though they were Commoners and not their Péers whom they were not at all obliged to judge as Péers adjudging them by the Kings assent as Traytors and Enemies of the King and his Realm to be drawn and hanged Whereupon Sir Simon being in Custody was executed by the Marshal and Proclamation made by the Kings writs by the Lords order to apprehend the others with promise of great rewards to those who should apprehend them that they might be executed and if they could not take them alive to bring in their heads for which thty should receive the reward of 500 l. from the King It is true indeed that after these Judgements given the Lords the same Parliament entred this special Protestation in the Parliament Roll n. 6. against being forced to give Judgement in such cases against those who were not their Peers which Sir Edward Cook stiles an Act of Parliament though it be no such thing but a voluntary Protestation of the Lords with the Kings assent It is assented and agreed by our Lord the King and all the Great men in full Parliament that albeit the said Péers as Iudges of Parliament took upon them in the presence of our Lord the King to make and render the said Judgements by assent of the King upon some of those who were not at all their Peers and that by reason of the murder of our Leige Lord and destruction of him who was so near of the bloud royal and son of a King that thereby the PEERS which now are o◠the Péers which shall be in time to come shall not be bound or charged to render Iudgements upon others who are not their Péers nor yet to doe it but upon the Péers of the Land but that they shall from henceforth be for ever acquitted thereof And that the said Iudgements now rendered shall not be drawn into example nor consequence for time to come whereby the said Peers may be charged hereafter to adjudge others than their Peers against the Law of the Land if such another case should happen which God defend From this Protestation of the Lords which Lilburn principally insists on he and some others conclude that the Peers in Parliament have no right at all to imprison fine judge or pass sentence of death against any Commoner for any offence no not for breach of their own Privileges but only the Commons To which Objection I answer First that this is no Act of Parliam as Sir E. Cook mistakes but a bare Protestation of the Lords alone assented to by the King without the Commons assent which no wayes impeacheth the Lords right of judicature Secondly that neither the House of Commons nor the Commoners then attainted of Treason and adjudged to death by the Lords ever demurred or excepted against their Jurisdiction as Lilburn and Overton doe but acknowledged and submitted to it Thirdly That in this very Protestation the Lords profess and justifie their right of BEING JVDGES in Parliament without admitting or acknowledging any Joynt or sole right of Judicature with them in the Commons Fourthly That this Protestation was meerly voluntary not in derogation but preservation of their own Honour Right Peerage and the Parliaments privileges too The substance of it is no more than this That the Lords should not be constrained against their wills by the Kings command and in his presence to give judgement of death in ordinary cases of Treason or Felony in the high Court of Parliament or elsewhere out of it against such who were no Peers who in such cases by the Law might and ought to be tried in the Kings Courts at Westminster or before the Iustices of Oyer and Terminer by a Iury of their equals but only in cases which could not well be tried elsewhere and were proper for their Judgement in Parliament they fearing that by this president in Parliament they might be sworn and impannelled on Juries in cases of Treason committed by Commoners against the Great Charter c. 29. and the Privilege of their Peerage which exempted them being sworn or put into Juries as Fitz. Nat. brev f. 165.48 E. 3. f. 30. Exemption 6.48 Ass 6.27 H. 8. f. 22. b. This is the whole summ and sence of their protestation To argue therefore from hence That they cannot pass sentence or judgement against any Commoners in any case proper for their Judicature in Parliament because they protested only against being COMPELLED to give Iudgement against such as were no Peers in cases triable elsewhere and not proper for their tribunal as the Objectors hence conclude is quite to mistake their meaning end to speak rather non-sence than reason or Law Fifthly This Protestation was made only against the Lords giving sentence in Felony and Treason and that in the Kings own presence in Parliam who usually pronounced the judgment himself or by some other with the Lords assent did not charge the Lords to pronounce it as here not against sentencing fining imprisoning any Commoner for rayling and libelling against their Persons Jurisdiction and procedings or refusing to answer and contemning their Authority to their faces at the barr or appealing from their Judicature in case of breach of Privilege of which themselves alone and no others are or can be Judges the cases of Lilburn and Overton whose commitments are warranted by hundreds of Presidents in this and former Parliaments Therefore for them to apply this Protestation to their cases with which it hath no Analogy is a manifestation of their injudiciousness and folly rather than a justification of their Libellous Invectives against the Lords injustice Sixthly The Lords gave judgement against all these persons by the Kings command in their absence without any Indictment hearing Trial witnesses heard or examined against them face to face or due process or Law against the Great Charter
it was shewed to the said John Lord of Gomynes by the said Steward how the said LORDS had assembled and considered of his answer and THAT IT SEEMED TO THE LORDS sitting in full Parliament that without duresse or default of victuals or other necessaries for the defence of the Town Castle of Arde and without the Kings Command he had evilly delivered and surrendred them to the Kings Enemies by his own default against all appearance of right or reason contrary to his undertaking safely to keep the same Wherefore THE LORDS aforesaid here in full Parlia-ADJUDGE YOU TO DEATH And because you are a Gentleman and a Baronet and have served the Kings Grandfather in his wars and are no Liege man of our Lord the King you shall be beheaded without having OTHER JUDGEMENT And because that our Lord the King is not yet informed of the manner of this Judgement the execution thereof shall be put in respite until our Lord the King be informed thereof Loe here two express Judgements given in Parliament by the LORDS alone without King or Commons in case of Treason even against Commoners themselves And an express acknowledgement by the Commons of the Lords right to award Iudgement in these cases without the King or them than which a fuller and clearer proof cannot be desired In the Parliament of 2 R. 2. n. 34 35. Sir Robert Howard knight was committed prisoner to the Tower upon the complaint of the Lady Nevil by the Lords in Parliament for a forcible imprisonment of her daughter to which he was accessory that she might not prosecute a divorce in Court Christian In the 50 year of King Edward the 3. in the Parliament called the good Parliament Sir John Anneslee Knight accused Thomas Katrington Esquire of Treason for selling the Castle of St. Saviour in the Isle of Constantine to the French for an inestimable sum of money cum nec defensio sibi nec victualia defuissent whereupon he was taken and imprisoned but in King Edwards sickness enlarged by the Lord Latymers means as was reported In the Parliament held at London Anno 1380. the 3. of R n. 2. he was again accused by Sir John Anneslee and there resolved that being a Treason done beyond Sea not in England it ought to be tried by duel before the Constable or Marshal of the Realm Whereupon a day of battel was appointed in the Court at Westminster the 7. of June and lists set up On which day in the morning they fought the battel in the presence of the KING Nobles and Commons of the Realm which Walsingham at large describes till both of them were tyred and lay tumbling on the ground where the Esquire got upon the Knight as if he had conquered him Others said the Knight would rise again and vanquish the Esquire Interea Rex pacem clamari prâ—cepit et militem erigâ— The Knight refused to be lifted up as the Esquire was desiring he might be laid upon him again for he was well and would gain the victory if he were laid upon him again When he could not obtain his request being lifted up he went chearfully to the King without help when as the Esquire could neither stand nor go but as two held him up and thereupon was set in a chair to rest himself The Knight when he came before the King rogavis Eum et Proceres ut sibi illam concederunt gratiam ut itâ—rum in loco quo prius posset reponi et armiger super eum Rex vero et Proceres cum vidissent miliâ—em tam animose â—am vivide bellum repetere et insuper magnam summam auri offerre publice ut id posset effici decreverunt eum iterum reponendum armigerum super eum modo universaliter servato quo â—acuerant ante prostrati But the Esquire in the mean time in a swoun fell out of the chair as dead between the hands of those who stood by him Whereupon many running to him chafed him with wine and water but could not recover him till they pulled off his arms Quod factum et Militem victorem probavit Arm gerum esse victum After some space the Esquire reviving opened his eyes and began to lift up his head and to look terribly on every one that stood round about him which the knight being informed of went presently to him in his arms which he never put off and speaking to him et Proditorem et falsum appellans quaerit si iterum audeat Duellum repetere Ille verò nec sensum nec spiritum habente respondendi â—lamatum est pugnam finitam et ut quisque ad propria remearet The Squire was carried to his bed senceless and died the next morning Here we have a Duel ordered by Parliament and the King and Lords Iudges in it not the Commons for a Treason done beyond the Seas not triable here by Law In the Parliament of 4 R. 2. n. 17. to 26. Sir Ralph Ferrers being arested for suspition of Treason on the borders of Scotland was brought into the Parliament before the Lords to answer the same where divers Letters under his hand and Seal as was pretended were produced and read against him sent to the Lord Admiral of France and other French Officers informing them that he in the behalf of the French had made a League and alliance with the Scots and desiring them to make payment of the monies promised him and of his own fee and inviting the French to invade England c. with discoveries of the Kings designs against the French and answers to them Sir Ralph desired Counsel in this case which was denied him These Letters were found by a beggar besides London divers of his familiars were called into the Parliament house before the Lords and likewise the beggar and the whole matter strictly examined The Letters sent by Sir Ralph to the parties beyond Seas and certain Letters sent by them in answer to his were all sealed together and all of one hand and the Seal larger than the Seal of the said Sir Ralph whereupon they seemed to be forged by some of his Enemies for his overthrow himself being once or twice urged to answer Whether the Letters were his or no answered that he did not remember they were his own Letters and that he was ready to approve as the Lords should think fit having formerly offered combate with any that would justifie it from which he was put In conclusion the Lords thought him to be innocent whereupon he was delivered to 4. Earls and 2. Lords who became pledges body for body to answer when he should be called between that and the next Parliament and so he was inlarged The Letters and his Seal were delivered to Sir John Cavendish Chief Justice of England and the beggar being thought privy to this falshood was committed to prison by THE LORDS In the Parliament of 5 R. 2. n. 44 45. Richard Clindow Esquire exhibited a Bill to
the King wherein he accused Sir William Cogan knight for extorting 300 l. by menaces from the Prior of St. Iohns Sir William appearing upon Summons prayed Counsel which was denied for that it concerned Treason whereupon he pleaded Not Guilty After which the same Parliament n. 46. to 61. The Mayor Baylifs and Commonalty of Cambridge were accused before the King and Lords that in the late insurrection they confederating with other Malefactors did break open the Treasury of the University of Cambridge burn sundry Charters of the University and compel the Chancellor and Scholars under their common Seal to release to the said Mayor and Burgesses all manner of Liberties real and personal actions and also to become bound to them in great sums of money Whereupon special writs were directed to the Mayor Baylifs and Commonalty to appear in Parliament to answer the premises The Mayor and Baylifs appear in person and plead that they 〈◊〉 not privy to any such act but if any thing was done it was by compulsion by others which the Kings learned Counsel disproved whereupon they pleaded Not Guilty The Commonalty appeared by Attorney and delivered in the Release and Bond of the University complained of under their Seal which were ordered to be cancelled After which the Chancellor and Scholars of the University exhibited Articles against the Mayor and Baylifs shewing their whole carriage and discourse in this tumult Upon reading whereof it was demanded of them in the Kings behalf What they could say why their Liberties lately confirmed should not be seised into the Kings hands as forfeited They thereupon required a Copy of the Articles Councel and respite to answer To the Copy of the Bill it was answered by the Lords that seeing they had heard it read it should suffice for by Law they ought to have no Copy For Councel it was said That to such articles if any were wherein Councel was to be had they should have it otherwise not Wherfore they were then appointed to answer to no crime or offence but only to their Liberties To which they answered by their Council That this Court ought not to have any Conusance or Jurisdiction of them for certain causes then alleged But at last they were ordered to say what they could otherwise they would give Iudgement against them as those who had nothing to say Whereupon they pleaded they did nothing but by Duress and constraint of the Rebels At last after many dilatory shifts touching their Liberties they wholly submitted themselves to the Kings mercy and grace saving their answer to other matters The KING therefore by the assent of the Prelates and Lords in Parliament â—o is the Rolâ— seised their Liberties into his hands as forfeited and by assent of the Lords and Prelates in Parliament granted to the Chancellor and Scholars the Assise and correction of bread weights measures and forestallers and fines thereof within the Town and Subâ—rbs of Cambridge which the Townsmen had before The King Lords and Prelates being Judges and giving the Judgement in this case of Commoners as the record a â—ge attests Walsingham relates that in a Parliament holden at London this year about the feast of St. John upon the Petition of the knights of Shires John Straw Captain of those in the insurrection at Bury and Myldenhale tractationi et suspentioni ADJUDICATUR to wit by the King and Lords licet multi putassent eum fuisse pecunia redimendum In the 7. year of R. 2. Rege vocante congregati sunt multi de Nobilibus Regni apud Rading to restrain the seditious motions of John de Northampton late Mayor of London qui ingenia facinora nisus est de quibus et convictus est ibidem his familiar Clerk accusing him both of divers practises and designes projected by him as well to the prejudice of the King as of the whole City of London and objecting them against him When Judgement was to be given against him in the Kings presence he pleaded that such a Judgement ought not to be given against him in the absence of the Duke his Lord whereby he raised a sinister suspition as well in the people AS NOBLES against the Duke of Lancaster The Justice who was to pronounce the Judgement told him He ought to refute his charge by Duel or by the Laws of the Realm to submit himself to drawing hanging and quartering At which when he stood mute and said nothing DECRETVM EST ut perpetuo carceri tradiretur et eâ—us bona regis usibus confisâ—arentur ut Londonias non appropinquaret per centum miliaria in vita sua whereupon he was sent prisoner to Tyntagel Castle in Cornwall and his goods seised on by the Kings Officers In the Parliament of 7 R. 2. holden at Westminster the Monday next before the feast of All Saints num 17. Bryers Cressingham and Iohn Spicâ—worth Esquires were accused before the LORDS for surrendring the Castle of Drinkham in Flanders to the kings enemies for money without consent of the kings Lieutenant Spickworth proved that the same was not in his custody and thereupon he was discharged Cressingham pleaded that he yeelded the same upon necessity without money and submitted himself to the Lords order who thought this no good cause and therefore committed him to prison The same Parliament n. 24 25. Sir William de Elinsham Sir Thomas Trivet Sir Henry de Ferriers and Sir William Farnden knights and Robert Fitz-Ralph Esquire were accused before the Lords in Parliament for selling the Castle of Burburgh with all the arms ammunition and provisions therein to the French the kings enemies for sundry summs of gold received by them of the French without authority from the king or his Lieutenant who pleaded they surrendred it for salvation of themselves and their people c. After all their excuses made they were upon consideration adjudged insufficient by the Lords and the Chancellor by their order pronounced this Judgement against them That they should repay all the monies they received from the Enemy to the King be committed to prison ransomed at the Kings will and moreover that Sir Will. de Farnden being the greatest Offender should be at the Kings mercy both for body and goods to do with them as he pleaseth In this Parliament there was a Duel fought between John Walsh an English Esquire and one of Navarr who accoused him of Treason against the King and Realm effectually but yet falsly out of envy Walsh having layen with his wife whiles he was under Captain of Cherburgh as he afterwards confessed This Dueâ— was fought within the lists in the presence of the King and Nobles of the Realm where this Navarrois being vanquished by Walsh REGALI JVDICIO tractus et suspensus est quanquam Regina et plures alii pro eo preces sedulas porrexissent In the 2. of Parliament of 7 R. 2. n. 13.10 19. John Cavendish a Fishmonger of London praying Surety of the peace
against Sir Michael de la Pool Knight Lord Chancellor of England first before the Commons and afterward before the Lords which was granted Then he accused him BEFORE THE LORDS for bribery and injustice and that he entered into a bond of 10 l. to Iohn Ottard a Clerk to the said Chancellor which he was to give for his good success in the business in part of payment whereof he brought Herring and Sturgeon to Ottard and yet was delayed and could have no justice at the Chancellors hands Upon hearing the cause and examining witnesses upon Oath before THE LORDS the Chancellor was cleared The Chancellor thereupon required reparation for so great a slander the Lords being then troubled with other weighty matters let the Fishmonger to Bail and referred the matter to be ordered by the Judges who upon hearing the whole matter condemned Cavendish in three thousand marks for his slanderous complaint against the said Chancellor and adjudged him to prison till he had paid the same to the Chancellor and made fine and ransom to the King also which the Lords confirmed In the Parliament of 8 R. 2. n. 12. Walter Sybell of London was arrested and brought into the Parliament before the Lords at the sute of Robert de Veer Earl of Oxford for slandering him to the Duke of Lancaster and other Nobles for maintenance Walter denied not but that he said that certain there named recovered against him the said Walter and that by maintenance of the said Earl as he thought The Earl there present protested himself to be innocent and put himself upon the trial Walter thereupon was committed to Prison by the Lords and the next day he submitted himself and desired the Lords to be a mean for him saying he could not accuse him whereupon THE LORDS CONVICTED and FINED HIM FIVE HUNDRED MARKS TO THE SAID EARL for the which and for his fine and ransom to the King he was committed to prison BY THE LORDS A direct case in point By these two last Presidents of the Lords â—ining and imprisoning Cavendish and Syber two Commoners in Parliament for their standers and false accusacions only of two particular Peers and Members of their house it is most apparent the Lords now may most justly not only imprison but likewise fine both Lilburn and Overion for their most scandalous Libels against all the Members just Privileges Judicatory and Authority of the whole House of Peers which they have contemned vilisied oppugned and libelled against in the highest degree and most scurrillously abused reviled in sundry seditious Pamphlets to incite both the Army and whole Commonalty against them In the Parliament of 11 R. 2. the Duke of Glocester and other Lords came to London with great forces to secure themselves and remove the kings ill Counsellors and bring them to judgement whereupon the King for fear securing himself in the Tower of London and refusing to come to them at Westminster contrary to his faithfull promise the day before they sent him this threatning Message nisi venire maturaret juxta condictum quod eligerent alium sibi Regem qui vellet et deberet obtemperare consiliis Dominorum Wherewith being terrified he came unto them the next day Cui dixerunt PROCERES pro honore suo regni commodo oporterâ—â— ut Proditores susurrones adulatores et male fici detractores juratores à suo Palatio et Comitive etiam eliminarentur Whereupon they banished sundry Lords Bishops Clergy-men Knights and Ladies from the Court and imprisoned many other Knights Esquires and Lawyers to answer their offences in Parliament The first man proceeded against in Parliament was the Chief Justice Tresylian whom the Lords presently adjudged to be drawn and hanged The like Iuegement the Lords gave against Sir Nicholas Brambre Knight Sir Iohn Salisbury Sir Iames Burwâ—yes Iohn Beauchamp Iohn Blakes who were all drawn and hanged accordingly as Trayâ—ers one after another and Simon Burly beheaded after them by like judgement notwithstanding the Kings and Earl of Derbies intercessions for him to the Lords After their Execution Robert Belknapâ— John Holâ— Roger Fulthorp and William Burgh Justices were banished by the Lords sentence and their lands and chattels confiscated out of which they allowed them only a small annual pension to sustain their lives After which these Judgments against them were confirmed by Acts of Attainder as you may read in the Statutes at large of 11 R. 2. where their Crimes and Treasons are specified in Cokes 3 Institutes c. 2. p. 22 23. and in Knyghton Holinshed Fabian Speed Trussel with other Historians In the Parliament of 13 R. 2. n. 12. Upon complaint of the Bishop Dean and Chapter of Lincoln against the Mayor and Bayliffs thereof for injustice in keeping them from their rights and rents by reason of the franchises granted them which they abused Writs were sent to the Mayor and Baylifs to appear at a certain day before the Lords and to have full authority from the whole Comonalty to abide their determination therein At which day the Mayor and Bayliffs appearing in proper person for that they brought not full power with them from the said Commonalty they were anâ— goâ— by the Lords to be in contempt and so were the Mayor and Bayliffs of Cambridge for the self same cause this very Parliment n. 14. In the Parliament of 15 R. 2. n. 16. The Prior of Holland in Lancashire complained of a great riot done by Henry Treble John Greenboâ— and sundry others for entring into the Parsonage of Whitwâ—rke in Leicestershire thereupon John de Ellingham Serjeant at Armes by vertue of a Commission to him directed brought the said Treble and Greenbow the principle malefactors into the Parliament before the Lords who upon 〈◊〉 confessed the whole matter and were therefore committed to the Fleaâ— there to remain at the Kings pleasure after which they made a fine in the Chancery agreed with the Prior and found sureties for the Good behaviour whereupon they were dismissed The same Parliament n. 19. Sir Will. Bryan was by the King with the assent of the Lords committed prisoner to the lower during the Kings will and pleasure for purchasing a Bull from Rome to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York to excommunicate all such who had broken up his house and taken away divers Letters Privileges and Charters which Bull was adjudged prejudicial to the King his Councâ—l and in derogation of the Law Num. 20. Thomas Harding was committed to the Fleet by the King and Lords assent there to continue during the Kings pleasure for falsly accusing Sir John and Sir Ralph Sutton as well by mouth as writing of a conspiracy whereof upon hearing they were acquitted And n. 21. John Shadwell of Baghsteed in Sussex was likewise committed to the Fleet by THE LORDS there to remain during the Kings pleasure for misinforming of the Parliament that the Archbishop of Canterbury had excommunicated him and his neighbours wrongfully in his
spiritual Cour◠for a temporal cause belonging to the Crown and Common Law which was adjudged by the Lords upon examination to be untrue To passe by the accusation of Sir Philip Courtney of divers hainous matters oppressions dissensions before the King and Lords in the Parliament of 16 R. 2. n. 6.13 14. of which more anon In the Parliament of 17 R. 2. n. 20 21. John Duke of Lancastre Steward and Thomas Duke of Gloucester Constable of England complained to the King that Sir Thomas Talbot Knight with other his adherents conspired the deaths of the said Dukes in divers parts of Cheshire as the same was confessed and well known and prayed That the Parliament might judge of the fault Whereupon the King and the Lords in Parliament without the Commons adjudged the said fact to be open and High Treason And thereupon they awarded two Writs to the Sherifs of Yorks and of Derby to take the body of the said Sir Thomas retornable in the Kings Bench in the month of Easter next ensuing And open Proclamation was made in Westminster Hall That upon the Sherifs retorn and at the next coming in of the said Sir Thomas he should be convicted of Treason and incurr the loss and pain of the same and that all such who should receive him after the Proclamation should receive the like losse and pain In the Parliament of 20 R. 2. n. 15 16 23. Sir Thomas Haxey Clark was by the King Lords in Parl. adjudged to die as a Traytor and to forfeit all his Lands Goods Chattels Offices and Livings for exhibiting to the House of Commons a scandalous Bill against the King and his Court for moderating the outragious expences of his Court by Bishops and Ladies c. Upon the Bishops intercession the King spared his life and delivered him into the custody of the Archbishop to remain as his Prisoner In the Parliament of 21 R. 2. n. 19 20. Pl. Parl. n. 2. to 15. The Lords Appellants appealed Sir Tho Mortimer Knight of High Treason for raising war against the King accroaching royal power and purposing to surrender his homage and allegiance and depose the King Who flying into the parts of Ireland thereupon the Lords in Parliament assigned him a certain day to come and render himself to the Law or else to be adjudged and proceeded against as a Traytor and Proclamation thereof was made accordingly in England and Ireland to render himself within 3 months And that after that time all his Abettors and Aiders should be reputed for and forfeit as Traytors He not coming at the day The Duke of Lancaster Steward of England by assent of the Lords in Parliament adjudged him a Traytor and that he should forfeit all his Lands in fee and see tayl together with all his Goods and Chattels The like Judgement in like manner was in the same Parliament given against Sir John Cobham Knight for the like Treason Placit Coronaen 16. On the 22 day of March 22 R. 2. n. 27. The King by assent of the Lords adjudged Sir Robert Plesington Knight then dead a Traytor for levying war against him with the Duke of Glocester at Harrengary for which he should lose all his Lands in fee or fee tayl and all his goods And n. 28. Henry Bowht Clerk for being of Counsel with the Duke of Hereford in his device was adjudged by the King and Lords to die and forfeit as a Traytor after which his life was pardoned and he banished In the Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 79. As the Commons acknowledged that the Iudgements in Parliament had always of right belonged to the King and Lords and not unto the Commons So therein the King and Lords alone without the Commons gave Judgement in sundry cases as Judges in Parliament 1. In Sir Thomas Haxey his case who in his own name presented a Petition in this Parliament a nostre tresedoute seigniour le ROY a LES SEIGNIORS DU PARLIAMENT shewing that in the last Parliament of 21 R. 2. that he delivered a Bill to the Commons of the said Parliament for the honour and profit of the said King and of all the Realm for which Bill at the will of the King he was by the King and Lords adjudged a Traytor and to forfeit all that he had praying that the record of the said Judgement with the dependants thereupon might be vacated and nulled by them in this present Parliament as erronious and that he might be restored to all his degrees farms estate goods chattels ferms pensions lands tenements rents offices advow sons and possessions whatsoever and their appurt and enjoy them to him and his heirs notwithstanding the said Iudgement or any grant made of them by the King The Commons House exhibited a Petition likewise on his behalf to the like effect adding that this judgement given against him for delivering this Bill to the Commons in Parliament was eneontre droit et la course quel avoit estre use devant in Parlement en anientesment des Customs de◠le◠Communes Upon which Petitions Nostre Seignior le ROY de Induis assent des touz les Seigniors esperituelz et temporelz ad ordinez et adjudges que le dit juggement renus vers le dit Thomas in Parlement soit de tout casses revorses repellez et adnullez et tenus pur nul force n'effect et que le dit Thomas soit restitut a ses nom et fame c. nient obstant mesme le juggement 2ly In the case of Judge Rickhill 1 H· 4. n. 92. On the 18 of November the Commons prayed the King that Sir William Rickhill late Just of the Common Bench arrested for a Confession he had taken of the Duke of Gloucester at Calice might be brought to answer for it devant les Seigniors du Parlement whereupon he was brought into Parliament before the Kings presence and all the Lords spiritual and temporal and Commons assembled in Parliament where Sir Walter Clapton Chief Justice of the Kings Bench by the kings command examined the said Sir William how and by what warrant he went to Calice to the said Duke of Glocester and upon what message Who answered that king Richard sent him a special Writ into Kent there recited verbatim commanding him by the faith and allegiance whereby he was obliged to him and under pain of forfeiting all he had to goe unto Caleys And that at Dover he received a Commission from the said king by the hand of the Earl Marshal to confer with the Duke of Glocester and to hear whatsoever he would say or declare unto him and to certifie the king thereof in proper person wherever he should be fully and distinctly under his Seal Whereupon he went thither and took the said Dukes Examination in writing according to the purport of the said Commission a Copy whereof the Duke himself received c Upon the hearing of his answer and defence
every temporal Lord being in full Parliament examined touching the answer of the said Sir William and the matters and evidences which they had examined said severally that the said William had done his message well and legally and that in the person of the said William there was no fault nor evil touching the said message nor any thing that he did to the person of the said Duke Whereupon Walter Clapton Chief Justice of the Kings Bench by command of the king adjudged and declared that the said William should be fully excused and acquitted for ever in time to come touching this matter 3ly The last day of this Parliament it was agreed by the King and Lords that all the remembrances called Raggemans or Blantâ—es Charters lately sealed in the City of London and divers Counties Cities and Burroughs of England should be sent to the City of London and from every County City and Burrough from whence they came and Writs sent to every of them rehearsing That the king held all the resiants and Inhabitants in them for his good and loyal Subjects and that no confession by them made comprised in the said remembrances are nor shall be in derogation of the estate of any such person and that the same remembrances shall be burnt and destroyed in the most open place of the said Counties Cities and Burroughs and if any thing remain of record in any Court or place the king wills that it shall be cancelled and totally adnulled revoked and repealed and held for no record and of no force nor value for time to come 4ly The 19th of November in the said Parliament Placita Coronae coram Domino Rege in Parliamento suo c. Anno regni Regis Henrici quarti post Conquestum primo n. 17. The Commons prayed she King that rhe pursute arrest and judgements made against Sir William le Scropâ— knight Henry Green knight and John Bassy knight might be affirmed and held good Whereupon Sir Richard Scroop humbly prayed the King that nothing which should be done in this Parliament might turn to his or his Childrens dis-inherison Of which Sir Richard it was demanded whether the said pursute arrest and judgements were good or not who answered that he feared not to say and must confesse that when they were made thâ—y were good and profitable for the King and Realm and that his Son was one of them for which he was very sorrowfull Whereupon the king rehearsed that he claimed the Realm and Crown of England with all their members and appurietenances as heir of the bloud by the right line of king Henry the 3d. and although through the right which God had sent him by the aid of his Parents and friends he recovered the said Realm which was at the point to be undone by default of government and defesance of the Laws and customs of the Realm yet it was not his will that any should think that by way of Conquest he would disinherit any man of his heritage franchise or other right which he ought to have nor out any man of that which he had or should have by the good Laws or Customs of the Realm except these who had been against the good purpose and common profit of the Realm of which only the King held the said Sir William Henry and John for such and guilty of all the evil which had come upon the Realm and therefore he would have and hold all the Lands and Tenements they had within the Realm of England or elsewhere by conquest Whereupon fuist demande de touts les Seigniors temporellez lour advys de les pursuite arreste juggem 〈◊〉 suiâ—diâ—z Les queux Seigniors touz de â—ne accorde disorent que mesmes les pursuite arreste juggement quinâ—que fuist fait come defuist dit uist bons et les affirmente Piur bons et profitables 5ly In the case of John Hall 1 H. 4. Placita Coronae n. 11 to 17. who being in custody of the Marshal of Englana was brought by him before the Lords in Parliament and there charged before them by Walter Clapton Lord Chief Justice by the King command with having a hand in the murther of the Duke of Glocester who was smothered to death with a Featherbed at Calues by king Richard the seconds command the whole transaction whereof he confessed at large and put in writing before James Billingford Clerk of the Crown which was read before the Lords upon reading thereof the King and all the temporal Lords in Parliament resolved that the said John Hall by his own confession deserved to have as hard a death as they could adjudge him to because the Duke of Glocester was so high a Person and thereupon toutes les Seigneiors temporelz per assent du Roy adjuggerent all the temporal Lords by assent of the King ADJVDGED that the said Jo. Hall should be drawn from Tower hill unto the Gallows at Tiburn and there bowelled and his bowels laid before him and after he should be hanged beheaded and quartered and his head sent to Calice where the murther was committed and his quarters sent to other places where the king should please and thereupon command was given to the Marshal of England to make execution accordingly and it was so done the same day Lo here the Lords in Parliament gave judgement against a Commoner in case of a murther done at Calice and so not â—riable in the Kings Bench but in Parliament and passe a Judgement of High Treason on him for murthering of a great Peer only In the Parliament of 2 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 23 24. The Commons shewed to the King that William Bagot had been impeached of many horrible deeds and misprisions the which if they had been true the Commons supposed the the King aad ths Lords would have had good notice thereof for that they had made many examinations thereof whiles the said William was in distress And therefore the said Commons prayed the King that the said Sir William being in Flanders and no offence found in his person upon the slanders in his impeachment aforesaid that he would be pleased to restore him to his lands To which prayer was answered in the Kings behalf that although the said Sir William upon the said impeachment made the last Parliament was put to his answer before the King and the Lords and there pleaded a general Charter of pardon against which Charter it seemed to all the Lords then present that the said Sir William ought not to be impeached nor put to answer by the King on his part for that the said Sir William was not attainted of any impeachment suggested against him and that the King had done him justice in this behalf therefore he would in the same manner doe him justice in the residue at the Commons request A most full proof of the Kings and Lords judicial power in Parliaments even in case of a Commoner The same Parliament 2. H. 4. num 29. William
declare against Roger Manwaring Clerk Dr. in Divinity that whereas by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm the Free Subjects of England doe undoubtedly inherit this right and liberty not to be compelled to contribute to any tax tallage aid or to make any Loans not set or imposed by common consent by Act of Parliament and divers of his Majesties loving Subjects relying upon the said Laws and Customs did in all humility refuse to lend such sums of mony as without authority of Parliament were lately required of them Nevertheless he the said Roger Manwaring in contempt and contrary to the Laws of this Realm hath lately preached in his Majesties presence two several Sermons That is the 4. day of July last one of the said Sermons and upon the 29. day of the same moneth the other of the same Sermons Both which Sermons he hath since published in print in a Book entituled Religion and Allegeance and with a wicked and malicious intention to seduce and misguide the conscience of the Kings most excellent Majesty touching the observation of the Laws and Customs of this kingdom and of the rights and liberties of the Subjects to incense his royal displeasure against his good Subjects so refusing to subvert scandalize and impeach the good Laws and Government of this Realm and the Authority of the High Court of Parliament to avert his Majesties mind from calling of Parliaments to alienate his royal heart from his people and to cause jealousies sedition and division in the kingdom He the said Roger Manwaring doth in the said Sermons and book perswade the kings most excellent Majesty First That his Majesty is not bound to keep and observe the good Laws and Customs of the Realm concerning the rights and liberties of the Subjects aforementioned and this his royal will and command in imposing loans taxes and other aids upon his people without common consent in Parliament doth so far bind the Subjects of this Realm that they cannot refuse the same without peril of eternal damnation Secondly That those his Majesties loving Subjects which refused the loan aforementioned in such manner as is before recited did therein offend the Law of God against his Majesties supream authority and by so doing became guilty of impiety disloyaltâ—e rebellion and dis-obedience and lyable to many other taxes and censures which he in the several parts of his book doth most fasly and malitiously lay upon them Thirdly That authority of Parliament is not necessary for raising of aids and subsidies that the slow proceedings of such assemblies are not fit for the supply of the urgent necessities of the estate but rather apt to produce sundry impedimenâ—s to the just designs of Princes and to give them occasion of displeasure and discontent All which the Commons are ready to prove not only by the general scope of the same Sermons and books but likewise by several clauses aspersions and sentences therein contained and that he the said Roger Manwaring by preaching and publishing the Sermons and book aforementioned did most unlawfully abuse his holy function instituted by God in his Church for the guiding of the consciences of all his servants and chiefly of soveraign Princes and Magistrates and for the maintenance of peace and concord betwixt all men especially between the King and his People and hath thereby most grievously offended against the Crown and dignity of his Majesty and against the prosperity and good government of this estate and Commonwealth And the said Commons by protestation saving to themselves the liberty of exhibiting of any other accusation at any time hereafter or impeachment againg the said Roger Manwaring and also of replying to the answers which he said Roger shall make unto any of the matters contained in this present bill of complaint and of offering further proof of the premises or of any of them as the cause according to the course of the Parliament shall require Do pray that the said Roger Manwaring mâ—y be put to answer to all and every the premisses and that such proceeding examinatâ—on trial judgement and exemplary punishment may be thereupon had and executed as is agreeable to Law and Justice On June the 14 1628. the Lords sending a message to the House of Commons that they were ready to give judgement against Manwaring if the House of Commons would demand it Thereupon they went with the Speaker up to the Lords House having agreed he should demand judgement in these words which he then used at the Lords Bar The Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons have impeached Roger Manwaring of sundry misdemeanors and your Lordships having taken consideration thereof they doe now by me their Speaker demand judgement against them Which upon reading his impeachment and full proof thereof out of his Sermons in his presence was done accordingly The Judgement was given and pronounced by the Lord Keeper all the LORDS being in their Robes and Manwaring at the Bar it was delivered in these words Whereas Roger Manwaring Doctor in Divinity hath been impeached by the House of Commons for misdemeanors of a high nature in preaching two Sermons before his Majestie in Summer which since are published in print in a Book intituled Religion and Allegiance and in another Sermon preached in the Parish of St. Giles in the Fields the 4th of May last And their Lordships have considered of the said Manwarings answer thereunto expressed with tears and grief for his offence most humbly craving pardon therefore of the Lords and Commons yet neverthelesse for that it can be no satisfaction for the great offence wherewith he is charged by the said Declaration which doth evidently appear in the very words of the said Sermons their Lordships have proceeded to judgement against him and therfore this High Court doth adjudge First That Dr. Manwaring shall be imprisoned during the pleasure of the House 2ly That he de fined at 1000 l. to the King 3ly That he shall make such submission and acknowledgement of his offences as shall be set down by a Committee in writing both at the Bar and in the House of Commons 4ly That he shall be suspended for the time of 3 years from the exercise of the Ministery and in the mean time a sufficient preaching Minister shall be provided out of his living to serve the Cure this suspension and this provision of a preaching Minister shall be done by the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction 5ly That he shall be for ever disabled to preach at the Court hereafter 6ly That he shall be hereafter disabled to have any Ecclesiastical dignity or secular Office 7ly That his said Book is worthy to be burnt and that for the better effecting of this his Majesty may be moved to grant a Proclamation to call in the said Books that they may be all burnt accordingly in London and both Universities and for the inhibiting the permitting therof upon a great penalty Here we have a most direct president where the whole House of Commons
by their Speaker acknowledge the right of judicature in the case of a Commoner to be only and wholly in the Lords even in a criminal cause and thereupon pray the Lords to give judgement against him upon their Impeachment which they did accordingly in their robes as Judges by the mouth of the Lord Keeper their Speaker In this very Parliament now sitting Decemb. 21. Jan. 14. Febr. 11. 1640. and July 6. 1641. The Commons House by their Members impeached Sir John Bramston Chief Justice of the Kings Bench Sir John Finch Chief Justice of the Common Pleas Sir Humphry Davenport Chief Baron Judge Berkly Judge Crawly Baron Weston and Baron Trever of high Treason and other misdemeanors for that they had trayterously and wickedly endeavoured to subvert the fundamental Laws and established Government of the Realm of England and instead thereof to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical Government against Law which they had declared by trayterous words opinions and judgement in the point of SHIP MONY by their subscriptions and judgement given against them in the case of Mr. Hamden in the Exchequer Chamber Which Impeachments they transmitted to the Lords House praying THE LORDS to put them to answer the premises and upon their examinations and trial to give such judgement upon every of them as is agreeable to Law and Justice To avoid which judgement Sir John Finch fled the Realm and the rest of them made fines and compositions to the publike and were most of them removed from their Judges places After this the Lords themselves as Judges in Parliament passed several judgements and censures against Dr. John Pocklington for his Sunday no Sabbath and other Books and against Dr. Bray for licensing them In October 1643. The Lords fined and imprisoned Clement Walker Esq in the Tower for some scandalous words against the Lord Viscount Say a Member of he House of Peers After that the Lords alone without any Impeachment of the Commons on their privity imprisoned fined and censured one Morrice upon complaint of Sir Adam Littleton after a full hearing at which I was present for forging an Act of Parliament with four or five more of his confederates therein which was most clearly proved by Witnesses upon Oath whereby he would have defrauded Sir Adam of some Lands in Essex And at least one hundred more Commoners have been committed by THE LORDS this Parliament and fined by them for several offences Misdemeanors and Breaches of their Privileges as well as Lilburn and Overton yet none of them ever excepted against or demurred to their Jurisdiction nor did the Commons House ever yet except against them for these their proceedings as injurious or illegal but approved and applauded this their Justice Finally John Lilburn himself in his printed Pamphlet intituled Innocency and Truth justified p. 74 75. relates that on May 4. 1641. himself was accused of High Treason and brought before the Lords Barr for his life where one Littleton swore point-blank against him But he having Liberty given to speak for himself without any demurring to their Jurisdiction because we was a Commoner desired that his Witnesses might be heard to clear him was upon Mr. Andrews Oath acquitted at the Barr of the whole house And thereupon concludes I am resolved to speak well of those who have done me JUSTICE From all these punctual successive presidents impeachments and clear confessions of the Commons House themselves in many former and late Parliam and in this now sitting it is undeniable That the King and Lords joyntly and the Lords severally without the King have an indubitable right of Iudicature without the Commons vested in them not only over Peers themselves but likewise Commoners in all extraordinary criminal cases of Treason Felony Trespass and other Misdemeanors triable only in Parliament which hath been constantly acknowledged practised submitted to in all ages without dispute much more then have they such a just judicial rightfull power in cases of breach of their own privileges of which none are or can be Judges but themselves alone as Sir Edw. Cook resolves they being the supremest Court. And to deny them such a power is to make the Highest Court of Judicature in the Realm inferiour to the Kings Bench and all other Courts of Justice who have power to judge and try the persons causes of Commoners yea to commit and fine them for contempts and breaches of their Privileges as our Law books resolve and every mans experience can testifie The Lords right of Iudicature both over Peers and Commoners in criminal causes being thus fully evicted against the falseâ— ignorant pretences of illiterate Sectaries altogether unacquainted with our Histories and Records of Parliament which they never yet read nor understood there remains nothing but to answer some Authorities Presidents and Objections produced against it These presidents in Sir Edward Cooke Sir Robert Cotton and others are of 3 Sores 1. Such as are produced by them only to prove that the Commons have a Copartnership and joynt Authority with the King and Lords in the power and right of Judicature in our Parliaments 2ly Such as are objected to evidence they have a sole power of Judicature in themselves in some cases without the K. and Lords 3ly Such as are urged to prove they have no right of Judicature in Parliament in the cases of Commoners that are capital or criminal I shall propose and answer them all in order 1. Sir Edward Cook and Sir Robert Cotton produce these presidents to prove That the Commons have a Joint inâ—erest right and share with the King and Lords in the Iudicatory or Judicial power of Parliaments which I shall propound according to their Antiquity The 1. President alleged for it is that of Adomar Bishop of Winchester elect cited by Sir Robert Cotton in his Post-humous Discourse concerning the Power of the Peers Commons in Parliament in point of Iudicature who An. 44 H. 3. as affirms he was then exiled by the Ioint Sentence of the King Lords and COMMONS as appears by the Letter sent to Pope Alexander the 4th Si Dominus Rex et Regni Majores hoc vellent meaning Adomars revocation COMMUNITAS tamen ipsius ingressum jam nullatenus sustineret The Peers subsign this answer with their names and Peter de Moâ—tfort vice totius COMMUNITATIS as Speaker or Proctor of the Commons I answer under the favour of this renowned learned Antiquary that this president is full of gross mistakes For 1. Bishop Adomar was not banished the Realm at all either by King Lords or Commons but fled out of it voluntarily for fear to avoid the Barons who purâ—iâ—ed him with forces as Mat. Paris with others relate which the Nobles and Generality of the Barons in direct terms inform this Pope in another Letter sent together with this objected Maxime cum ipse a regno expuisus non extiterit sed sponte cesserit non ausus exhibitionem justiâ—iae quae
singulis secundum Iuramenta Regis et Procerum debebatur expectare 2. The reason why he thus sled was to avoid the Justice of THE KING LORDS as they in plain terms inform the Pope without any mention of the Commons 3ly This expulsion is said to be in 44 H. 3. or rather in 41. as Mat. Paris and others inform us An. 1458. And that is at least 5. or 8. years before any Commons Knights and Burgesses were summoned to our Parliaments by Sir Robert Cottons Mr. Seldens and others confessions and that by the Writ in 49 H. 3. Rot. Claus m. 10. dorso Therefore if the Commons had any vote in his banishment it was 5. or 8. years before they were admitted into our Parliaments and so a Banishment not in but out of Parliament 4ly This Letter to Pope Alexander begins thus Sanctissimo Patri in Christo Alexandro c. COMMUNITAS COMITUM PROCERUM MAGNATUM ALIORUMQUE REGNI ANGLIAE and it is subscribed joyntly by 6. Earls and 5. Noblemen whereof Petrus de Montfort is the last VICE TOTIUS COMMUNITATIS to wit Communitas Comitum Procerum Magnatum aliorumque Regni Angliae who writ the Letter mentioned in the beginning thereof not of the Commons House contradistinct from the Earls Nobles Great-men and Barons of the Realm praesentibus literis sigilla nostra apposuimus in testimonium praedictorum not by the 10 first Earls and Nobles in behalf of themselves the Earls Lords and great men of the Realm and by Peter de Montford as Speaker or Proctor of the Commons who as Sir Robert Cotton himself acknowledgeth had no Speaker aâ— all in 6 E. 3. An. 1332. being at least 74. years after this Letter nor yet till 51 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 87. for ought appears by History or Record being 119. years after this Letter Wherefore this president consisting of so many mistakes as I have more largely proved in my Preface to Sir Robert Cottons Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower makes nothing at all for the Commons joynt Right of Judicature with the King and Lord The rather because the Communitas in the objected clause of the Letter is not meant of the Commons in Parliament but the Communitas or Universitas Regni popularis etsi non Nobiles as Mat. Paris stiles them or popular rabble of Commons out of Parliament The 2. president is that of Sir Nicholas Segrave 33 E. 1. rot 33. Cooks 3. Institutes p. 7. 4 Instit p. 23. in the margin Who being charged in Parliament in presence of the King Earls Barons and OTHERS OF THE KINGS COUNCEL not the Commons or Burgesses but the Iudges and Kings learned Councel at Law or his Privy Council who were assistants to the Lords as I conceive which Sir Edward Cook mistaking would have to express the Commons in Parliament then and there present that the King in the wars of Scotland being among his enemies Nicholas Seagrave his leigeman who held of the King by Homage and fealty and served him for his aid in that warr did maliciously move discord and contention without cause with John de Crombewell charging him with many enormous crimes and offered to prove it upon his body To whom the said John answered that he would answer him in the Kings Court c. and thereupon gave him his faith After which Nicholas withdrew himself from the Kings hast and aid leaving the King in danger of his enemies and adjourned the said John to defend himself in the Court of the King of France and prefixed him a certain day and so as much as in him was subjected and submitted the Dominion of the King and kingdom to the subjection of the King of France and to effect this he took his journey towards Dover to passe over into France All which he confessed and submitted himself therein de alto et Basso to the Kings pleasure And hereupon the King willing HABERE AVISAMENTUM to have the advise of the EALS BARONS LORDS magnatum and OTHERS OF HIS COUNCEL enjoyned them upon the Homage fealty and allegiance wherewith they were obliged to him quod ipsi sideliter CONSULERENT that they should faithfully ADVISE HIM what punishment should be inflicted for such a fact thus confessed Qui omnes habito super hoc diligenti tractatu et avisamento c. Who all having had thereupon diâ—igent debate and advise having considered and understood all things contained in the said fact DICUNT not by way of Judgement judicially pronounced but of answer to the Kings question propounded and as their opinion of the cause Said that this fact deserved losse of life members c. So as this offence notes Sir Edward Cooke was then adjudged in Parliament to be High Treason But under his favour First here was no judgement at all given against the party himself but only an opinion and advice touching this case not pending judicially in Parliament by way of Inditement or impeachment but voluntarily proposed by the King in answer to the kings question and so it can be no proof of any actual proper judicature vested in both Houses Secondly For ought appears this question was only propounded to the Earls Lords Barons and the Kings Council that assisted them and so only to the House of Peers not to the Commons and answered resolved only by them aliorum de Concilio suo not expressing nor including the Commons as I apprehend being never so intitled in any Parliament Records for ought I can find That these alii de Concilio were not the Commons as Sir Edward Cook insinuates but the Kings Justices and Judges who attended them is most clear by this passage of Matthew Westminster who lived and writ the story of it at that time in these words Sub illo quoque tempore Nicholaus de Segrave unus de praestantioribus de regno pro tali causa arrestatus fuerat coram rege Alius quidam Johannis de Cromâ—ewell ipsum de proditione arguerat Ille autem in defensionem obtulit se duello Rex propter bella sua noluit ista pati ille vero non licentiatuâ— et contra prohibitionem Regis mare transivit persequens accusatorem ipso Rege adhuc inter hostiles acies constituto Ideirco reputaâ— eum Rex in judicio vitae suae contemptorem nec per ipsum stare quin Rex ab hostibus interiret Et ille in gratiam Regis se submisit Cui Rex justitiam fieri volo in judicio Proinde JUSTITIARII mark it not the Commons TRIDUO SUPER HOC CONSULTANTES responderunt regi hujusmodi hominem reum esse mortis et omnia bona sua mobilia et immobilia regii juris esse Veruntamen propter generositatem sanguinis addiderunt non hunc in regis contemptum Angliam egressum fuisse sed propter iram se de suo criminatore vindicandi Regis autem esse posse facere misericordiam cum eodem Quibus Rex O
diu consultati sed inconsulti Equidem meum est posse et velle conferre gratiam cui voluero miserebor Nec propter vos amplius quam pro cane Quis in gratiam meam se submisit repulsam passus est Veruntamen vestrum judicium in scriptura redigatur et pro lege amodo teneatur Proinde dictus miles ad carcerem ducebatur ne impunitas armareâ— audaciam et rigor caeteris timorem incuteret contemnendi Et post paucos dies elaborantibus multis nobilioâ—ibus regni et ostendentibus se 30 suis paribus cinctis gladiis corpus pro corpore et bona pro bonis una in solidum quoquo die Rex eum vocaverit nec adesset liberatus est et per regem cunctis facultatibus suis restitutus So this Historian which compared with the Record infallibly proves that this resolution was given by the Earls Barons Lords and Judges advice who were the only aliorum de Concilio as assistants to the Lords then in all matters of Law as now they are not the Commons of which there is no mention in the records or this Historian that they were parties to it And this is likewise evident by the case of Margery the Wife of Thomas Weyland an abjured Judge in the Parliament of 19 E. 1. Cooks 1. Institutes f. 133. n. Where the Barons of the Exchequer and Justices of the Kings Courts were called to advise and assist the King and his Council of Lords in Parliament in a difficulty of Law therein to be resolved by their advice And therfore it follows that the LORDS ONLY IN THAT AGE were the Judges even of Commoners cases Thirdly Admit the Commons were included yet it proves only a right of advising and delivering their opinions with the Lords when required by the King not of judging or pronouncing sentence Fourthly Sir Edward Cook citing this president to prove That both Houses together have power of judicature must grant that even in 33 E. 1. there were two distinct Houses of Parliament who upon special occasions as now at conferences c. met and advised together and therefore the division of the Houses was before Edward the third his reign and very probable as antient as the summoning of Knights Citizens and Burgesses to the Parliament which some make as antient as King Henry the first or King Henry the 2. others not before King Henry the third in the 49 year his reign Father to King Edward the first So as this president makes quite against the Levellers and Lilburnians designs and opinions The 3 and 4. Presidents are those of Hugh Audley his Wife Claus 12 E. 2. m. 5. of Gaverston and the two Spencers Exiles 15 E. 2. forecited wherein the Commons gave their assents to the attainders and exiles of Gaverston and the Spencers and to the reversal of them But this I have already proved to be only by way of Bills not judicature by the legislative not judicial power of Parliament and that they were judicially condemned only by the Lords therefore these are nothing to the purpose and against the Objectors The 5. and 6. are the depositions of King Ed. the 2. and Richard the 2. for their mis-government wherin the Commons had a joynt vote and concurrence with the Lords which I shall hereafter answer in the supplement p. 429. to 460. The seventh President is that of Eliz. Burgh Widow in the Parliament of 1 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 11. who complained by Petition to the King that in the reign of King Edward the 2. she was by his Writ commanded to come unto him to Yorke and there by Hugh Spencer the younger and Robert Baldock and William Cliff his instruments inforced by duresse to enter into an Obligation to this effect that if she received any who were contrary to the King or maried any man without the Kings consent or if she gave any lands or tenements which she held in fee or in dower to any man living without the Kings license that for any of these she should forfeit all her Lands Tenements Goods and Chattels to the King as appeared by the transcript of the Bond annexed to her Bill whereupon she prayed Grace and remedy against this duresse and acquittance of our Lord the King from this Obligation Hereupon a Writ was sent to the Clerk of the Privy Seal in whose custody the Obligation was to bring it without delay Coram Concilio nostro in Parliamento ad faciendum inde ulteriut quod per idem Concilium nostrum contige it ordinari which being brought and delivered accordingly the 5 of March and deliberately read in full Parliament and agreeing with the transcript annexed to her Petition in all things Pur ceo que avys est as Archievesques Evesques Counts BARONS auires Grandes et a TOVTELA COMMONALTIE de la terre que lo dit escrit est fait contre ley de la terre enconter tout manere de reason si fuist le dit escrit PER AGARD DEL PARLIAMENT dampne illeoques livera ala dit Elizabeth I answer 1. That this judgement was given only in a civil case touching an Obligation made by duress not in a criminal 2ly That this Petition was directed only to the King and his Council not to the Commons in Parliament and the businesse heard before them 3ly That this being a Common case there being then many Petitions and complaints that Parliament of bonds of this nature the Commons joyning with the King and Lords in this judgement of Parliament in her case was only by way of Bill not in an ordinary way of judgement they exhibiting passing a Bill for that purpose as well as a Petition as is clear by the words of the Roll and by the printed Statute of 1 E. 3. c. 3. That fines sales and gifts of land and recognizances of debt made by force and duress to this Sir Hugh Spencer Robert Baldocke c. or to any of them be defeated And Parl. 2. ch 15. Whereas many of the Realm in the time of the Kings Father that now is by means of his false and evil Counsellors have been excited by divers to bind themselves to come to the K. with force and arms whensoever they should be sent for upon pain of life and limb and to forfeit all that ever they might forfeit by vertue of which writings divers of his land have been often destroyed The King considering that such writings were made to the Kings dishonour sithence that every man is bound to doe to the King as to his Liege Lord all that pertaineth to him without any manner of writing will that from henceforth no such writing be made And that such as be made by the sight of the Chancellor and Treasurer shall be shewed to the King and the K. shall cause all such as be made against right reason to be cancelled So that this main president meerly falls to the ground being
presidents are but few never judicially argued and rather connived at than approved by the King and Lords taken up with other more publike businesses therefore passing sub silentio they can make no Law rule or right as is resolved in Long. 5 E. 4. f. 110. Cooks 4. Reports f. 93 94. Slades case 6 Report f. 75. Druries case 5ly There are many express antient Presidents Statutes Judgements in most former Parliaments to the contrary sundry of them upon the Commons own Petitions and complaints which will over-ballance and controll these few late Presidents warranted by no old Records or Statutes whatsoever but contradicted by the constant practice of former ages To clear which truth beyond contradiction I shall shew you the very Original of the Commons summons to Parliament by the Kings writs out of meer grace not antient right or custom with the several varieties of Writs Statures touching elections of Knights Citizens Burgesses and chief cases resolved in Parliaments touching Elections breaches of Privileges relating to Members or their menial Servants that I finde upon record which will abundantly clear this point and refute these irregular puny presidents The original of our Parliaments as now constituted of King Lords and Commons is by several of our Historians Antiquaries and Writers referred to the 16. or 17. year of King Henry the 1. or at least to Henry the 2. his reign which I have already refuted by a particular list of all the Parliaments under them Yet many of this opinion affirm that the Commons were not constantly summoned to our Parliaments but only the Lords Spiritual and Temporal before the 49. of King Henry the 3. and beginning of Edward the 1. his reign neither had they a Speaker till 51 E. 3. Therefore no power of Judicature over their Members The first Writ I finde extant that savors of summoning Knights to Parliament is that in the 15. year of King Iohn wherein this King sent a Writ to the Sherif of Oxon in these words Rex Vicecomiti Oxon salutem Praecipimus tibi quod omnes Milites Ballivae tuae qui summoniti fuerunt esse apud Oxoniam ad Nos à die Omnium Sanctorum in 15. dies venire facias cum armis suis Corpora vero Baronum sine armis singulariter et IV. DISCRETOS MILITES DE COMITATU TUO illuc venire facias ad Nos ad eundem terminum AD LO QUENDUM NOBISCUN DE NEGOTIIS REGNI NOSTRI Teste meipso apud Witten 11 die Novembris Eodem modo scribitur omnibus Vicecomitibus This is no Writ of Summons to Parliament as some take it but rather to a Military Council as I conceive it For 1. There is no mention of any Bishops Abbots Priors Spiritual Lords Citizens or Burgesses summoned thereto but only of Barons without arms and Knights with arms 2ly Of all knights they had formerly summoned to appear there 3ly Of 4. not 2. discreet Knights out of every County and that not ad Parliamentum nostrum but ad Nos venire facias 4ly They were not to be elected by the people but immediately summoned elected and sent by the Sherifs themselves 5ly They were to come ad loquendum nobiscum not ad faciendum consentiendum hiis c. as the usual Writs of Summons for Knights of Shires are since without any power of Judicature to fine seclude or question one anothers elections or returns as now The very first express writ extant in History or Records that I can meet with upon search for the calling of Knights Citizens and Burgesses to Parliament is in 49 â—3 where the King after the battel of Evesham by his Writs summoned no less than 64 Abbots 36 Priors besides the Bishops and 5. Deans of Cathedrals and the Temporal Earls and Barons only 23. in number the rest being slain in the field or in actual rebellion After their Writs of Summons and name â—ollows this Writ or Note of summons for Knights Citizens and Burgesses and Barons of the Cinqueports Item mandatum est singulis Vicecomitibus per Angliam quod VENIRE not elâ—gi FACIANT duos Milites de Legalioribus Probioribus et discretioribus Militibus singulorum Comitatuum AD REGEM Londoniis in Octabis praedictis in forma supradicta Item in forma praedicta scribitur CIVIBUS Eborum Civâ—bus Lincoln caeteris Burgis Angliae quod mittant in forma praedict DUOS DE DISCRETIORIBUS LEGALIORIBVS PROBIORIBUS TAM CIVIBUS QUAM BURGENSIBUS SUIS Item in forma praedicta mandatuÌ„ est Baronibus et probis hominibus Quinque Portuum prout continetur in brevi inrotulato inferius Here the King 1. limited both the number and quality of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses when first summoned to our Parliaments 2ly He directed particular Writs to all Sherifs to summon not to elect by the choice of the Freeholders two of the legallest honestest discreetest Knights in their Counties which they alone were then to make choice of 3ly He sends particular Writs to some not all Cities and the rest of the Burroughs of England to send two of their discreetest legallest and honestest Citizens and so to the Cinqueports to send such Barons to this Parliament And if they returned any not thus qualified against the form of these Writs no doubt the King himself might refuse seclude them and he with his Lords were the sole Judges of their fitness for that service not they themselves to judge of their own or their fellow Members fitness or incapacity The first seclusion of any Knights Citizens and Burgesses in Parliament and electing others in their places was by the King himself with his Councils advice not by the Commons themselves for wilfull absence Claus 5 â— â— m. 26 dorso where divers Knights of Shires Citizens and Burgesses departing from the Parliament held at London without the Kings special license the King thereupon issued out Writs to the Sherifs of Yorkshire and other Counties to summon all such Knights Citizens and Burgesses within their Bayliwicks to return to the Parliament vel alios ad hoc idoneos loco ipsorum si ad hoc vacare non possunt eligere c. or to cause others who were fit to be elected in their places if they could not attend the Parliament with sufficient authority from the Counties Cities and Boroughs to consent to those things which should be ordained at the next Session of Parliament then prorogued to a certain day Here the King alone by his Writ takes authority to discharge those Knights Citizens and Burgesses who departed from the Parliament without his license and would or could not attend it without the Commons votes or assents and to command the Sherif to elect other sit persons in their places Claus 4 E. 3. m. 13 Dorso The King having issued out writs of Summons to Parliament dated Octob. 23. The 3 of November following he sent writs to all Sherifs to proclaim in all places That he being
informed of divers oppressions and injuries done to sundry people of his Realm by divers of his Officers and Ministers and likewise by some of his Counsellors by reason of his tender age to his damage and dishonour which things he would not suffer and desired to redresse that thereupon any persons which would complain of any oppressions durances and grievances done to them against right and the Laws and Usages of this Realm should repair to Westminster the next Parliament and there shew their plaints to him and such as he should appoint where they should receive convenient speedy remedy Then follows this Clause And because before these times some of the Knights who have come to Parliament for the Commnalties of Counties have been people of covyne and maintainers of false quarrels and have not suffered that good men should declare the grievances of the Common people nor their things which ought to have been redressed in Parliament to the great damage of us and our people We command and charge you that you cause to be chosen by the common assent of the County two of the most loyal or lawfull and most sufficient Knights or Sergeants of the said County who are not at all suspected of any crime nor common maintainers of Parties to be at the said Parliament according to the form of our Writ which you have received And this you may not fail to doe as you will eschew our grievous indignation Here the King by a special Writ takes care to prevent the election of Knights of Shires that were any way guilty of crime or maintenance as in former times had been used and that the loyallesâ— and most sufficient Knights or Esquires in the County should be elected by common consent because when once duly chosen and returned by the Counties as their lawfull Proxies and Attornies and impowred by them as such neither the King nor Lords could justly seclude or eject them much less the Commons House as they have ejected Projectors other Members of late times having no such authority given them by their Writs or retâ—rns but only to assent to such things as by the Common advice of the King Lords and Commons shall be there agreed concerning the King Church and Realm and being all of equal rank and power as Attornie Proctors for the Counties Cities and Burroughs for which they serve can no more discharge or eject one another than one Attorny Proctor Grand Jury-man Juror Justice of Peace Judge Commissioner or Executor discharge or remove another of his Colleagues equally impowred intrusted with them by the parties they represent To omit the summoning of sundry Merchants to attend the Parliament and Council to be advised and treated with upon sundry occasions in the Clause Rolls of 11 12 13 14. and 16 Edw. 3. Claus 26 E. 3. m. 14. dors there is a Parliamentary Council summoned to wit two Knights are by the Writ to be chosen and sent out of every Counry and but one Burgess out of every Burrough Claus 27 E. 3. m. 12. dorso Summonitio Concilii the Writ commands only one Knight to be chosen and sent out of every County but 2 Citizens and Burgesses out of every City and Burrough And the Prologue of the printed Statute of the Staple made therein 27 Ed. 3. recites that there was in it only of every County one Knight for all the County according to the limitation in the Writ Claus 45 E. 3. m. 29. The Parliament having granted a Subsidy to the King payable out of every parish and then departing the King for the better and speedier levying thereof desired the advice of the Commons yet would not put them to the trouble to meet all together And therefore issued out Writs to summon one Knight out of every County and one Citizen and Burgess out of every City Borough that had been of the former Parliament to meet together at Winchester Who meeting accordingly had their expences allowed them Dors 22. Here the King summons only half the Commons House to compleat what the whole had granted without the other moity for their greater ease and saving expences In the Parliament of 46 E. 6. n. 13 14. There was this Ordinance made and read Because that men of Law which pursue divers businesses in the Court of the Kings for particular persons with whom they are of Counsel procure and make divers Petitions to be preferred in Parliament in the name of the Commons which nothing concern them but only those singular persons or those whom they cause to put them in as also Sherifs which are common Officers to the people and ought to reside upon their Office to doe right to every man are named and have been before thâ—se hours retorned Knights of Shires in Parliaments by the same Sherifs It is agreed and assented in this Parliament that from henceforth no man of Law pursuing businesses in the Courts of the King nor Sherif for the time that he is Sherif shall be returned or accepted Knights of Shires and that those who are men of Law and Sherifs now returned to Parliament shall have no wages But THE KING WILL that Knights and SERJEANTS of the best esteem in the Country shall be henceforth returned Knights in Parliament and that they shall be chosen in full County Sir Edward Cook inform us That this Ordinance was made in the Lords house to wit by the King and Lords without the Commons as he insinuates If so then the K. Lords alone in that age had the sole power 1. of disabling secluding unfitting Members as practising Lawyers and Sherifs to be elected knights of Shires for the future 2ly of depriving them of wages though elected for that Parliament before the Ordinance made but not of ejecting them out of the House when duly elected because till now there was no Law or Ordinance against their choice 3ly Of rejecting and refusing to accept such for knights if elected and returned after this Ordinance as the words no accepted chivalers des Countees superadded too ne â—oient returnez imply 4ly By vertue of this Ordiâ—ance all Sherifs of Counties have been not only disabled but prohibited to be elected knights Members of the Commons House by this special Clause inserted into all writs for elections Nolumus autem quod tu vel aliquis alius Vicecomes ALIQUALITER SIT ELECTUS Now the Writ being the sole authority and ground for all elections prescribing the Freeholders to elect 2 of the most discreet fit sufficient persons and precisely inhibiting the election of any Sherifs in any sort either for Knights Citizens or Burgesses by vertue of this Ordinance The elections of such are meerly void and the King and Lords may justly seclude them if eâ—ected and retorned whiles Sherifs 5ly As Sherifs have been secluded by this Clause and Ordinance ever since so in the Parliament of 6 H. 4. All Apprentices and other men at Law were likewise secluded by this
4. n. 19 20 21. upon these and other Petitions of forcible disseisins and for imprisoning the Abbot of Meniham in Devonshire THE KING LORDS adjudged that this Sir Philip Courtney should be bound to his good behaviour and committed to the Tower for his contempt From which records it is evident First that Members of the Commons house may be complained and petitioned against for misdemeanors and put to answer before the King and Lords in Parliament and there fined and judged not before the Commons house and that this was the antient way of proceeding Secondly that the Commons cannot suspend or discharge any of their fellow-Commoners or Knights from sitting in Parliament but only the King and Lords in full Parliament in whom the power of Judicature rests much less then can they expell or eject any of their Members by their own authority without the King and Lords concurrent consents No more than one Justice of peace Committee-man or Militia-man can un-Justice or â—move another since Par in parem non habet Imperium neither in civil military ecclesiastical nor domestical affaiâ— Thirdly that the power of restoring readmitting aâ—ended Member of the Commons house belongs not to the Commons themselves but to the King and Lords to whom the Commons in this case addressed themselves by petition for Courtneys readmission after his submission of the complaints against him to the arbitrement of those Members to whom the King and Lords referred the same In the Parliament of 17 Rich. 2. num 23. It was accorded and resolved by the King and Lords at the Complaint petition request of the Commons that Roger Swinerton who was endited of the death of one of their companions Iohn de Ipstones Knight of the said Parliament for the County of Stafford slain in coming towards the said Parliament by the said Roger should not be delivered out of prison wherein he was detained for this cause by bail mainprise or any other manner until he had made answer thereunto and should be delivered by the Law The Commons alone by their own power having no authority to make such an order even for the murther of one of their own Members without the King and Lords who made this ordinance at their request I find this objected against King Richard the 2. in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 37. That he frequently sent his Mandates to Sherifs to return certain persons named only by himself and not freely chosen by the people to be knights of Shires thereby to effect his own ends and oppress the people with Subsidies But yet I find not in all his reign any one Knight thus unduly returned questioned by the Commons or suspended the House much less ejected by them or by the King and Lords upon the Commons complaint thereof unto them A clear evidence they had then no such power to eject their Members for being unduly elected returned as how they use In the Parliament of 20 R. 2. n. 14 15 16 17. The King being highly offended with the Commons for receiving Haxyes Bill said that the Commons thereby had committed an offence against him his dignity and liberty the which he willed THE LORDS to declare the next day to the Commons Who thereupon delivering up the Bill came fort with before the King shewing themselves very sorrowfull declaring to him that they meant no harm and submitting themselves to the King herein most humbly craved his pardon Whereupon the Chancellor by the Kings commandment declared That the King held them excused and the King by mouth declared how many wayes they were bound unto him Lo here the whole House of Commons submit themselves to the King in the House of Lords as Judges of them and their misdemeanors in Parliament and crave pardon for offending him In the Parliament of 2 H. 4. n. 45 46. The Commons house petitioning the King that the Act for his moderation of the Statute against Provisions might be examined for as much as the time was recorded otherwise than was agreed by them The King granted thereunto by protestation that the same should be no example where after Examination by the Bishops and Lords they affirmed the same to be duly entred which the King also remembred Whereupon the COMMONS the same day for this their misinformation came into the Lords House and knéeling before the King beseeched the King to pardon them if happily they through ignorance had or should offend him which the King granted Here the Bishops and Lords are Judges of the Commons misinformation misentry of an Act and the King of their Offence against him in Parliament by this misinformation which he pardons them upon their humble submission and no doubt might have punished them for it by the Lords assent and advice had he pleased So farr are they from being Judges in Parliament that themselves may there be judged if they therein offend as all their Speakers usual protestations and petitions to the King when presented evidence That the Commons may have liberty of speech and that if any Members in the House of Commons in communication and reasoning should speak more largely than of duty they ought to doe that all such offences may be pardoned which the King may punish if there be cause unâ—eâ—â—â— he pardon it of record upon the Speakers Protestation before hand Sir Edward Cook himself as well as the Parliament Rolls and experience informs us of these particulars touching the Speakers of the Commons House in Parliament their chiefest Member 1. That though the Commons are to chuse their own Speaker and that by the kings special command and license to them in every Parliament since they had one not with due â— who likewise prescribes them the time when to present him yet the use is as in the Conge de eslâ—yer of a Bishop that the king doth name a discreet and learned man to them whom the Commons do eâ—ect pro formâ— only because he cannot be appointed for them without their election being their mouth and â—usted by them 2ly That after the Commons choice the King may refuse him 3ly That after he is chosen he must be presented to the king by the Commons in the Lordâ— House for his approbation and confirmation in that plaâ—s the Commons sending up some of their Members to acquaint the Lords Spiritual and Temporal that according to the Kings command they had chosen such a one their Speaker and are ready to present him at the â—me appointed 4ly That where he is thus presented he is in disable himself for so weighty a service and to make sutâ— to the King to be discharged and a more sufficient man chosen in his place To which I shall adde that upon this excuse the king may discharge him if he please and command the Commons to elect another as King Henry the â— did discharge Sir John Popham when presented Speaker to him by the Commons in the Parliament
or jurisdiction to enlarge him or to fine or imprison those who took him in Execution as of late times they have done And in this Parliament upon the petition and supplication of the Prelates and Clergy n. 32. the King by the assent and advice of the Lords enacted the Statute of 8 H. 6. c. 1. That the Clergy and their Attendants called to the Convocation by the Kings writ should have and enjoy for ever hereafter the same liberty and immunity in going coming and tarrying as the Great men and Commonalty of England called or to be called to the Kings Parliaments have used and enjoyed they complaining to the king that they and their servants coming to the Convocation were oftentimes and commonly arrested molested and inquieted Which they had no power to redress but only the King and Lords upon their complaints thereof In the Parliament of 18 H. 6. n. 13. It was shewed to the King and the Lords Spiritual Temporal that Gilbert Hore Sherif of the County of Cambridge upon the kings writ directed to him to chuse 2. knights for that shire had made no return of any knights for that County for certain reasons therein expressed Whereupon the King by advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal not the Commons house alone as now nor yet joyntly with them ordered that a New writ for electing 2. knights for that County should be directed to him and that he should make proclamation that no person should come to the election with arms or arrayed in warlike manner in disturbance of the said election and breach of the kings peace A memorable president of the Kings and Lords Jurisdiction even in point of elections In the Parliament of 23 H. 6. n. 41. The Commons petitioned the king that by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and at their special request it might be enacted that every Member of the Lords and Commons house who should have any assault or affray made upon him being at the Parliament or going to or coming from thence might have the like remedy at Sir Thomas Parr knight had given him in this Parliament to wit upon petition of the Commons in his behalf to the King and Lords being the same as was enacted in Chedders case 11 H. 6. c. 11. before Whereunto the king answered The Statutes therefore made shall be observed In the Parliament of 31 H. 6. rot parl n. 25 26 27 28. we have this memorable famous case touching privilege of Parliament in their very Speakers own case resolved by the Lords Thomas Thorp chief Baron was chosen Speaker of the Parliament after his election and before the Parliament which was prorogued sat he was arrested and taken in execution at the sute of the Duke of York whereupon some of the Commons were sent up by the House to the king and Lords spiritual and temporal sitting in Parliament desiring that they might enjoy all their ancient and accustomed privileges in being free from arrests and propounded the case of Thomas Thorp their Speaker to them desiring his inlargement whereupon the said Lords spiritual aad temporal not intending to hurt or impeach the privilege of the Commons but equally after the course of Law to administer Justice and to have knowledge what the Law will weigh in that behalf declared to the Justices the premises and asked of them whether the said Thomas ought to be delivered from prison by force and vertue of the said privilege of Parliament or not To the which question the chief Justices in the name of all the Justices aforesaid communication and mature deliberation had among them answered and said That they ought not to answer that question for it hath not been used aforetime that the Justices should in any wise determine the privilege of this high Court of Parliament for it is so high and mighty in his nature that it may make that Law which is not and that that is Law it may make no Law and the determination and knowledge of their privilege belongeth to the Lords of the Parliament and not to the Justices But as for declaration of proceedings in the lower Courts in such cases as writs of Supersedoas of Privilege of Parliament be brought and delivered the said chief Justice said that there be many and divers Supersedeas of privileges of Parliament brought into the Courts but there is no general Supersedeas brought to furcease all Processes for if there should be it should seem that this high Court of Parliament that ministreth all Justice and equity should let the process of the common Laws and so it should put the party plainant without remedy for so much as actions at Common Law be not determined in this high Court of Parliament And if any person that is a Member of this high Court of Parliament be arrested in such cases as be not for Treason or Felony or surety of the Peace or for condemnation before the Parliament it is used that all such persons should be released of all such arrests and make an Attorney so that they may have the freedom and Liberty freely to attend upon the Parliament After which answer and Declaration it was throughly agréed assented and concluded by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal that the said Thomas according to the Law should remain still in prison for the causes abovesaid the privilege of the Parliament or that the same Sir Thomas was Speaker of the Parliament notwithstanding And that the premises should be opened and declared to them that were comen for the Commons of this land and they should be charged and commanded in the kings name that they with all goodly hast and speed proceed to the election of another Speaker The which premiâ—es for as much as they were matters of Law by the commandement of the Lords were opened and declared to the Commons by the mouth of Walter Moyle one of the kings Sergeants at Law in the presence of the Bishop of Ely accompanyed with other Lords in notable number and there it was commanded and charged to the said Commons by the said Bishop of Ely in the kings name that they should proceed to the election of another Speaker with all goodly hast and speed so that the matters for which the king called this his Parliament might be proceeded in and this Parliament take good and effectual conclusion and end Whereupon the Commons accordingly elected Thomas Charlton knight for their Speaker the next day and acquainted the Lords therewith and desired the kings approbation of their choice which was accorded unto by the king by assent of the Lords Lo here 1. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal are the sole Judges of the privilege of the very Speaker of the House of Commons who is here adjudged to remain in execution notwithstanding their petition for his enlargement 2ly The whole House of Commons could not then send for nor yet enlarge their own Speaker when imprisoned
but are enforced to petition the King and Lords for his enlargement 3ly The Lords in the kings name command the Commons to chuse and present another Speaker in his room and that with all speed which they accordingly did and then present him to the King and Lords for their approbation who allowed of their choice In the Parliament of 38 H. 6. n. 35. There were divers Knights of Counties Citizens and Burgesses named returned and accepted some of them without any due or free election some of them without any election at all against the course of the Kings Lawes and the Liberties of the Commons of the Realm by vertue of the Kings Letters without any other election and by the means and labours of divers seditious and evil disposed persons only to destroy certain of the great faithfull Lords and Nobles and other faithfull liege people of the Realm out of hatred malice greedy and unsatiable covetousness to gain their Lands Inheritances Possessions Offices and goods as the Statute of 39 H. 6. c. 1. relates The Commons were so farr from having power to exclude or confirm their elections themselves that they petitioned the King by advise and assent of the Lords That all such Knights Citizens and Burgesses as were thus returned to this Parliament by vertue of the Kings Letters without any other election should be good and that no Sherif for returning them might incurr the pain therefore provided by the Statute of 23 H. 6. c. 15. Which the King and Lords assented to at their request In the Parliament of 39 H. 6. n. 9. Walter Clerk one of the Burgesses of Parliament for Chippenham was arrested and imprisoned in the Fleet for divers debts due to the King and others upon a Capias Vilagatum whereupon the Commons complained thereof to the King and Lords by Petition and desired his release and rendred them an Act of Parliament ready drawn for that purpose to which Petition and Bill of theirs the King by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal assented And thereupon he was freed Not by the Commons power order or judgement but by the Kings and Lords advice and assents William Hyde a Burgess of Chippenham in Wiltshire being taken in Execution upon a Capias ad satisfaciendum and imprisoned in the kings Bench during the Parliament contrary to his privilege the Commons thereupon by a Petition praved the King that by advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal he might be delivered for the present by a Writ of privilege out of the Chancery which the King by the advice and assent of the Lords granted saving the right of his Prosecutors to have execution upon him again after the Parliament ended 14 E. 4. n. 55. In the Parliament of 17 E. 4. n. 36. John at-Will a Burgess for Exeter was condemned in the Exchequer upon 8. several Informations during the Parliament at the prosecution of Iohn Taylor of the same Town upon complaint thereof by the Commons to the King and Lords in Parliament by Petition the King by advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal ordered that he should have as many Supersedeas against the said Judgements and Informations as he pleased until his coming home from the Parliament In these last recited cases the Commons had no power at all to deliver or enlarge their own Members when imprisoned as of late years they have practised but always petitioned to the King and Lords for their release and relief who thereupon released and relieved them against the breaches of their privileges when they saw good cause Which cases I have examined by and transcribed out of the Parliament Rolls themselves in the Tower and not taken upon trust or the Abridgements of them which leave out the main ingredients the Commons Petitions to and advice and assent of the King and Lords expressed in the Rolls at large Richard Strode Gentleman one of the Burgesses of Parliament for the Burge of Plympton in Devonshire in the Parliament of 4 H. 8. for agreeing with the Commons house in putting out Bills against certain abuses of the Tinners being a Tinner himself by the malice of John Furse Tinner Under-Steward of the Stannâ—ries and his misinformation that the said Richard Strâ—de at the last Parliament heldâ—n at Westminster would have avoided and utterly destroyed all Liberties Privileges and Franchises concerning the Scanneâ—ies was upon 4. Bills thereof made by the said Furse presented and found guilty of the premises in 4. several Stannery Courts and condemned to forfeit 40 l. on every Bill to the King upon an Act and Ordinance made by the Tinners to which he was never warned nor called to make answer contrary to all Laws right reason and good conscience And one John Aguiâ—â—iam begging 20 l. of the said forfeiture from the King caused the said Richard to be taken and imprisoned in Lidford Castle in a dungeon and deep pit under ground where he was fed only with bread and water to the peril of his life and was to have irons laid upon him Upon which he petitioned the Parliament for remedy and that it might be ordained and enacted by the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal that the condemnations against him for the said 160 l. in the Stanneries and every parcel thereof and judgements and executions had or to be had for the premises might be utterly void and of none effect against him which was done for him accordingly And moreover it was enacted That all sutes accusations condemnations executions fines amerciameuts punishments corrections grants charges and impositions put or had or hereafter to be put or had upon the said Richard to every other person or persons that were in this Parliament or that of any Parliament hereafter shall be for any Bill speaking reasoning or declaring of any matter or matters concerning the Parliament to be communed or treated of be utterly void and of none effect And that any person vexed or troubled or otherwise charged for any causes as aforesaid shall have an action of the case against every person or persons so vexing or troubling him contrary to this Ordinance and recover treble damages and costs And that no protection Essoign or wager of Law shall in the said action in any wise be admiâ—red nor received as you may read in the Statutes at large 4 H. 8. ch 8. intituled an act concerning Richard Strode The Commons themselves being unable to releive him in this high breach of privilege but by a petition to the King and Lords and a special Act of Parliament made for him In the Parliament of 34 H. 8. there fell out this famous case thus at large recorded by Holinshed and Crompton out of him In the Lent season whilst the Parliament yet continued one George Ferrers Gentleman servant to the king being elected a Burgess for the Town of Plimmouth in the County of Devon in going to the Parliament House was arrested in
Hall was moved to repair to the Lord Keeper and make such Oath which he did and then had a Writ of privilege In the Parliament of 23 Eliz. 21 Jan. Saturday Mr. Paul Wentworth moved for a publike Fast and for a Sermon every morning at 7. a clock before the House sate The House upon debate were divided about the Fast 115. were for and 100. against it It was thereupon ordered That as many of the House as conveniently could should on Sunday fortnight after assemble and meet together in the Temple Church there to hear preaching and joyn together in prayer with humiliation and fasting for the assistance of Gods spirit in all their consultations during this Parliament and for the preservation of the Queens Majesty and her Realm and the Preachers to be appointed by the privy Council that were of the House that they may be discreet not medling with Innovation or unquietness This Order being made by the Commons alone without the Lords and Queens privities assents the Queen being informed thereof sent a Message to the House by Master Vice-chamberlain a Member of it That her Highness had great admiration of the rashness of this House in committing such an apparent contempt of her express command not to meddle with her person the State or Church-government as to put in execution such an Innovation without her privity or pleasure first known Thereupon the Vice-chamberlain moved the House to make humble submission to her Majesty acknowledging the said offence and contempt craving the remission of the same with a full purpose to forbear the committing of the like hereafter Upon which by consent of the WHOLE HOUSE Mr. Vice-chamberlain carried this their submission to her Majesty as being the Judge and punisher of their misdemeanors even in the House it self though caried by majority of Voices In the Parliament of 28 Eliz. the Commons questioning the chusing and returning of the knights of the Shire for Norfolk the Queen said She was sorry the Commons medled therewith being a thing impertinent for that House to deal withall it belonging only to the Office of the Lord Chancellor from whom the Writs issue and to whom they are returned In the Parliament of 35 Eliz. Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromley delivered a petition to the Lord Keeper desiring the Lords of the Vpper House to be suppliants with them of the Lower House unto her Majesty for intayling the succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them The Queen being highly displeased therewith as contrary to her former strict command charged the LORDS of her COUNCIL to call the parties before them which they did and after Speech with them commanded them to forbear the Parliament and not to go out of their lodgings after which Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower Sir Henry Bromley with Mr. Richard Stevens and Mr. Welch to whom Sir Henry had imparted the matter were committed to the Fleet sitting the Parliament And when Mr. Wrâ—th moved in the House that they might be humble suters to her Majesty that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained It was answered by all the Privy Counsellors there present That her Majesty committed him for causes best known to her self and to press her Highness with this sute would but hinder them whose good as foughtâ— That the House must not call the Queen to account for what she doth of her royal Authority That the causes for which they are restrained may be high and dangerous That her Majesty liketh no such questions neither doth it become the House to search into these matters In the same Parliament M. Morrice Attorny of the Court of Wards by a Serjeant at Arms was taken out of the Commons House Febr. 28. and committed to prison by the Queens command for delivering in a Bill against the abuses of the Bishops on Tuesday Febr. 27. against which many Members spake that it should not be read The Queen hearing of it sent for Sir Edward Cooke then Speaker the same day giving him in command with her own mouth to signifie to the House her dislike of the said Bill preferred by Mr. Morrice and charging him upon his Allegiance if any such Bill he exhibited not to read it Adding It is in me and my power to call Parliaments it is in my power to end and determine them it is in my power to assent or dissent to any thing done in Parliament Lo here several Members of the Commons House imprisoned by the Queens command by the Lords of her Council for disobeying her express commands in her Speech in medling in matters of State and Ecclesiastical affaires which she had forbidden them to do So farr was the Commons house then from being the Judges or sole Judges of their own Members privileges speeches or actions in the House it self even in this good Queens late reign of blessed memory In the same Parliament of 35 Eliz. when Sir Edward 〈◊〉 was Speaker of the Commons House there fell out a question in the Commons House about the Amendment of a mistake in the 〈◊〉 of the Burgess of Southwark and after long debate it was resolved that the House could not amend it but the Lâ— Keeper in Chancery â—here the return was of record if he thought it amendable by Law and that Master Speaker should wait upon the Lord Keeper about it which he did who advised with the Judges concerning it as appears by the Journal In the same Parliament Thomas Fitz-Herbert of Staffordshire was elected a Burgess of Parliament and two hours after before the Indenture returned the Sherif took him prisoner upon a Capias Utlagatum Whereupon he petitioned the House that he might have a Writ of Privilege and be enlarged After many dayes debate and Arguments of this case in the House by sundry Lawyers and Sir Edward Cooke then Speaker it was agreed That no Writ of Privilege could in this case be returned into the House of Commons being but a Member of Parliament and no Court of Record but only into the Chancery or House of Peers And that this being a point of Law it was meet the Judges should be advised with and determine it not the House And at last he was outed of his privilege by the Houses resolution These forecited presidents in all ages will sufficiently prove the late objected presidents for the Commons sole Judicial Authority and Jurisdiction in cases of Privilege and Elections and the suspending ejecting fining secluding imprisoning their own Members and such who violate their privileges or make false returns to be a meer late Groundless Innovation if not Usurpation upon the King House of Peers and Chancellors of England no ways grounded on the Law and custom of Parliaments as Sir Edward Cooke mistakes but point-blank against them both and that the Statutes concerning Elections and attendance or absence of Knights and Burgesses as 5 R.
upon him nor condemn him but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers or by the Law of the Land Whence thus they argue The Lords in Parliament are not Commoners Peers but the Commons only therefore they cannot be judged in Parliament by the Lords but by the Commons alone and if Peers there judge Commoners it is a tyranny and usurpation even against Magna Charta it self though it be in case of privilege To take away this grand seeming Objection and give it a satisfactory answer I say First in general that there is scarce one Parliament ever since Magna Charta was first confirmed but the Lords have sentenced and given Judgement against some Commoners capitally or penally in body purse or both without the Commons and did so doubtlesse before Magna Charta was made as I have already manifested yet never did the Commons in any one of those Parliaments till this present complain of it as a violation of Magna Charta or a tyrannical usurpation as Lilburn and Overton stile it but acknowledged ir as a just right in the Lords even in 3 Caroli it self when the Petition of Right was passed in the Lords Judgement and Sentence against Dr Manwaring a Commoner impeached by the Commons in Parliament And therfore for this Ignoramus alone against the judgment of the Commons in Parl. in all ages to averr this a breach of Magna Charta for imprisoning and sining him for the highest affront and breach of privilege ever offered to any Parl. is the extremity of ignorance malice singularity Secondly I answer That the Statute of Magna Charta extendeth not to nor was ever intended of the high Court of Parliaments Judgements Proceedings but only to and of the Proceedings Judgements in the Kings great Courts of Justice at Westminster Hall the Exchequer his Privy Council and other inferior Courts held before Judges Justices of Assise and other Officers as is evident by comparing this objected Chapter with c. 11 12 13 14 18 28 30 34 37. by the Statutes of 25 E. 3. Stat. 5. c. 4. 28 E. 3. c. 3. 37 E. 3. c. 18. 38 E. 3. c. 9. 42 E. 3. c. 2. 17 R. 2. c. 6. and the Petition of Right it self 3. Caroli which so expound it there being never any complaint against the Parliament it self or House of Peers in any age for breach of Magna Charta in censuring or imprisoning Commoners till now Therefore this misapplying of this Law to the Parl. and House of Peers is a gross oversight Thirdly the very literal sence of this Law is much mistaken by the Objectors The main scope whereof is this That no man should be deprived of his Freehold Liberties Limbs life or outlawed exiled or otherwise destroyed without legal process in due form of Law in Courts of Justice not by meer force violence injustice arbitrary and tyrannical power or martial Law nor being brought to his legal trial or answer And that none should pass upon them in any trials for freehold or life but only English Freemen Now in respect of Freedom any every Freeman of England is a Peer to another Freeman quatenus such a one within this Law though of an higher degree in point of honour dignity office estate as Knights Esquires Gentlemen Yeomen Citizens Merchants these as Freemen are all Peers one to another and may pass upon each other in Juries both in civil and criminal causes and this clause No Freemâ—n shall be imprisoned c. but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers extends only to villains and those who are not Freeholders from being Iudges of Freemen and Freeholders in trials by Jury whence the Writs to the Sherifs to summon Jurors require them alwayes to return Liberos Legales homines not to exclude Lords or Peers who are Freemen in the highest degree to be Judges of Commoners who are Freemen So as the Argument from the true meaning of this Law can be but this in respect of the persons quality who are to give judgement Villains and those who are no Freemen are not to be Judges of or impannelled in Juries to condemn Freemen because they are not their Peers nor Freemen as well as they Therefore Lords who are Freemen of the highest degree may not give judgement against Commoners who are Freemen Very learned nonsence We all know that the Lord Chancellor of England Lord Keeper Lord Treasurer Master of the Court of Wards and some of the Judges of the Kings Courts in Westminster Hall in former times with the Chief Justiciar and Justices in Eyre were antiently and of late too as the Earl of Holland and others Peers of the Realm not Commoners and that all the Peers of the Realm are in Commissions of Oyer and Terminer and of the Peace yet did we never hear of any Commoner demurring or pleading thus to any of their Jurisdictions in Chancery Kings Bench the Exchequer Chamber Eyres Assises or Sessions Sir I am a Commoner and you are a Peer of the Realm but no Commoner as I am besides you sit here only in the Kings right doing all in his name and representing his person who is not my Peer but Sovereign Therefore you ought not to judge my cause condemn my person nor give any sentence for or against me it being contrary to Magna Charta which enacts That no freeman should be judged or passed upon or condemned but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers Certainly no person was ever yet so mad or sottish to make such a Plea before Ignoramus Lilburn And if Lords Peers may judge the persons causes of Commoners in the Chancery Kings Bench Exchequer Court of Wards Eyres and at Assises Sessions without any violation of this clause in Magna Charta though they are exempted to be impannelled or serve in Juries in cases of Commoners as Commoners in Juries to try them much more may the House of Peers in Parliament doe it who are certainly Peers to Commoners as Freemen though Commoners be not Peers to them as Lords within the meaning of Magna Charta chap. 29. Fourthly If the Lords in Parliament cannot meddle with or give judgement in Commoners causes without breach of this clause in Magna Charta then why did Lilburn himself sue and petition to the Lords as the only competent Judges to reverse his sentence in Star Chamber and give him damages because it was against this very Chapter of Magna Charta If Lords cannot give judgement in the case of Commoners as now he holds without express violation of this Law then himself in petitioning the Lords to relieve him against the Star-Chamber sentence because contrary to this very Law and Chapter of Magna Charta was a great a violator of it as his Star-Chamber censurers and his sentence in Star-chamber remains still unreversed because the Lords examining reversing of it they being no Commoners as he is but Peers was Coram non judice and meerly void by the Statute of 25 E.
3. Stat. 5. c. 4. because contrary to Magna Charta it self as he now expounds it Let him therefore unriddle assoyl this his own Dilemma or for ever hold his tongue and pen from publishing such absurdities to seduce poor people as he hath done to exasperate them to clamour against the Lords for being more favourable in their censure of him than his transcendent Libels and contempts against them deserved Fifthly This Statute is in the disjunctive by the Lawfull Judgement of his Peers OR BY THE LAW OF THE LAND which this Ignoramus observes not Now by the Law of the Land every inferiour Court of Justice may fine and imprison men for contempts or misdemeanors against them and their authority therefore the Lords in Parliament being the highest Tribunal may much more do it and have ever done it even by this express clause of Magna Charta and the Law and Custom of Parliament as well as they may give judgements in writs of Error against or for Commons without the Commons consent as himself doth grant yea and by the Kings concurrent assent declare what is Treason and what not within the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. 20. in the cases of Commoners as well as Lords without the Commons as they did in the forecited cases of William de Weston and Lord of Gomines 1 R. 2. n. 38 39 40. Of William Thorp 25 E. 3. n. 10. Of Thomas Haxey 20 R. 2. n. 15 16.23 Of Sir Thomas Talbot 13 R. 2. n. 20 21. Of Sir Robert Plesington and Henry Bowhert 22 R. 2. Plac. Coronae in Parliamento n. 27 28. Of John Hall 1 H. 4. Plac. Coronae in Parl. n. 11. to 17. Of Sir Ralph Lumley and others 4 H. 4. n. 15. 19 20 21. Of Sir John Oldcastle 5 H. 5. n. 11. and of Sir John Mortymer 2 H. 6. n. 18. as the Commons and Judges in all those Parliaments agreed without contradiction against the erronious opinion of Sir Edward Cooke to the contrary in his 3. Institutes p. 22. Sixthly It is granted by Lilburn that by this express Law No Freeman of England ought to be judged or censured but only by his Peers and that Commoners are no Peers to Nobles nor Noblemen Peers to Commoners Then by what Law or reason dared he to publish to the world That the House of Commons are the Supreme Power within this Realm and THAT BY RIGHT THEY ARE THE LORDS JUDGES certainly this is a Note beyond Ela a direct contradiction to Magna Charta in this very clause wherein he placeth his strength and subverts his very ground-work against the Lords Jurisdiction in their censure of him For if the House of Commons be by right the Lords Iudges then by Magna Charta c. 29. they are and ought to be their Peers and if the Commons be the Lords Peers then the Lords must be the Commons Peers too and if so then they may lawfully be his Judges even by Magna Charta because here he grants them to be no other than his Peers Lo the head of this great Goliah of the Philistin Levellers cut off with his own sword and Magna Charta for ever vindicated from his ignorant and sottish contradictory Glosses on it Now to convict him of his Errour in affirming the House of Commons to be by right the Lords Judges I might inform him as I have formerly proved at large that Magna Charta it self c. 14. 29. and Sir Edward Cook his chief Author in his commentary on them are express against him that in the Parliament of 15 E. 3. ch 2. in print it was enacted That whereas before this time the Peers of the Land have been arrested and imprisoned and their Temporalties Lands and Tenements Goods and Chattels seised into the Kings hands and some put to death without Iudgement of their Péers that no Peer of the Land Officer or other by reason of his office nor of things touching his office nor by other cause shall be brought in judgement to lose his Temporalties Lands Tenements Goods Chattels nor to be arrested or imprisoned outlawed exiled nor forejudged nor put to answer nor to be judged but by award of the said Péers in Parliament which privilege of theirs was both enjoyed and claimed in Parliament 4 E. 3. n. 14 15 E. 3. n. 6 8 44 49 51. 17 E. 3. n. 22. 18 E. 3. n. 7. to 16. 10 R. 2. n. 7 8. 11 R. 2. n. 7 c. and sundry other Parliament Rolls See Cook 4. Instit p. 15. 17 E. 3. 19. Cromptons Jurisdiction of Courts f. 4. 12 13. Stamford f. 151 152. This Paradox therefore of his is against all Statutes Law-Books Presidents whatsoever and Magna Charta it self And as false an assertion as that the Subjects are the Judges of their Soveraign the Servants of their Masters the children of their Parents the Wiâ—es of their Husbands the Soldiers of their General and the feet and lower members of the Head The second only Objection more of moment is this If the House of Peers may without the Commons fine and imprison Commoners then if their fine and imprisonment be unjust and illegal they shall be remediless there being no superior Court to appeal unto which will be an intollerable slavery and grievance not to be indured among free-born people I answer first That no injustice shall or ought to be presumed in the highest Court of Justice till it be apparently manifested Secondly If any such censure be given the party as in Chancery upon just grounds shewed may Petition the House of Peers for a review and new hearing of the cause which they in justice neither will nor can deny and if they do then the party grieved may petition the house of Commons to intercede in his behalf to the Peers for a rehearing but for them to discharge free any Commoner judicially censured by the Lords I have hitherto met with no president in former Parliaments nor power in the house of Commons to doe it who cannot reverse Erronious judgements in any inferiour Courts by writ of Error but the Lords alone much less then the judgements of the Higher House of Peers which is paramount them Thirdly I conceive the House of Peers being the Superior Authority and only Judicatory in Parliament may relieve or release any Commoners unjustly imprisoned or censured by the Commons house or any of their Committees and ought in justice to doe it or else there will be the same mischief or a greater in admitting the house of Commons to be Judges of Commoners if there be no appeal from them to the Lords in case their sentences be illegal or unjust Thirdly This mischief is but rare and you may object the same against a sentence given or Law made in Parliament by the King and both Houses because there is no appeal from it but only to the next or some other Parliament that shall be summoned by petition in the nature of a Writ of
was again resolved in another Parliamentary Assembly held that year by King Henry the first the Bishops Abbots Great men and Nobles of the Realme as you read before p. 173. Anno 1109. there sprung up another â—ot contest between Arch-Bishop Anselme and Thomas Elect of York about the oath of subjection and canonical obedience which was again debated and after Anselmes death again debated and finally setled in another Parliamentary Council by the King Bishops Nobles and Barons of the Realme of which at large before p. 174 175 176 177. The same Debate coming again between Ralph Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and Thurstan of York after his returne from Exile Anno 1121. was again concluded omnium Concilio Episcoporum Principum Procerum Regni p. 180. After many years intestine bloody wars between the perjured Usurper King Stephen Mawde and Duke Henry her Son for the Crown of England Anno 1153. apud Walingford in conventu Episcoporum et aliorum Regni Optimatum there was a final accord made between Stephen and Henry touching the inheritance and descent of the Crown that Stephen should adopt and constitute Henry for his son heir and successor to the Crown of England immediately after his death which Stephen should enjoy during his life yet so as that Henry should bee chief Justice and Ruler of the Kingdome under him This accord made between them by the Prelates Earles and Barons of the Realme was ratified by King Stephens Charter and subscribed by all the Bishops Earles and Barons in their Parliamentary Council at Walingford The difference and suit between King Henry the 2d and Roderic King of Conact in Ireland touching his Kingship Royalties Dominions Services Homage Loyalty and Tribute to King Henry were heard decided and a final agreement made between them in a great Parliamentary COUNCIL held at Windeshores Anno 1175. wherein King Henry the 2d and his Son with the Arch-bishops Bishops Earles and Barons of England without any Commons were present who made and subscribed this agreement recorded at large in Houeden where you may peruse it King Henry the 2d Anno 1177. Celebrato generali CONCILIO apud Northampton after the feast of St. Hilary by the advice of his Nobles restored to Robert Earl of Leicester all his Lands on this side and beyond the Sea as hee had them fifteen daies before the Warre except the Castles of Mounsorel and Pasci Hee likewise therein restored to Hugh Earle of Chester all the lands which hee had fifteen daies before the warre and gave to William de Abbine Son of William Earle of Arundel in the County of Southsex And in the same Council Deane Guido resigned into the hand of Richard Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the deanery of Walteham and all his right which hee had in the Church of Walteham quietum clamavit simpliciter absolute similiter fecerunt canonici seculares de Walteham de praebendis suis resignantes eas in manis Archiepiscopi sed Dominus Rex dedit eis inde plenariam recompensationem ad Domini Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi aestimationem Deinde Dominus Rex authoritate Papae Domini instituit in eadem Ecclesia de Walteham canonicos regulares de diversis domibus Angliae sumptos constituit Walterum de Garent canonicum sumptum de Ecclesia de Osencie Abbatem primum super congregationem illam magnis redditibus domibus pulcherrimis dotavit illos And then hee expelled the Nunnes out of the Monastery of Ambresbury for their incontinency and distributed them into other Nunneries there to bee kept more strictly under restraint and gave the Abby of Ambresbury to the Abbesse and house of Frum Everoit to hold it for ever Sanctius King of Navar and Alfonso King of Castile in the year 1177. submitted the differences between them concerning certain Lands Territories Towns and Castles to the determination of King Henry the 2d who thereupon summoned a Parliamentary Council of his Bishops Earles Nobles and Barons to hear and decide it by their advice Wherein the case being propounded debated and opened before them by the Ambassadours and Advocates of both Kings appeared to be this That King Sanctius during the minority of King Alphonsus an Orphant his Nephew Pupil and innocent from any crime unjustly and forcedly took from him without any demand hearing or Title divers Territories Towns and Lands there specified which his Ancestors had enjoyed and of right descended to him which hee forcibly detained Whereof hee demanded restitution and dammages On the other side Sanctius complained that Alphonsus the Emperour Father of this Alphonsus had by force of armes unjustly dispossessed his Grandfather of the Kingdome of Navarre after whose death Garsias his Nephew and next heir by the help of his friends and subjects recovered the greatest part thereof from the Emperour but not all Who dying leaving his Son Alphonso an infant with whom Sanctius made a league for ten years Alphonso during the League took by force of armes divers Castles Towns and Lands from Sanctius being his inheritance who thereupon demanded restitution both of the Castles Towns Lands and Territories taken from his Grandfather by Alphonsus his Father and from himself by Alphonsus together with the maine profit of the latter quia sine ordine judiciario ejectus est King Henry having fully heard their cases by the Advice and Assent of his Bishops Earles and Barons adjudged that both these Kings should make mutual restitution of what had been forcibly taken from either party together with the mean profits and dammages for part of them by an award and judgement under his Great Seal subscribed by all his Bishops Earles and Barons which recites super quaerelis vero praetaxatis de castellis terris cum omnibus terris pertinentis suis hinc inde violenter et injuste ablatis cum nichil contra Violentiam utrinque objectam à parte alterutra alteri responderetur nec quicquam quo minus restitutiones quas petebant faciendas essent alligaretur Plenariam utrinque parti supradictorum quae in jure petita erant fieri restitutionem adjudicabimus A clear Parliamentary resolution and judgement in point That Territories Lands Towns Castles injuriously taken by one King from another by force of armes and warre without just Title to them ought in Law and Justice to bee restored to the right heirs and owners of them and that Conquest and the longest Sword are no good Titles in Law or conscience against the right heir or inheriter which I desire those Sword-men and Lawyers who now pretend us a conquered Nation determine Conquest or the longest Sword a just Title to the Crowns Lands Revenues Offices Inheritances Houses Estates of other men now sadly to consider together with the sacred Texts Hab. 7. Micha 2.1 2 3 4 5. Job 20.10 18 19 20. Obad. 10. to 17. Ezek. ch 19. 35. Isa 33.1 1 King 21.1 to 25. Matth. 21.33 to 41. Luk. 20.14 to 17. ch 19.8
Judg. 17.2 3 4. Exod. 22.1 to 16. Levit. 6.4 5. ch 24.17 to 22. ch 25.27 28. Judg. 11.12 13. 1 Sam. 12.3 4. 2 Sam. 9.7 ch 12.5 6. ch 19.9 to 43. 1 Sam. 7.13 14. 2 King 14.22 Ezra 1.7 8 9 10 11. ch 6.5 which warrant the judgement and restitution they then awarded together with this memorable Act of resumption of the Crown Lands Rents and Revenewes alienated and given away by King Stephen to many Lords and Soldiers to maintain his usurped Title to be just King Henry the 2d Anno 1155. Praecepit eacum omni integritate infra tempus certum a quibuscunque deteâ—toribus resignari in jus statumque pristinum revocari Quidam vero indies carâ—as quas a Rege Stephano vel extorserant vel obsequiis emerant quâ—bus tuti forent protulerunt pleading them in barre against the Kings resumption Quâ—bus fuit a Rege responsum and let those who have purchased or gotten any of the Crown Lands Rents Revenewes by gift or otherwise now remember it Quod carâ—ae Inbasoris praejudicium legitimo Principi minime facere deberent Primo ergo indignati deinde territi consternati aegre quidem sed integre Usurpata vel diu tanquam solido â—ure detenta omnia resignarunt their Charters being all adjudged voyd eisdemque instrumentis minime tuti esse potuerunt as Nubrigensis and Brompton inform us The great and long suit between William de Stutevill and William de Moubray which had continued many years in the Kings Courts concerning the Barony of Moubray was ended in a Parliamentary Council by a final award there made between them that William de Stutevil should release all his right and claim to the Barrony to William de Moubray hee giving him nine Knights fees and twelve pounds Annual Rent for this release cumque super hoc diu certatum esset tandem Anno 1200. the 2d of King Johns Reign concilio Regni et voluntate Regis pax finalis concordia facta est inter praedictos as Roger de Houeden relates who records the agreement at large King Henry the 3d. Anno 1236. in a Parliamentary Council held at York Consilio sultus Magnatum Regni ended the controversie between himself and Alexander King of Scots touching the Lands King John had granted him by his Charter in Northumberland ratified by the subscriptions and assents of his Nobles Earles and Barons Anno 1237. Rex scripsit omnibus Magnatibus suis to appear before him and the Popes Legat at York de arduis negociis regnum contingentibus tractaturis where the difference between King Henry the 3d. and the King of Scots summoned to be present at this Parliament touching his Lands in England were finally determined and a firme peace made between them the King of Scots being to receive three hundred pound lands a year in England sine castri constructione homagiumque Regi Angliae faceret faedus inter eos amicitiae sanciretur hoc se fideliter facturum Regi Angliae conservaturum juraret After this Anno 1244. King Henry summoning all the Bishops Abbots and lay Barons to present all their military Services to him marched with a great army to New-Castle against the Scots who had fortified two Castles harboured rebels against the King and made a peace with France against their former Covenant and League VVhere to avoid the effusion of Christian blood which will cry to God for vengeance congregata Vniversitate Angliae Nobilium apud memoratum castrum tractatum est diligenter super tam arduo negotio Concilio habito circa Assumptionem beatae Maria dligentissimâ— Wherein the NOBLES made an agreement between the Kings of England and Scotland Alexander King of Scots by his special Charter recorded in Matthew Paris promising and swearing for him and his Heirs to King Henry and his Heirs quod in perpetuum bonam fidem eis servabimus pariter amorem c. Most of the Prelates Earles and Barons of Scotland sealing the charter with their Seals and swearing to observe it inviolably as well as their King In the Parliaments of 18 20 21 31 33. Ed. 1. There were many Pleas and Actions for Lands Rents and civil things as well as criminal held before the King in Parliament and adjudged resolved in these Parliaments by assent of the King and advice of the Lords the Kings Judges and Council learned in the Laws there being a large Parchment Volume of them in the Tower of London where all may peruse them some of them being also entred on the dorse of the Clause Rolls of these years Pasche 21. E. 1. Banco Regis Northumberland Rot. 34. John le Machon a Merchant lent a great summe of mony to Alexander King of Scots who dying his Son and Successour refused upon petition to pay it Whereupon hee appealed to the King of England for right propter suum supremum Dominium Scotiae Thereupon the Sheriffs of Northumberland by the Kings command accompanied with four men of that County went into Scotland to the Scots King and there personally summoned him to appear in England before the King of England to answerr this Debt After which all parties making default at the day the Merchant was amerced The King of Scots afterward appeared before the King but at the first time refused to answer at last hee desired respite to bee given him that he might advise about it with his Council of Scotland promising to appear at the next Parliament and then to give his answer And in Placit coram Rege Trin. 21. E. 1. Scotia there is an Appeal to the King of England between subjects of Scotland in a civil cause tanquam superiori regni Scotiae Domino And Clauso 29. E. 1. dorso 10. there is a letter of all the Nobles in Parliament to the Pope de Jure Regis in regne Scotia forecited p. 127 128. and Claus 10. E. 3. dorso 9. The King of Scots is stiled Vassallus Domini Regis Anglia It appears by Claus 5. E. 2. M. 30. that in a Parliament held at Stanford 3. E. 2. a business touching Merchandize and a Robbery on the Sea was heard and decided before the King and Lords in Parliament between the Earle of Holland who sent over a Proctor about it and others Claus 8. E. 2. m. 15. The Petition of David Earle of Ascelos in Scotland by the Kings command was read in full Parliament before the Prelates Earles and Barones that hee might be restored to his inheritance in Scotland to which it was answered by all their Assents that his inheritance was forfeited by his Ancestors for offences by them committed c. but yet the King would give him some other Lands for it In Claus 12. E. 2. it appears that the Popes Legate came into the Parliament and petitioned the King and Lords for a Legacy given by the Bishop of Durham Patriark of Jerusalem lately dead for which the King by assent of the
Lords gave him remedy by a Writ out of the Chancery Claus 14. E. 2. m. 12. in the Schedula there is a Judgement in Parliament by King Lords and Council touching the Abby of Abingdon and a composition formerly made between the Abbot Prior and monks thereof reversed nulled because inconvenient Claus 14. E. 2. m. 17. dorso there is a case concerning a reprisal brought by appeal out of the Chancery into the Parliament before the King Lords and Council and there heard and decided And Claus 15. E. 2. there are many cases and Writs touching Reprises In the Parliament of 1. E. 3. there were many Judgements given in sundry civil cases upon petitions To the King and his Council by the King Lords and Council extant in the bundle of Petitions and Claus Rolls of that year and those things that were proper for the Courts of Law and Chancery were referred to them to be there ended Claus 1. E. 3. m. 1. Upon the petition of Alice Gill and Robert Carder to the King Council and Parliament that they buying Corne in Abevil in France to transport to London it was arrested by the Baily of St. Valeric to the value of one hundred pounds at the suit of Will de Countepy of Crotye in Picardy and delivered to him against their wills because the Ship of the said Will was taken upon the Sea by the men of Bayon which ship the petitioners finding in the port of London had arrested by writ out of the Chancery directed to the Sheriffes of London until the said hundred pounds was paid them by the Merchant the King and Council ordered upon their petition that the ship might not be discharged till the 100 l. was satisfied that a Writ should be directed out of the Chancery to the Sheriffes of London to do Justice upon the contents in the Petition according to the Law of Merchants The like case of Reprise upon the Petition of Hugh Samson is in 1. E. 3. rot 5. In Claus 1. E. 3. part 1. m. 10. There is a Judgement given by the Lords and Council for the Bishop of Durham touching the Liberties and Royalties of his Bishoprick against the Kings revocation where in sundry Petitions and answers in former Parliament under King Edward the 2d are rehearsed wherein hee could have no right Mem. 12. there is a Judgement given by the Lords and Council in Parliament for the Bishop of York his prisage and preemption of wines next after the King in the Port of Hull and in Claus 1. E. 3. Pâ— 2. m. 11. Claus 4. E. 3. m. 9. remembred in the year Book of 6. E. 3. f. 50. So Claus 2. E. 3. m. 20. in Schedula there is Placitum in Parliamento before the King and his Council of the Dean and Chapter of Litchfield touching their Title to Camock Claus 14. E. 3. part 1. m. 41. Upon the Petition of the Bishop of Carlisle it was resolved by the Lords and Council in that and sundry other Parliaments in the Reign of this King and his Father non esse â—uri consonum that Churches and other things spiritual annexed to Archbishopricks and Bishopricks should belong to the King and Gardians of the temporalties but to the Gardians of the spiritualties and so ordered accordingly yea so was it resolved upon the Petition of the Bishop of Winchester to the King and his Council in the Parliament of Claus 1. E. 3. rot 9. dorso Where coram Rege et Magno Concilio concessum est et concordatum quod custodâ—s temporalium Episcopatus non se intromittant amplius temporibus vacationum hujusmodi fructibus Ecclesiarum de Estanmer Hamoldan annexed to the Bishoprick of Winchester In the Parliament of 14. E. 3. Sir Geoffry Stantens case upon his Petition to the King and Lords in Parliament the Justices of the Common Pleas came with the record of his case which had long depended before them in the Court of Common Pleas which being read and debated in the presence of all the LORDS Justices and others of the Kings Council their assistants in this case of Law they resolved that the Sonne being a stranger might aver that his Father who levyed the fine had nothing in the Lands and that the Wife in this case could not vouch her Husband And thereupon a Writ under the great Seal was sent to the Judges by the Lords order to give judgement accordingly Claus 35. E. 3. m. 40. A villain commits fellony and is attainted after that the Lord had seised his goods whereupon his goods were prized and seised on for the King notwithstanding the Lords seisure upon a Petition in Parliament It was resolved by the Lords and Council that it was just the goods should be restored to the Lord if they were not seised fraudulently to prevent the Kings seisure of them And a Writ of Restitution was thereupon awarded per ipsum Regem et per Petitionem in Parliamento In the 6. year of King Richard the 2d it was agreed between the Duke of Lancaster and the Scots in the Marches that for the benefit of both parties ut â—de caterâ— ipsi nee Anglici vexarenâ—ur per tot labores expensas sed singulis annis certi utriusque gentis destinarentur ad Parliamentum Regni utriusque qui et injurias acceptas proferrent in medium emendas acciparent secundum quantitatem damuâ—rum per Judicium Dominorum here the Lords both in the Parliament of England and Scotland are made sole Judges of injuries and dammages done by Scots or English upon one another in the Marches Quia vero Scoti ad Parliamentum Londoniis Anno 1383. supersederunt venire juxta conductum insuper damna interim plura Borealibus praesumpserunt inferre c. decretum est per Parliamentum ut frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem Et concessae sunt Borealibus commissiones congregandi virtutem exercitus Scotis resistendi damna pro damnis inferendi quoties contingeret Scotos irrumpere vel hostili mâ—re partes illas intrare In the Parliament of 4. H. 4. n. 9. Upon the complaint of Sir Thomas Pomeroy and his Lady against Sir Philip Courtney and others forcible entry into several Lands and Mannors in the Country of Devon The King and Lords adjudged that the said Sir Thomas should enter into the said Mannors and Lands if his entry were lawful or bring his Assize without all delayes at his election In the Parliament of 5. H. 4. n. 41 42 43 44. in a case concerning Mannors and certain Lands in the County of Cornwal between the Prince and John Cornwal and the Countesse of Huntington his wife the King and Lords gave Iudgement that the Prince should â—e restored to the said Mannors and Lands being parcels of the Dutchey of Cornwal and that the Prince after seisin had should regrant them unto them which was done accordingly in Parliament In 6 H. 4 n. 28. Upon the Petition of
scriptis redactam vice nomine auctoritate praedictis tulerunt per dictum Episcopum Assâ—vâ—â— Commissarium Collegam suum eandem sententiam de ipsorum Commissariorum voluntate mandato legi recitari fecerunt in haec verba IN DEI NOMINE Amen Nos Johannes Episcopus Assivens Johannes Abbas Glastoniae Thomas Comes Gloucestriae Thomas Dominus de Berkely Thomas de Erpyngham Thomas Gray milites ut Willielmus Thyming Justiciarius per Pares Proceres regni Angliae Spirituales Temporales ejusdem regni Communitates omnes status ejusdem regni repraesentantes Commissuriâ— ad infrascripta specialiter deputati pro Tribunaâ—â— sedentes atteâ—tis perjuriis multiplicibus aâ— crudelitate aliisque quampluribus criminibus dicti Richardi circa regimen suum in regnis dominio supradictis pro tempore sui regimnas commissis perpetraâ—is ac coram dictis statibus paâ— publice propositis exhibitis recitatis quae adâ— fuerunt sunt publica notoria manifesta famosa quod nulla poterant aut possunt â—ergiversatione celari Necnon confessione praedicto Richardi recognoscenâ—i◠〈…〉 scitâ—tia sua judicantiâ— se fuisse esse 〈…〉 â—inii praedictorum pertinentium corundem ac propter sua domorita notoria non immerito deponendum per ipsum Richardum prius emissa ac de voluntate mandato suis coram dictis statibus publicata eisque notificatae exposita in vulgari praehabita super hiis omnibus in ipso negotio actitatis coram statibus antidictis â—obis deliberatione diligenti vice nomine auctoritate â—is in hac parte commissa ipsum Richardum ex habundanti ad cautelam ad regimen gubernationem dictorum regnorum dominii juriumque pertinentium eorundem fuisse esse inutilem inhabilem insufficientem penitus indignum ac propter praemissa eorum pretextu ab omni dignitate honore regiis si quid dignitatis honoris hujusmodi in eo remanserit merito deponendum pronunciamus decernimus declaramus ipsum simili cautela deponimus per nostram diffinitivam sententiam in hiis scriptis Omnibus singulis Dominis Archiepiscopis Episcopis Praelatis Ducibus Marchionibus Comitibus Baronibus Militibus Vassallis Valvassoribus ac cateris hominibus dictorum regnorum dominii ac aliorum locorum ad dicta regna dominium spectantium subditis ac ligeis suis quibuscunque inhibentes expresse ne quisquam ipsorum de caetero praefato Richardo tanquam Regi vel Domino regnorum aut dominii praedictorum paret quomodelibet vel intendat Volentes autem praeterea dicti status ut nichil desit quod valeat aut debeat circa praemissa requiri superinde singillatim interrogati personas easdem prius per Commissarios nominatos constituerunt Procuratores suos conjunctim divisim ad resignandum reddendum dicto Regi Richardo homagium fidelitatem prius sibi facta ad praemissa omnia hujusmodi depositionem renunciationem tangentia si oportuerit intimanda ET CONFESTIM ut constabat ex praemissis eorum occasione regnum Angliae cum suis pertinentiis vacare praefatus Henricus Dux Lancastria de loco suo surgens stans adeo erectus quod satis intueri posset à populo muniens se humiliter signo crucis in fronte in pectore suo Christi nomine primitus invocato dictum regnum Anglia sic ut praemittitur vacaâ—s una cum Corona ac omnibus membris pertinentiis suis vindicavit in lingua materna sub hac forma verborum In the name of Fader Sonne and holy Ghost I Henry of Lancastre chalenge this Rewine of Ynglonde and the Croune with all the membres and the appurtenances al 's I that am descendit be ryght lyne of the blode comyng fro the gude Lorde King Henry therde and thorghe that ryght that God of his grace hath sent mee with helpe of my kyn and of my frendes to recover it the whiche Rewme was in poynt to be ondone for defaut of governance and undoyng of the gude Lawes Post quam quidem vindicationem clameum tam Domini Spiriuales quam Temporales omnes status ibidem praesentes singillatim communiter interrogari quid de illa vindicatione clameo sentiebant iidem status cum toto populo absque quacunque difficultate vel mora ut Dux praefatus super eos regnaret unanimiter consenserunt Et statim ut idem Rex ostendit statibus regni signetum Ricardi Regis sibi pro intersigno traditum suae voluntatis ut praemittitur expressivum praefatus Archiepiscopus dictum Henricum Regem per manum dextram apprehendens duxit eum ad sedem regalem praedictam Et postquam idem Rex coram dicta sede genu flexus parumper orasset idem Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis assistente sibi Archiepiscopo Eâ—orum praedicto dictum Regem posuit sedere fecit in sede regali praedicta populo prae nimio gaudio fortiter applaudente Et mox dictus Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis vix facto silentio propter gaudium omnium circumstantium collationem modicam fecit protulit in haec verba VIR DOMINABITUR POPULO Reg. ix c. Haec sunt verba summi Regis loquentis ad Samuelem docentis eundem quâ—lem deberet instituere ad gubernandum populum quando potebat sibi dari Regem populus ille non inepte de Domino nostro Rege moderno dici possunt quae verba si intime considerentur praebent nobis materiam magnae consolationis Non enim Deus nobis comminatur sicut quondam per Ysai comminabatur populo dicens Ysai 3. Dabo pueros Principes eorum set ex sua misericordia qui cum irascitur misericordiae recordatur visitavit plebem suam non modo ut prius fuerat in regno pueri dominabuntur set dicit dominus vobis quod Vir dominabitur populo Poterat enim de Rectoribus istius regni sive eorum quolibet praeteritis in persona parvuli non inconvenienter dici illud Apostoli Cor. 13. Cum essem parvulus loquebar ut parvulus sapiebam ut parvulus cogitabam ut parvulus ecce ter dicit Apostolus loquebatur ut parvulus sapiebat cogitabat Quantum ad loquelam certum est quod parvulus inconstans est in loquendo faciliter vera loquitur faciliter falsa faciliter verbo promittit set quod promittit cito obliviscitur haec enim sunt inconvenientia nimis moleste regno nec possibile est regnum feliciter stare ubi hae conditiones regnant set ab istis defectibus liberatur regnum cum vir dominatur ad virum namque pertinet circa linguam servare custodiam Modo autem non puer dominatur set vir do quo spero dici potest illud Eccl. ix Beatus vir qui non est lapsus in lingua Post inquit Apostolus sapiebam
these 2. deposed Kings these 2. inferences have been made 1. That the Commons have a joynt interest with the Lords in the Judicature and Jugements in Parliament 2. That the Proceedings against our late condemned beheaded King are justifiable and warranted by them I answer that neiâ—her of these 2. Consequences are proved by them For 1. The Commons themselves in this Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 79. immediately after King Râ—chards deposition confess That the Judicature and Judgements of Parliament belong only to the King and Lords not to the Commons 2ly The Commons neither in nor out of Parliament are may or ought to be the Judges of the meanest Lord or Peer of the Realm who are to be judged tried by their Peers alone as I have abundantly evidenced in the premises Much less then can they be lawful Judges of their Soveraign Lord and King who is a degree above all the Peers of highest dignity In the Parliament An 1260. Prince Edward as I have proved before would be tried only by 2. Kings because all the rest of the Earls and Barons were not his Peers neither could they be his Judges much less then can Peers or Commons be their Kings Judges Peers to ondemn or try him 3ly Our Law-books resolve That the King hath no Peers in his own Realm and Therefore he can neither be legally tried nor judged by the Peers themselves much less by the Commons in Parliament 4ly The Lawes of Hoel Dha King of Wales about the year 940. Lex 20. resolve Rex non poterit secundum legem in lite stare coram Judice suo agendo vel respondendo per dignitatem naturalem yea all the Lords and Commons of England in the Parliament of Lincoln Anno 29. E. 1. in their forecited Letter to the Pope p. 128. resolve That the Kings of England Ex praeeminentia status suae Regiae dignitatis ex consuetudine cunctis temporibus observata neque responderunt neque respondere debebant coram aliquo Iudice Ecclesiastico vel seculari supâ—r juribus suis in regno c. Much less then may or ought they to be put to answer criminally for their lives or Crowns before any Ecclesiastical or Temporal Judge Peers or Commons House or High Court of COMMONS 5ly The Statutes of 16 R. 2. c. 5. and of 25 H. 8. c. 19.21 thus declare resolve and the Archbishop of Canterbury in the Parliament of 16 R. 2. n. 20. protested against the Popes pretended Supremacy That the Crown of England hath been so free at all times that it hath been in subjection to no Realm or Person but immediatly subject to God and to none other in all things touching the Regality of the said Crown And the Statutes of 25 H. 8. c. 19 21 22. 26 H. 8 c. 1.3 27 H. 8. c. 15. 28 H. 8. c. 7.10 31 H. 8. c. 10.15 32 H. 8. c. 22.24 26. 33 H. 8. c. 29. 35 H. 8. c. 1.3.17 19. 37 H. 8. c. 17. 1 E. 6. c. 2. 1 Eliz. c. 1. 8 Eliz. c. 1. 3 Jac. c. 3 4. declare and enact The King to be the only Supreme Head Governor upon Earth both of the Church Realm of Engl. both of which recognize no Super or under God but only the King To affirm then that the Lords or Commons in Parliament may lawfully judge depose the King and deprive him of his Crown Regalities Head Life is to contradict repeal all these Statutes since the inferior Members can no more legally judge the Supreme head of the body politick than the head of the body natural or the Courrs in Westminster hall or Hundred Courts judge the High Court of Parliament and condemn repeal their Acts or Judgements 6ly Though Articles were drawn up against these two Kings pro forma yet neither of them was ever required or judicially summoned to make answer to them or heard or brought to trial before the Lords or Commons Barr or any other Tribunal or Court of Justice Whence the Bishop of Carlisle protested against it as most illegal unjust and trayterous Therefore neither the Lords nor Commons could be properly said their Iudges in this case and their Judgement without hearing or trial of them must needs be most erronious as well as Mortimers and the Earl of Arundels forecited 7ly The Lords and Commons resignation of their Homage to these 2. Kings when deposed shew that even then they esteâ—med them their Superiors Lords Homage being the most honourable and humble service that a franktenant may do to his Lord the tenant being ungirt his head uncovered kneeling down on both his knees before his Lord sitting covered and holding up his hands joyntly together between his Lords and the Kings hands when he doth his homage saying I become your man from this day forward of limb and of earthly worship and unto you shall be true and faithfull and bear faith for the tenements I hold of you And when done to any other Lord it is with a Saving the faith I owe unto our Soveraign Lord the King and his Heirs 8ly The Sentences of Deposition against them were given only by the Legislative power not JUDICIAL by way of Bill consented unto in the Parliament house by the Lords and Commons then sent to these Kings to their prisons and there read unto them by Committees and Proxies representing all the Estates in Parliament Therefore the reading of them to these Kings in their prisons was not properly a judgement neither did it constitute them who read it to them their Judges much less create the Commons Judges of these Kings 9ly All the Lords Spiritual Temporal and Commons concurred joyntly in this Act of resigning their Homage to these Kings to whom they were all joyntly obliged and in whom they had all a common interest Et quod tangit omnes ab omnibus debet approbari Therefore it is no warrant for the proceedings against our late King without the consents and against the Express Votes of the whole House of Lords and of the Majority of the Commons house 10ly The Lords alone without the Commons gave Judgement for the close and perpetual imprisonment of King Richard the 2. therefore they were his sole and proper Judges by way of Sentence his deposition being by the Legislative not Judicial power 11ly These Kings especially the later of them had no sentence of deposition nor proceedings against them til they had through fear or pusillanimity first resigned their Crowns and kingship as unfit to reign or govern any longer which was made the principal ground of their subsequent declaratory depositions by the Lords and Commons when they had reduced themselves into the condition of private men by their resignations These presidents therefore cannot justifie the late proceedings against an actual lawful hereditary King by a small party of the Commons house alone without the House of Peers or the Majority of their fellow-Members who never resigned his
Crown nor unkinged himself as unworthy to reign any longer 12ly King Edward the 2. after this his deposition was reputed a King de jure still and therefore stiled by the whole Parliament all the Lords and King Edward the 3d. himself in 4 E. 3. n. 1 2 3 4 5 6 10. their King and Leige-Lord and Mortimer with his complices were condemned and executed as TRAYTORS for murdering him after his Deposing contrary to Sir Edward Cooks false Doctrine 3 Institutes f. 7. And in the Parliament of 21 R. 2. n. 64 65. the revocation of the Act for the 2. Spencers restitution in the Parl. of 1 E. 3. was repealed because made at such time by King Edward the 3. as Edw. 2. his Father BEING VERY KING was living and imprisoned so that he could not resist the same An express resolution by these two Parliaments that his deposition was both void in Law and illegal 13ly Neither of these 2. Kings though their articles were more heinous and Government more unkingly arbitrary than the late Kings were condemned or adjudged to loâ—e their heads or lives for their misdemeanors but meerly deprived of their royal Authority with a promise to preserve their lives and treat them nobly and that upon this account that they were Kings yea anointed Kings when they transgressed therefore exempted from all capital censures penalties of Laws by any humane Tribunals as David resolves Psal 51.4 Against thee thee only have I sinned whence S. Chrysostom S. Ambrose Arnobius with others in their Expositions on that Psalm S. Hierom Epist 22 47. Peter Martyr on the 2 Sam. 2.13 learned Grotius and others conclude in these words Liberi sunt Reges à vinculis delictorum neque enim ad paenam ullis vocantur legibus tuti Imperii potestate Hence Otto Frisingensis Episcopus writes thus to the Emperor Fredericke Praeterea cum nulla inveniatur persona mundialis qui mundi legibus non subjaceat subjaciendo coerceatur SOLI REGES utpote constituti super leges in respect of corporal penalties DIVINO EXAMINI RESERVATI seculi lègibus non cohibentur unde est illud tam Regis quam Prophetae testimonium Tibi soli peccavi These 2. presidents therefore no wayes justifie the proceedings against the late beheaded King as I before hand manifested in my Speech in Parliament Decem. 4. and in my Memento in Jan. 1648. which gave ample satisfaction herein not only to out 3. kingdoms at home but to the learnedst Protestant Divines Churches abroad both in France Germany as Samuel Bochartus an eminent French Divine in his Latine Epistle to Dr. Morley printed Parisiis 1650. attests Sect 3. De Jure potestate Regum p. 145. Where after a large and solid proof out of Scripture Fathers and other Authors of the unlawfullnesse of our late Kings trial judgement and Execution and that the Presbyterian English Ministers and Membees did then professedly oppugn and write against it he thus proceeds Ex hoc numero PRYNNIUS vir multis nominibus insignis Parlamenti Delegatorum unus è carcere in quo cum pluribus aliis detenebatur Libellum composuit Parliamento oblatum in quo decem rationibus iisque validissimis contendit eos rem illicitam attentare in proceeding Criminally and Capitally against the King Then reciting the Heads of my reasons against it he concludes thus Haec ille multo plura SCRIPTOR MIRE NERVOSUS cujus verba sunt stimuli et elavi in altum defixi After which he there prooves by several instances how much the Protestant Ministers Churches of France and Geneva condemned these proceedings as repugnant to Scripture and the Principles of the Protestant Religion And Dr. Wolfgangus Mayerus a famous Writer and Professor of Divinity at Basil in Germany in his Epistle Dedicatory before his printed Latine Translation of my Sword of Christian Magistracy supported Basil 1649. Viro Nobilissimo ac consulâ—issimo omnium Doctrinarum Virtutumque Ornamentis excultissimo verae pietatis zelo flagrantissimo Orthodoxae Religionis libertatisque Patriae defensori Acerrimo GVLIELMO PRYNNE J. V. Doctori celeberrimo Domino atque Amico suo plurimum honorando Authori Interpres S. P. D. hath published to my self in particular and the world in general That the beheading of the K. as it was contrary to the Parls primitive intention so it was cum magna gentis Anglicanae ignominia qui jam discincti laudatissimique corporis compage miserrime rupta atque dissipata ferre coguntur quod evitari amplius non potest At sane non exiguam laudem APUD OMNES REFORMAT AS ECCLESIAS consecuti sunt illi Angliae Pastores qui naevos et Errores Regiae administrationis quos magnos fuisse agnoverunt precibus potius a Deo deprecandos quam capitali poena vindicandos esse censuerunt suasque Ecclesias ab omnibus sanguinariis consiliis magno zelo animo plane intrepido dehortati omnemque criminis istius suspicionem ab ipsis hoc pacto prudentissime amoliti sunt Sed hanc causam aliis disceptandam relinquo Which learned Salmasius soon after professedly undertook in the Netherlands Vincentius Heraldus and Bochartus 3 most eminent Protestant Ministers in France in printed Treatises published against the Kings Trial c. as repugnant to the Principles of the Christian Protestant Religion Which another famous Frenchman in his French Translation of 47 London Ministers Petition against it thus brands Post Christum crucifixum nullum atrocius crimen uspiam esse admissum universam terram eo concuti bonos omnes ad luctum provocari USQUE AD FINEM SECULI Which Mr. Bradshaw may do well to ruminate upon now in cold blood and all others ingaged with him in this unparalled Judgment execution being no way warranted by the depositions of King Edward or Richard the 2. 14ly When the News of K. Richards deposing was reported into France King Charls and all his Court wondered detested and abhorred such an injury to be done to an anointed King to a crowned Prince and the head of the Realm But in especial Waleram Earl of St. Paul which had maried King Richards half Sister moved with high disdain against King Henry ceased not to stir and provoke the French King and his Counsel to make sharp war in England to revenge the injury and dishonour committed and done to his son-in-Son-in-law King Richard and he himself sent Letters of defiance to England Which thing was soon agreed to and an Army royal appointed with all speed to invade England But the French King so stomached this high displeasure and so inwardly conceived this unfortunate chance in his mind that he fell into his old disease of the Frensy that he had need according to the old proverb to sail to the Isle of Anticyra to purge his melancholy humour but by the means of his Physicians he was somewhat relieved and brought to knowledge of himself This Army was come down into
Picardy ready to be transported into England But when it was certainly certified that King Richard was dead and that their enterprise of his deliverance was frustrate and void the Army scattered and departed asunder But when the certainty of King Richards death was declared to the Aquitaynes and Gascons the most part of the wisest men of the Country fell into a bodily fear and into a deadly dread for some lamenting the instability of the English people judged them to be spotted with perpetual infamy and brought to dishonour and loss of their antient fame and glory for committing so hainous a crime and detestable an offence against their King and Soveraign Lord. The memory whereof they thought would never be buried or extincted Others feared the loste of their goods and liberties because they imagined that by this civil dissension and intestine division the Realm of England should so be vexed and troubled that their Country if the Frenchmen should invade it should be destitute and left void of all aid and succour of the English Nation But the Citizens of Burdeaux took this matter very sore at stomach because King Richard was born and brought up in their City lamenting and crying out that since â—he beginning of the world there was never a more detestable or more villanous or hainous act committed which being sad with sorrow and inflamed with melancholy said that untrue unnatural and unmercifull people had betrayed and slain contrary to all Law and Justice and honesty a good man a just Prince and lawfull Governour beseeching God devoutly on their knees to be the revenger and punisher of that detestable offence and notorious crime 15ly The proceedings against King Richard the 2. in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. were in the Parliament of 1 E. 4. n. 9 10 11 12. condemned as illegal the Tyrannous usurpation of Henry the 4th with his hainous murdering of King Richard the 2. at large set forth his reign declared by Act of Parliament to be an intrusion and meer usurpation for which he and the heirs of his body are utterly dis inabled as unworthy to enjoy any inheritance estate or profits within the Realm of England or Dominions of the same for ever and that by this memorable Petition of the Commons wherein the pedigree of King Edward the 4th and his title to the Crown are likewise fully set forth a Record most worthy the publike view being never yet printed to my knowledge Ex Rotulo Parliamenti tenti apud Westm anno primo Edwardi Quarti n. 8. Memorandum quod quaedam Petitio exhibita fuit praefato Domino Regi in praesenti Parliamento per praefatos Communes sub eo qui sequitur tenore verborum For as much as it is notary openly and evidently known that the right noble and worthy Prince Henry King of England the third had issue Edward his furst gotten Son born at Westminster in the 15 kalende of Juyll in the vigille of Seint Marce and Marcellian the year of our Lord M. C.C.XLV the which Edw. after the death of the said King Henry his Fader entituled and called King Edward the furst had issue his furst gotten Son entituled and called after the decease of the same Edward the furst his Fader King Edward the second which had issue the right noble and honourable Prince King Edward the third true and undoubted King of Englond and of France and Lord of Irelond which Edward the third had issue Edward his furst gotten Son Prince of Wales William Hatfield secund gotten Son Leonel third gotten Son Duke of Clarence John of Gaunt fourth gotten son Duke of Lancaster Edmund Langley the fifth gotten son Duke of York Thomas Wodestoks the sixth gotten son Duke of Gloucester and William Wyndesore the seventh gotten Son And the said Edward Prince of Wales which died in the life of the said King Edward the thurd his Fader had issue Richard which after the death of the same King Edward the third as Cousin and heir to him that is to say Son to the said Edward Prince of Wales Son unto the said King Edward the third succeeded him in royal estate and dignity lawfully entituled and called King Richard the secund and died without issue William Hatfield the secund gotten Son of the said King Edward the third died without issue the said Leonel Duke of Clarence the third gotten Son of the same King Edward had issue Phelip his only daughter and died And the same Phelip wedded unto Edmund Mortimer Earl of Marche had issue by the same Edmund Roger Mortymer Earl of Marche her Son and heir which Edmund and Phelip died the same Roger Earl of March had issue Edmund Mortymer Earl of March Roger Mortymer Anne and Alianore and died And also the same Edmund and Roger sons of the foresaid Roger and the said Alianore died without Issue And the same Anne wedded unto Richard Earl of Cambridge the Son of the said Edmund Langley the fifth gotten son of the said king Edward the third as it is afore specified had issue that right noble and famous Prince of full worthy memory Richard Plantagenet Duke of York And the said Richard Earl of Cambridge and Anne his Wife died And the same Rich. Du. of York had issue the right high and mighty Prince Edward our Liege and Soveraign Lord and died to whom as Cousin and heir to the said King Richard the Crown of the Realm of England and the royal power estate dignity preheminence and governance of the same Realm and the Lordship of Ireland lawfully and of right appertaineth of the which Crown Royal power estate dignity preheminence governance and Lordship the said King Richard the second was lawfully rightfully and justly seised and possessed and the same joyed in rest and quiet without interruption or molestation unto the time that Henry late Earl of Derby son of the said Iohn of Gaunt the fourth gotten son of the said King Edward the third and younger Brother of the said Leonel temerously agenst rightwisnes and Iustice by force and Arms agenst his faith and liegeaunce rered werre at Flynte in Wales agenst the said King Richard him took and enprisoned in the Tower of London of grete violence And the same King Richard so being in prison and living usurped and intruded upon the royal power estate dignity preheminence possessions and Lordships aforesaid taking upon him usurpously the Crown and name of K. and L. of the same Realm and Lordship And not therewith satisfied or content but more grievous thing attempting wickedly of unnatural unmanly and cruel tyranny the same King Richard King anointed crowned and consecrate and his Liege and most high Lord in the Earth agenst Gods Law Mans liegeance and Oth of fidelite with uttermost punicion attormenting murdred and destroyed with most vile hainous and lamentable death whereof the heavy exclamation in the doom of every Christian man soundeth into Gods hearing in Heaven not forgotten in the Earth specially in this
Realm of Englond which therefore hath suffered the charge of intollerable persecution punicion and tribulation whereof the like hath not been seen or heard in any other Christian Realm by any memory or Record Then being on Live the said Edmund Mortymer Earl of March son and heir of the said Roger son and heir of the said Philip daughter and heir of the said Leonel the third Son of the said King Edward the third To the which Edmund after the decease of the said King Richard the right and title of the same Crown and Lordship then by law custom and conscience descended and belonged and of right belongeth at this time unto our said Liege and Soveraign Lord King Edward the fourth as Cousin and heir to the said King Richard in manner and form abovesaid Our said Soveraign and Liege Lord King Edward the fourth according to his right and title of the said Crown and Lordship after the decease of the said right noble and famous Prince Richard Duke of York his fader in the name of Jesu to his pleasure and loving the fourth day of the Month of March last past took upon him to use his right and title to the said Realm of Englond and Lordship and entred into the exercise of the royal estate dignity preheminence and power of the same Crown and to the reign and governance of the said Realm of Englond and Lordship And the same fourth day of March amoved Henry late called King Henry the sixth son to Henry son to the said Hen. late E. of Derby son to the said John of Gaunt from the occupation usurpation intrusion reign and governance of the same Realm of Englond and Lordship to the universal comfort and consolation of all his Subgetts and Liegemen plentevously joyed to be amoeved and departed from the obeysance and governance of the unrightwise usurpour in whose time not plenty Pees Justice good governance pollicy and vertuouse conversatien but unrest inwaâ—d warr and trouble unright wiseness shedding and effusion â—f innocent bloud abuse of the Laws partiality riot extortion murder rape and vitious living have been the guiders and leaders of the noble Realm of Englond in antient time among all Christian realms laudably reputed of great honour worship and nobly drad of all outward Lands then being the lauâ—ier of honour prowess and worthiness of all other Realms in the time of the said usurpation fallen from that renown unto misery wretchedness desolation shamefull and sorrowfull decline And to live under the obeysance governance and tuition of their true right wise and natural Leige and Soveraign Lord. The Commons being in this present Parliament having sufficient and evident knowledge of the said unrightwise usurpation and intrusion by the said Henry late Earl of Derby upon the said Crown of Englond knowing also certainly without doubt or ambiguity the right and title of our said Soveraign Lord thereunto true and that by Gods Law Mans Law and the Law of Nature he and none other is and ought to be their true right wise and natural Liege and Soveraign Lord. And that he was in right from the death of the said Noble and famous Prince his Fader very just King of the said Realm of Englond And the said 4. day of March in lawfull possession of the same Realm with the royal power preheminence estate and dignity belonging to the Crown thereof and of the said Lordship take accept and repute and will for ever take accept and repute the said Edward the fourth their Soveraign and liege Lord and him and his heirs to be Kings of Englond and none other according to his said right and title And beseech the same their said Liege and Soveraign Lord King Edward the fourth that by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal being in this present Parlement and by authority of the same his right and title to the said Crown afore specified be declared taken accepted and reputed true and rightwise the same right and title to abide and remain of Record perpetually by the said advice assent and authority And that it be declared and judged by the said advice assent and authority that the said Henry late Earl of Derby for the said rearing of warr against the said King Richard then his Soveraign Lord and the violent taking imprisoning unrightwise usurpation intrusion and horrible cruel murder of him agenst his faith and ligeance wickedly and unjustly offended and hurted the Royal Majesty of his said Soveraign Lord. And that the same Henry unrightwisely agenst Law conscience and custom of the said Realm of Englond usurped upon the said Crown and Lordship And that he and also Henry late called King Henry the fifth his son and the said Henry late called King Henry the sixth the son of the said Henry late called King Henry the fifth occupied the said Realm of Englond and Lordship of Irelond and exercise the governance thereof by unrightwise intrusion and usurpation and in none other wise And that the taking of possession and entry into the exercise of the Royal Estate dignity reign and governance of the said Realm of Englond and Lordship of Irelond of our said Soveraign Liege Lord King Edward the fourth the said fourth day of March and the amotion of the said Henry late called King Henry the sixth from the exercise occupation usurpation intrusion reign and governance of the same Realm and Lordship done by our said Soveraign and Liege Lord King Edward the fourth the said fourth day of March was and is rightwise lawfull and according to the Laws and customs of the said Realm and so ought to be taken holden reputed and accepted And over that that our said Soveraign and Liege Lord King Edward the fourth the said fourth day of March was lawfully seised and possessed of the said Crown of Englond in his said right and title and from thenceforth have to him and his heirs Kings of Englond all such Manors Castles Lordships honours lands tenements rents services fees feefarms rents Knights fees advowsons gifts of Offices to give at his pleasure fairs markets issues fines and amerciaments liberties franchises prerogatives escheats customs reversions remainders and all other hereditaments with her appurtenance whatsoever they be in Englond Wales and Irelond and in Caleys and the Marches thereof as the said King Richard had in the feast of Sr. Matthew the Apostle the 23. year of his reign in the right and title of the said Crown of Englond and Lordship of Irelond and should after his decease have descended to the said Edmund Mortimer Earl of March son of the said Roger Mortimer Earl of March as to the next heir of bloud of the same King Richard after his death if the said usurpation had not been committed or after the decease of the same Edmund to his next heir of blood by the Law and custom of the said Realm of Englond the Manors Castles Honors Lordships lands tenements
possessions and hereditaments with their appurtenances which come to the hands of the said King Richard by forfeiture by force of an Act made in a Parlement holden at Westminster the 21. year of his reign except the said Commons beseeching our said Liege Lord to have and take all only the issues and revenues of all the said Castles Manors Lordships Honors lands tenements rents services and of other the premises aforesaid with their appurtenances except afore except from the said fourth day of the said moneth of March and not afore Saving to every of the liegemen and subjects of our said Soveraign and liege Lord King Edward the fourth such lawfull title and right as he or any other to his use had in any of the premises the said third day of March other than he had either of the grant of the said Henry late Earl of Derby called King Henry the fourth the said Henry his son or the said Henry late called King Henry the sixth or by authority of any pretenced Parlement holden in any of their dayes And that it be ordained declared and stablished by the assent advice and authority aforesaid That all Statutes Acts and Ordinances heretofore made in and for the hurt destruction and avoyding of the said right and title of the said King Richard or of his heirs to ask claim or have the Crown Royal power estate dignity preheminence governance exercise possessions and Lordship abovesaid be voyd and be taken holden â—nd reputed voyd and for nought adnulled repealed revoked and of no force value or effect And furthermore consideration and respect had to the horrible detestable cruel and inhuman tyranny by the said Henry late Earl of Derby against his faith and ligeance done and committed to the said King Richard his rightwise true and natural Liege and Soveraign Lord the unright wise and unlawfull usurpation and intrusion of the same Henry upon the said Crown of Englond and Lordship of Irelond the great intollerable hurt prejudice and derogation that thereby followed to the said Edmund Mortymer Earl of March next heir of blood of the said King Richard time of his death and to the heirs of the said Edmund and the great and excessive damage that by the said usurpations and the continuance thereof hath grown to the said Realm of Englond and to the politique and peaceable governance thereof by inward wars moved and grounded by occasion of the said Vsurpation It be therefore Ordeined declared and stablished by the advice assent and authority aforesaid for the more stablishing of the assured and undoubted inward rest and tranquility of the said Realm of Englond And for the avoyding of the said usurpation and intrusion very cause and ground of the tribulation persecution and adversity thereof that the said Henry late Earl of Derby the heirs of his body coming be from henceforth unabled and taken and holden from henceforth unable and unworthy the premises considered to have joy occupy hold or inherit any estate dignity preheminence enheritaments or possessions within the Realm of Englond Wales or Irelond aforesaid or in Caleys or the Marches thereof And sith that the Crown Royal estate dignity and Lordship above rehearsed of right appertained to the said Noble Prince Richard Duke of York And that the said Usurper late called King Henry the sixth that understanding to the intent that in his opinion he might the more surely stand and continue in his usurpation and intrusion of and in the same Crown Royal estate dignities and Lordship evermore intended and laboured continually by subtile imaginations frauds deceipts and exorbitant means to the extreme and final destruction of the same noble Prince Richard and his issue And for the execution of this malicious and damnable purpose therein in a preâ—ence Parliament by him and his usurped authority holden at Coventree the 38 year of his usurped Reign without cause lawfull or reasonable declared and judged the same noble Prince Richard and the Noble Lords his Sons that is to wit Edward then Earl of March and now the King our Soveraign Lord abovesaid and Edmund Earl of Ruthland to be his Rebels and Enemies them and all their issue dis-inheriting of all name state title and preheminence tenements possessions and enheritaments for evermore cruelly wickedly and unjustly and agenst all humanity right and reason whereby the said noble Prince Richard and his sons above named were compelled by the dread of death to absent them for a time out of this Realm of Englond the natural land of their birth unto their intollerable hurt prejudice heavinesse and discomfort And where after these the said noble Prince Richard Duke of York using the benefice of the Law of Nature and sufficiently accompanied for his defence and recovery of his right to the said Crown of the said Realm came thereunto not then having any Lord therein above him but God And in the time of a Parliament holden by the said Henry late called King Henry the sixth the sixth day of October the 39 year of his said usurped reign intended to use his right and to enter into the exercise of the royal powers dignitees and Lordships abovesaid as it was lawfull and according to Law reason and justice him so to doe and thereupon shewed opened declared and proved his right and title to the said Crown to fore the Lords Spiritual and temporal and Commons being in the same Parlitment by antient matters of sufficient and notable Record undefaisible whereunto it could not be answered or replyed by any matter that of right ought to have deferred him then from the possession thereof yet nevertheless for the tender zeal love and affection that the same Duke bare of Godly and blessed vertues and natural disposition to the restfull governance and pollicy of the same Realm and the Common wele thereof which he loved all his life desired and preferred afore all other things earthly though all the seid Lords spiritual and temporal after long and mature deliberation by them had by good advice upon the said right and title and the authorities and Records proving the same the answers thereunto gives and the replâ—cations to the same made knew the same right and title true by them and the seid Commons so declared accepted and admitted in the same Parliament Iâ— liked him at the grete instance desire and request of the seid Lords solemnply and many times unto him made to assent and grant unto a convention concord and agreement between the seid Henry late called King Henry the sixth on that opâ—party and him on that other upon the seid right and title by the same late called King by the advice and assent of the seid Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons being in the seid Parliament auctorized in the same comprehending among other that the seid Vsurper late called King Henry the sixt understanding certainly the seid title of the said Richard Duke of York just lawfull true and sufficient by the
advis and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commyns in the seid Parliament assembled and by authorite of the same declared approved ratified confirmed and accepted the seid title just good lawfull and true and thereunto gave his assent and agrreement of his free will and liberty And over that by the seid advis and auctorite declared affirmed and reputed the seid Richard Duke of York very true and rightfull heir to the Crowns Royal estate and dignite of the Realms of Englond France and Lordship of Irelond aforeseid And that according to the worship and reverence thereto belonging he should be taken accepted and repuâ—ed in worship and reverence by all the Estates and persons of the seid Realm of Englond The seid Usurper late called King Henry the sixth saving and reserving to himself the seid Crowns Realms royal estate dignite and preheminence of the same and the seid Lordship of Ireland during his life natural And further more by the same advice and authotiâ—e would consented and agreed that after his decease or when it should please him to lay from him the seid Crowns estate dignity and Lordship or thereof ceâ—â—ede the seid Richard Duke of York and his heirs should immediately succeed him in the seid Crowns Royal Estate dignity and Lordship and them then have and enjoy any Act of Parliament Statute Ordinance or any thing to the contrary made or interruption or discontinuance of possession notwithstanding And if any person or persons from thenceforâ—h imagined or compaced the death of the seid Richard Duke of York it be deemed and judged high Treason in manner and form as it is specified in the seid Act And that the seid Noble Prince Richard Duke of York by way and consideration of recompence for his abstaining for a time of the exercise of the seid royal power of the benigne and noble disposition that he bare to the said Common wele and to the rest and tronquillity of the seid Realm should have Castles Mannors lands and tenements to the value of 10 Mil. Marc. whereof the Earldom and City of Chester was parcel assigned to the said Duke by special Act made in the seid Parliament the which Earldom and City the seid Duke gave among other unto our seid Soveraign Lord then being Earl of March as parcel of Manors Lordships lands and tenements of the yearly value of 3 Mil. Marc. which by vertue of the seid convention and concord and the Act thereof made was given unto him for the sustentation of his estate abiding and persevering like a true Christian and honourable Prince in full purpose to keep and observe the seid Convention and concord for his party trusting verily that the seid Usurper Henry late called King Henry the sixth would have truly faithfully justly keped and observed for his party the same convention and concord inviolable as by Law reason Princely honour and duty he was bounden to doe and not have departed and varied from such convention made of so high and so great authority as it was made whereunto neither our seid Soveraign Lord ne the seid noble Prince assented but without prejudice of the seid right and ritle as it is plainly specified in the sâ—id Act made upon the seid convencion and Concord and under protestation and condition that the seid Usurpour shuld kepe and perform without fraude or male ingyne all things therein contained for his seid party declared openly by their mouths in the presens and heryng of the said Lords in the seid Parliament and therein enacted of Record at the grete instaunce and prayer of the same Usurpour late called King Henry the sixth And at the solempne request of all the seid Lords for the tender and special zele love and affection that he bare to the rest of the seid Realm and to the Commyn wele and policy thereof toke his viage of good blessed and vertuous intent and disposition toward the North parties of the said Realm to repress and subdue certain riots rebellions insurrections and commotions there begun And the premises notwithstanding the seid Henry Usurpour late called King Henry the sixth continuing in his old rancour malice using the fraud and malicious disceit and dissimulation agenst trouth and conscience that accord not with the honour of eny cristen Prince to th entent that the said Agrement concord and Act shuld take no due effect And into the frustacion of the same in the matiers and things above reherced that is to say that neither the seid Richard Duke shuld have ne enjoy the same Castells Manoirs lands and tenements name title reverence and worship above reherced neither he ne his sons and heirs succeed in the seid Corones Royal estate dignity lordship after the tenure fourm and effect of the said agreement concord and Act with all subtil imaginacions and disceitful ways and means to him possible intended and covertely laboured excited and procured the final destruction murdre and death of the said Richard Duke and of his Sons that is to sey of our seid new Soveraign Lord King Edward the fourth then Earl of March and of the noble Lord Edmund Earl of Ruthlande And for the execution of his dampnable and malicious purpose by writing and other messages moeved excited and stirred thereunto the Dukes of Excester and Somerset and other Lords being then in the North parties of this Realm whereupon at Wakefeld in the Shire of York the seid Duke of Somerset falsely and traiterously the same Noble Prince Duke of York on Teiusday the 30 day of Decemb. last passed horribly cruelly traiterously murdered And also the worthy and good Lords Edmund Earl of Ruthland Brother of our seid Soveraign Lord and Richard Earl of Salesbury And not therwith content of their insatiable malice after that they were dede made them to beheaded with abhomynable cruelte and horrible despite agenst all humanite and nature of Nobles And after that the same Henry Usurpour gretely and wonderfuly joying the seid dolorous and piteous murder of the same noble Prince and worthy Lords to the Realm an heavy and a lamentable sorrow and lost forthwith and oftentimes after openly declared to divers Lords of the same Realm That he would not in any wise kepe the seid Convencioun and accord ne the act thereof made and to the infraccion and violatiation of the said convention and concord not only sent Letters made under his prive Seal unto certain Knights and Squiers commaunding and charging them by the same to spoil and disseise our seid Soveraign Lord by the name of Earl of March of his possession of the seid Earldom and Citee of Chester whereof he was lawfully possessed and seased by vertue and reason of the seid Convencion and Concord but also of extreme violence utter and final breche of his party of the seid convencions and concord sent out writs under his Seal to the Mayer Aldermen and Commonalte of the Citee of London bering date the 22 day of Feverere last past and other like
Writs to divers Officers Governours and Ministers of divers other Citees and to many Shires and Burroughs of the seid Realm to make fals untrue and injust proclamations against our seid Soveraign and Liege Lord K. Ed. the 4th by the name of Ed. late E. of March to provoke and excite his destruction And also by his Letters signed with his hand directed unto the seid Dukes of Excester and Somerset and other Lords refused and denied to keep and observe the seid accord convention and agreement and by the same writing falsifying his promise departed from the same Convention and accord afore either the same our Soveraign Lord or the seid noble Prince his Fader any thing did or attempted to the contrary of the same convention and concord for their partie Be it declared and juged by the seid advis assent and authorite the premises considered that the seid Usurper Henry late called Henry the sixth agenst good faith troth conscience and his honour brake the seid Convention and concord and departed therefrom of wilfull malice long afore the seid fourth day of March as by the matters afore declared it appeareth sufficiently And that the breche thereof on his partie discharged our seid Soveraign Lord of all things that should or might charge him to the keeping thereof in any Article or point after the seid breche And that he was then at his freedom and liberty to use his said right and title of the seid Crownes and to enter into the exercise thereof and of the Royal power dignite and preheminence longing thereunto as he lawfully did in manere and fourm above specified the seid convention and concord and the Acte thereupon made or any thing therein conteined notwithstanding And over this it be declared and juged by the seid advis assent and authorite that the seid agreement concord and Act in all things which been in any wise repugnant or contrary to the seid right title entree state seasen and possession of our Soveraign Lord King Edward the fourth in and to the Crown Royal estate dignite and Lordship above said be void and of no force ne effect And that it be Ordeyned and stablished by the seid assent advis and authorite that every person having any parcel of the seid Castles Manors Lands Honours tenements rents services possessions or hereditaments aboveseid the which were given in exchange or in recompence of or for any other Manors Castles lands tenements rents advowsons fee-farms reversions or any other possessions or enheritaments given to the seid Henry late Earl of Derby to the seid Henry his son late called King Henry the fifth or to the seid Henry his son late called King Henry the sixth or to any other person or persones to or for their or any of their use at their or any of their desire or to perform execute their or any of their wille mowe entre And that they and their heirs and successors entre into the same Manors Castles Lands tenements rents services possessions advowsons or hereditaments so given And them have hold keep joy occupy and inherit of like estate as the giver or givers thereof had them at the time of the gift thereof made though it be so that in any of the Letters Patents or gifts made of any of the premises no mention be made of any recompence or eschange Qua quidem petitione in Parliamento praedicto lecta audita plenius intellecta de avisamento assensu Dominorum Spiritualium Temporalium in eodem Parliam existen ad requisitionem Communitatis praedictae respondebatur eidem modo forma hic Inferius annotatis The King by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in this present Parliament assembled at the request of the Commyns being in the same agreeth and assenteth to this Petition and it accepteth with certain moderations provisions and exceptions by his Highness thereupon made and in schedules written and in the same Parliament delivered the tenours of which hereunder follow c. Convenit cum Recordo This Judgement censure repeal in full Parliament of the deposition and proceeding against King Richard the 2. upon the Commons own Petition by this Act never yet reversed as most wicked treasonable unrighteous against Gods Laws and Mans crying for vengeance in Gods hearing in heaven and exemplarily punished upon the whole kingdom Nation and Henry the 4. his posterity on earth with the sad intestine warres miseries that attended it are sufficient arguments of its unlawfulness detestableness against all those who deem it just or allege it for a president to justifie their extravagances of a more execrable and transcendent Nature 16ly It is very observable that Roger Mortimer Earl of March who had the chief hand in deposing murthering King Edward the 2. after he was deposed was in the Parliament of 4 E. 3. condemned and executed for it as a Traytor without any legal trial all his lands confiscated and Queen Isabel her self who concurred with him like to be questioned for her life and abridged in her maintenance Moreover King Richard the 2. Granchild and next heir to King Edward the 3. who imprisoned deposed and invaded his Fathers throne though somewhat against his will was imprisoned deposed proceeded against in the self same manner as Edw. the 2. was by his very president and soon after murdered like as Edw. the 2. was by King Henry the 4. After which king Henry the 4. his Granchild Henry the 6. was also in the self same manner imprisoned deposed attainted of high Treason with his Queen and Adherents in the Parliament of 1 Edw. 4. n. 8. to 33. and at last murdered by Edw. the 4. his procurement to secure the Crown to himself and his Posterity Yet no sooner was King Edw. the 4. dead but his own Brother Richard Duke of Gloucester who by his instigation murdered King Henry the 6. with his own hands procuring himselâ— to be Protector of his son King Edw. the 5. then young getting his Brother and him into his custody by treachery perjury and hypocrisie caused them both to be barbarously murdered to set the Crown on his own head which he most ambitiously aspired after yet seemed unwilling to embrace till enforced to accept it by a Petition and Declaration drawn up by his own Instruments presented to him in the name of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the Realm of England wherein he branded his Brother king Edw. the fourth his marriage as illegal and his issue as illegitimate aspersed his Life and Government as one by whom the Laws of God of Gods Church of the Land and of nature and also the laudable Customs and Liberties of England wherein every English man is inheritor were broken subverted contemned against all reason and justice So that the Land was ruled by self-will and pleasure fear and dread all manner of Equity and Law laid apart and despised so that no man was sure of
his life land or livelihood and many inward discords battels effusion of much Christian bloud and destruction of the Nobles bloud of this land ensued and were committed through all the Realm unto the great sorrow and heaviness of all true Englishmen And then he declared himself undoubted heir and inheritor of the Crown by descent grounded on the Laws of God and Nature and the antient Laws and laudable Customes of this Realm yet for further security superadded another Title of lawfull Election by the three Estates in Parliamen◠then he intayled the Crown upon the issue of his body begotten and declared his son Prince Edward to be his heir apparent to succeed him in the Crown and royal Dignity by Act of Parliament which he ratified with his own royal assent This done he reputed the Crown cock-sure to him and his heirs for all generations Yet notwithstanding all his Machiavilian Policies Power Vigilancy care industry to secure his usurped Royalty by the murther of two Kings and many others some of them most instrumental to advance him to the royal Throne before he had worn the Crown full 3. years Henry Earl of Derby laying Title it and landing in Wales only with 2000 soldiers King Richards own Souldiers Friends and others revolting from him and joyning with the Duke he was slain in Posworth field and lost both his life and Crown together if not his soul for all eternity and by the Statute of 1 H. 7. c. 6. he was declared an Usurper of the Realm So unable are Parliaments themselves to secure Crowns on Usurpers heads or to entayl them for any long continuance on their Posterities as these sad tragical domestick presidents of later times with sundry antienter demonstrate King Henry the seventh having gained actual possession of the Crown as right heir thereunto by the Lancastrian line and espoused the better title of York by marrying the heir female to secure himself and his adherents for the future if any wars should arise about these dubious litigious Titles by Perkin Warbecks or others claims confirmed by several Acts of Parliament and Successions of Kings of both Houses claiming both as next heirs of the antient royal Line not to secure any future Usurpers without just right or title though not of the old bloud Royal if once Kings de facto as Sir Edward Cooke seems to intimate and some ignorant Lawyers assert against the intent and Prologue of the Act it self caused it to be enacted 11 H. 7. c. 1. That from henceforth no person or persons whatsoever that attend upon THE KING and Soveraign Lord of this Land for the time being in his person and do him true and faithfull Service of allegeance in the same or be in other places by his commandment in the warrs within the Land or without shall for the said deed and true duty of allegiance be in no wise convict or attaint of High Treason or other offences for that cause by Act of Parliament or otherwise by any process of Law whereby he or any of them shall lose or forfeit life lands goods chattels or any other things but to be for that deed and service utterly discharged of any vexation trouble or loss And if any Act or Acts or any other process of the Law hereafter thereupon for the same happen to be made contrary to this Ordinance that then that Act or Acts or other process of the Law whatsoever they shall be shall stand be utterly void The reason is rendred in the Prologue That it is not reasonable but against all Laws reason and good conscience that the said Subjects going with their Soveraign Lord in wars attending upon his person or being in other places by his commandment within this Land or without any thing should lose or forfeit for doing their true duty and service of Allegiance This Act which some conceive to be only personal and temporary for Henry the 7. alone could not secure the Heads Lives Liberties Lands Offices Goods or Chattels of those Lords Gentlemen and other English Subjects from Executions Imprisonments Banishments Forfeitures Sequestrations who accompanied assisted our late King in his warrs against the Parliament though King de facto and de jure too without any competitor Both Houses declaring them to BE TRAYTORS and sequestring proceeding against them as Traytor yea our Grandees since have executed them as such in their new erected High Courts How then it can totally indemnify any Perkin Warbecke Jack Cade or apparent Usurpers of the Crown without right or Title who shall per fas aut nefas get actual possession of the Royal throne and be Kings de facto or secure all those who faithfully adhere unto them though to dispossess the King de jure or his right heir of their just royalty and right against all Laws of God man all rules of justice and their very Oathes of Allegiance Supremacy Homage Fealty Protestations Leagues Covenants formerly made unto them from all sutes vexations losses forfeitures whatsoever and null all Act or Acts and legal Process made against them as many Grand Lawyers now conceive it doth transcends both my Law and reason too That opinion of Sir Edward Cooke 3. Instit f. 7. 9 E. 4. f. 1. b. whereon this erronious Gloss is grounded That a King regnant in possession of the Crown and kingdom though he be Rex de facto non de jure yet he is Seignior le Roy within the purview of the Statute of 25 E. 3. ch 2. of Treason and the other King that hath right and is out of possession IS NOT WITHIN THIS ACT. Nay if Treason be committed against a King de facto et non de jure and after the King de jure cometh to the Crown he shall punish the Treason done to the King de facto And a pardon granted by a King de jure that is not also de facto is voyd being no doubt a very dangerous and pernicious Error both in Law and policy perverting those Laws which were purposely made for the preservation of the Lives Crowns Rights Titles Persons of lawfull Kings against all attempts Treasons Rebellions against them and for the exemplary punishment of all Traytors Rebels Usurpers who should rebel wage warr or attempt any Treason Conspiracy against their royal Persons Crowns Dignities Titles into a meer Patronage of Traytors Rebels Usurpers and a Seminary of endless Treasons Assassinations Conspiracies against them by indemnifying exempting both them and their Confederates from all legal prosecutions penalties forfeitures whatsoever if they can but once gain actual possessiō of the Crown by any means upon the forcible expulsion deposition assassination or murder of the King de jure Which if once declared for Law I appeal to all Lawyers Polititians Statesmen whatsoever whether it would not presently involve our kingdoms in endless perpetual Rebellions Usurpations War Regicides as it did the Norwegians heretofore where by a kind of Law and Custom as our
Gulielmus Nubrigensis relates Qâ—cunque Rege tyrannice occiderat eo ipso personam et potestatem Regiam induens suo quoque occisori tandem post modicum fortunam inveteratae consuetudinis lege relicturus Quippe ut dicitur à centum retrò annis et eo amplius cum Regum ibidem numerosa successio fuerit Nullus eorum senio aut morbo vitam finivit fed omnes ferro interiere suis interfectoribus tanquam legitimis successoribus regni fastigium relinquentes ut scilicet omnes qui tanto tempore ibidem imperasse noscuntur illud quod Scriptum est respicere videatur OCCIDISTI INSUPER ET POS SEDISTI Wherefore to prevent the dangerous Consequences of these false Glosses on the Statutes of 25 E. 3. c. 2. 11 H. 7. c. 1. I shall lay down these infallible grounds 1. That all publike Laws are and ought to be founded in Justice righteousnes and common honesty for the preserving securing the lives persons estates of all men especially of lawful Kings and Supreme Magistrates from all violence invasion force disseisins usurpations conspiracies assassinations being against all rules of Law and Justice Exod. 20.12 to 18. c. 21 22. 23. Mat. 5.17 to 48. c. 7. 12. Deut. 4.18 Psal 19.8.9 Ps 119.7.106 137 138·160 167. Rom. 7.12 Deut. 6.25 Ps 33.5 Ps 45.7 Ps 72.2 Ps 74.15 Prov. 8.18 Prov. 24.21 Rom. 13.1 to 7. Lu. 20.25 Tit. 3.1 2 3. 1 Tim 1.9 10. Job 20.19 c. 24.2 Mich. 2.1 2 3 4. Jer. 6.7 c. 20.8 c. 22.3.17 Ezech. 45. c. Hab. 1 2. to 10. Lu. 3.14 Whence Cicero thus defines Law Lex est ratio summa insita in natura quae jubet ea justa quae facienda sunt prohibe que contraria Therefore these 2. Statutes were purposely made for those great ends and ought to be interpreted onely for the best advantage of Lawfull Kings and their adherents not for the indemnity impunity encouragement of Traytors Rebels Intruders Usurpers 2ly What Tully writes of the Roman Senators we ought to doe the same of our English Parliaments and Legislators Ea virtute et sapientia majores nostri fuerunt ut legibus scribendis nihil sibi aliud quam salutem atque utilitatem reipublicae proponerent Whence he there inferrs A Legibus nihil convenit arbitrari nisi quod reipublicae conducat proficisci quoniam ejus causa sunt comparatae Therefore these Laws are to be interpreted for the best security safety preservation of the lawfull heads of the Commonwealth and their rightfull heirs and loyal dutifull subjects not for their destruction and the indemnity security of Usurpers Traytors Rebels aspiring after their Crowns Thrones Assassinations to the publike ruine 3ly All the branches of the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. 2. made at the special request of the Lords and Commons and that by a lawful King at that season declare this Statute to be meant only of a lawful King whiles living whether in or out of actual possession of the Realm not of a bare Usurper in possession without right as Sir Edward Cooke expounds it else it will necessarily follow That it shall be no Treason at all to compasse or imagine the death of the King de jure if once dispossessed for a time by Violence and Treason or of his Queen or eldest son and heir or to violate his Queen or eldest daughter not married or to levy war against the lawfull King in his Realm or to be adherent to his Enemies within the Realm or elsewhere or to counterfeit his Great or Privy Seal or mony c. But high Treason in all these particulars in relation only to the Vsurper in possession without and against all right and Title which would put all our rightful Kings and Supreme Governors into a farr worser sadder condition than their Trayterous Vsurpers and into a worse plight than every Disseisee or lawfull heir intruded upon by abatement or dispossessed by torcions unjust or forcible entries for which our Common and Statute Laws have provided many speedy and effectual means of recovering their possessions and Damages too against Disseisorâ— Abators Intruders on their Inheritances Freeholds for exemplary punishment fining imprisonment of the Disseisors Abaters but no means of recovery at all for our dishinherited disposseâ—ed Kings or their heirs against Intruders Vsurpers of their Crowns nor punishments against them their Confederates or Adherents if our Laws concerning Treasons extend not unto them though Kings de jure but only to Usurpers de facto et non de jure and if the Statute of 11 H. 7. exempt them from all kinds of penalties forfeitures by the lawfull King when he regains possession of the Crown as some now expound them 4ly It is resolved both by our Statutes Judges Law-books over and over That there is no Inter-regnum in our hereditary kingdom or any other That so soon as the rightfull hereditary King dies the Crown and Realm immediatly descend unto and are actually vested in the person and possession of the right heir before either he be actually proclaimed or crowned King and that it is high Treason to attempt any thing against his Person or royal authority before his Coronation because he is both King de jure de facto too as was adjudged in Watsons and Clerks case Hill 1. Jacobi Hence upon the death of King Henry the 3. though Prince Edward his heir was absent out of the Realm in the holy wars where he received a dangerous wound by an assassinate and was not certainly known to be alive yet all the Nobility Clergy and people going to the high Altar at Westminster swore fealty and allegeance to him as their King appointed a New Seal and Officers under him qui thesauram Regis pacem regni fideliter custodirent Sicque pax Novi Regis Edwardi in cunctis finibus regni proclamatur Edwardo fidelitatem Jurantes qui si viveret penitus ignorarunt Besides it is both enacted resolved in our Statutes Lawbooks That Nullum tempus occurrit Regi and that when the King is once in legal possession of his Crown Lands or any Lands holden of him by reason of his Praerogative he who enters or intrudes uppon them shall gain no freehold thereby yea if the Kings Tenant dieth and his heir enter into the lands his ancestors held of the King before that he hath done his homage and received seisin of the King though he hath a right of inheritance to the Lands by Law yet he shall gain no freehold and if he die yet his wife shall not be indowed because he gained no freehold by his entry but only a naked possessioÌ„ much les then shal a meer Intruder gain any Freeheld or interest in the Crown or Crown lands it self to the prejudice of the rightfull King or his heirs This is most evident by the sacred presidents of K. David still King when unjustly dispossessed driven out of his
kingdom by his unnatural Son Absolon who made himself King de facto who was yet a traytor with all his Adherents and came to a tragical end 2. Sam. c. 15. to c. 20. by the case of Adonijah the Vsurper and his Adherents slain and degraded as Traytors and of the Usurper Athaliah who had near 7. years possession of the Throne and slew all the bloud royal but Ioash yet was shee dispossessed slain as a murderer traytor usurper and Ioash the right heir set upon the Throne and crowned King by Jehoiada the high Priest the Captains and Rulers of the host and Officers people of the Land who all rejoyced and the City was quiet after that they had slain Athaliah with the sword 2 Kings 11. 2 Chro. c. 23. And as this was Gods Law amongst the Jews So it was the antient Law of England under the antient Britons as is evident by the case of the Usurper Vortigern who afâ—er his Usurpation of the Crown by the murther of two rightfull Kings Constantine and Constance and near 20 years possession by usurpation the Britons calling in and crowning Aurelius Ambrosius the right heir for their lawfull King he was prosecuted by him as a Traytor both to his Father and Brother whom he caused to be murdered to gain the Crown besieged assaulied and burnt to death in the Castle of Genorium in Wales with all his adherents that were in it This Law continued not onely under our Saxon Kings but English too as is evident by the case of Qu. Maud reputed a lawfull Queen notwithstanding the usurpation Coronation and actual possession of King Stephen in her absence all whose grants of the Crown lands were resumed by her Son King Henry the 2. and King Stephens Charters and Grants of them resolved null and void against King Henry because made by a Usurper and Invader of the Crown King John in the year 1216. was renounced by most of his Nobles Barons people who elected crowned and swore allegeance to Lewes as their King and dispossessed King John of all or most of the Realm who thereupon at his death cum summa mentis amaritudine maledicens non valedicens omnibus Baronibus suis pauper omni thesauro destitutus nec etiam tantillum terrae in pace â—inens ut vere JOHANNIS EXTORRIS diceretur ex hac vita miserrime transmigravit Henricum primogenitum suum REGNI CONSTITUENS HAEREDEM Yet no sooner was he dead though Lewes was K. de facto and that by the Barons own election who called him in and crowned him but Gualo the Popes Legat and many of the Nobles and People asâ—embling at Glocester there crowned Henry his Son for their true and lawfull King at Glocester cogente necessitate quoniam Westmonasterium ubi locus est ex consuetudine regiae consecrationis deputatus tunc ab inimicis suis suit obsessum After his Coronation he received the homages and fealties of all the Bishops Earls Barons and others present at his Coronation Sicque Nobiles Universi Castellani eo multo fidelius quam regi Johanni adhaeserunt quia propria patris iniquitas UT CUNCTIS VIDEBATUR filio non debuit imputari After which most of the Nobles and English deserting Lewes submitted themselves to Henry as their lawfull Soveraign routed the French forces besieged Lewes in London forced him to swear that he would depart the Realm and never to return more into it during his life and presently restore all the Lands and Castles he had taken in England by warr and resign them to King Henry Which he accordingly performed Most of the Barons who adhered to Lewes and submitted themselves to King Henry were by agreement restored to all their rights inheritances and Liberties But some Bishops Abbots Priors Secular Canons and many Clergy-men qui Ludovico Baronibus consilium praestuerant et favorem and continued obstinare were excepted out of the composition between King Henry and Lewes and thereupon deprived of their livings goods and forced to make fines and compositions for adhering to the Usurper Lewes though King de facto for a season Therefore a King de facto gets neither a legal freehold against the King de Jure or his heirs nor can he indemnify his adherents against his Justice who are still Traytors by adhering to him though crowned and the King de jure may punish them as such 5ly Since the Statute of 25 E. 3. which altered not the Law in this point before it in the Parliaments of 1 E. 4. roâ— Parl. n. 8. to 37.4 E. 3. n. 28. to 41.14 E. 4. n. 34 35 36. King Henry the 6. himself though king de facto for 39. years and that by Act of Parliament and a double descent from Henry the 4th and 5th Usurpers and Intruders together with his Queen and sundry Dukes Earls Barons Nobles Knights Gentlemen who adhered to him in his wars against Richard Duke of Yorke and Edward the 4th King de jure were all attainted of high Treason all their lands goods chattels forfeited some of them executed as Traytors for adhering to Henry the 6. and assisting him in his wars against Edward the 4th king only de jure it being adjudged High Treason within the Statute of 25 E. 3. against Sir Edward Cooks fond opinion to the contrary As for the Year-book of 9 E. 4. f. 1. b. that the King de jure when restored to the Crown may punish Treason against the king de facto who usurped on him either by levying warr against him or compassing his death it was so farr from being reputed Law in any age being without and against all Presidents or in King Edward the fourths reign that those who levied war against Henry the 6. were advanced rewarded as loyal Subjects not punished as Traytors for it by King Edward the 4th when actually King It being not only a disparagement contradiction to the Justice Wisdom Title Policy and dangerous to the person safety of any King de jure to punish any of his Lieges Subjects for attempting the destroying deposing of an Vsuper of his Crown and Archtraytor to his person but an owning of that Usurper as a lawfull King against whom high Treason might be legally committed and a great discouragement to all loyal Subjects for the future to aid him against any Intruders that should attempt or invade his Throne for fear of being punished as Traytors for this their very loyalty and zeal unto his safety Moreover all the gifts grants made by Henry the 4 5 6. themselves or in and by any pretenced Parliaments under them were nulled declared void and resumed they being but meer Usurpers and kings de facto not de jure 6ly It is the judgement resolution of learned Polititians Historians Civilians Canonists Divines as well Protestants as Papists Jesuites and of some Levellers in this age that it is no Offence Murther Treason at all by the Laws of God
or men but a just lawfull commendable heroick righteous and meritorious action to kill destroy dethrone or wage warr against a professed Tyrant especially such a one who invades his lawfull Soveraigns Throne Crown by perjury treason force regicide expulsion deposition or assassination of his rightfull undoubted Soveraign against his duty and allegiance without any colour of just Title to the Crown And this they hold unquestionable when done either by command or commission from the King de jureâ— or his rightfull heir or successor though out of actual possession or out of meer loyalty and duty to restore them to the just possession of their Thrones or to free their Native Country from the miseries oppressions wars murders bloudsheds and apparent destruction occasioned by his Usurpation of the Crown which is warranted by the presidents of Athaliah 2 Kings 11. 2 Chron. 23. and of Zimri 1 Kings 16.8 to 23. recorded in Scripture with hundreds of examples in other Histories of all antient and modern Empires kingdomâ— Besides when the usurping King de facto is removed dead destroyed and the king de jure or his right heir restored by way of remitter to the actual possession of the Crown in disaffirmance of the usurpers right and possession they are in the selfsame plight and condition in Law as if they had never been usurped upon or dispossessed of the Throne Therefore the King de jure can neither in Law nor Justice when remitted punish any such attempt against the king de facto as Treason it being no Treason in it self and the Usurper no lawfull king at all but the very worst and greatest of Traytors whiles a Usurper So that 9 E. 4. f. 1. b. can be no Law at all but a most gross absurdity 7ly It is a Principle in Law that no Disseisor Trespassor or Wrong-doer shall apportion or take advantage of his own wrong in the case of a common person much less then shall the Usurper of the actual possession of his lawfull Soveraigns Crown being the highest Offender Traytor Wrong-doer take advantage to secure himself or his adherents by his wrongfull trayterous possession against the Statute of 25. E. 3. or the ax of Justice The rather because this Statute was made and the Treasons therein specified declared and enacted to be Treason by King Edward the 3. and most of of those Lords who in the Parliament of 4 E. 3. but 21. years before at this Kings request and by his assent declared adjudged condemned executed Roger Mortimer and his Complices as Traytors guilty of HIGH TREASON for murdering King Edward the 2. his father after he was deposed in Parliament because he was still king de jure though not de facto Therefore they most undoubtedly resolved the king de jure though not regnant to be a King within that Act not the king de facto without right or title as Sir Edward Cooke erroniously asserts 8ly If the imagining or compassing the death or deposing or imprisoning of the King declared by overt act or rearing war against him or adhering to his enemies by any ambitious Usurper be High Treason within this Act for which he and his adherents shall lose their lives lands estates and suffer as Traytors though he never actually kill depose imprison or dispossess the King of his actual Regal power as the Council of Calchuth An. 787. cap. 3. The Council of Aenham An. 1009. cap. 26. with all our antient Laws Lawbooks Lawyers cited by Sir Edw Cook in his 3. Instit c. 1 2. the Statutes of 25 E. 3. all our other Acts concerning Treason and the forecited Judgements Presidents in Parliament with others in Queen Elizabeths reign abundantly evidence Then it is much more High Treason in the highest degree within the letter intention of all these Laws actually to usurp and get possession of the Crown by levying warr against and imprisoning degrading expelling banishing or murdering the lawful King himself and depriving him or his right heir of the possession of the Crown there being a complication of all the highest Treasons involved in an actual usurpation and a greater damage prejudice to the King kingdom than in a successless attempt alone which proves abortive and is quickly ended And if so then such an Arch-Traytors actual usurpation of the Crown must by consequence be so far from indemnifying him or mitigating or expiating his Treasons that it doth aggravate them to the highest pitch and expose him and his adherents to the highest penalties though king de facto and that both by the Law of God himself as is evident by the cases of Athaliah and of Baasha who conspiring against and slaying his Soveraign Nadab son of Jeroboam and then reigning in his stead smote all the House of Jeroboam not leaving to him any that breathed according to the saying of the Lord yet because he provoked God to aâ—ger with the works of his hands in being like the House of Jeroboam and BECAUSE HE KILLED HIM his son Elah who reigned in his stead two years was by Gods retaliating Justice slain by Zimri who reigning in his stead assoon as he sat on the Throne slew all the house of Baasha so that he left him not one that pissed against the wall neither of his kinsfolks nor of his Friends according to the word of the Lord which he spake against Baasha by Jehu the prophet When Zimri had thus reigned by Usurpation bloudshed but 7. days all the people of Israel that were incamped against Gibethon hearing that Zimri had conspired and also slain the King made Omri Captain of the host king over Israel that day in the camp who presently all marched from Gibethon to Tirzah besieged Zimri in it where he was burnt with fire in the Kings house and died for his sins and THE TREASON which he wrought All these Usurpers though kings de facto and Gods special instruments to punish and cut off other evil Kings and their families who usurped the Crown of Israel and kept the 10. revolting Tribes from the house of David to whom God had annexed them at first till rent from it by Jeroboams rebellion for Solomons sin were yet Traytors still in Gods and mens account and thus exemplarily slain and punished as such The like Examples we find in the Gothish and Spanish Histories every such actual Invader of the Crown qui regem nece attractaverit aut potestate Regni exuerit aut praesumptione tyrannica regni fastigium usurpaverit being condemned and for ever accursed excommunicated with the highest Anathema that can be inflicted by the 4. Council of Toledo can 74. and also by the 5. Can. 2 3 4 5 6. The like presidents we find in the Histories of the Roman Emperors of the kings of Denmark Poland France Scotland and other Realmes where Usurpers of the Crown though in actual possession have been oft times slain and executed as the archest Traytors by the
rightfull Kings or their heirs or the Nobles and people of thâ—se Realm their possessions of the Crown being no expiation of their Treasons Regicides but an aggravation of them both in Law and Gospel account unable to secure their heads lives by their own Law and concession since the actual coronation unction and possession of the kings de Jure whom they murdered deposed against their Oaths allegeance duties could neither preserve their crowns persons nor lives from their violence and intrusion To omit he hanging up of Iohn of Leyden who crowned himself a king with his companions for Traytors at Munster An. 1535. with all antient domestick presidents of this kind among our British and Saxon kings it is very observable that in the Parliament of 1 E. 4. n. 17 18. Henry the 6. though king de facto together with his Queen Son Edward Prince of Wales the Duke of Somerset and sundry others were attainted of high Treason for killing Rich. Duke of York at Wakefield being only king de jure and declared heir and successor to the Crown after King Henry his death in the Pâ—rliament of 39 H. 6. n. 18. though never crowned and not to enjoy the possession of it during the reign of King Henry yet Henry the 6. his murder after his deposition was never inquired after though king de facto for sundry years and that by descent from 2. usurping ancestors nor yet reputed Treason After this king Richard the 3d. usurping the Crown and enjoying it as king de facto for 2. years 2. moneths and one day was yet slain in Bosworth field as an usurping bloudy Traytor stript naked to the skin without so much as a clout to cover his privy members all sprinkled over with mire and bloud then trussed like a Hogg or Calf behind a pursuivant and ignobly buried Sir William Catesby a Lawyer one of his Chief Counsellors with divers others were two dayes after beheaded at Leicester as Traytors notwithstanding he was king de facto and no doubt had not king Richard been slain in the field but taken alive he had been beheaded for a Traytor as well as his adherents being the principal Malefactor and they but his instruments So that his kingship and actual possession of the Crown by intrusion did neither secure himself nor his adherents from the guilt or punishment of High Treason nor yet the Act of Parliament which declared him true and lawfull King as well by inheritance and descent as election it being made by a packed Parliament of his own summoning and ratified only by his own royal assent which was so far from justifying that it did make his Treason more heinous in Gods and mens esteem it being a framing of mischief and acting Treason by a Law Psal 94.20 21. which God so much abhors that the Psalmist thence infers v. 23. And the Lord shall bring upon them their own iniquity and shall cut them off in their own wickedness yea the Lord our God shall cut them off as he did this Arch bloudy Traytor and his Complices though king de facto by a Law 9ly Since the Statute of 11 H. 7. c. 1. some clauses whereof making void any Act or Acts of future Parliaments and Legal process against it are meerly void unreasonable and nugatory as Sir Cook himself affirms of Statutes of the like nature there have been memorable Presidents Judgements in point against his and others false glosses on it in favour of Usurpers though King or Queen de facto and their Adherents against the lawfull Queen and heir to the Crown which I admire Sir Edward Cooke and other Grandees of the Law forgot or never took notice of though so late and memorable King Edward the 6. being sick and like to dye taking notice that his Sister Queen Mary was an obstinate Papist very likely to extirpate the Protestant Religion destroy that Reformation which he had established and usher in the Pope and Popery which he had totally abandoned by advice of his Council instituted and declared by his last will in writing and Charter under the Great Seal of England the Lady Jane of the bloud royal eldest Neice to King Henry the 8. a virtuous Lady and zealous Protestant without her privity or seeking to be his heir and Successor to the Crown immediately after his death for the better confirmation whereof all the Lords of his Privy Council most of the Bishops Great Officers Dukes Earls Nobles of the Realm all his Judges and Barons exept Hales the Serjeants and great Lawyers with the Mayor and Aldermen of London subscribed their Names and gave their full and free assents thereto wherupon immediately after King Edwards death July 9. 1553. Iane was publikely proclamed Qu. of this Realm with sound of trumpet by the Lords of the Council Bishops Judges Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London So as now she was a Queen de facto backed with a very colourable Title from King Edward himself his Council Nobles Judges and the other subscribers to it being likewise eldest Neece to King Henry the 8. of the bloud-royal For defence of her person and Title when proclamed Queen and to suppress Mary the right heir the Council speedily raised a great power of 8000 foot and 2000 horse of which the Duke of Suffolk was first made General being her Father but soon after the Duke of Northmberland by Commission from the whole Council in Queen Janes Name who marched with them to Cambridge and from thence to St. Edmunds Bury against the Lady Mary Queen only de jure not de facto But many of the Nobles and the generality of the people inclining to Queen Mary the right heir and resorting to her ayd to Fotheringham Castle thereupon the Council at London repenting their former doings to provide for their own safety on the 20. of June 1553. proclamed Mary Queen and the Duke of Northumberland hearing of it did the like in his Army who thereupon deserted him From which sodain alteration the Author of Rerum AnglicanaruÌ„ Annales printed Lond. 1616. l. 3. p. 106. hath this memorable observation Tali tamen constanti veneratione nos Angli legitimos Reges prosequimur ut ab eorum debito obsequio nullis fucis aut coloribus imo ne Religionis quidem obtentu nos divelli patiamur cujus rei Janae hic casus indicium poterit esse plane memorabile Quamvis enim Dominationis illius fundamenta validissima jacta fuissent cui et summa arte superstructum est quam primum tamen Regni vera et indubitata haeres se Civibus ostendit omnis haec accurata structura concidit illico quasi in ictu oculi dissipata est idque eorum praecipue opera quorum propter Religionis causam propensissimus favor Janae adfuturus sperabatur c. All the Martyrs Protestant Bishops and Ministers imprisoned and burnt by her humbly requiring and in the bowels of our Lord Jesus
Christ beseeching all that fear God to behave themselves as obedient Subjects to the Queens Highness and the superiour powers which are ordained under her rather after their example to give their heads to the block than in any point to rebell against the Lords anointed Queen Mary in no point consenting to any Rebellion or sedition against her Highness but where they cannot obey but must disobey God there to submit themselves with all patience and humility to suffer as the will and pleasure of the higher powers shall adjudge Against the doctrine practice of some new Saints of this iron age who will ward off Christs wooden Cross with their iron swords and rather bring their Soveraigns heads to the block than submit their own heads unto it for their very Treasons and Rebellions against them So farr are they from believing practising the very first Alphabetical Lesson of our Saviours prescription and real Christanity Mat. 16.24 If any man will come after me let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow me The Duke of Northumberland for that he was appointed General of the Army in this Quarrel of the Lady Jane though Queen de facto was arrested of High Treason together with 3. of his Sons the Marquess of Northampton the Earl of Huntindon with sundry Knights Gentlemen and sent prisoners to the Tower of London The 16. of August next following the said Duke and Nobles were publikely arraigned of High Treason in Westminster hall before Thomas Duke of Norfolk High Steward of England being brought to the bar the D. used great reverence to his Judges professing his faith and allegiance to the Queens Majesty whom he confessed he had grievously offeâ—ded saying that he meant not to speak any thing in defence of his face but would first understand the opinion of the Court in 2. points 1. Whether a man doing any Act or thing by authority of the Princes Councel and by Warrant of the Great Seal of England and nothing doing without the same may be charged with TREASON for doing any thing by such Warrant Which question was grounded on this very Statute of 11 H. 7. c. 1. 2. Whether any such persons as were equally culpable in that crime and those by whose Letters and Commandment he was directed in all his doings might be his Iudges or passe upon his Tryal as his PEERS To the 1. was answered mark it That the Great Seal he had for his Wâ—rrant was not the Seal of the Lawfull Qu. of the Realm nor pâ—ssed by her Authority but the Seal of an Vsurper and therefore could be no Warrant to him To the 2. That if any were as deeply to be touched in that Case as himself yet so long as no attainder was of Record against them they were nevertheless persons able in Law to pass upon any tryal and not to be challenged therefore but at the Princes pleasure After which the Duke and the rest of the Lords using but few words declaring their earnest repentance and imploring the Queens mercy confessed this Indictment of Treason and thereupon had Iudgement passed upon them as Traytors And the Duke with Sir Iohn Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer were accordingly executed on Tower Hill August 22. confessing the Iustice both of their Iudgement and Execution as TRAYTORS and not justifying themselves by the Act of 11 H. 7. After this Archbishop Cranmer though at first he refused to subscribe K. Eds. will to dis-inherit Queen Mary alleging many reasons against it yet was committed Prisoner to the Tower indicted arraigned condemned of High Treason in November following for aiding the Earl of Northumb. with Horse and Men against Queen Mary And Queen Jane herself though Queen de facto meerly passive not active in this case never aspiring after the Crown being proclaimed Queen against her will with the Lord Guyldsord her husband were both indicted arraigned condemned of High Treason and accordingly executed as Traytors Feb. 12. 1 Mariae the one for usurpation of the royal Estate AS QVEEN OF ENGLAND the other as principal adherent to her in that case both of them confessing that BY THE LAW THEY WERE JUSTLY CONDEMNED After which the Duke of Suffolk her father and sundry others were condemned of High Treason executed upon the same account and that by the judgement of all the several Peers Nobles Judges Lawyers and Great Officers of Engl. though guilty of the same crime seconded with the Judgement of the whole Parl. of 1 Mar. c. 16. which confirmed their Attainders as JUST and LEGAL notwithstanding the Statute of 11 H. 7. c. 1. which extends only to indemnifie those Subjects who doe their true duty and service of allegiance to their King and Soveraign Lord which none certainly do who adhere and joyn with an apparent Usurper in possession against their lawfull undoubted King and Soveraign Lord as they here adjudged and the Parliaments of 1 4 and 14 of King Edward the 4th long before no Acts of Parliament whatsoever being able to secure Usurpers Titles though Kings de facto to themselves or their posterity or to save their own or their adherents Heads from the block or their estates from confiscation as the recited tragical Presidents and Judgements prove against the absurd opinions of many Grandees of the Law in great reputation who take all Sir Edward Cooks and others Dotages for Oracles and well deserve a part in Ignoramus for being ignorant of these late notorious Judgements and authorities against their erronious opinions wherewith they seduce their silly Clyents and young Students of the Law to their great peril for whose better information I have the larger insisted on this point to rectifie this dangerous capital mistake which may hazard both their lives estates and souls to boot And so much in answer to the objected Presidents of Edward and Richard the 2d to prove the Commons Right of Judicature in Parliaments c. As good an evidence as that grave Sir E. Cook produceth to prove this House of Commons who had no Journal Book till â— Ed. 6. to be a distinct Court of Iudicature because upon signification of the Kings pleasure to the Speaker they do and may prorogue or adjourn themselves and are not prorogued adjourned by the House of Lords By which reason he might prove every Committee of the Lords or Commons House to be a distinct Court because they may adjourn and prorogue themselves without the House and all Commissioners for examination of Witnesses Charitable uses the petty Sessions of Justices of Peace all Country Committees Archdeacons and other visitors all Auditors of Accounts Arbitrators Referrees c. to be Courts because they may all adjourn themselves from one day and place to another when as their presenting of their own Speakers in and the Kings calling them into the Lords House at the beginning and end of every Parliament or Session and at the passing of Bills and their dissolution in the Lords
House is a stronger argument to prove them no Court at all at least of Judicature than their adjournment or prorogation of themselves to evidence them to be a distinct Court from the House of Lords Should I here subjoyn to the premises all the cases extant in the Lords Iournals and Parliament Records evidencing the Lords real Jurisdiction proceedings and Judicature in civil causes in the reigns of King Ed. the 4. Richard the 3. Henry the 7. and 8. Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth King Iames and King Charles I should be over tedious to the Readers I shall therefore only trouble you with 2 cases more In the Parliament of 18 Elizabeth there arose a question about place and precedency in the case of the Lord de la Ware upon debate thereof in the Lords House ALL THE LORDS except the Lord Windesore ADIUDGED that he should have place next after the Lord Wilâ—oughbie of Erisbe And the Lord Keeper was appointed to acquaint the Queens Majesty with this determination of the Peers and to know her pleasure concerning the same In the last long Parliament Pasch 20 Caroli this cale of Note and Consequence was adjudged by the Lords against the late resolutions of some Judges touching the Jurisdiction of the Admiralty Court between Fairfax and le Gay and Mr. Johns a London Merchant In Lent Vacation 1638. Mr. Iohns libelled in the Admiralty against one Hooper for 26000 weight of Barbadoes Tobacco sold to him at St. Maloes in France in partibus transmarinis infra jurisdictionem Admiraltatis Angliae by one Bâ—les factor to Hooper for fraight due unto him by Hooper for his Ship called the William and Anne whereof Iohns was owner without alleging that this sale and contract was made super altum mare Fairfax and le Gay became sureties for Hooper in the Admiralty Iohns had a sentence against Hooper in the Admiralty upon this Libel who soon after became a Bankrupt Whereupon Fairfax and le Gay his sureties appealed to the Delegates to avoid the sentence and execution against them and then moved in the Kings Bench for a Prohibition to stay the sute suggesting the contract to be made at St. Maloes upon the land and not super altum Mare and so not within the Jurisdiction of the Admiralty Upon which they procured a rule to stay the Proceeding Whereupon Johns petitioned the House of Lords for relief against this rule and that the Delegates might proceed to give sentence upon the Appeal that so he might have execution against the sureties Hooper being a Bankrupt for above one hundred thousand pounds and all his estate sold so as his debt would be wholly lost if he should be deprived of the benefit of his sentence to which the sureties were liable Upon his Petition this point in Law amongst others whereon the hinge of his case turned was argued at the Lords Bar by Mr. Serjeant Rolls Mr. Maynard for Fairfax and le Gay and by my self for Johns Whether the Admirals Court had any true antient legal Jurisdiction of Contracts made at St. Maloes and other parts beyond the Seas between Merchants and Mariners touching their Merchandise and marine affairs upon the Land as well as on the Sea The Sureties Counsel argued confidently they had not upon the Statutes of 13 R. 2. c. 5.15 R. 2. c. 3. 2 H. 4. c. 14. and the Presidents cited in Sir Ed. Cooks 4 Instit. p. 124. and c. 22. of the Court of Admiralty and in Hubberts Reports â— 331 But I argued to the contrary and clearly proved by the Laws of Oleron Lex 1 2 6 8 9 10 15 16 22 23. made in the reign of King Richard the 1. Anno 1190. ratified under the Seal of that Island by that King confirmed and used by Henry 3. Edw. 1. and practised ever since as the Law of the land in the Court of Admiralty as Sir Edward Cook himself asserts and by the notable Record of 22 E. 1. in Cooks 4 Institutes p. 142 143 144. and Seldens Mare Clausum l. 2. c. 28 f. 275. the Black Book of the Admiralty the Parliament Roll of 4 H. 4. n. 47. for confirmation of the Laws of Oleron 1. That the Admiralty in all ages since King Rich. the 1. â—ill the making of these Statutes and ever since till Hill 2 Jacobi C. B. between Tomlinson Plaintif and Philips Defendant had held Jurisdiction of such contracts between Merchants and Mariners made upon the land in forein parts as well as on the Sea as the Marshal had always used to hold plea of Contracts and deeds of Arms Warr Treasons Murders and Felonies out of the Realm which cannot be determined by the Common Law And that without any Prohibiâ—ion granted to stay the proceedings in all that large tract of time both before and since these Statutes 2ly That these Acts were made only to restrain the Admirals Incroachments of Jurisdiction in Contracts Pleas Quarels other things made or done by Landor Water within the Bodie of the Counties of this Realm or in any Port Harbor Haven or Creek within the Counties the Conusance whereof properly belonged to the Kings Courts or to the Courts of Cities Burroughs and other Lords and to confine them only to such contracts and things within the Realm whereof the Sea is a part being under the Kings Dominion and Lordship as are made or done upon the Sea not upon the Land oâ— Water in any Haven Port River Creek within the precinct of any County but not to debar them in the least degree of their antient undoubted jurisdiction they always had and exercised de Jure without complaint or restraint in contracts of Merchants and Mariners made upon the Land in forein parts beyond the Seas of which the Kings Common Law Courts and the Courts of other Cities Burroughs Ports Lords never had nor could have the least Jurisdiction since out of the Realm and no Jury de Vicineto could be thence awarded or summoned to try the Contract in England which I proved by the Parliament Rolls and Commons Petitions whereon these Statutes were grounded being most express in point as 13 R. 2. Rot. Paerl n. 41.14 R. 2. n. 37.15 R. 2. n. 30.2 H. 4. n. 89.4 H. 4. â— 47.11 H. 4. n. 61. compared with 27 E. 3. c. 13.2 R. 2. c. 4.32 H. 8. c. 14.5 Eliz. c. 5.27 Eliz. c. 27. which so interpret it and by most of the Cases cited by Edward Cook in his Chapter of Admiralty extending only to contracts made within the body of any County within the Realm not in any forein parts on the Land or Sea without or beyond the Realm whereof the Comon Law Courts had never Jurisdiction before Sir Sir Edw. Cooke was Chief Justice and that by a meer fiction and false contradictory surmise contrary to truth reason Justice Law and the Letter of Charterparts and Contracts themselves viz. that they were made at St. Maloes Burdeaux Sevil
constricti usque ad lachtymarum compuncti sunt effusionem Rex autem confessus est in veritate quod compulsus ab Episcopo Wintoniensi et Petro de Rivallis aliis Consiliariis suis jussit figillum suum apponi in quibusdam literis sibi praesentatis sed tenorem eorum se nunquam audisse cum juramento affirmavit Ad hoc responâ—um Archiepiscopus dixit Scrutamini Rex conscientiam vestram quia omnes illi qui literas illas mitti procuraverunt et hujus proditionis conscii fuerunt rei sunt de morte Marescalli ac si illum propriis manibus occidissent Tunc Rex HABITO CONSILIO fecit vocari per literas Episcopum Wintoniensâ—m Petrum de Rivallis Stephanum de Segrave et Robertum de Passeleve ut venirent ad festum Sancti Johannis ratiocinium reddituri de thesauris suis receptis pariter expensis sed et de sigillo suo quod male tractaverant ipso penitus ignorante mandavit ut tunc venirent RESPONSURI ET JURI PARITURI Sed illi proprias conscientias habentes suspectas in omnibus ex una parte Regem ex altera fratres et amicos metuebant Marescalli cujus necem procurasse videbantur Unde ad pacem Ecclesiae confugients Episcopus et Petrus de Rivallis in Ecclesia Cathedrali apud Wintoniam latitabant a conspectu hominum sese penitus subtrahentes Stephanus vero de Segrave in Ecclesia Sanctae Mariae in Abbatia Canonicorum apud Legecestriam delituit et qui prius a clericatu ad militiam per arrogantiam confugerat ad clericatus officium reversus coronam quam reliquerat inconsulto Episcopo revocavit Robertus quoque Passeleue ad latibulum divertit incognitum c. Sed revera ad Novum templum â—e infirmum simulans in quodam secreto celatus cellario laâ—itabat more tectus leporino Tandem Aedmundus Cant. Episcopus impetravit a Rege ut sub salvo conductu ipsius et Episcoporum possunt ad diem certum coram illo â—enite ut omnis in regno dissentionis occasio sopiretur Statuit igitur illis diem Rex pridie Idus Julii apud Westmonasterium ubi sub protectione Archiepiscopi et Episcoporum ad Regis praesentiam sunt producti Petrus de Rivallis primus in causam vocatuâ— apparuit coram Rege in habitu clericali cum tonsura et lata corona Regemâ—ue reverenter salutavit cum Iusticiariis suâ—s in Banco sedentem Quam Rex torvo respiciens oculo O PRODITOR inquit per iniquum consilium tuum sigillum meum ignorans apposui literis de proditione Comitis Mareschalli Per tuum etiam pravum consilium ipsum et alios de regno meo homines naturales et eorum animos à me pariter amorem averti Per pravum etiam consilium tuum et complicum tuorum guerram contra illos movi in jacturam irrestauribilem et regni opprobrium per quam guerram thesaurum meum et vitam multorum illustrium simul et honorem meum amisi lamentabiliter Exigit igitur Rex praeterea ratiocinium de thesauro suo et custodia puerorum nobilium et escheatarum cum aliis proventibus multis quae ad Coronam spectabant Cumque haec et alia multa Rex ab eo sub proditionis nomine exigisset nihil omnino de objectis sibi criminibus negavit sed coram Rege in terram corruens per haec verba ejus misericordiam imploravit Domine Rex inquit nutritus sum a vobis et in bonis temporalibus dives factus ne confundes hominem quem creasti sed concede saâ—tem tempus deliberandi ut de rebus exactis competenter vobis valeam reddere rationem Cui Rex Mittam te iu Turrim Londinensem ut ibi deliberes donec mihi satisfacias praevia ratione Ad haec Petrus Domine Clericus sum nec debeo incarcerari vel sub Laicorum custodia deputari Respondit Rex Te ut laicum hactenus gessisti a te agitur ut Laico cui meum commisi thesaurum exigo Veruntamen eâ—â—e pro sens est Archiepiscopus qui si pro te fidiâ—ubere voluerit tradam te illi ut miâ—i â—â—tisfaciâ—t de exactionibus supradictis Ad quod cum siluiâ—seâ— Archiepiscopus misit Rex praedictum Petrum in Turrim memoratam accipieâ—s in manus suas omnes laioas possessiones ejus quia sub habitu clericali lâ—ica erat induius gestans anelaâ—ium ad lumbare quod clenicum non decebat Et tunc Pâ—tâ—us fleâ—it amare scilicet ingredieâ—s nâ— ioulum â— ducendus ad turrim supradictam Fuit autem in ea die Jovis et sâ—quenti die Veneris Et tunc ab Archiepiscopo liberatus apud Wintoniam perductus est et in ecclesia dimissus cathedrali Apparuit autem eadem die in Regis praesentia Stephaphanus de Segrave veniens sub protectione Archiepiscopi de rebus sibi impositis resâ—onsuâ—uâ— Qui cum staret in judicio Juri pariturus increpavit eum Rex sub nomine nequissimi proditoris de domnibus articulis de quibus increpaveâ—at Petrum de Rivallis hoc etiam adâ—iciens quod consilium dederat et ut Hubertum de Burgo ab officiâ— Justiciarii amoveret incarceraret patibulo suspenderet Nobilâ—s de regno exilio relegaret Cumque haec alia multa ei imposuisset slagitia exegit ab eo ratiocium de ossicio Justiciarii quod sub eo ministraverat post Hubertum de Burgo de rebus receptis pariter et â—xpensis Super his autem Archiepiscopus et Episcopi impetraverunt inducias a Rege usque ad festum S. Michaelis ut deliberandi tempus haberet De pravis quoque consiliis sibi imputatis alios altiores eo medios scilicet intâ—r Regem et eum quibus necesse habuit immediate respondere nepote Wâ—lierum Carleolensem Petrum de Rivalliâ— non me redarguat Et sic de aliis umbonem fâ—oiens recessit in alios crimen retorquendo Et sic absdondit se iterum Robertus Passeleue The King made Hugh de Pateshulle an honest and faithfull man chief Justice of England much against his will in Passeleues place And at the Archbishops request in the same Parliament restored to Gilbert Brother and heir to murdered Richard Earl Marshal all his inheritance both in England and Ireland received his homage knighted and gave him the rod of his Marshals Court as the manner is to hold that office as well and freely as his ancestors enjoyed it And so this Civil warr and Combustion between the King and his Nobles was fully reconciled I have transcribed this History and these Parliamentary proceedings at large out of Matthew Paris First to manifest the Gallantry Courage Zeal Vigilancy Unanimity of our Nobles Lords Barons and Prelates in that age in opposing reprehending the King himself to his face and threatning to depose and excommunicate him both in and out of Parliament for entertaining foreigners and
Sautre being condemned of Heresie in the Convocation by Archbishop Arundel and the Clergy thereupon by order and advice of the Temporal Lords without the Prelates who must not have their hands in blood though they gave the Sentence that he should be burned or the Commons there issued out a Writ to the Sherifs of London for the burning of Sautre as an Heretick accordingly burnt thereon being the first writ of this Nature issued by the Lords alone in the Kings name before the Statute of Heresie was made and passed in this Parliament In the same Parliament of 2 H. 4. n. 30. The Temporal Lords by assent of the King adjudged and declared Sir Ralph Lumly Knight and others Traytors for levying war in sundry parts to destroy the K. his people and that they should forfeit all their lands in fee goods and chattels though they were slain in the field not arraigned nor indicted by reason thereof In the Parliament of 4 H. 4. n. 19 20 21. Sir Philip Courtney being complained against and convicted of a forcible entry into Lands and for a forcible imprisonment of the Abbot of Mâ—nthaem in Devonshire and two of his Monks was upon hearing and examination adjudged by the King and Lords to be bound to his good behaviour and for his contempt committed to the Tower of London prisoner Anno 1403. Henry Percy the younger confederating with Thomas Percy Earl of Worcester to raise forces â—nd rebel against the King sent Letters to the people of every County propositum quod assumpserant non esse contra suam ligeantiam et fidelit tem quam regi fecerant nec ab aliunde exercitum congregasse nisi pro salvatione personarum suarum reipublicae meliori guvernatione Quia census et Tallagia Regi concessa pro salva regni custodia covertebantur ut dixerunt in usus indebitos et inutiliter consumebantur praeterea querebantur quod propter aemulorum dilationes pessimas rex eis insensus fuerat ut non auderent personaliter venire ad ejus praesentiaem donec Praelati regnique Barones regi supplicassent pro eisdem ut coram Rege permitterentur declarare suam innocentiam per Pares suos legaliter justificari Plures igitur visis his literis collaudabant tantum virorum solertiam extollebant fidem quam erga Rempublicam praetendebant Having raised great forces against the King by this means which the kings forces encountred at Shrewsbury in a pitched battel Henry Percy and sundry of his adherents were there slain in the field and the rest routed For which levying of war in the Parliament of of 5 H. 4. n. 15. the said Henry Percy and his Coâ—federaâ—es were declared and adjudged Traytors by the King and Lords in full Parliament and their Lands goods and chaâ—tels confiscated In the same Parliament n. 18. At the Petition of the Commons The Lords â—enâ—ed and ordered that the Kings Confessor the Abbot of Dore Mr Richard Durham and Crosby of the Chamber should be removed out of the Kings house and Court whereupon 3. of them appearing before the King and Lords in Parliament the King though he excused them yet charged them to depart from his house for that they were hated of the people In the Parliament of 13 H. 4. n. 12 13. The Lord Roos complained against Robert Thirwit one of the Justices of the Kings Bench for withholding from him and his Tenants Common of Pasture and Turbâ—ry in Warbie in Lincolnshire and lying in wait with 500 men for the Lord Roos Thirwit before the King and Lords confessed his fault and submitted himself to their Order who appointed 3. Lords to end the difference who made an award between them that Thirwit shouâ—d confess his fault to the Lord Roos crave his pardon and tender him amends In the Parliament of 5 H. 5. n. 11. Sir John Oldcastle knight being outlawed of Treason in the Kings bench and excommunicated before the Archbishop of Canterbury for Heresie was brought before THE LORDS and having heard his conviction made no answer nor excuse thereto Upon which Record and Process THE LORDS ADJUDGED that he should be taken as a Traytor to the King and Realm carried to the Tower of London from thence drawn through the City to the new Gallows in St. Gyles without Temple-barr and there hanged and burned hanging which was accordingly executed Sir Iohn Mortymer knight being committed to the Tower upon supposition of Treason done against King Henry the 5. in the 1. year of H. 6. brake out of the Tower for which breach he was indicted of Treason being afterwards apprehended he was brought into the Parliament of 2 H. 6. n. 18. and upon the same Indictment then confirmed by assent of Parliament JUDGEMENT was given against him BY THE LORDS that he should be carried to the Tower drawn through London to Tiburn there to be hanged drawn and quartered his head to be set on London-bridge and his four quarters on the four Gates of London In the Parliament of 38 H. 6. n. 20 2â— 22. Sir William Oldham knight and Thomas Vaughan Esquire were attainted of Treason by the LORDS and in the Parliaments of 1 E. 4. n. 19. to 31. 4 E. 4. n. 28. to 38. â—4 E. 4. n. 34. to 40. sundry Knights Esquires Citizens and Commoners are attainted of Treason by the Lords for levying warr and holding forts against the King then after by Bill whose names are overtedious to reherse which you may peruse at leisure in the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower To omit all other presidents of this Nature in the reigns of King H. 7.8 Ed. 6. Qu. Mary and Qu. Elizabeth of Commoners censured in and by the Lords house in Criminal causes upon impeachments complaints petitions which those who please may find recorded in the Journals of the Lords house I shall recite only some few Presidents more of late and present times In the Parliaments of 18. 21 Iacobi Sir Giles Mompesson and Sir Iohn Michel upon complaints and impeachments by the Commons for promoting Monopoliâ—s Corruption and other Misdemeanors were fined imprisoned by Judgement of the Lords House and Sir Giles degraded of his knighthood In the Parliament of 3. Carolâ— the Commons impeached Roger Manwaring Dr. of Divinity for preaching and printing Seditious and dangerous Sermons and sent up this Declaration against him to the Lords June 14. 1628. For the more effectual prevention of the apparent ruine and destruction of this kingdom which must necessarily ensue if the good and fundamental Laws and customs therein established should be brought into contempt and violated and that form of government thereby altered by which it hath been so long maintained in peace and happiness And to the honour of our Soveraign Lord the King and for the preservation of his Crown and Dignity the Commons in this present Parliament assembled do by this their Bill shew and