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A49599 An historical account of the late troubles during the wars of Paris Containing the material transactions, and private intrigues practised by the rebels and traytors, for obtaining the regency and government. Shewing the endeavours used by them to maintain a confederacy disadvantageous to the Kings authority. With the manner of their imprisoning the court, the nobility, and the people. And an account of the Parliaments proceedings, in declaring them enemies to the King and government. La Rochefoucauld, François, duc de, 1613-1680. 1686 (1686) Wing L451AA; ESTC R216651 174,394 475

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condition of the Court till events breakin gs this Union so necessary to the State brought upon it most fatal mischiefs Before I relate them I must take notice of the Prince of Condy's death happening just before these troubles which was so much the more considerable because it was the common opinion that if he had liv'd he had prevented them by his Prudence and Authority which gave a check to the Ministers and was revered by the Parliament The Union of these Powers was so solid a Pledge of the Tranquillity of the Kingdom that it gave the Ministers too much confidence and encouraged Emery Superintendent over the Kings Revenue to levy great Taxes Now because this Conduct although colored with a Foreign War and the Defence of the State was introduced in the time of Cardinal Richlieu's Ministry and was but a consequence of that it will not be impertinent to speak thereof This Minister whose absolute Polity had violated the antient Laws of the Kingdom to establish the immoderate Authority of his Master which he was the dispenser of look'd upon all the Rules of this State as forced Concessions and bounds imposed on the power of Kings rather than a solid Foundation of governing well and because his very long Administration was authorized with great success during the life of of the late King he quite chang'd all the forms of Justice and the Kings Revenues and introduced the Royal Will for the Sovereign Tribunal of the Lives and Estates of Men. This so violent method of Governing continued till his death and the King surviving him but a few months left to the Queen with the Regency the establishment of his Orders for the Taxes which seemed necessary to maintain the charges of the War Her Majesty being in the beginning of her Regency constrained to be expensively Liberal drain'd her Exchequer whereupon Emery was obliged to put in practice all the Expedients his Wit could invent without being restrained either by Justice or pity or the despair into which he might drive the People To this end after having consumed the Peoples Estates by new Subsidies he extends his Arts as far as the Cities Taxes Rich and Poor Creates new Offices Seizes the Publick Rents forc'd them to give him Credit prepares more new Edicts and by this rigorous imposition upon Estates in every kind drove the Companies Commonalties and Corporations into a secret Revolt In fine all Springs being drain'd dry he would have seiz'd the Revenues of the Chambers of the Courts of Aids and the great Council who complained to the Parliament which thereupon made the famous Arrest d'Vnion This Act was a signal to all the disconted the Renters the Treasurers of France the Kings Secretaries the Assessors the Officers of the Taxes and of the * Impost of Salt in France Gabelle In fine people of all conditions repaired thither exposing their Griefs to the Parliament demanding reparation The Names of the Farmers and of Emery fell under a publick Curse every one cry'd out against the violent exaction of the Customers the unbounded Power of the Intendants the Cruelty of the Soldiers the rigorous force used to the poor people by the selling of their Goods and the imprisonment of their Persons and the heavy weighty Taxes in a word against this oppression as great to the last degree destructive of the Lives Liberties and Estates of all the Kings Subjects The Parliament appearing sensible of the publick miseries received the Petions of the afflicted People offered to do them Justice and by professing that they bore a part in their sufferings gained their affections to that degree that they looked upon them as their Revenging and Redeeming Gods I don't pretend to give a recital of the Assemblies of the Chambers of the matters they treated of there of the Counsels and Results of their Conferences and of the Remonstrances of the Company carried to their Majesties by the chief President Moles there are Memoirs enough filled therewith it suffices to say that there were three Parties in the Parliament The First was that of the Frondeurs a Name given in Raillery to those that were against the Court. These People being Zealous to stop the course of the present Calamities had the same Object though from a different Motive that those had who were Interested by their Fortune or particular Hatred against the Principal Minister The Second Party were the Mazarins who were perswaded that they ow'd a Blind Obedience to the Court some out of Conscience to maintain the Peace of the State others out of Respect to the Obligations they had to the Ministers or Interest with the Men in Business And the Last were such as Condemn'd the Violence of the First yet approved not the Coldness of the Second but kept themselves betwixt both to act upon occasion either according to their Interest or their Duty Thus the Parliament was divided the greatest part whereof who at the first had no love for Innovations yet for want of Experience in the Affairs of the World were very glad to be Commissioners for Regulating the Abuses that were Crept into the Government of the State and to see themselves Mediators betwixt the Court and the People It was insinuated into them that this Imployment gave consideration and lustre to their Persons that Charity oblig'd them to succor the Distressed in their Pressing Necessities and that the Duty of their Charges which were instituted to Moderate the Extreame Power of Kings and Oppose their Irregularities prompted them to it That they ought to know that the Ministers of France were of late years perswaded that it was to Reign Precariously if their Power extended only to permitted things That the Laws are stifled by Fear and Justice by Force That to our Misery our late Kings left the Management of the State so much to them that they became themselves a Prey to their Passions That the time is come when they must revive their Antient Orders and that Harmonious Relation which ought to be betwixt a Lawful Command and a Reasonable Obedience That for this end the People Invoked their Justice as the only Refuge to prevent their extreme Oppression That so Holy a Commission approved by Heaven and followed with Publick Acclamations would Skreen them from all fear or if there should be danger that it is the property of Eminent Vertue to signalise it self in a Tempest rather than in a Calm and that Death which is common to all Men is distinguish'd only by Oblivion or by Glory These Venmous Discourses made so much the greater Impressions on their Minds because Men have a Natural Inclination to believe whatever flatters their Greatness so that they suffer'd themselves to be charm'd with the fine words of Tutelar Gods of their Countrey and the Restorers of Publick Liberty He that infus'd this Poyson into them with most Artifice was Longueil Counsellor in the Great Chamber who being push'd on with a Spirit of Ambition to advance his Fortune in
their part in the Sedition and at the same time began to set the Doors on fire and shoot in at the Windows all that were within believed themselves alike utterly lost Many to evade the danger of the Fire and Shooting exposed themselves to the fury of the People there were many kill'd of all sorts and of both Parties and every one believed that Monsieur le Prince sacrificed his Friends that he might not be suspected to have destroy'd his Enemies not the least part of this business was laid to the Duke d'Orleans charge and all the hatred for it fell upon Monsieur le Prince though I believe they both made use of the Duke de Beaufort to injure those that were not of their Parties but in reality not one of them had the least design to hurt any body Howsoever it was they presently appeas'd the Disorder but could not blot out the impression that it had made in the Peoples Minds It was propos'd afterwards to establish a Council which should consist of the Duke d'Orleans the Prince of Condy the Chancellor of France and of all the Princes Dukes and Peers Mareschal of France and the general Officers of the Party where two Presidents an Monsieur should have always place from the Parliament and the Provosts of the Merchants from the City to judge definitively in all Cases Military and Civil This Council increas'd instead of diminishing the Disorder by the pretentions of taking place in it and the Consequences of it were at length as fatal as those of the Assembly in the Town-House for the Dukes de Nemours and Beaufort either had not so clearly forgot their pass'd Differences but that they still bore a grudging to each other or else by the Interests of some Ladies quarrelled for Precedence in the Council and fought on Horseback where the Duke de Nemours was kill'd by the Duke de Beaufort his Brother in Law his Death moved both compassion and sorrow in all who knew him and even the Publick had reason to lament him for besides his great and eminent Qualities he contributed all that was in his power to the concluding of a Peace for he and the Duke de la Roche Foucault had renounced all the advantages that Monsieur le Prince had engaged to obtain for 'em in the Treaty that it might be so much the more easily concluded but the Death of one and the Wound of the other gave the Spaniards and the Dutchess of Longueville's Friends all the opportunity they could desire They no longer apprehended that the Propositions for inviting Monsieur le Prince into Flanders would be disputed they dazled him with hopes and now Madam de Chastillon appear'd less charming because there was no longer that illustrious Rival to combat in her Affection nevertheless he did not at first reject the propositions of Peace though he still took his measures for War he offer'd to the Duke de la Roche Foucault the Duke de Nemours's Command which he could not accept because of his hurt so he gave it afterwards to the Prince de Tarante Paris was then more divided than ever the Court daily gaining one or other of the Parliament or People the Slaughter which hapned at the Town-House appeared horrible to all Men the Army durst not keep the Field and its quartering in Paris increas'd their dissaffection to Monsieur le Prince in fine his Affairs were reduced to the worst estate they could be in when the Spaniards equally desiring to hinder either his Ruine or Advancement that they might prolong the War ordered the Duke de Lorrain to march a second time to Paris with a body of Men considerable enough not only to put a stop to the Kings Forces but to invest them in Villenuefue St. George they also sent word to Paris that the Enemy should be constrain'd either to give Battle or to die for hunger in their Camp This hope flatter'd Monsieur le Prince who thought to draw great advantages from the event of that action though the truth of it was the Mareschal Turenne wanted no Provisions and had always liberty to retreat to Melun without hazarding a Battle which he did without finding any resistance whilst the Duke de Lorrain was at Paris and Monsieur le Prince lay sick of a violent Fever at the same time Palluau joyn'd the Forces under his command with the Kings Army after having taken Montrond in which the Marquis de Persan had been block'd up from the beginning of the War by a small number of Men commanded by the Count de Palluau but the Garison growing weak they assaulted it and took it with less resistance than could be expected from so gallant Men in one of the strongest places in the World the loss whereof ought so much the more to touch Monsieur le Prince in that it happen'd by his negligence since that in the time when the Kings Army lay toward Campaigne he might easily have reliev'd Montrond whereas his Army ruining all about Paris so much increas'd their hatred to him Though Monsieur le Prince's Distemper was violent yet it was less fatal to him than to Monsieur Chavigny who one day having been very eager with Monsieur le Prince about clearing some things went back sick of a Fever whereof he dy'd a few days after his misfortunes ended not with his life and death which ought to put a period to hatred rather seem'd to awaken it in his Enemies they imputed to him all manner of Crimes but particularly Monsieur le Prince complain'd that he had given ear to the propositions of the Abbey Fouquet without acquainting him with it though he had writ to him to do it and that he had promis'd to remit some part of the Articles which he could not consent to Monsieur le Prince also publish'd Copies of a Letter which he intercepted from the Abbey Fouquet of which I have seen the original where he sends word to the Court that Goulas would certainly perswade the Duke d' Orleans to break with Monsieur le Prince if he did not accept those conditions of Peace which were then offer'd him and some Copies that Monsieur le Prince gave with his own hand he writ Chavigny's name in the place of Goulas and so accus'd him of betraying him without giving any other Proofs than the false Copies of that Letter written by the same Abbey Fouquet with whom Monsieur le Prince treated every day and gave Chavigny an account of it I can attribute so extraordinary and so unjust a proceeding to no other cause than the extreme desire that Monsieur le Prince had to continue the War which being oppos'd by his Friends made him alter his behaviour towards them and wholly confide in the Spaniards he began from that time to take his measures in such a manner that he might depart with the Duke of Lorrain and to say truth his Conduct had made this Council so necessary that he had now no other choice to