telling him his Intent was hereby only to set out the Freedom of God's Mercy But Winchester challenged him to shew Scripture for it or any one ancient Writer That Faith in justifying excludeth Charity This Winchester afterward declared at large to the Lord Protector and added That the Arch-bishop in that Homily of Salvation had taken such a Matter in hand and so handled it as if he were his extream Enemy he would have wished him to have taken that Piece in hand and so to have handled it as he did He represented one of the Arch-bishop's Arguments for Faith excluding Charity to be thus out of that Homily We be justified by Faith without all Works of the Law Charity is a Work of the Law Ergo We are justified without Charity But I warn the Reader to consult the Homily it self before he pass his Judgment upon Cranmer's Argument as it is here represented by one that was none of his Friend In fine he said There were as many Faults in that Homily of Salvation as he had been Weeks in Prison and that was seven besides the Matter viz. making a Trouble without Necessity In short he charged the Arch-bishop for troubling the World with such a needless Speculation as this is because he said that in Baptism we are justified being Infants before we can talk of the Justification we strive for For all Men receive their Justification in their Infancy in Baptism And if they fall after Baptism they must arise again by the Sacrament of Penance And so this Doctrine he said was to be sent to the Universities where it is meet to be talked and disputed of and not fit for Homilies And to disparage further the Arch-bishop's Judgment he told the Protector That if my Lord of Canterbury would needs travail in this Matter he should never perswade that Faith excluded Charity in Justification unless he borrowed Prisons of the Protector and then he might percase have some to agree to it As poor Men kneel at Rome when the Bishop of Rome goeth by or else are knocked on the Head with a Halbard And then he made some scoffing mention of the Strength of God's Spirit in the Arch-bishop and his Learning in his Laws so as to be able to overthrow with his Breath all Untruths and establish Truths I make no Reflection upon all this unseemly Language of this Bishop but leave it to the Reader to judg hereby of the Learning and Spirit that was in him And could we have retrieved the Arch-bishop's own Arguments and Replies to these Barkings of Winchester they would have left to the World a full Vindication of Cranmer and his Doctrine As to Erasmus's Paraphrase the said Bishop pretended He found divers things in it to condemn the Work and that he agreed with them that said Erasmus laid the Eggs and Luther hatched them and that of all the monstrous Opinions that have risen evil Men had a wondrous Occasion ministred to them from that Book He also wrote to the Protector the particular Objections he made against it He said He might term it in one word Abomination both for the Malice and Untruth of much Matter out of Erasmus's Pen and also for the arrogant Ignorance of the Translator of it considering that Book was authorized by the King and a Charge laid upon the Realm of twenty thousand Pounds by enjoining every Parish to buy one Whereof he had made an Estimate by the probable number of Buyers and the Price of the Book He charged the Translator with Ignorance both in Latin and English a Man he said far unmeet to meddle with such a Matter and not without Malice on his part Finally The Matter he had to shew in both the Books was in some part dangerous and the Concealment thereof a great Fault if he did not utter it And that he pretended made him some-while ago write to the Council declaring his Mind in relation thereunto For which he was sent to the Fleet. The true Occasion whereof as I take it from his own Letter written with his own Hand which I have before me was this Upon the Departure of the Lord Protector against the Scots the King's Visitors began their Visitation Then as soon as the Bishop heard of the Visitation and the Books of Homilies and Injunctions were come to his hands he wrote to the Council trusting upon such earnest Advertisements as he made they would incontinently have sent for him and upon knowledg of so evident Matter as he thought he had to shew would have staid till the Protector 's Return He saw as he said a Determination to do all things suddenly at one time Whereunto though the Protector had agreed yet of his Wisdom as the Bishop conjectured he had rather these Matters should have tarried till his Return had he not been pressed on both Sides an Expression which the Protector in a Letter to him had used He reckoned that if he could have staid this Matter in his Absence though by bringing himself into extream Danger besides his Duty to God and the King he should have done the Protector a Pleasure of whom he had this Opinion that willingly and wittingly he would neither break the Act of Parliament nor command Books to be bought by Authority that contained such Doctrine as those Books did Thus he had he said remembrance of his Grace in these his Letters to the Council but he chiefly made not his Grace but God his Foundation with the Preservation of the late deceased King's Honour and the Surety of the King then being His Writing he confessed was vehement but he would have none offended with it for he wrote it with a whole Heart and if he could have written it with the Blood of his Heart he would have done it to have staid the thing till it had been more maturely digested He touched lively one Point in his Letter to the Council and considered whether the King might command against a Common Law or an Act of Parliament and shewed the Danger of it in the late Lord Cardinal and the Lord Typtoft before him who was Executed on Tower-hill for acting against the Laws of the Land though it were by the King's Commission and by other Precedents Not long after these Letters of the Bishop to the Council they sent for him When he came before them he came furnished with his Trinkets his Sleeves and Bosom trussed full of Books to furnish his former Allegations He was heard very well and gently Then he shewed Matter that he thought would have moved them For there he shewed the two contrary Books meaning the Homilies and Erasmus's Paraphrase But the Council told him they were not moved and added That their Consciences agreed not with his using many good Words to bring him to Conformity After he had been aside from them and was returned again they entred a precise Order with him either to receive the Injunctions or to refuse In which Case they told him
what comfort could your flock loke for to have by yow But that which Christ saith to follow of those Qui non intrant per ostium â—ed aliunde to be stealers and thieffs Qui non intrant nisi ut mactent perdant as the effect hath shewed by yow But here yow deceive your self again and wold deceive other makeng your defence of your simulate oth that yow dyd the same so for the more service of God haveng in your mynd then to reform the church to the which being no way but to make that oth for a countenance this yow thought for such a purpose might be acceptable afore god and also entreng by the authoritie of the Pope called by hym that had authoritie to name yow then yow think it cannot be justlie of onie man objected unto yow that yow did not entre by the dore And this trulie if you could have kept your own counsil toucheng me I durst not object the same unto yow seeyng nothing outwardlie but as that yow were lawfullie called and institute Busshop And of your inward I woâ—d not make my self judge More wanting here and see as is the furst poyncte in your lettres Where yow make a great mervayle sayng it to be a thing that was never seen in the realme that to condempne any subject thereof justice shuld be sought of a forreyn power as is the Popes How this is to be called a Forreyn power I wil declare afterward For this I do not mervel if yow do not wel know not being so open to them that lacketh spiritual doctrine nor of that ignoraunce I do not speak now but of that outward light and knowledge which is open to every man by experience The which yow not knoweng it may be wel said yow be cast In tenebras exteriores and that yow have lost both interiour and exteriour knowledge of things For so yow show in this case where yow say it was never seen in the realm that to condemne ony subject thereof to death shuld be required ony other sentence then that comyth from the Imperial Crowne of the realm and their temporal lawes Wherein that which I note furst is this that in that place yow seme to lament that being condempned alredie as yow say by the lawes of the realme of high treason this dilation is geven to your death not to suffre afore al such things as be layd to your charge were furst known at Rome this being natural unto al that be in jeopardie of liffe if they cannot hope by ony just deâ—eance to extue the same at the least to have tyme al desire followeng that proverb In space comyth grace The which natural affect being extinct in yow this followeth withal natural knowledge to be extinct as in the proheme of your lettre is more declared And now to come neerer to that yow say was never seen that onye subject to be condempned had nede of ony outward Iustice calleng owtward justice the Canon lawes that come from the Pope To this I say the experience and use of the lawes and justice in this realme doith show clene contrarie to your mervel that it was never seen in the realm afore the tyme of your malicious oth that there was ever ony man condempned for the crime of heresies by the mere justice that comyth from the temporal lawes but al were first declared to be such by the spiritual lawes of the Canons which yow call forreyne lawes And this beside I say afore that same tyme of al other crimes as treason and other there was never spiritual man put to execution accordeng to the ordre of the lawes of the realm but he were furst by the Canon Laws condempned disgraded and then gyven to the temporal hondes Wherof there be as menye examples afore the tyme of breakeng the old ordre of the realm thise last years as hath bene delinquents Let al the records be sene and speciallie this is notable of the Busshop of which being emprisoned here for high treason the king wold not procede to his condempnation and ponnishment afore he had the Popes bull geveng hym And this is the trade of justice which the King and Qwene use with yow at this tyme beyng condempned of treason being consecrate Busshop to have the Popes sentence from Rome afore yow suffre Which maner of proceding you say was never afore in the Realm and the practise and experience in like cases doith show never to have bene otherwise afore the tyme of your notable perjurie And so Catholick Kings as it pertayneth to the privilege of the See of Rome when they be crowned doith sweare And now look what ignorance is this to think that the like was never sene in the realme when it was never seen otherwise amongst those princes that were counted to be in the obedience of the Lawes of Christ and of the Church But now to come to that yow speak of the Popes law and power Which after a seditious maner of speakeng yow call A forreyne power this stondeth under such a fashion if God leave yow so moch sence to understond what I say that the Popes power can no more be called Forreyn power comyng not of man alone but of hym that is god and man that was secundus homâ— de coelo coelestis then may be called a Forreyn power that the sowle of man comyng from heaven hath in the body generate in earth And so it is in the poâ—itick body of this realme ruled with politick lawes founded by mâ—ns reason that be called Temporal lawes To them comyng the Popes laws spiritual doith no other but that the sowle in the body to gyve liffe to the same to confirme and strengthen the same And this is it the Aungel speakeng in Christes conception and declareng what his authoritie shuld be signifyed saing he shuld sytt Super Domum Davyd which was a temporal reigne ut confirmet illud corroboret And so doith the spiritual lawes procedynge of his Spirit As be the lawes of the Church and canon lawes Which wheresoever thei be wel observed doith this effect ever to confirme and stablish the temporal lawes of the realm as no realm hath had more experience then this ever sâ—neth the tyme they received the faith and obedience of the Pope from whom came theyr doctrine of the faith There was never notable trouble in the realm of ony kynd if it dured ony space but it was ever lightly eased and the realm established by some Legate sent from the Pope and the See of Rome following the prescript of the Canons and the Spiritual Law Without the which no realme can wel be governed but al be like to the Thornbush Whereof it is written In libro Iudicum when the Sichimites had chosen a Tyrannie over them against the law of God then it was prophesied unto them what shuld come thereof which was that fire shuld come furth of that thorne which was their King that shuld devoure
Part and Opinion to be on his Part. For being now after some absence returned to Cambridg divers of the University and some of those Doctors that before had given in their Judgments to the King for the Validity of the Pope's Dispensation repaired to him to know his Opinion And after long Reasoning he changed the Minds of Five of the Six Then almost in every Disputation both in Private Houses and in the Common Schools this was one Question Whether the Pope might dispense with the Brother to marry the Brother's Wife after Carnal Knowledg And it was of many openly defended that he might not The Secretary when he came Home acquainted the King with what they had done and how Dr. Cranmer had changed the Minds of Five of the said Learned Men of Cambridg and of many others beside Afterward this University as well as the other determined the King's Cause against the Pope's Dispensation From an Academic our Doctor being now become a Courtier he so prudently demeaned himself that he was not only dear to the Earl of Wiltshire's Family but grew much favoured by the Nobility in general as the Lord Herbert collects from the Historians of those Times and especially by the King himself He was very much about him the King holding frequent Communication with him and seemed unwilling to have him absent Which may appear from hence that when Cranmer was minded for some reason to resort to the Earl of Wiltshire who was then from Hampton-Court and as it seems at London upon some Occasions of his own he doubted whether the King would let him go And so he writ to him that he would come the next Day to him If the King's Grace let him not CHAP. II. Pole's Book about the King's Matrimony ABout this time a Book of Reginald Pole afterwards Cardinal earnestly perswading the King to continue his Marriage with his Queen fell into Dr. Cranmer's Hands I do not find mention of this Book in any Historian that hath come to my Hands No not in his Life published by Bacatellus Bishop of Ragusa though he hath there given us a Catalogue of his Books But in likelihood the Reason was because this was some private Discourse or Letter chiefly intended for the King 's own Use as appears from some words of Cranmer concerning it Viz. That it was writ with that Eloquence that if it were set forth and known to the common People an evidence it was a more private Writing it were not possible to perswade them to the contrary It was penned about the Year 1530 as may be collected from another Passage in the said Writing wherein he mentioneth the King's living in Wedlock with Queen Katherine twenty Years the expiration of which fell in about that Time What induced Pole to write on this Subject is to me uncertain for he avoided as much as could be to meddle in this Affair out of Fear of the King's Displeasure which was the Reason of his departing Abroad Probably it was at the King's Command like as some Years after he commanded him to write his Judgment of the Title of Supream Head which he had lately assumed Which occasioned Pole's four Books of Ecclesiastical Vnity For some about the King had told him it would have a great Influence upon the People especially the Nobility if he could bring Pole over to allow and approve of his Marriage Who was a Person tho then but Young yet highly valued in the Nation for his Piety and Learning and great Descent The Book was soon delivered whether by the Earl of Wiltshire or the King himself unto the Examination and Consideration of Cranmer now the great Court-Divine Who after he had greedily perused it sent the Contents of it in a Letter to his Friend and Patron the Earl being then absent from Court The Book though the Argument of it chiefly depended upon Divinity proceeded more on Political Principles than Divine Take the following account of it as Cranmer gave it in his said Letter First Pole treated of the Danger of Diversity of Titles to the Crown Which might follow if the present Marriage with Queen Katherine were rejected in which there was an Heir and another consummated As appeared by the Titles and Pretensions of the two Houses of Lancaster and York And that the King ought to provide against the Miseries that might be brought upon his Realm by the People if he should reject his Daughter whom they took for his Lawful Heir and should perswade them to take another Then he urged the Danger of incurring the Emperor's Displeasure the Queen being his Aunt and the Princess his Cousin Then he proceeded to consider the Reasons that moved the King to his present Resolutions Namely That God's Law forbad marrying the Brother's Wife And that the People however averse at first besides that it belongâ—d not to them to judg of such Matters would be content in the King's Doings when they should know how the ancient Doctors of the Church and so many great Universities were on the King's Side And that however the Emperor might fall out with the King for this Matter yet God would never fail those that stood on his part and refused to transgress his Commandments and that England might depend on the French King's Aid by virtue of the League which he had entred into with the King and the old Grudg which he bore towards the Emperor Afterwards Pole goes on to review these Reasons And first his Judgment was that Scripture might be brought to justify this Marriage and that there was as good ground of Scripture for that as for the part which the King then took namely the unlawfulness of it That if indeed he thought the King's Part was just and that his Marriage were undoubtedly against God's Pleasure then he could not deny but that it should be well done for the King to refuse it and take another Wife Yet he confessed that for his own part he could not find in his Heart to have any Hand or be any furtherer or abetter in it Acknowledging however that he had no good Reason for it but only out of Affection and Duty to the King's Person Because he would not disannul the Princess his Daughter's Title nor accuse the most part of the King's Life as the Books written on the King's part did As though he had lived in a Matrimony Shameful Abominable Bestial and against Nature This seemed an high Complement of Pole's indeed that he would rather chuse to let the King live and die in an habitual Breach of God's Law than be guilty of something that might argue a want of civil Affection and Duty in him And as concerning the People his Judgment was That neither by Learning nor Preaching would they ever be brought into an ill Conceit of the King 's former Marriage and to think so dishonourably of their King as to live so many Years in Matrimony so abominable But as they had
at Canterbury IN order to the bettering the State of Religion in the Nation the Arch-bishop's Endeavours both with the King and the Clergy were not wanting from time to time And something soon after fell out which afforded him a fair opportunity which was this The King resolving to vindicate his own Right of Supremacy against the Encroachments of Popes in his Dominions especially now the Parliament had restored it to him being at Winchester sent for his Bishops thither about Michaelmas ordering them to go down to their respective Diocesses and there in their own Persons to preach up the Regal Authority and to explain to the People the Reason of excluding the Pope from all Jurisdiction in these Realms Our Arch-bishop according to this Command speeds down into his Diocess to promote this Service for the King and the Church too He went not into the neerer parts of Kent about Otford and Knol where his most frequent Residence used to be because his Influence had a good effect for the Instruction of the People thereabouts in this as well as in other Points of sound Religion But he repaired into the East parts of his Diocess where he preached up and down upon the two Articles of the Pope's Usurpations and the King's Supremacy But the People of Canterbury being less perswaded of these Points than all his Diocess besides there in his Cathedral Church he preached two Sermons wherein he insisted upon three things I. That the Bishop of Rome was not God's Vicar upon Earth as he was taken Here he declared by what Crafts the Bishop of Rome had obtained his usurped Authority II. That the Holiness that See so much boasted of and by which Name Popes affected to be stiled was but a Holiness in Name and that there was no such Holiness at Rome And here he launched out into the Vices and profligate kind of living there III. He inveighed against the Bishop of Rome's Laws Which were miscalled Divinae Leges and Sacri Canones He said that those of his Laws which were good the King had commanded to be observed And so they were to be kept out of obedience to him And here he descended to speak of the Ceremonies of the Church that they ought not to be rejected nor yet to be observed with an Opinion that of themselves they make Men holy or remit their Sins seeing our Sins are remitted by the Death of our Saviour Christ. But that they were observed for a common Commodity and for good Order and Quietness as the Common Laws of the Kingdom were And for this Cause Ceremonies were instituted in the Church and for a remembrance of many good things as the King's Laws dispose Men unto Justice and unto Peace And therefore he made it a general Rule that Ceremonies were to be observed as the Laws of the Land were These Sermons of the Arch-bishop it seems as they were new Doctrines to them so they were received by them at first with much gladness But the Friars did not at all like these Discourses They thought such Doctrines laid open the Truth too much and might prove prejudicial unto their Gains And therefore by a Combination among themselves they thought it convenient that the Arch-bishop's Sermons should be by some of their Party confuted and in the same place where he preached them So soon after came up the Prior of the black Friars in Canterbury levelling his Discourse against the three things that the Arch-bishop had preached He asserted the Church of Christ never erred that he would not slander the Bishops of Rome and that the Laws of the Church were equal with the Laws of God This angry Prior also told the Arch-bishop to his Face in a good Audience concerning what he had preached of the Bishop of Rome's Vices that he knew no Vices by none of the Bishops of Rome And whereas the Arch-bishop had said in his Sermon to the People that he had prayed many Years that we might be separated from that See and that he might see the Power of Rome destroyed because it wrought so many things contrary to the Honour of God and the Wealth of the Realm and because he saw no hopes of amendment and that he thanked God he had now seen it in this Realm for this the Prior cried out against him that he preached uncharitably The Arch-bishop not suffering his Authority to be thus affronted nor the King's Service to be thus hindred convented the Prior before him before Christmass At his first examination he denied that he preached against the Arch-bishop and confessed that his Grace had not preached any thing amiss But sometime afterward being got free from the mild Arch-bishop and being secretly upheld by some Persons in the Combination he then said he had preached amiss in many things and that he purposely preached against him This created the Arch-bishop abundance of Slander in those parts The Business came to the King's Ears who seemed to require the Arch-bishop to censure him in his own Court But upon occasion of this the Arch-bishop wrote his whole Cause in a Letter to the King dated from his House at Ford 1535. Declaring what he had preached and what the other had preached in contradiction to him And withal entreated his Majesty that he the Arch-bishop might not have the judging of him lest he might seem partial but that he would commit the hearing unto the Lord Privy Seal who was Crumwel or else to assign unto him other Persons whom his Majesty pleased that the Cause might be jointly heard together He appealed to the King and his Council If the Prior did not defend the Bishop of Rome though he had said nothing else than that the Church never erred For then they were no Errors as he inferred that were taught of the Pope's Power and that he was Christ's Vicar in Earth and by God's Law Head of all the World Spiritual and Temporal and that all People must believe that de necessitate Salutis and that whosoever did any thing against the See of Rome is an Heretick But if these be no Errors then your Grace's Laws said he be Erroneous that pronounce the Bishop of Rome to be of no more Power than other Bishops and them to be Traitors that defend the contrary In fine in the stomach of an Arch-bishop and finding it necessary to put a stop to the ill designs of these Friars he concluded That if that Man who had so highly offended the King and openly preached against him being his Ordinary and Metropolitan of the Province and that in such Matters as concerned the Authority Mis-living and Laws of the Bishop of Rome and that also within his own Church if he were not looked upon he left it to the King's Prudence to expend what Example it might prove unto others with like colour to maintain the Bishop of Rome's Authority and of what estimation he the Arch-bishop should be reputed hereafter and what Credence would be
and put forth by Henry Lord Stafford in King Edward's Days The King affecting to be thought Learned affected also to have Books called by his Name not that he was always the Author of them but that they came out by his Authority and had undergone his Corrections and Emendations But before we pass away from hence it may be convenient to give the Reader a little taste of so famous a Treatise as that Bishop's Book was in those Days And I will do it not in my own words but in the words of a very Learned and Eminent Man the Answerer to Dr. Martin's Book against Priests Marriage not far from the beginning of Q Mary supposed to be Ponet Bishop of Winchester then in Exile Applying himself in his Preface unto the Queen's Prelats he told them That in their Book intituled The Institution of a Christian Man presented by their whole Authorities to the King of famous Memory K. Henry VIII In the Preface thereof they affirmed to his Highness with one assent by all their Learnings that the said Treatise was in all Points concordant and agreeable to Holy Scripture yea such Doctrine that they would and desired to have it taught by all the Spiritual Pastors to all the King 's loving Subjects to be Doctrine of Faith And there intreating of the Sacrament of Orders they desired to have it taught that we be in no subjection to the Bishop of Rome and his Statutes but meerly subject to the King's Laws under his only Territory and Jurisdiction And that the Canons and Rules of the Church were therefore allowable in the Realm because the Assent of the King and of the People accepted the same And that Priests and Bishops whatsoever never had any Authority by the Gospel in Matters Civil and Moral but by the Grant and Gift of Princes and that it was alway and ever shall be lawful unto Kings and Princes and to their Successors with the Consent of their Parliaments to revoke and call again into their own Hands or otherwise to restrain all their Power and Jurisdiction given and permitted by their Authority Assent or Sufferance c. Without the which if the Bishop of Rome or any other Bishop whatsoever should take upon them any Authority or Jurisdiction in such Matters as be Civil No doubt said they that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop but rather a Tyrant and an Usurper of other Mens Rights contrary to the Laws of God and is to be reputed a Subverter of the Kingdom of Christ. Yea besides these things and many other as he added they put in our Creed or Belief as an Article of Salvation or Damnation that the Church of England is as well to be named a Catholick and Apostolick Church as Rome Church or any other Church where the Apostles were resident And that they willed us to believe in our Faith that there is no difference in Superiority Preeminence or Authority one over the other but be all of equal Power and Dignity and that all Churches be free from the Subjection and Jurisdiction of the Church of Rome And that no Church is to be called Schismatical as varying from the Unity of the Church of Christ if it persist in the Unity of Christ's Faith Hope and Charity and Unity of Christ's Doctrine and Sacraments agreeable to the same Doctrine And that it appertained to Christen Kings and Princes in the discharge of their Duty to God to reform and reduce again the Laws to their old Limits and pristine State of their Power and Jurisdiction which was given them by Christ and used in the Primitive Church For it is say they out of all doubt that Christ's Faith was then most firm and pure and the Scriptures of God were then best understood and Vertue did then most abound and excel And therefore the Customs and Ordinances then used and made must needs be more conform and agreeable unto the true Doctrine of Christ and more conducing to the edifying and benefit of the Church of Christ than any Custom or Laws used or made since that Time This he collected out of their Exposition of the Sacrament of Orders The said Learned Author observed that this Doctrine was set forth by the whole Authority of the Bishops in those Days presented by the Subscription of all their Names And since the time of their presenting thereof by the space almost of twenty Years that is to the middle of Queen Mary never revoked but continually from time to time taught by this Book and by such other Declarations And that one more Particular relating to this Book may be known namely who the Bishops and other Divines were that composed it and that were commissioned so to do I shall record their Names as they were found writ by the Hand of Dr. Sam. Ward in his own Book now in the possession of N. B. a Reverend Friend of mine who hath well deserved of this History Thomas Cant. Io. Lond. Steph. Winton Io. Exon. Io. Lincoln Io. Bathon Roland Coven Litch Tho. Elien Nic. Sarum Io. Bang Edward Heref. Hugo Wigorn. Io. Roffen Ric. Cicestr Guilielm Norv Guilielm Menevens Rob. Assav Rob. Landav Edoard Ebor. Cuthb Dunelm Rob. Carliolen Richard Wolman Archidiac Sudbur Guil. Knight Archid. Richmon Io. Bell Archid. Gloc. Edmund Bonner Archid. Leicestr Iohn Skip Archid. Dorset Nic. Hethe Archid. Stafford Cuthb Marshal Archid. Nottingham Rich. Curren Archid. Oxon. Gulielm Cliff Galfridus Downes Robertus Oking Radul Bradford Richardus Smith Simon Matthew Ioannes Pryn Guliel Buckmaster Guliel May Nic. Wotton Ric. Coxe Ioannes Edmunds Thomas Robertson Ioannes Baker Thomas Barret Ioannes Hase Ioannes Tyson Sacrae Theologiae Juris Ecclesiastici Civilis Professores In the Year 1543. The same Book was printed again amended much both in Sense and Language yet not having any step in the Progress of the Reformation more than the former each Edition express positively the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament But in this is much added about Free-Will which it asserts and Good Works In 1544 the same was printed again at London in Latin intituled Pia Catholica Christiani Hominis Institutio CHAP. XIV The Arch-bishop visits his Diocess AS soon as this Business was over with the Arch-bishop and Bishops at Lambeth no Parliament sitting this Year and a Plague being in London and Westminster he went down as was said before into his Diocess But before he went he expressed a great desire to wait upon the King being then I suppose at Hampton-Court or Windsor but he feared he should not be permitted coming out of the smoaky Air as he wrote to the Lord Crumwel in that time of Infection Yet he desired to know the King's Pleasure by him He had a mind indeed to leave some good Impressions upon the King's Mind in the behalf of the Book that he and the rest had taken such Pains about and but newly made an end of But whether he saw the King now or no
of Superstition flowed in such a plentiful measure from the Egyptians as might easily be proved and thence derived themselves first to the Greeks then to the Romans and afterwards to our Times through that Sink of Popery that that single worthy Counsel and Remedy of those most Learned Men enjoined for the enlarging and spreading of Learning should be debarred us to follow and that by such as were either unlearned themselves or superstitious Men Whereby the best Wits received so great Prejudice and Dammage That none knew better than his Lordship whence this Custom arose by whom cherished and by what kind of Men brought down to us And lastly how unwholsome and unfit all eating of Flesh was in the Spring-time And that he might obtain this Favour he would use it without giving Offence or making any common Speech of it with Quietness and Silence with Abstinence and Thanksgiving This Letter he got his Friend Poinet the Arch-bishop's Chaplain the same I suppose who after was Bishop of Winchester to put into his Grace's Hand and to further his Request what he could The Issue whereof was to his Heart's desire For though the Arch-bishop knew him not nor was easily drawn to dispence with the Church's Ancient Discipline and Rites yet he received his Suit with all Humanity and such he found to be the Modesty and Ingenuity of the Man and what he requested to be grounded upon such reasonable and just Causes that he readily yielded to it And whether he thought it out of his Power to grant a Licence of that Latitude to discharge a Person for all Time to come from the Obligation of keeping Lent or to avert the Censure he might incur if he should have done it by his own Authority or reckoning it a Matter of Law rather than Religion he put himself to the trouble of procuring the King's Licence under the Privy Seal for this Man And when he had done that considering an Academick's Poverty he released him of the whole Charges of taking it out paying all the Fees himself and so conveyed it to him by Dr. Tayler the Master of his College And indeed the Arch-bishop's Opinion concerning Lent made way for his more ready yielding to Ascham's Request For he held the keeping of Lent as founded in a Positive Law rather than as a Religious Duty and thought it necessary that so the People should be taught and instructed As appears by his Articles of Visitation in the second Year of King Edward One whereof ran thus That enquiry should be made whether the Curats had declared and to their Wit and Power had perswaded the People that the manner and kind of Fasting in Lent and other Days in the Year was but a meer positive Law And that therefore all Persons having just Cause of Sickness or other Necessity or being licensed by the King's Majesty may moderately eat all kind of Meat without grudg or scruple of Conscience The same Ascham knowing well how the Arch-bishop's Mind stood affected to Cambridg his old Nurse and how well he wish'd it for the sake of Religion acquainted him with the State of the University about the beginning of King Edward's Reign and the Course of the Studies that were then used That there were very many began to affect the Study of Divinity A new Study it seems then the Pope's Laws and the School-men having before employed the Heads of almost all That the Doctrines of Original Sin and Predestination were much canvased But many went rather according to Pighius highly applauding him than according to S. Augustin though he exceeded all others that either went before or followed after him for the excellency of his Wit and Learning and the greatness of his Industry and Opportunities That others among them made the reading of God's Word their daily Exercise And for the helping their Understandings in the sense of it they made use of and adhered to the Judgment of S. Augustin chiefly and studied hard the Tongues The Knowledg of Languages began to be affected And such as studied them were reckoned the best Masters as qualifying them best for teaching of others or understanding themselves That for Oratory they plied Plato and Aristotle from whose Fountains among the Greeks Loquens illa prudentia as he stiled Oratory that speaking Prudence might be fetched And to these among the Latins they added Cicero They conversed also in Herodotus Thucididâ—s and Xenophon the three Lights of Chronology Truth and Greek Eloquence and which brought a great Lustre to their other Studies The Greek Poets which they took delight in were Homer Sophocles and Euripides the one the Fountain the two others the Streams of all Eloquence and Learned Poetry Which they were of Opinion did more largely water their other Studies than Terence or Virgil which in some former Years were chiefly read Thus was the Method of University-Studies altered so much for the better from reading the Schoolmen and Metaphysical Niceties the Pope's Canons and Decretals to converse in politer and more manly Learning which tended so much to solid Knowledg and preparation of Mens Minds to the Entertainment of the Gospel The great setter on foot of this ingenuous Learning in the University was Sir Iohn Cheke of S. Iohn's College now preferred to be the King's Tutor a Person for whom the Arch-bishop had a very tender Love and affectionate Kindness For so Ascham writ to him in his former Letter That many had addicted themselves to this course of Study by the Aid and Conduct Example and Counsel of that excellent Man And that they bore the better his going from them to the Court who had brought them on in so good a Course because they knew their Disprofit was abundantly recompensed by the Profit and Safety that would accrue to the whole Common-wealth by him Applying that of Plato to him Plurimum Reip. interesse ut unus aliquis existat semper praestans excellensque Vir ad cujus virtutis imitationem caeteri voluntate industria studio spe erecti totos sese effingant accommodent Afterwards he acquainted the most Reverend Person to whom he wrote with those things which proved great Hindrances to the flourishing Estate of the University that by his Counsel and Authority if possible they might be redressed And they were two The one was That they wanted elderly Men very few such remaining among them by whose Example the younger Sort might be excited to study and by whose Authority the Manners of the rest might be rightly formed and fashioned The other Impediment was occasioned by such as were admitted Who were for the most part only the Sons of Rich Men and such as never intended to pursue their Studies to that degree as to arrive at any eminent Proficiency and Perfection in Learning but only the better to qualify themselves for some Places in the State by a slighter and more superficial Knowledg The Injury accruing thence to the University was double both
Sentence Definitive ready to be pronounced made an Appeal from them to the King For his doing which he produced these Reasons For that these his pretended Judges were not indifferent but prejudiced against him That my Lord of Canterbury had caused him to be sent to Prison whereas the Arch-bishop was only present at the Council when he was by them ordered to the Tower And so had Hales Goodrick and Gosnold counselled to send him thither Also that the Arch-bishop and the Bishops of London and Lincoln did contrary to the Laws Ecclesiastical and taught and set forth manifest condemned Errors against the Presence in the Sacrament And because the Bishop as well in his Writings as otherwise did set forth the Catholick Faith of the very Presence of Christ's Body and Blood therefore they shewed themselves unduly affected towards him That Sir William Petre decreed the Fruits of his Bishoprick to be sequestred de facto sed non de jure and now was Judg in his own Cause But notwithstanding this Appeal the Arch-bishop with the rest of the Commissioners pronounced him Deprived and his Bishoprick void After this was done the Bishop appealed again to the King instantly more instantly most instantly from their Sentence as Injust and of no effect in Law and asked of them Letters Dimissory to be granted to him and a Copy of the Judgment But the Judges declared they would first know the pleasure of the King and his Council therein And so this last Session brake up The day after being the 15 th of February the Council sitting at VVestminster upon debating the Bishop of VVinton's Case Forasmuch as it appeared he had at all times before the Judges of his Cause used himself unreverently to the King's Majesty and slanderfully towards his Council and especially Yesterday being the Day of his Judgment given against him he called his Judges Hereticks and Sacramentaries they being there the King's Commissioners and of his Highness's Council it was therefore concluded by the whole Board that he should be removed from the Lodging he hath now in the Tower to a meaner Lodging and none to wait upon him but one by the Lieutenant's Appointment in such sort as by the resort of any Man to him he have not the liberty to send out to any Man or to hear from any Man And likewise that his Books and Papers be taken from him and seen and that from henceforth he have neither Pen Ink nor Paper to write his detestable Purposes but be sequestred from all Conferences and from all means that may serve him to practise any way March 8. at VVestminster This day by the King's Majesty 's own Appointment Dr. Poynet Bishop of Rochester was chosen Bishop of VVinchester And the Arch-bishop of Canterbury had given him 266 l. 13 s. 4 d. i. e. 400 Marks for his Pains and Charges about the Bishop of VVinchester And thus I have from very Authentick Authority gathered together these Memorials of this turbulent haughty Man who was now so seasonably laid aside in this King's Reign till we hear of him loudly in the next when he sufficiently wracked his Revenge against our good Arch-bishop and the true Religion CHAP. XX. Bishop Hethe and Bishop Day their Deprivations WHile the aforesaid Bp lay under Sequestrationin the Tower two other Bps that were wayward to the King's Proceedings in the Reformation of the Church viz. of Worcester and Chichester came under the Hands of the Privy-Council resolving to make them comply or deprive them That others more willing and better affected to Reformation might succeed and do service in the Church and that the Arch-bishop might go forward with less Stop and Impediment in the good Work he had dedicated himself unto Both of them were of the Arch-bishop's raising and seemed very compliant with the Arch-bishop during K. Henry's Reign But now both hung off from him seeming much offended with him for his relinquishing the Doctrine of the Corporeal Presence and for writing a Book against it Whereof they made mention with dislike in their Depositions in the Bishop of Winchester's Trial before the Commissioners In the last Year the Year 1549 Twelve Learned Divines Bishops and others were appointed by the Council to prepare a new Book for the Ordination of Ministers purged of the Superstitions of the old Ordinal Hethe Bishop of Worcester was nominated for one of these But he not liking the thing would not agree to what the others did nor subscribe the Book when made For which in March he was committed to the Fleet where he lay under easy Confinement all the next Year the Year 1550 during which time I find him once produced as a Witness on Bishop Gardiner's behalf But in the Year 1551 the Court being at Chelsey and the Council sitting September 22. by virtue of the King 's express Commandment Nicolâ—s Bishop of Worcester was sent for and came before the Lords and others To whom was repeated the Cause of his Imprisonment to be For that he refused to subscribe the Book devised for the Form of making Arch-bishops Bishops Priests and Deacons being authorized by Parliament At the time of which refusal being not only gently and reasonably required to subscribe it but also being manifestly taught by divers other Learned Men that all Things contained in the Book were Good and True and that the Book was expedient and allowable the said Bishop declared himself to be a vâ—ry obstinate Man And for this his doing it was now shewed unto him that he deserved longer Imprisonment Nevertheless the King's Majesty's Clemency was such that now if he had or would reconcile himself to obey his Majesty in this former Commandment he should recover the King's Majesty's Favour For which Cause it was told him That he was then presently sent for and willed now to subscribe the same Whereunto he answered That he took the Cause of his Imprisonment to be as was alleged and that also he was very gently used rather like a Son than a Subject Nevertheless he said he remained still in the same mind not willing to subscribe it although he would not disobey it And although he was reasoned withal by every of the said Council in disproving his manner of answer that he would not subscribe it being every thing in the said Book True and Good and being devised by eleven other Learned Men to which he was joined as the twelfth and received of all the whole Estate of the Realm agreeing also that he would obey it not subscribe it which contained a Contradiction in Reason Yet he still as a Man not removeable from his own Conceit refused to subscribe it Whereupon to prove all manner of Ways for the winning of him to his Duty he was offered to have Conference with Learned Men and to have time to consider the Matter better Whereunto he said That he could not have better Conference than he had heretofore and well might he have
that had the Gift of God and that they pronounced it wicked and abominable and termed it a Doctrine of Devils and the Invention of Antichrist All which Bishop Ponet in the Name of all the Protestants in his Book did utterly deny that ever they said writ or thought so This Book was indeed made by the Bishop of Winchester when he was in the Tower and he borrowed much of it from Albertus Pighius and published about that time Martin being then a Student at the University of Bourges in France it once happened in some Conversation there that Edward the King of England was commended whether it were for his Vertue or Learning or Abilities beyond his Years whereat Martin began as it seemed to eclipse the King's Honour by mentioning the Imprisonment of Winchester saying That there was a Head-Papist Prisoner in England meaning him Upon which several asked him Whether it was not the same Winchester that had set out an Hodgpodg concerning Marriage of Priests He laughing answered It was even he But that no Man ought to marvel for that VVinchester was more meet for Warlike than for Ecclesiastical Disputations Which Passage I have from Bale who was acquainted at that University with Franciscus Baldwin the Learned Professor of Law there Out of this Book Martin framed that which went under his Name with Winchester's Privity And this was well enough known to Bale and others in those Times Ponet said that Martin was abused by others who set him a-work to bear the Name and to desire the Fame of so gay a Book rather than he was the Author of it indeed The said Ponet or Poinet late Bishop of Winchester but now an Exile very learnedly answered this Book in two several Treatises The first was intitled An Apology against Tho. Martin's Blasphemies In this Treatise upon occasion of the Papists prohibition of Marriage to Priests he proved that the said Papists were Hereticks and had taken part in the most principal Parts with all the Hereticks that had corrupted the true Church of Christ. The Second Treatise replenished with great Learning he lived not to finish though some doubt whether he were the Author of this Book but the Copy falling into the Hands of Matthew Parker Arch-bishop of Canterbury he published it in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's Reign with very large and excellent Additions of his own Ponet had thorowly studied this Point and I believe was put upon the Study of it by Arch-bishop Cranmer whose Chaplain he was For before this he put forth two Books upon this Argument viz. Of the Marriage of Ministers And a Defence of that Marriage The last thing I have to say concerning these Orders taken with the Married Clergy is That there were two things thought very Hard which were put upon those that were willing to comply and put away their Wives The one was in relation to the publick Confessions they were to make Which were put into their Mouths by others and drawn up for them in that manner as made them tell horrible Lies They must speak their own Shame in Bills of their Penance lying against themselves most vilely and most shamefully disabling their Credit and Estimation for ever And to give an Instance One such Confession which was much cried out against was made by one Sir Iohn Busby of Windsor Iune 29. in the Year 1555. Which Ponet calleth a goodly Confession of his hearty and earnest Repentance Which saith he was so finely penned and so Catholickly tracted that I warrant you it was none of the smallest Fools that forged it The other thing was that after these poor Men had thus done their Penances and spoke their Confessions the Imposers of these Penalties upon them were not so good as they pretended they would be and as the Queen's Instructions required them to be towards them Not restoring them to their Ministration Some that had been two or three Years parted from their Wives could not be admitted again to Ministration yet they must do open Penance and go by the Cross without any Redemption or Entreaty that could be made CHAP. IX Evils in this Change A Parliament BY this time the face of the Church was perfectly changed and all the Reformation that was made for twenty Years before namely from Cranmer's first ascent to the Archiepiscopal Chair to this time was unravelled in less than a Year and abolished But the Favourers of the Gospel lamented it exceedingly And Bishop Ridley writ a Treatise wherein he shewed what a deplorable Change in Religion this was by setting down at large what Religion was in K. Edward's Days and what it was at that present laying the Cause of this sore Judgment upon the vile and naughty Lives of the People so unsuitable to the good Religion professed The Professors lamented two great Evils lighting upon the People upon this turn of Religion Not only that it brought the People into error and Superstition but involved them universally in the Crime of Perjury The blame of which they laid upon the Popish Clergy For they not only had connived at but allowed and encouraged the casting off the Pope's Supremacy and made both Priests and Laity swear to the King And now they set up the Pope's Authority again in England and required all to swear to that For they compelled not only such as were Priests to perjure themselves but all the Laity Nobility Gentry Magistrates Merchants and others for hardly any were exempted the Oath of Supremacy in the former Reigns For in every Law-day the Keepers of the same were sworn to call all the Young Men of their Hundred even as they came to Years of Discretion to swear never to receive the Bishop of Rome nor no other Foreign Potentate to be Head of the People of England but only the King and his Successors Which Oath if it were unlawful as the Clergy-Men now said then all the Realm had reason of high Displeasure against them that so led them and knew it Such gross Dissembling were the Bishops guilty of to the involving the People in Guilt And this dissembling Quality the Priests still retained in this Queen's Days For when any came to some of them shewing them that his Conscience was not satisfied in the present way of Religion the Priest would tell him that he said the Truth My Conscience would he say is as yours but we must bear for a time and that he himself looked for another Change When another of a contrary Opinion came to the Priests and talked about Religion they would say to him That they had been deceived and thanks be to God said they that ye kept your Conscience all this while And even so was mine but I durst not do any otherwise but trusted that this time would come as is now thanks be to God Nay and sometimes in the same Town they would minister the Service two ways to the People to please both In
which agrees within a Day a Passage at the end of a Piece of Bucer's intituled Explicatio de vi usu S. Ministerii where it is said That he died at Cambridg before he finish'd it Pridie Cal. Martias Anno 1551. I have one Learned Man more behind to mention and he our own Country-Man to whom our Arch-bishop was a Patron and that is the celebrated Antiquarian Iohn Leland Library-keeper to Henry VIII and who by a Commission under the Broad Seal granted to him for that purpose by the King had got together a vast Heap of Collections of the Historical Antiquities of this Nation which he was many Years a making by his Travels and diligent Searches into the Libraries of Abbies and Religious-Houses before and at their Dissolution and elsewhere From whence he intended to compile a compleat History of the Antiquities of Britain To which he wholly devoted himself But being at that time poor and the Charges of such an Undertaking great he wanted some Body to make this known to the King and to recommend him effectually to his Favour and Countenance and to procure him a Royal Gratuity For which purpose he made his Application to Cranmer who he well knew was the great Encourager of Learning and Ingenuity in a very elegant Address in Verse as he was an excellent Poet. And I am apt to think the Preferments that soon after befel him as a good Parsonage near Oxford and a Canonry of the King's College in that University and a Prebendship elsewhere accrued to him by the means of the Arch-bishop laying open his State before the King His Copy of Verses were as follow Ad Thomam Cranmerum Cantiorum Archiepiscopum EST congesta mihi domi supellex Ingens aurea nobilis venusta Qua totus studeo Britanniarum Vero reddere gloriam nitori Sed fortuna meis noverca coeptis Iam felicibus invidet maligna Quare ne pereant brevi vel hora Multarum mihi noctium labores Omnes patriae simul decora Ornamenta cadant suusque splendor Antiquis malè desit usque rebus Cranmere eximium decus piorum Implorare tuam benignitatem Cogor Fac igitur tuo sueto Pro candore meum decus patronumque Vt tantùm faveat roges labori Incoepto pretium sequetur amplum Sic nomen tibi litterae elegantes Rectè perpetuum dabunt suósque Partim vel titulos tibi receptos Concedet memori Britannus ore Sic te posteritas amabit omnis Et fama super aethera innotesces CHAP. XXVIII Arch-bishop Cranmer's Relations and Chaplains TO look now a little into the Arch-bishop's more private and domestick Concerns He had two Wives While he was Fellow of Iesus College in Cambridg not being in Orders he married his first named Ioan dwelling at the Dolphin opposite to Iesus Lane which I think is a publick House to this Day Which occasioned some of his Enemies afterwards to say That he was once an Ostler because he lodged sometime with his Wife at that House Her he buried within a Year dying in Child-bed And then for divers Years he continued studying hard and reading Learned Lectures in the University and bringing up Youth till he was called to the Court His second Wife named Ann he married in Germany while he was Ambassador there By her he had Children In King Henry's Reign he kept her Secret and upon the Act of the Six Articles he sent her away into Germany that he might give no Offence nor draw any Danger upon himself In the time of King Edward when the Marriage of the Clergy was allowed he brought her forth and lived openly with her He had Children that survived him For whose sake an Act of Parliament passed in the Year 1562 to restore them in Blood their Father having been condemned for Treason in consenting to the Lady Iane's Succession to the Crown For which yet he was pardoned by Queen Mary Probably the Pardon was only Verbal or not Authentickly enough drawn up or might admit of some Doubt To take off which such an Act was procured How many Children he had or what Issue remains of them to this Day I am not able after all my Enquiries to shew His Wife survived him For we may give so much Credit to a very angry Book writ against the Execution of Iustice in England by Cardinal Allen Which charging the Arch-bishop with Breach of Vows saith That at the very Day and Hour of his Death he was sacrilegiously joined in pretended Marriage to a Woman notwithstanding his Vow and Order And living she was toward the latter End of Arch-bishop Parker's Time and for her Subsistence enjoyed an Abby in Nottingham-shire which King Henry upon Dr. Butt's his Motion without the Arch-bishop's knowledg granted to him and his Heirs For his Wife and Children he could not escape many a Taunt from his Enemies behind his Back and one to his Face from Dr. Martin one of those that were commissionated to sit as Judges upon him at Oxford He told him in reproach That his Children were Bondmen to the See of Canterbury Whether there be any such old canon-Canon-Law I know not But the Arch-bishop smiled and asked him If a Priest at his Benefice kept a Concubine and had Children by her whether those Children were Bond-men to the Benefice or no And that he trusted they would make his Childrens Case no worse I find two of his Name in King Edward's Reign but whether they were his or his Brother Edmund's Sons or some other Relations I cannot tell There was one Richard Cranmer one of the Witnesses at the Abjuration of Ashton Priest an Arian 1548. Daniel Cranmer of Bilsington of the Diocess of Canterbury who about administring to a Will was for contumacy to the Court of Canterbury Excommunicate and a Significavit was issued out against him thereupon in the Year 1552. There was also a Thomas Cranmer about these Times who bought something in Ware-Lane of the City of Canterbury He was Publick Notary and Register to the Arch-deacon in the Year 1569. I find likewise one Robert Cranmer Esq. who was Nephew to the Arch-bishop and alive at the latter End of Queen Elizabeth This Robert left one only Daughter and Heiress named Ann. Whom Sir Arthur Harris of Crixey in Essex married and enjoyed with her three Manors Postling which came to the said Robert in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth Kingsnorth in Vlcomb and Saltwood Both which he purchased in the latter end of that Queen Upon whose Grandchild Sir Cranmer Harris of Lincoln's-Inn Kt. those Estates descended There was another Cranmer of Canterbury who enjoyed a Manor called Sapinton in Petham in Kent One of whose Off-spring by descent successively was intitled to the Propriety of it and was alive when Philpot published his Book of that County viz. 1659. There â—e living at this Time among divers others two Knights of this Name Sir Cesar Cranmer once belonging
a firm Purpose to conform himself thereunto and so continue to proceed from time to time shewing himself a sober and fruitful Hearer and Learner This whole Preface for the Antiquity and Usefulness of it and to preserve as much as we can of the Writings of this most Reverend Man I have transcribed and placed in the Appendix The Edition in the Year 1540 had a remarkable Frontispiece before it Which because it is somewhat rare both in regard of the Antiquity and Device of it I will relate In the upper â—art thereof you see King Henry VIII sitting in State guarded on each hand of him with the Lords Spiritual and Temporal holding in his right Hand a Bible closed which he delivered unto Arch-bishop Cranmer being on his Knee in the Name of the rest of the Bishops all which stood at his right Hand bare-headed their Mitres lying up-the Ground in token of their Acknowledgment of the King's Supremacy and this Motto issuing out of the King's Mouth Haec praecipe doce Holding also in his left Hand another Bible stretched towards the Lords Temporal and delivered to one whom I suppose to be intended for the Lord Crumwel at the head of them standing on the left Side and this Word coming out of the King's Mouth towards them Quod justum est judicate and this Ita parvum audietis ut magnum and this A me constitutum est decretum ut in Vniverso Imperio Regno meo homines revereantur paveant Deum Viventem Among these Nobles is the Figure of one on his Knees and these Words issuing out of his Mouth Verbum tuum Lucerna pedibus meis Over the King's Head is the Figure of God Almighty sitting in the Clouds with these Words coming out of his Mouth in a Scrole towards the right Hand Verbum quod egredietur de me non revertetur ad me vacuum sed faciet quaecunque volui And in another Scrole towards the Left with his Hand pointing to the King Ecce servum qui faciet omnes voluntates meas Underneath the Bishops there is another Figure representing Arch-bishop Cranmer his Coat of Arms by him with the distinction of a Crescent He stood with his Mitre on his Head and dress'd in his Pontificalibus his Chaplain behind him and a Priest with a Tonsure kneeling before him in the posture of a Candidate for Priests Orders and having his Hand stretched out to receive the Bible offered him by the Arch-bishop and out of his Mouth this Scrole Pascite qui in vobis est gregem Christi On the other Side opposite to the Arch-bishop and underneath the Lords Temporal stood another Person whom I conjecture to be the Lord Crumwel with his Shield by him blank without any bearing and out of his Mouth came Diverte a malo sequere pacem persequere In the lowest part of this Fronticepiece you have the resemblance of a Priest preaching out of a Pulpit before a great Auditory of Persons of all Ranks Qualities Orders Sexes Ages Men Women Children Nobles Priests Souldiers Tradesmen Countrymen Out of the Mouth of the Preacher went this Verse Obsecro igitur primum omnium fieri obsecrationes orationes postulationes gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus pro regibus c. Implying the Benefit accruing to Princes by the Peoples Knowledg of the Scriptures namely That it taught them to obey and pray for them And out of the Mouths of these Hearers of all sorts issued Vivat Rex Vivat Rex and out of the Mouths of the Children God save the King denoting the great Joy the People conceived for the enjoyment of God's Word and the preaching thereof and their Thankfulness to the King for his Permission of the same In the middle stood the Title of the Bible which was this The Bible in English that is to say The Contents of all the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament with a Prologue thereunto made by the Reverend Father in God Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury This is the Bible appointed to the Use of the Churches Printed by Richard Grafton Cum Privilegio ad imprimendum solum An. Dom. MDXL. CHAP. XXXIV Arch-bishop Cranmer compassionate towards Sufferers for Religion AS he had a great Love and Value for the eminent Professors and Patrons of the Gospel so he bare a most compassionate Spirit towards those that suffered for the sake of it It made a very greaâ— Impression upon him when he heard that Sir Iohn Cheke had been taken up and Indicted soon after Queen Mary's access to the Crown namely in the Month of August which was the next Month after And not knowing wherefore he was Indicted whether for his meddling in the Lady Iane's Business or for his Zeal in promoting Religion he earnestly desired Sir William Cecyl to inform him whether If for the former Considering as he said he had been none of the chief Doers in that Matter he hoped he should have been one of them that should have partaken of the Queen's Favour But if it were for the latter viz. his earnestness in Religion if he suffer for that said he Blessed is he of God that suffereth for his sake howsoever the World judg of him For what ought we to care for the Iudgment of the World when God absolves us But wishing most passionately withal That some means might be used for the Relief of him and the Lord Russel who it seems was clap'd up for the same Cause And indeed as our Arch-bishop was in the time of King Edward he was the same under King Henry that is the common Patron as far as he might or dared of such Priests who were drawn into Trouble for professing or preaching that Gospel So he shewed himself to Turner before-mentioned And in the Year 1533 or 1534 I find him in a Commission for the relieving of another that had been most straitly and rigorously handled by Stokesly then Bishop of London and his Chancellor His Name was Thomas Patmore Parson of Hadham in Hertfordshire a Learned and Godly Man who had by them been condemned to Imprisonment for Life together with the loss of his Benefice and Goods because he had perswaded his Curat to marry a Wife and being privy to his Marriage did nevertheless suffer him to officiate in his Church And because he had preached certain Doctrines at Cambridg as laying little stress upon the Pope's Curse and that we are saved only by God's Mercy and that all that are saved are saved by Faith and that it is against God's Law to burn Hereticks This poor Man after three Years close Imprisonment in Lollards-Tower by the Means of his Friends who put up frequent Petitions to the King and the Lady Ann Bolen was at last released and obtained of the King a Commission to our Arch-bishop to whom were joined Audley Lord Chancellor and Crumwel Secretary of State to enquire into his Injuries and unjust handling and to determine
Carnal Presence For a Conclusion let the Reader not hear me but another speak for our Arch-bishop against one of these Calumniators and he a Portugal Bishop After Cranmer by hearing of the Gospel began to savour of Christian Profession what Wickedness was ever reported of him With what outrage of Lust was he enflamed What Murders what seditious Tumults what secret Conspiracies were ever seen or suspected so much to proceed from him Unless ye account him blame-worthy for this that when King Henry Father to Mary upon great Displeasure conceived was for some secret Causes determined to strike off her Head this Reverend Arch-bishop did pacify the Wrath of the Father and with mild continual Intercession preserved the Life of the Daughter Who for Life preserved acquitted her Patron with Death As concerning his Marriage if you reproachfully impute that to Lust which Paul doth dignify with so honourable a Title I do answer That he was the Husband of one Wife with whom he continued many Years more chastly and holily than Osorius in that his stinking sole and single Life peradventure one Month tho he flee never so often to his Catholick Confessions And I see no Cause why the Name of a Wife shall not be accounted in each respect as Holy with the true Professors of the Gospel as the Name of a Concubine with the Papists Thus Fox And so I have at last by God's favourable Concurrence finished this my Work and have compiled an imperfect History yet with the best Diligence I could of this singular Arch-bishop and blessed Martyr and in the conclusion have briefly vindicated him from those many false Surmises and Imputations that his implacable Enemies of the Roman Faction have reported and published abroad against him Not contented with the shedding of his Blood unless they stigmatized his Name and Memory and formed the World into a belief that he was one of the vilest Wretches that lived who in Reality and Truth appeareth to have been one of the holiest Bishops and one of the best Men that Age produced THE END THE APPENDIX TO THE MEMORIALS OF Archbishop Cranmer THE APPENDIX TO THE MEMORIALS OF Archbishop Cranmer NUM I. Account of Mr. Pool's Book by Dr. Cranmer To the Ryght honorable and my syngular good Lorde my Lorde of Wylshire IT may please your Lordeshipe to bee advertised that the Kynge his grace my Lady your wyfe my Lady Anne your doughter be in good helth whereof thankes be to God As concernynge the Kinge hys cause Mayster Raynolde Poole hath wrytten a booke moch contrary to the kinge hys purpose wyth such wytte that it appereth that he myght be for hys wysedome of the cownsel to the kinge hys grace And of such eloquence that if it were set forth and knowne to the commen people I suppose yt were not possible to persuade them to the contrary The pryncypal intent whereof ys that the kinge hys grace sholde be contente to commyt hys grete cause to the jugement of the pope wherein me semeth he lacketh moch jugement But he swadeth that with such goodly eloquence both of words and sentence that he were lyke to persuade many but me hee persuadeth in that poynt no thynge at al. But in many other thynges he satysfyeth me very wel The som wherof I shal shortly reherse Furst he sheweth the cause wherfore he had never pleasure to intromytte hymself in this cause And that was the trouble which was lyke to ensue to this realme therof by dyversitie of tytles Wherof what hurte myght come we have had exsample in our fathers dayes by the tytles of Lancaster and Yorke And where os god hath gyven many noble gyfts unto the kinge hys grace as wel of body and mynde os also of fortune yet this excedeth al other that in hym al tytles do mete and come togyder and this Realme ys restored to tranquillitie and peace so oweth he to provide that this londe fal not agayne to the forsaide mysery and troble which may come aswel by the people within this realme which thynke surely that they have an hayre lawful alâ—â—ady with whom they al be wel contente and wolde be sory to have any other And yt wolde be harde to persuade thaym to take any other levynge her os also by the Emperour whych ys a man of so grete power the quene beying hys awnt the Princes hys nece whome he so moch doth and ever hath favored And where he harde reasons for the kynge hys party that he was moved of god hys lawe which doth straytly forbed and that with many gret thretts that no man shal mary hys brother hys wife And os for the people yt longeth not to thayr judgement and yet yt ys to be thought that thay wil be contente whan thay shal knowe that the awncyente Doctores of the Chyrch and the determinations of so many grete vniversities be of the kynge hys sentence And os concernynge the Emperour if he be so unryghtful that he wyl mayntene an unjust cause yet god wil never fayl thaym that stonde opon his party and for any thynge wyl not transgresse hys commawndments And besyde that we shal not lacke the ayde of the Frenshe kynge whyche partely for the Lege whych he hath made with us and partly for the dyspleasure and olde grutch which he bereth toward the Emperour wolde be glad to have occasion to be avenged Thies reasons he bryngeth for the kyngs party agaynst hys owne opynyon To which he maketh answer in this maner Fyrst os towchynge the Lawe of god he thynketh that yf the kinge were pleased to take the contrary parte he myght os wel justifie that and have os good grownde of the scripture therfore os for that parte which he now taketh And yet if he thought the kyngs party never so juste and that this his mariage were undowtedly agaynst godds pleasure than he cowde not deny but yt sholde be wel done for the kynge to refuse this mariage and to take another wyfe but that he sholde be a doar therin and a setter forwarde therof he cowde never fynde in hys harte And yet he grawnteth that he hath no good reason therfore but only affection which he bereth and of dewty oweth unto the kyngs parson For in so doing he sholde not only wayke ye and utterly take away the Princes Title but also he must neds accuse the most and cheife parte of al the kyngs lyfe hiderto which hath bene so infortunate to lyve more than xx yers in a matrimony so shameful so abominable so bestial and agaynst nature yf it be so os the books which do defend the kyngs party do say that the abomination therof ys naturally wrytten and graven in every mans harte so that none excusation can be made by ignorance And thus to accuse the noble nature of the kyngs grace and to take away the title of hys succession he cowde never fynd in hys harte were the kyngs cause never so
to the Kinges grace beseching him to send his honorable Lettres under his Seal down to whom he please in my Diocess That they may show and publish that it is not his pleasure that soche bookes should be had or red and also punish soch as saith so I trust before this letter shal come unto you my said L. Abbot hath done so That said Abbot hath the names of some that crakyth in the Kings name that their false opinions shold go forth and wil dy in the quarrel that their ungracious opinions be true and trustyth by Michaelmas day there shal be more that shal beleve of thair opinion than they that beleivyth the contrary If I had known that your Grace had been at London I would have commaunded the said Abbot to have spoken with you But your Grace may send for him when ye please and he shal show you my whole mynd in that matier and how I thought best for the suppression of soch as holdyth these arroneous opinions For if they continue any time I thynk they shal undoe us all The said Abbot departed from me on Monday last and sith that tyme I have had much trouble and business with others in like matters And as they say that whersomever they go they hear say that the Kings pleasure is the N. Testament in English shal go forth and men sholde have it and read it And from that opinion I can no wayes induce them But I had greater authority to punish them then I have Wherfore I beseech your good Lordship to advertise the Kinges grace as I trust the said Abbot hath done before this letter shal come unto your grace that a remedy may be had But now it may be done wel in my Diocess for the Gentlemen and the Communalty be not greatly infected But merchants and soch that hath their abiding not far from the Sea The said Abbot of Hyde can show you of a Curate and well learned in my Diocess that exhorted his Parishioners to believe contrary to the Catholic faith There is a Colledg in Cambridg called Gunnel haule of the foundatâ—â—n of a Bp. of Norwich I hear of no clerk that hath commen out lately of that Colledg but savoryth of the frying pan tho he speak never so holily I beseech your grace to pardon me of my rude and tedious writing to you the zeal and love that I owe to Almighty God cawse me this to do And thus Almighty God long preserve your Grace in good prosperity and health At Hoxne the xiiij th day of May 1530. Your obediensary and dayly Orator NUM XIII Archbishop Cranmer to King Henry Complaining of a Prior in Canterbury that had preached against him PLesyth it your Grace to be advertised That wher as wel by your Graces special letters dated the third day of Iune in the xxvij th year of your Graces most noble reign as also by mouth in Wynchester at Mich. last past your Grace commanded al the Prelates of your Realm that they with al acceleration and expedition shold do their diligence every one in his Diocess fully to persuade your people of the Bp. of Rome his authority that it is but a false and injust Usurpation and that your Grace of veray right and by Gods law is the Supreme Head of this Church of England next immediately unto God I to accomplish your Graces Commandment incontinent upon my return from Wynchester knowing that al the Country about Otford and Knol where my most abode was were sufficiently instructed in those matters already came up into these parts of East Kent onely by preaching to persuade the people in the said two Articles and in mine own church at Canterbury Because I was informed that that Towne in those two points was least perswaded of al my Diocess I preached there two Sermons my self And as it then chaunced Dr. Leighton was present at my first Sermon being then your Graces Visitor Of whom if it so please your Grace you may heare the report what I preached The scope and effect of both my Sermons stood in three things First I declared that the Bp. of Rome was not Gods Vicar in earth as he was taken And although it is so taught these three or four hundred years yet it is done by means of the Bp. of Rome who compelled men by oaths so to teach to the maintenance of his authority contrary to God's word And here I declared by what means and craft the Bp. of R. obtained such usurped authority Seconde Bycause the See of R. was called Sancta Sedes Romana and the Bp. was called Sanctissimus Papa and mennys consciences peradventure could not be quiet to be separated from so holy a place and from Gods most holy Vicar I shewed the people that this thing ought nothing to move theym For it was but a Holines in name For indeed there was no such holines at Rome And hereupon I took occasion to declare his glory and the Pomp of Rome the Covetousnes the unchast living and the maintenance of al vices Thirde I spake against the Bp. of R. his lawes Which he calleth Divinas Lâ—ges and Sacros Canones and makes them equal with Gods Law And here I declared that many of the Laws were veray contrary And some of theym which were good and laudable yet they were not of such holines as he would make theym that is to be taken as Gods laws or to have remission of sins by observing theym And here I sayd that so many of his laws as were good men ought not to contemne or despise them and wilfully to break theym For those that be good your G. hath received as laws of your Realm until such time as others shold be made And therfore as lawes of your realm they must be observed and not contempned And here I spake as wel of the Ceremonies of the Church as of the foresaid lawes that they ought neither to be rejected or despised nor yet to be observed with this opinion that they of themselfes make men holy or that they remit sins For seeing that our sins be remitted by the death of our Savior Christ Jesus I sayd it was too moch injury to Christ to impute the remission of our sins to any Lawes or ceremonies of mans making Nor the Laws and ceremonies of the Church at their first making were ordeined for that intent But as the common lawes of your G's realm be not made to remit sins nor no man doth observe theym for that intent but for a common commodity and for a good order and quietnes to be observed among your Subjects evyn so were the laws and ceremonies first instituted in the Church for a good order and for remembrances of many good things but not for remission of our sinns And though it be good to observe theym wel for that intent they were first ordened yet it is not good but a contumely unto Christ to observe theym with this opinion that they remit
sins or that the veray bare observation of theym in it self is a holines before God Although they be remembrances of many holy things or a disposition unto goodness And evyn so do the lawes of your G's realm dispose men unto justice unto peace and other true and perfect holines Wherfore I did conclude for a general rule that the people ought to observe theym as they do the laws of your G's realm and with no more opinion of holines or remission of sin then the other common Laws of your G's realm Though my two Sermons were long yet I have written briefly unto your Highness the sum of theym both And I was informed by sundry reports that the people were glad that they heard so much as they did until such time as the Prior of the black frears at Canterbury preached a sermon as it was thought and reported clean contrary unto al the three things which I had preached before For as touching the first part which I had preached against the erroneous doctrin of the Bp. of R. his power which error was that by God's Law he should be Gods Vicar here in earth the Prior would not name the Bp. of R. but under color spake generally That the Church of Christ never erred And as touching the second part where I spake of the Vices of the Bishops of R. And there to the Prior said that he would not sclawnder the Bishops of Rome And he said openly to me in a good Audience that he knew no vices by none of the Bishops of Rome And he said also openly that I preached uncharitably whan I said that these many years I had daily prayed unto God that I might see the power of Rome destroyed and that I thanked God that I had now seen it in this realm And yet in my sermon I declared the cause wherfore I so prayed For I said that I perceived the See of Rome work so many things contrary to Gods honor and the wealth of this realm and I saw no hope of amendment so long as that See reigned over us And for this cause onely I had prayed unto God continually that we might be separated from that See and for no private malice or displesure that I had either to the Bp. or See of Rome But this seemed an uncharitable prayer to the Prior that the power of Rome should be destroyed And as for the third part where I preached against the Laws of the Bp. of Rome that they ought not to be taken as Gods Lawes nor to be esteemed so highly as he would have them the Prior craftily leaving out the name of the Bp. of Rome preached that the Lawes of the Church be equal with Gods lawes These things he preached as it is proved both by sufficient witnes and also by his own confession I leave the judgment hereof unto your G. and to your Councel whether this were a defence of the Bp. of Rome or not And I onely according to my bounden duty have reported the truth of the Fact But in mine opinion if he had spoken nothing else yet whosoever saith that the Church never erred maintaineth the Bp. of Rome his power For if that were not erroneous that was taught of his power That he is Christs Vicar in earth and by Gods law Head of al the World spiritual and temporal and that al people must believe that De necessitate Salutis and that whosoever doth any thing against the See of Rome is an heretick and that he hath authority also in Purgatory with such other many false things which were taught in times past to be Articles of our Faith if these things were not erroneous yea and errors in the Faith then must nedis your G's Laws be erroneous that pronounce the Bp. of Rome to be of no more power by Gods Law than other Bishops and theym to be Traitors that defend the contrary This is certain that whosoever saith that the Church never erred must either deny that the church ever taught any such errors of the Bp. of Rome his power and then they speak against that which al the world knoweth and al books written of that matter these three or four hundred years do testifie or else they must say that the said errors be none errors but truths And then it is both treason and heresy At my first Examination of him which was before Christmas he said that he preached not against me nor that I had preached any thing amiss But now he saith that I preached amiss in very many things and that he purposely preached against me And this he reporteth openly By which words I am marvellously sclawndered in these parts And for this cause I beseech your G. that I may not have the judgment of the cause for so moch as he taketh me for a party but that your G. would commit the hearing therof unto my L. Privy Seal or else to associate unto me some other persons at your G's plesure that we may hear the case joyntly together If this man who hath so highly offended your G. and preached against me openly being Ordinary and Metropolitane of this Province and that in soch matters as concerne the misliving and the laws of the Bp. of Rome and that also within mine own church if he I say be not looked upon I leave unto your G's prudence to expend what example this may be unto others with like colour to maintain the Bp. of Rome his authority and also of what estimation I shal be reputed hereafter and what credence shal be given unto my preaching whatsoever I shal say hereafter I beseech your G. to pardon me of my long and tedious writing For I could not otherwise set the matter forth plaine And I most heartily thank your G. for the Stag which your G. sent unto me from Wyndsor Forest. Which if your G. knew for how many causes it was welcome unto me and how many ways it did me service I am sure you would think it moch the better bestowed Thus our Lord have you Highness alwayes in his preservation and governance From Ford the xxvj day of August Your Graces most humble Chaplain and bedisman T. Cantuarien NUM XIV The Archbishop to Mr. Secretary Crumwel concerning his styling himself Primate of al England RIght worshipful in my most harty wise I commend me unto you Most hartily thanking you for that you have signified unto me by my Chaplain Mr. Champion the complaint of the Bp. of Winchester unto the Kings Highnes in two things concerning my Visitation The one is that in my style I am written Totius Angliae Primas to the derogation and prejudice of the Kings high power and authority being Supreme Head of the Church The other is that his Dioces not past five years agone was visited by my Predecessor and must from henceforth pay the tenth part of the Spiritualties according to the Act granted in the last Sessions of Parlament Wherfore he thinketh that his
Diocess should not be charged with my Visitation at this time First as concerning my style Wherein I am named Totius Angliae Primas I suppose that to make his cause good which else indeed were naught he doth mix it with the King's cause As ye know the man lacketh neither learning in the law neither witty invention ne craft to set forth his matters to the best that he might appear not to maintain his own cause but the Kings Against whose Highnes he knoweth right wel that I wil maintain no cause but give place and lay both my cause and my self at my Princes feet But to be plain what I think of the Bp. of Winchester I cannot persuade with my self that he so much tendereth the Kings cause as he doth his own that I should not visit him And that appeareth by the veray time For if he cast no further then the defence of the Kings G's authority or if he intend that at al why moved he not the matier before he received my Monition for my Visitation Which was within four miles of Winchester delivered unto him the xxii day of April last as he came up to the Court. Moreover I do not a little mervayl why he should now find fault rather then he did before when he took the Bp. of Rome as chief Head For though the Bp. of R. was taken for Supreme Head notwithstanding that he had a great number of Primates under him And by having his Primates under him his Supreme authority was not less esteemed but much the more Why then may not the Kings Highnes being Supreme Head have Primates under him without a diminishing but with the augmenting of his said Supreme Authority And of this I doubt not at all but the Bp. of Winchester knoweth as well as any man living that in case this said style or title had been in any poynt impediment or hindrance to the Bp. of Rome's usurped authority it would not have so long been unreformed as it hath been For I doubt not but all the Bushops of England would ever gladly have had the Archbushops both authority and title taken away that they might have been equal together Which well appeareth by the many contentions against the Archbushops for jurisdiction in the Court of Rome Which had be easily brought to pass if the Bushops of R. had thought the Archbushops titles and styles to be an erogation to their Supreme authority Al this notwithstanding if the Bushops of this realm pas no more of their names styles and titles then I do of mine the Kings Highnes shal soon order the matier betwixt us al. And if I saw that my style were against the Kings authority whereunto I am especially sworn I would sue my self unto his G. that I might leave it and so would have done before this time For I pray God never be merciful unto me at the general judgment if I perceive in my heart that I set more by any title name or style that I write then I do by the paring of an apple further then it shal be to the setting forth of Gods word and will Yet I wil not utterly excuse me herein For God must be judge who knoweth the bottome of my heart and so do not I my self But I speak for so much as I do feel in my heart For many evil affections ly lurking there and wil not lightly be espied But yet I would not gladly leave any just thing at the pleasure and suite of the Bp. of Wynchester he being none otherwise affectionate unto me than he is Even at the Beginning of Christs profession Diotrephes desired gerere primatum in Ecclesia as saith S. Iohn in his last Epistle And since he hath had mo successors than al the Apostles had Of whom have come al these glorious titles styles and pomps into the Church But I would that I and al my Brethren the Bushops would leave al our stiles and write the style of our Offices calling our selves Apostolos Iesâ— Christi so that we took not upon us the name vainly but were so even indeed So that we might order our Diocess in such sort that neither paper parchment lead nor wax but the very Christian Conversation of the people might be the letters and seals of our offices As the Corinthians were unto Paul to whom he said Literae nostrae signa Apostolatus nostri vos estis Now for the second Where the Bp. of Winchester alledgeth the Visitation of my Predecessor and the tenth part now to be payd to the King Truth it is that my Predecessor visited the Dioces of Winchester after the decease of my L. Cardinal Wolsey as he did al other Diocesses Sede Vacante But else I think it was not visited by none of my Predecessors this forty years And notwithstanding that he himself not considering their charges at that time charged them with a new Visitation within less then half a year after and that against al right as Dr. Incent hath reported to my Chancellor the Clergy at that time paying to the King half of their benefices in five years Which is the tenth part every year as they payd before and have payd since and shal pay stil for ever by the last Act. But I am very glad that he hath now some compassion of his Diocess although at that time he had very smal when he did visit them the same year that my Predecessor did visit And al other Bushops whose course is to visit this year kept their Visitations where I did visit the last year notwithstanding the tenth part to be paid to the Kings G. Howbeit I do not so in Winchester Dioces For it is now the third year since that Diocess was Visited by any man So that he hath the least cause to complain of any Bushop For it is longer since his Dioces was visited then the other Therfore where he layeth to aggravate the matier the charges of the late Act granted it is no more against me then against al other Bushops that do visit this year nor maketh no more against me this year then it made against me the last year and shal do every year hereafter For if they were true men in accounting and paying the Kings Subsidies they are no more charged by this new Act then they were for the space of ten years past and shal be charged ever hereafter And thus to conclude if my said L. of Winchesters objections should be allowed this year he might by such arguments both disallow al maner Visitations that hath bee done these ten years past and that ever shal be done hereafter Now I pray you good Master Secretary of your advise whether I shal need to write unto the Kings Highnes herein And thus our Lord have you ever in his preservation At Otteford the 12 day of May. Your own ever assured Thomas Cantuar. NUM XV. The Appeal of Stokesly Bishop of London to the King against the Archbishops Visitation Contra
do any thing offend the said Juges affection By reason that the said Proctors be removeable from their Proctors offices at the said Juges plesure and the same made so beneficial unto theym by reason of the said Statute Than whan the said Proctors shal be in such fear of the said Juges to speak in matier of Instance where the Juge doth bear but a light affection to another man moch more wil they be so in cases of office where the Juge is party himself and hath his own matier in hand And no mervail if they dare not speak in such For it hath not been seldome seen and heard there that it hath been spoken unto such Proctors as hath spoken any thing constantly or freely in their Clients causes by the Juges aforesaid Non es amicus Curiae and that they were threatned of expulsion from their Offices and put to silence Yet no law forbiddeth the contrary but that every man shuld have his lawful defence yea against the Juge himself But if there were many Proctors in the said Courts the Juges could not so lightly keep them al in such subjection and fear of theym Nor than the said Proctors shuld not have so great cause to fear theym so moche seeing their offices shuld not be so beneficial unto theym than And less shuld they yet fear to purpose their Clients right duely if it were ordeined that the same Proctors shuld not be removeable from their Offices at the said Juges plesure as heretofore they were and now are but only for certain great offences proved afore indifferent Juges to be committed by theym after their admission And by reason that the said Proctors be so abandonned unto the said Juges where men had most need of trusty Councillors there they be most destitute of the same as when the Juge is not indifferent For the partiality of a Juge is more to be feared than the manifest malice of an Adversary For the tone hurteth privily and is able to execute his malice and the tother doth apertly al that he goeth about And a man may provide for the avoiding of the intent And he is not so able to execute his purpose as the tother is And though partiality of any Juge is to be greatly feared yet most of al in the Courts spiritual where al depends upon the Juges hands and that one man's commonly For which partiality the remedy of appeal was first invented Which remedy like as it was at the first most wholesomely provided for the avoyding of the iniquity of partial Juges so it is now most wickedly abused for the maintenance of evil doers in their wrongful causes and avoyding of due execution of justice by reason that they be infinite especially after the Canon law For by Civil there is but appellation permitted and that not without penalty on him that shal than appeal without cause and that is more reasonable For like as it is dangerous to abide one mans jugement so it is unreasonable that a man should abide the jugements of never so many And therfore it were very expedient that the same Appeals were restrained somewhat For of theym it is chiefly long that matiers be in maner infinite in the said Courts And that may be the better done by reason that there be two Legates within this Royalm Which were so appoynted because that they might determine al matiers spiritual within this Royalm without moche recourse to Rome being so far from this Country To the foresaid inconveniences may come also through the same statute this abuse following that is to wit if there be a mightier or a richer man that do sue a poorer man in the said Courts the richer man may the sooner by reason that there be so few Proctors retain the most part and the best learned of theym And the other Proctors by reason that they shal be than so wealthy through their great occupying which they shal have whan they be so few wil rather set more by the same great mens favor than the poor mans fee. And therfore wil ether refuse to be retained of the poor mans party or whan they be retained they wil be slack in doing their duty for fear of displeasing the same great men Where if there were many Proctors their Offices would not be excessive gainful but that they set as moche by their fees as by any mans plesure lightly Also the said Statute is a great discourage to young men to leave their Studies in the Law For by the same the reward of Study is taken away and possest by a few And the fewer that be promoted for their Learning the fewer wil study to attain the same And to this it may be occasion that the said Proctors be not so wel learned nor so diligent whan they are so few as they would be if they were many For whan there is choise enough of theym they that are best learned and most diligent shal be alwayes most resorted And than shal they study every man to excel other in learning and diligence whan they se such chiefly resorted unto And so no man wil labour than to be a Proctor unles he be wel learned seeing that learned men shuld only have al the most resort And they that be unlearned wil away and provide theym Livings elsewhere whan they see theymself nothing frequented with causes Furthermore the said Statute is plain contrary to their own law of Civil and Canon For by the same it is permitted for every man to be Proctor for other but only a few which are especially and justly excepted by the same as a Woman a child a madd man and such other And by the said statute it is prohibited that no man shal procure in the said Court for other but only a few that are especially admitted therto and that within a precise and incompetent nombre The said Law doth except and repel very few and that of theym that are not meet to procure and the said statute doth yet admit fewer and that of theym that are sufficiently qualified to procure So that White and Black can be no more contrary together than the said Law and Statute be each to other And though any man would rather prefer the said Law before the said Statute if he did but only consider how that the Law is made so long ago by the concord and discrete opinion of so many great and wise Clerks and holy men and afterward approved by continual usage of divers countries and long succession of time and experiently known to be wholsomely ordeined for the common wele And of the tother side how that the said Statute is but lately made by the procurement of a few private persons for their singular advantage approved by no tract of time to be profitable for the Common wele but experiently known to be contrary Yet beside that if al that were set apart the Law is grounded upon better reason then the said Statute is For seeing
cease from keeping of theym For the Kings own House shal be an example unto al the realm to break his own ordinances Over this whereas your Lp. hath twice written for this poor man William Gronnow the bearer hereof to my L. Deputy of Callis for him to be restored to his room as far as I understand it prevayled nothing at al. For so he can get none answer of my L. Deputy So tha◠the poor man dispaireth that your request shal do him any good If your Lp. would be so good to him as to obtain a bil signed by the Kings Grace to the Treasurers and Controlers of Callis for the time being commanding theym to pay to the said W. Gronnow his accustomed Wages yearly and to none other your Lp. should not only not further trouble my L. Deputy any more but also do a right meritorious deed For if the poor man be put thus from his Living he were but utterly undone Thus my Lord right hartily fare you wel At Ford the xxviij day of August Your Lordships own ever T. Cantuariens NUM XX. Richard Grafton the Printer of the Bible to the Lord Crumwel complaining of some that intended to print the Bible and thereby to spoyl his Impression ✚ 1537. MOST humbly beseeching your Lp. to understand that according as your Commission was by my servant to send you certain Bibles so have I now done desiring your Lp. to accept them as though they were wel done And whereas I writ unto your Lp. for a privy Seal to be a defence unto the enemies of this Bible I understand that your Lps. mind is that I shal not need it But now most gracious Lord forasmuch as this work hath been brought forth to our most great and costly labors and charges Which charges amount above the sum of five hundred pounds and I have caused of these same to be printed to the sum of fifteen hundred books complete Which now by reason that of many this work is highly commended there are that wil and doth go about the printing of the same work again in a lesser letter to the intente that they may sel their little books better cheap then I can sel these great and so to make that I shal sel none at al or else very few to the utter undoing of me your Orator and of all those my Creditors that hath been my Comforters and helpers therin And now this work thus set forth with great study and labors shal such persons moved with a little covetousnes to the undoing of others for their own private wealth take as a thing done to their hands In which half the charges shal not come to them that hath done to your poor Orator And yet shall not they do it as they find it but falsify the text that I dare say look how many sentences are in the Bible even so many faults and errors shal be made therin For their seeking is not to set it out to Gods glory and to the edifying of Christs Congregation but for covetousnes And that may appear by the former Bibles that they have set forth which hath neither good paper letters ink nor correction And even so shal they corrupt this work and wrap it up after their fashions and then may they sel it for nought at their pleasures Yea and to make it more truer then it is therfore Dutch men living within this realm go about the printing of it Which can neither speak good English nor yet write none And they wil be both the Printers and Correctors therof Because of a little covetousnes they wil not bestow twenty or forty pounds to a Learned man to take pains in it to have it wel done It were therfore as your Lp. doth evidently perceive a thing unreasonable to permit or suffer them which now hath no such busines to enter into the labors of them that hath made both sore trouble and unreasonable charges And the truth is this that if it be printed by any other before these be sold which I think shal not be these three years at the least that then am I your poor Orator undone Therfore by your most godly favor if I may obtain the Kings most gracious privilege that none shal print them till these be sold which at the least shall not be this three years your Lordship shal not find me unthankful but that to the uttermost of my power I wil consider it And I dare say that so wil my L of Canterbury with other my most special friends And at the last God wil look upon your merciful heart that considereth the undoing of a poor young man For truly my whole Living lyeth hereupon Which if I may have sale of them not being hindred by any other men it shal be my making and wealth and the contrary is my undoing Therfore most humbly I beseech your Lp. to be my helper here that I may obtain this my request Or else if by no means this privilege may be had as I have no doubt through your help it shal and seeing men are so desirous to be printing of it again to my utter undoing as aforesaid that yet forasmuch as it hath pleased the Kings Highnes to Licence this work to go abroad and that it is the most pure religion that teacheth al true obedience and reproveth al schisms and contentions and the lack of this word of Almighty God is the cause of al blindnes and superstition It may therfore be commanded by your Lp. in the name of our most gracious Prince that every Curate have one of them that they may learn to know God and to instruct their Parishens Yea and that every Abby should have six to be layd in six several places and that the whole Covent and the resorters therunto may have occasion to look on the Lords Law Yea I would have none other but they of the Papistical sort should be compelled to have them And then I know there should be ynow found in my L. of Londons Diocess to spend away a great part of them And so should this be a godly act worthy to be had in remembrance while the world doth stand And I know that a smal Commission wil cause my Lords of Cant. Salisbury and Worseter to cause it to be done through their Diocesses Yea and this should cease the whole schism and contention that is in the realm Which is some calling them of the Old and some of the New Now should we al follow one God one Book and one Learning And this is hurtful to no man but profitable to all men I wil trouble your Lp. no lenger for I am sorry I have troubled you so much But to make an end I desire your most gracious answer by my servant For the sickness is bryme about us or would I wait upon your Lp. And because of coming to your Lp. I have not suffered my servant with me since he came over Thus for your continual preservation I with
al that truly love God do most heartily pray that you may overcome al you adversaries of the Papistical sort Your Orator Rychard Grafton NUM XXI Archbishop Cranmer to the King for a Suffragan of Dover EXcellentiss potentiss in Christo Principi Dno nostro Dn. Henrico Octavo Dei gra Angliae Fr. regi Fidei Defensori Dno Hiberniae ac in terris Supremo Ecclesiae Angl. capiti Vester humilis Orator Subditus Thomas permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus totius Anglie Primas Metropolit Omnimod Reverentiam Observantiam tanto principi debit condignas cum omni subjectionis honore Ad sedem Episcopalem de Doveria infra Cantuar. Dioc. existen Dilectos michi in Cto Richardum Yngworth Priorem Domus sive Prioratus de Langley Regis Iohannem Codenham Sacrae Theolog. Professores juxta secundum vim formam effectum Statuti Parlamenti hujus inclyti regni vestri Angliae in hoc casu editi provisi vestrae Regiae Majestati per has literas meas nomino praesento ac eidem Majestati vestrae humiliter supplico quatenus alteri corum cui vestra Regia Majestas id munus conferend praeoptaverit titulum nomen stylumque dignitatem episcopalem ac Suffraganeam ad Sedem praedictam misericorditer conferre Ipsumque mihi prefato Archiepiscopo infra cujus Dioc. Provinciam Sedes antedicta consistit per literas vestras Patentes regias intuitu charitatis punctare michique mandare dignetur vestra regia Majestas quatenus ipsum sic nominatum praesentatum in Episcopum Suffraganeum Sedis praedict juxta formam Statuti praedict effectualiter consecrem benedicam caeteraque faciam exequar in ea parte quae ad effectum meum Archiepiscopale spectaverint seu requisita fuerint in praemissis Vivat denique valeat in multos annos vestra regia Celsitudo praelibata in eo per quem reges regnant Principes dominantur Dat' apud Lambeth primo die mensis Decembr Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo tricesimo septimo regni vestri florentiss vicesimo nono NUM XXII The Archbishops letters of Commission to Richard Suffragan of Dover THomas permissione divina Cant. Archiep. tot Angl. Primas Metropolitanus Venerabili confratri nostro Dom. Richardo Dei gra Sedis Doveriae nostrae Diocesios Cant ' Suffraganeo Salutem fraternam in Domino charitatem De tuis fidelitate circumspectionis industria plenam in Domino fiduciam obtinentes ad confirmandum sacri chrismatis unctione pueros quoscúnque infra civitatem Diocesin nostras Cant ' jurisdictiones nostras ecclesiae nostrae Christ. Cant. immediatas ac jurisdictionem nostram villae Calisiae marchias ejusdem sub obedientia Excellentiss Principis Domini nostri Domini Hen. Oct. Dei gratia Angl. Fr. regis fidei Defensoris Domini Hib. ac in terris sub Christo Ecclesiae Anglic. Capitis Supremi ubilibet constitut Necnon altaria calices Vestimenta alia Ecclesiae ornamenta quaecunque ea concernen benedicend locaque profana siquae inveneris de quibus te inquirere Volumus a divinorum celebratione ultime suspendend Ecclesias etiam coemiteria sanguinis vel seminis effusione polluta forsan vel polluend reconciliand Ecclesias altaria noviter aedificat consecrand Omnes ordines minores quibuscunque civitatis Diocesios jurisdictionum nostrarum praedictarum ipsos ordines a te recipere volentib ad hoc habilibus ad jurejurando de renuntiando Rom. Episcopo ejus auctoritati ac de acceptando Regiam Majestatem pro Supremo Capite Ecclesiae Anglic. juxta Statuta hujus regni in hac parte edita ab eisdem ordinand eorum quolibet per te primitus recepto conferend Ac etiam oleum sanctum chrismatis sacrae unctionis consecrand Caeteraque omnia singula quae ad officium Pontificale in praemissis vel aliquo praemissorum quovis modo pertinent vel pertinere poterunt faciend exercend expediend tibi tenore praesentium committimus vices nostras plenam in Domino potestatem Téque quoad praemissa Suffraganeum nostrum ordinamus praeficimus per praesentes donec eas ad nos duxerimus revocand Et ut officium tuum hujusmodi possis in praemissis liberius exercere Vniversis singulis Decanis Rectoribus Vicarijs Capellanis Curatis non Curatis Clericis Apparitoribus quibuscunque in virtute sacrae suae obedientiae firmiter tenore praesentium injungendo mandamus quatenus tibi in praemissis quolibet praemissorum sint obedientes assistentes intendentes in omnibus prout decet In cujus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum praesentibus est appensum Dat. in Manerio nostro de Lamehith Decimo die Decembr Anno Domini mill quin. xxxvij nostrae Consecrationis anno quinto NUM XXIII A Declaration to be read by al Curates upon the publishing of the Bible in English WHeras it hath pleased the Kings Majesty our most dread Sovereign and Supreme Head under God of this Church of England for a Declaration of the great zeal he beareth to the setting forth of Gods word and to the virtuous maintenance of the Common-wealth to permit and command the Bible being translated into our Mother tongue to be sincerely taught by us the Curates and to be openly layd forth in every parish church to the intent that all his good subjects as wel by reading therof as by hearing the true explanation of the same may be able to learn their duties to Almighty God and his Majesty and every of us charitably to use other And then applying themselves to do according to that they shal hear and learn may both speak and do christianly and in al things as it beseemeth christen men Because his Highnes very much desireth that this thing being by him most godly begun and set forward may of al you be received as is aforesaid his Majesty hath willed and commanded this to be declared unto you that his Graces pleasure and high commandment is that in the reading and hearing therof first most humbly and reverently using and addressing your selves unto it you shal have always in your remembrance and memories that al things contained in this book is the undoubted Wil Law and Commandment of Almighty God the only and streit means to know the goodnes and benefits of God towards us and the true duty of every christen man to serve him accordingly And that therfore reading this book with such mind and firm faith as is aforesaid you shal first endeavour your self to conform your own livings and conversation to the contents of the same And so by your good and vertuous example to encourage your wives children and servants to live wel and christianly according to the rules therof And if at any time by reading any doubt shal comen to any of you touching the sense and meaning of any
nec contra praeceptum fierent quae nunc legibus moribus pronuntiant esse contraria Talia inquam constat apud Veteres fuisse usitata nec a bonis quidem viris tunc temporis improbata Quae vel omnia probabunt novi isti homines rerum novarum intro ductores vel aliqua vel nulla Quod si Nulla dicant nobis cur ista admiserunt Si Aliqua quur non reliqua Et praescribant nobis regulam qua sciamus quae sunt admittenda quae vero rejicienda Si Omnia in qua sententia videtur esse Bucerus quaeso te qualem verum faciem quantumque a priore mutatam in ecclesia Videbimus Quam erunt confusa inversa atque praepostera omnia Sed adhuc proprius urgebimus eos interrogabimusque An non tantum quae sub lege facta sunt sed etiam quae ante legem an non tantum quae a Iudaeis sed quae a Gentibus fuerint usitata veluti jure postliminij ad exemplum revocabunt Etsi illa tantum quur non haec aeque atque illa Presertim quae a Sanctioribus Sapientioribus viris ut Socrate Platone Cicerone c. fuerint vel facta vel approbata Quod si utraque concedent concedant nobis Britannis more majorum nostrorum denas duodenasque uxores habere insimul communes maximè fratres cum â—ratribus parentes cum liberis Quod aliquando in hac insula usitatum fuisse Caesar non ignobilis author testatur in Commentarijs Concedant foeminis Christianis quod Solon suis Atheniensibus concesserat ut quae viros parum ad rem Veneream idoneos sortitaâ— fuissent aliquem ex mariti propinquis impune admitterent Concedunt quod Lycurgus coneessit Viris Lacedaemonijs ut qui minus esset ad procreandam prolem idoneus alteri cui vellet suam conjugem impregnandam daret prolem precariò sibi natam ut propriam suo nomine nuncuparet Aut denique quod Romanorum legibus permissum erat ut qui satis liberorum procreasseâ— uxorem suam alteri commodaret prolem desideranti Id quod Cato vir gravissimus sapientissimusque habitus Hortentio amico suo legitur fecisse Talia cum probata fuerint antiquitus viris sapientissimis ac Philosophorum legumque latorum optimis sanctissimis ut Platoni Xenophonti Catoni c. quum eadem fuerint moribus recepta Hebraeorum Graecorum Latinorum quorum populorum Respublicas Politeias constat optimè fuisse constitutas ab omnibus scriptoribus maximè celebratas age faciamus nos si deo placet similia Christianis fratribus permittamus facienda Imo Christus Opt. Max. tam foeda tamque incestuosa connubiorum portenta a sua sancta ecclesia dignetur avertere nunc in diem Domini Amen Haec Ego ad te potissimum Charissime Osiander in presentia scribenda duxi propter eam quae inter nos est jam diu fuit summam necessitudinem familiaritatem quamvis putem atque adeo certo sciam te ab hujusmodi tam absurdis moribus opinionibus quà m alienissimum esse Cum caeteris Vestratibus Doctoribus levior minus arcta michi intercedit amicitia cujus ipsius quoque fateor me multum paeniteret si scirem hos esse fructus novi Evangelij ab ipsis tantopere jactitati a vobis quoque hactenus ut putabamus non temere aliqua ex parte probati Bene vale Dat Lambeth xxvij mo Decembr Tui Amantissimus T. Cantuarien NUM XXX The French Kings Licence to print the English Bible in Paris FRanciscus c. Dilectis nobis Richardo Grafton Edwardo Whitchurch Anglis Civibus Londini Salutem Quia fide digna testimonia accepimus quod carissimus frater noster Anglorum Rex Vobis cujus Subditi estis Sacram Bibliam tam Latinè quam Britannicè sive Anglicè imprimendi imprimi curandi in suum regnum apportandi transferendi libertatem sufficientem legitimam concesserit Et Vos tum propter chartam tum propter alias honestas considerationes animos vestros in hac parte justè moventes dictam Bibliam sic imprimendam Parisijs infra hoc nostrum regnum curaveritis ac in Angliam quamprimum transmittere intenderitis NOS ut haec vobis facere liceat potestatem facientes vobis conjunctim divisim ac Procuratoribus Factoribus Agentibus vestris cujuslibet vestrum ut in regno nostro apud Chalcographum quemcúnque dictam Sacram Bibliam tam Latina quam Anglicana lingua tuto imprimere excudere possitis possint necnon excusa impressa in Angliam duntaxat sine ulla perturbatione aut molestia vel impedimento quocúnque transmittere apportare Dummodo quod sic imprimitis excuditis sincerè purè quantum in Vobis erit citra ullas privatas aut illegitimas opiniones impressum excusum fuerit Et onera ac officia mercatoria nobis ministris nostris debite in hac parte extiterint persoluta licentiam nostram impartimur concedimus specialem per praesentes Dat. c. NUM XXXI Three Discourses of ABp Cranmer occasioned upon his review of the Kings Book intitled The Erudition of a Christian man I. FAITH THIS Book speaks of pure Christian Faith unfeigned which is without colour as wel in heart as in mouth He that hath this Faith converteth from his sin repenteth him that he like Filius prodigus vainly consumed his Wil Reason Wits and other goods which he received of the mere benefit of his heavenly father to his said Fathers displesure and applyeth himself wholy to pleas him again and trusteth assuredly that for Christs sake he wil and doth remit his sins withdraweth his indignation delivereth him from his sin from the power of the Infernal spirits taketh him to his mercy and maketh him his own son and his own heire And he hath also the very Christian Hope that after this life he shal reign ever with Christ in his kingdome For S. Paul saith Si filij sumus haeredes haeredes quidem Dei cohaeredes autem Christi This is the very pure Christian Faith and Hope which every good Christian man ought to profess Believe and Trust and to say of himself even as Iob said Scio quod Redemptor meus vivit c. And as for the other Faith that the Good shal arise unto Glory and the evil unto pain or that those that persevere in Gods precepts and laws so long as they so do they be the right Inheritors of his kingdom this is not the commendation of a Christian his Faith but a most certain proposition which al the Devils believe most certainly And yet they shal never have their sins forgiven by this Faith nor be Inheritors of Gods kingdom Because they lack the very Christian Faith and not trusting to the goodness and mercy of God for their own offences
But they hate God envy his glory and be utterly in dispair For the more large Declaration of the Christian Faith it is to be considered that there is a general Faith which al that be christned as wel good as evil have As to believe that God is that he is the Maker and Creator of al things and that Christ is the Savior and Redeemer of the world and for his sake al penitent sinners shal have remission of their sins And that there shal be a general resurrection at the end of this mortal World At the which Christ shal judge al the Good to joy without end and the Evil to pain without end with such other like thyngs And al these things the Devils also believe and tremble for fear and grievousnes of Gods indignation and torments which they shal endure and ever shal do But they have not the right christen Faith that their own sins by Christs redemption be pardoned and forgiven that themselves by Christ be delivered from Gods wrath and be made his beloved children and heires of his kingdom to come The other Faith have al Devils and wicked christen people that be his Members But this pure christen Faith have none but those that truly belong to Christ and be the very Members of his body and endeavor themselves to persevere in his precepts and lawes altho many pretend to have the same pure Faith which nevertheles have it not but only in their mouths For as there is a ly in the mouth and a ly in the heart even so there is a faith in the mouth and a faith in the heart Examine every man if he Trust in God and Love God above al things And in word he wil answer Yea. But examine every mans acts and deeds and surely in a great number their acts and deeds condemn their words For they walk after their own Wills and plesures and not after Gods commandments And Christ himself saith Qui diligit me mandata mea servat And S. Iohn saith Qui dicit se nosse deum mandata ejus non custodit mendax est And therfore al those that bridle not their own appetites but follow them and accomplish the wil of their own carnal minds they trust in God and trust God no further then the lips And if they persuade themselves that they trust in God and love God in their hearts and be of any estimation before God then be they much deceived and as S. Paul saith they deceive their own hearts Our own flesh and carnal mind is contrary to the Spirit and motion of God And they saith S. Paul that belong unto Christ do crucify their flesh with the affections and lusts therof And contrary he saith They that follow the lusts of the flesh shal not inherit the kingdom of God These be very notable and fearful sentences unto al such as be not repentant but live after their own wills and not after Gods wil neither have the right faith nor Love unto God nor shal be inheriters of his kingdom And though Christ hath payd a sufficient ransome for al the sins in the World and is a sufficient Redeemer and Saviour of al the World yet shal they have no part therof For they belong not unto Christ and Christ utterly refuseth them for his which have Faith and Love only in their mouths and have not the same engraven in their hearts and expressed in their actions and deeds And so he goes on more largely to illustrate this argument of the necessity of more than a mere faith in the mouth Afterwards the Discourse thus procedes If as treacle kept only in the mouth doth not remedy poyson in the whole body but the treacle must enter down into the body and then it altereth the whole body and expells al venome and poyson In like maner he whose profession of his faith is only in his mouth and altereth not his evil life is not forgiven his sins is not delivered from hel nor from the power of Devils is not made the son of God but continueth stil in his poyson of sin in the wrath and indignation of God and in the damnation of the wicked in hell But if the profession of our faith of the remission of our own sinns enter within unto the deepness of our hearts then it must needs kindle a warm fire of Love in our hearts towards God and towards all others for the love of God a fervent mind to seek and procure Gods honor wil and pleasure in al things a good wil and mind to help every man and to do good unto them so far as our Might Wisdome Learning Counsil Health Strength and al other gifts which we have received of God wil extend And in summa a firm intent and purpose to do al that is good and leave al that is evil This is the very right pure perfect lovely christian hearty and justifying Faith which worketh by Love as S. Paul saith and suffereth no venome or poyson of sin to remain within the heart Acts 15. Fide Deus purificans corda But gendreth in the heart a hatred unto al sin and makes a sinner clean a new man and is the Faith which every christen man ought to profess in his Creed And of this Faith runneth al our Paraphrasis upon the same For as for the other fained pretended hypocritical and adulterate Faith in the mouth it is but only a painted visor before men but before God it is hollow within dead rotten and nothing worth II. JUSTIFICATION AND for a further Declaration to know how we obtain our Justification it is expedient to consider first how naughty and sinful we are al that be of Adam's kindred and contrariwise what Mercifulnes is in God which to al faithful and penitent sinners pardoneth al their offences for Christs sake Of these two things no man is lightly ignorant that ever hath heard of the fal of Adam which was to the infection of al his posterity and again of the inexplicable mercy of our heavenly father which sent his only begotten Son to suffer his most grievous passion for us and shed his most precious blood the price of our Redemption But it is greatly to be wished and desired that as al Christen men do know the same so that every man might acknowledg himself a miserable sinner not worthy to be called his son and yet surely trust that to him being repentant Gods mercy is ready to forgive And he that seeth not these two things verified in himself can take no maner of emolument or profit by knowledging and believing the said things to be verified in others But we cannot satisfy our minds settle our conscience that these things be true saving that we do evidently see that Gods word so teacheth us The Commandments of God lay our faults before our eyen which putteth us in fear and dread and maketh us se the wrath of God against our sins As S. Paul saith Per legem agnitio
peccati Et Lex iram operatur And maketh us sorry and repentant that ever we should come into the displeasure of God and the captivity of the Devil The gracious and benign promises of God by the mediation of Christ showeth us and that to our great relief and comfort whensoever we be repentant and return fully to God in our hearts that we have forgiveness of our sins be reconciled to God and be accepted and reputed just and righteous in his sight only by his grace and mercy which he doth grant and give unto us for his dearly beloved Sons sake Jesus Christ who payd a sufficient ransome for our sins whose bloud doth wash away the same whose bitter and grievous passion is the only pacifying oblation that putteth away from us the wrath of God his Father Whose sanctified body offered on the Cross is the only Sacrifice of sweet and pleasant Savour as S. Paul saith that is to say of such sweetnes and pleasantnes to the Father that for the same he accepteth and reputeth of like sweetnes al them that the same offering doth serve for These benefits of God with innumerable others whosoever extendeth and wel pondereth in his heart and therby conceiveth a firm trust and feeling of Gods mercy wherof springeth in his heart a warm love fervent heat of zeal towards God It is not possible but that he shal fal to work and be ready to the performance of al such works as he knoweth to be acceptable unto God And these works only which follow Justification do please God forasmuch as they procede from a heart endued with pure faith and love to God But the works which we do before our Justification be not allowed and accepted before God although they appear never so great and glorious in the sight of men For after our Justification only begin we to work as the law of God requireth then we shal do al good works willingly although not so exactly as the Law requireth by means of the infirmity of the flesh nevertheles by the merits and benefits of Christ we being sorry that we cannot do al things no more exquisitely and duely al our Works shal be accepted and taken of God as most exquisite pure and perfect Now they that think they may come to Justification by performance of the Law by their own deeds and merits or by any other means than is above rehearsed they go from Christ they renounce his grace Evacuati estis a Christo saith S. Paul Gal. 5. Quicunque in lege justificamini a gratia excidistis They be not partakers of his justice that he hath procured or the merciful benefits that be given by him For S. Paul saith a general rule for al them that will seek such by-paths to obtain Justification Those saith he that wil not knowledg the justice or righteousnes which cometh by God but go about to avaunce their own righteousnes shal never come to that righteousnes which we have by God which is the righteousnes of Christ. By whom only al the Saints in Heaven and al others that have been saved have been reputed righteous and justified So that to Christ our only Savior and Redeemer of whose Righteousnes both their and our Justification doth depend is to be transcribed al the glory therof III. FORGIVENES of Injuries THese two may stand both wel together that we as private persons may forgive al such as have trespassed against us with al our heart and yet that the public ministers of God may se a redres of the same trespasses that we have forgiven For my forgivenes concerns only mine own person but I cannot forgive the punishment and correction that by Gods ordinance is to be ministred by the superior power For in so much as the same trespas which I do forgive may be the maintenance of vice not only of the offendor but also of others taking evil example therby it lyes not in me to forgive the same For so should I enterprize in the office of another which by the ordinance of God be deputed to the same Yea and that such justice may be ministred to the abolishment of vice and sin I may yea and rather as the cause shal require I am bound to make relation to the superior powers of the enormities and trespasses done to me and others and being sorry that I should have cause so to do seek the reformation of such evil doers not as desirous of vengeance but of the amendment of their Lives And yet I may not the more cruelly persecute the matter because the offence is peradventure done towards me but I am to handle it as if it were done to any other only for the use of the extirpation of sin the maintenance of justice and quietnes Which may right wel stand with the ferventnes of charity as the Scripture testifieth Non oderis fratrem tuum in corde tuo sed publicè argue eum ne habeas super illo peccatum Levit 19. So that this may stand with charity and also the forgiveness that Christ requireth of every one of us And yet in this doing I must forgive him with al my heart as much as lyes in mee I must be sorry that sin should have so much rule in him I must pray to God to give him repentance for his misdeeds I must desire God that for Christs sake he wil not impute the sin unto him being truly repentant and so to strengthen him in grace that he fal not again so dangerously I think I were no true christen man if I should not thus do And what other thing is this than as much as lyeth in me with al my heart to remit the trespas But I may by the Lawes require al that is due unto me by right And as for the punishment and correction it is not in my power to enterprize therin but that only belongeth to the superior powers to whom if the grievousnes of the cause shal require by the Commandment which willeth us to take away the evil from among us we ought to shew the offences and complain therof For he would not that we should take away the evil but after a just and lawful means which is only by the ordinance of God to shew the same to the Superior Powers that they may take an order in it according to Gods judgment and justice NUM XXXII Other Discourses of Archbishop Cranmer I. De Consolatione Christianorum contra metum mortis Ex Doctoribus Ecclesiasticis IF death of the body were to be feared then theym which have power to kil the body should we fear lest they do their exercise over us as they may at their pleasure But our Saviour forbids us to fear them because when they have killed the body then they can do no more to us Wherfore it is plain that our Savior would not that we should fear death To dy saith S. Iohn Chrysostom is to put off our old garments and death is a pilgrimage of the
such things in them written as be not consonant to the Scripture as they wil avoyd occasion of error and tender the truth of Gods word and his glory To whom be laud praise and honor Amen NUM XL. Archbishop Cranmers Answers to the fifteen Articles of the Rebells Devon Anno 1549. WHen I first read your Requests O ignorant men of Devonshire and Cornwal straitwayes came to my mind a request which Iames and Iohn made unto Christ to whom Christ answered You ask you wot not what Even so thought I of you assoon as ever I heard your Articles that you were deceived by some crafty Papist which devised those Articles for you to make you ask you wist not what As for the Devisors of your Articles if they understand them I may not cal them ignorant persons but as they be indeed most rank Papists and wilful Traitors and Adversaries both to God and our Soveraign Lord the King and to the whole realm But I cannot be persuaded so to think of you that in your hearts willingly you be Papists and Traitors but that those that be such have craftily seduced you being simple and unlearned people to ask you wot not what Wherfore my duty unto God and the pity that I have of your ignorance move me now at this time to open plainly and particularly your own Articles unto you that you may understand them and no longer be deceived In your first Article you require that al the General Councels and holy Decrees of our forefathers may be observed and kept and whosoever shal againsay them to be holden as Hereticks This you al ask but what you ask I dare say very few or none of you understand For how many of you I pray you do know certainly which be called the General Councels and holy Decrees of the Fathers and what is in them contained The holy Decrees as they cal them be nothing else but the Laws and Ordinances of the Bp. of Rome Wherof the most part be made for his own advancement glory and lucre and to make him and his Clergy Governors of the whole world and to be exempted from al Princes Lawes and to do what they list And would you ask if you knew what you asked that we should put away the Lawes of our own realm and be governed by the Bp. of Romes Lawes If you mean this then be you Traitors to the King and enemies to your own realm And if you mean it not consider what persons they be and how they have deceived you that make you ask you wot not what And as for the General Councels you say you wil have them al kept but you be not so destitute of al reason that you would have spoken such words if you had known what you had said For a great number of the Councels repugn one against another How should they then be al kept when one is contrary to another and the keeping of one is the breaking of another And among your own Articles you say you wil have divers things observed which be not only contrary to the General Councels but also contrary to the Law of this realm and also to Gods Laws as it shal be plainly declared when we come to the Articles And al reason is contrary that you should have asked such things if you had known what you had asked I have this opinion of the greater number of you that you would fain walk in the right way if you could find it And forasmuch as I perceive that wicked and false guides under pretence to bring you to the high way have brought you clean out of it my good wil shal be seeing you so far wandring out of the way and so blindfolded with il persuasions that you cannot see where you go to open your eyes that you may see and to set you again into the right way And when your eyes be so opened that you may se and the right way shewed unto you wherin you should walk then if you wil stil wink and not see and run headlong in error and not come to the right way you may no longer be called simple and ignorant people but perverse froward and wicked Papists and Traitors Enemies to God and your own realm But now I wil come to your Articles particularly opening every one of them by himself that you may se the bowels therof and what is contained in the same That when you shal understand the whole you may judge whether you knew before what you asked or you were deceived by subtil and wily Papistical Traitors I. Your first Article is this WEE wil have al the General Councels and holy Decrees of our forefathers observed kept and performed and whosoever shal againsay them we hold them as Hereticks First to begin with the manner of your phrase Is this the fashion of Subjects to speak unto their Prince We wil have Waâ— this maner of speech at any time used of the Subjects to their Prince since the beginning of the world Have not al true Subjects ever used to their Soveraign Lord this form of speaking Most humbly beseecheth your faithful and obedient Subjects Altho the Papists have abused your ignorance in propounding such Articles which you understand not yet you should not have suffered your selves so much to be led by the nose and bridled by them that you should clearly forget your duty of Allegiance unto your Soveraign Lord saying unto him This we wil have and that saying with armour upon your backs and swords in your hands Would any of you that be Householders be content that your servants should come upon you with harness unto their backs and swords in their hands and say unto you This we wil have If then you would abhor and detest this in your servants towards your selves how can you allow your fact With what conscience can you being but subjects do to your King that thing which you would condemne in your servants towards your selves But answer me this Be you Subjects or no If you be Subjects then I admonish you as S. Paul taught Titus saying Warn them to be subject to Princes and Rulers obeying them at a word But tel me again Pertaineth this to subjection and obedience to say This we wil have S. Peter saith Be subject unto Kings as unto chief heads and to other Rulers sent by them For so is the Wil of God Gods wil is that you should be ruâ—ed by your Princes But whether is this to be ruled by your King or to rule your King to say Thus we wil have the Realm governed Your Servants be by the Scripture commanded as they fear God to be obedient to their Masters whether their Masters be good or evil And can you think it meet and lawful for you to disobey your undoubted King being a Prince most innocent most godly and most careful for your sorrow and wealth If any thing can declare disobedience what can declare it more then Subjects to come
with force of armes to their natural King and Prince and say This we wil have But now leaving your rude and unhansome maner of speech to your most Soveraign Lord I wil come to the point and joyn with you in the effect of your first Article You say you wil have al the holy Decrees observed and kept But do you know what they bee The holy Decrees as I told you before be called the Bp. of Romes ordinances and lawes Which how holy and godly soever they be called they be indeed so wicked so ungodly so â—ul of tyranny and so partial that since the beginning of the world were never devised or invented the like I shal reherse a certain of them that your selves may see how holy they be and may say your minds whether you would have them kept or no. And at the hearing of them if you shal not think them meet to be kept here in this realm then you may see how they deceived you that moved you to ask this Article And if you like them and would have them kept after you know what they be then I say assuredly that you be not only wicked Papists but also Heretics and most hainous Traitors to the King and this his realm And yet how an absolute Papist varieth from an Heretick or Traitor I know not but that a Papist is also both a Heretic and a Traitor withal One Decree saith That whosoever doth not acknowledg himself to be under the obedience of the Bp. of Rome is an Heretic Now answer me to this Question Whether be you under the obedience of the Bp. of Rome or not If you say that you be under his obedience then be you Traytors by the laws of this realm And if you deny it then be you Heretics by this Decree And shift is there none to save you from treason but to renounce this Decree that commandeth you to be under the Bp. of Rome and so to confes contrary to your own first Article That al Decrees are not to be kept Yet a great many other Decrees be as evil and worse than this One saith That al Princes lawes which be against a Decree of the Bp. of Rome be void and of no strength Another Decree saith That al the Decrees of the Bp. of Rome ought for ever to be kept of al men as Gods word Another Decree there is That whosoever receiveth not the law of the Bp. of Rome availeth neither him the Catholick faith nor the four Evangelists For his sin shal never be forgiven Yet is there a worse and more detestable decree That al Kings and Princes that suffer the Bp. of Romes Decrees to be broken in any point are to be taken as Infidels Another is there also That the Bp. of Rome is bound to no maner of Decrees but he may constrain al other persons both Spiritual and Temporal to receive al his Decrees and Canons Another is yet more devilish then any before rehersed That altho the Bp. of Rome neither regard his own Salvation nor no mans else but put down with himself headlong innumerable people by heaps unto hell yet may no mortal man presume to reprove him therfore But what should I tarry and make you weary in rehersing a number For a thousand other like Canons and Decrees there be to the Advancement of the Bp. of Rome his usurped power and authority I cannot think of you that you be so far from al godliness from al wit and Discretion that you would have these Decrees observed within this Realm which be so blasphemous to God so injurious to al Princes and Realms and so far from al equity and reason But here you may easily perceive what wily foxes you met withal which persuaded you to arme your selves to make sedition in your own Country to stand against your Princes and the laws of your Realm for such Articles as you understand not and to ask you wist not what For I dare say for you that the subtil Papists when they moved you to stand in this Article that al the holy Decrees should be observed they shewed you nothing of these Decrees that they would have taken for holy Decrees For if they had they knew right wel that you would never have consented unto this Article but would have taken them for Traitors that first moved you thereto For now shal I shew you what miserable case you should bring your selves unto if the Kings Majesty should assent unto this first Article that al the Decrees should be kept and observed For among other partial Decrees made in favor of the Clergy this is one That none of the Clergy shal be called or sued before any Temporal Iudge for any maner of cause either for debt suit of lands fellony murther or for any other cause or crime Nor shal have any other Iudge but his Bp. only Another is That a Spiritual man may sue a Temporal man before a Temporal or Spiritual Iudge at his plesure but a Temporal man cannot sue a Spiritual but only before his Ordinary I cannot deny but these been good and beneficial laws for the liberty of the Clergy But for your own part I suppose you do not think it any indifferent Law that a Priest shal sue you where he list with the licence of his Ordinary and you shal sue him for no maner of cause but only before his own Ordinary Or if a Priest had slain one of your sons or brether that you should have no remedy against him but only before the Bp. What mean those Papistical priests that stirred you to ask and wil such decrees and lawes to be observed in this realm but covertly and craftily to bring you under their subjection And that you your selves ignorantly asking you wist not what should put your own heads under their girdles For surely if you had known these Decrees when you consented to this Article you would have torn the Article in pieces and they that moved you therto also For these Decrees â—e not only partial and against al equity and reason made only for the favor of the Clergy and the suppression of the Laity but also they be and ever have â—e clearly contrary to the Lawes and customes of this Realm And yet by this Article you wil have the old antient Laws and customes of this realm which have ever been used in al Kings times hitherto to be void and to cease and these Decrees to come in their place and be observed of al men and againsaid of no man For whosoever speaketh against them you wil hold them for Heretics And in so saying look what sentence you give of your selves altho your Article say it yet I am sure you be not so much enemies to your own Realm that you would have the old antient Laws and Customs of this Realm for the defence whereof al the Noble Kings of this Realm have so valiantly and so justly stand against the Bishops of Rome now to be taken
had not come personally into the Parlament house those lawes had never passed And yet within a year or little more the same most noble Prince was faine to temper his said lawes and moderate them in divers points So that the statute of six Articles continued in his force little above the space of one year Is this then so great a matter to make these uproars and to arise against the whole realm Wil you take away the present laws of this Realm which be and ever have been the laws of al other Countreis also and set up new Lawes which never were but in this Realm only and were here in force not fully thirteen months And how chanceth it that you be so earnest in this Article which is directly contrary to your first Article but you know not what neither of the Articles meaneth but be persuaded by Papists to ask you wot not what But now here is the repugnance of the two Articles By your First you wil have al General Councels and Decrees observed and kept and by your Second Article you wil have the six Articles used again Then let us compare the general Councels and Decrees with the Six Articles and you shal see them aggree as wel together as black and white First it is contained in the Canons of the Apostles that a priest under no pretence of holines may put away his wife and if he do he shal be excommunicate And the six Articles say that if any Priest put not away his wife he shal be taken for a Felon If he keep her not â—til he must be excommunicate by the Canon of the Apostles And if he keep her stil he must suffer death by the six Articles You be cunning men if you can set these together Also the Councel of Nice which was the chief of al the General Councels and was celebrated more then twelve hundred years past decreed clean contrary to the six Articles For where the six Articles command al Priests to be separate from their wives Nicen Councel determined clean contrary that they should not be separated confessing such copulation to be holy and godly And the Councel of Gangrense which was about the same time so much allowed the marriage of priests that they accursed them that would abstain from the Ministration of priests because they were married These Councels vary so far from the six Articles that either you must put the General Councels out of your Book or else the six Articles Likewise concerning Private Masses the law of six Articles far differeth from the Canon of the Apostles and from the Councels Nicen and Antioch as shal be declared in the next Articâ—e Other things there be divers also in the six Articles which cannot stand with sundry old Canons Decrees and Councels So that if you wil stand to the Canons Decrees and Councels you must of force be constrained utterly to put out of your book your second Article which requireth the usage of the Six Articles But now for shortnes of time I wil come to your third Article Which is this III. The third Article WE wil have the Mass in Latine as was before and celebrated by the Priest without any man or woman communicating with him Forasmuch as there is nothing with you but Wil let your wil be conferred with reason and Gods word and then you shal se how far your Wil differeth from them both First as touching the Latine Masses Whatsoever the Priest saith in the old Masses whether he pray and ask any thing of God or give thanks to God or make the true Profession of the Faith or whatsoever he doth besides al he doth in your persons and in your names and you answer unto that which he saith sometimes Amen sometimes Et cum spiritu tuo and sometimes other things as the matter serveth For al the whole that is done should be the act of the people and pertain to the people as wel as to the priest And standeth it with reason that the Priest should speak for you and in your name and you answer him again in your own persons and yet you understand never a word neither what he saith nor what you say your selves The Priest prayeth to God for you and you answer Amen you wot not whereto Is there any reason herein Wil you not understand what the Priest prayeth for you What thanks he giveth for you What he asketh for you Wil you neither understand what he saith nor let your hearts understand what your own tongues answer Then must you needs confes your selves to be such people as Christ spake of When he said These people honor me with their lips but their hearts be far from me Had you rather be like Pyes or Parrots that be taught to speak and yet understand not one word what they say then be true christen men that pray unto God in heart and in faith The Priest is your Proctor and Atturney to plead your cause and to speak for you al and had you rather not know then know what he saith for you I have heard Sutors murmur at the bar because their Atturneyes have pleaded their cases in the French tongue which they understood not Why then be you offended that the Priests which plead your cause before God should speak such language as you may understand If you were before the Kings Highnes and should chuse one to speak for you al I am sure you would not chuse one that should speak Greek or Hebrew French or Italian no nor one that should speak Latine neither But you would be glad to provide such one as should speak your own language and speak so loud that you might both hear him and understand him that you might allow or disallow that that he said in your Names Why do you then refuse to do the like unto God When the Priest desireth any thing of God for you or giveth thanks for you how can you in your heart confirm his Sayings when you know not one word what he saith For the heart is not moved with words that be not understand But if reason wil not persuade you I wil prove what Gods word will do unto you S. Paul in the first Epistle to the Corinthians saith that whosoever shal speak to the people in the Church to their edification must speak such language as the people may understand or else he willeth him to hold his peace and speak softly to himself and to God For he which speaketh in a strange language which the people understand not doth not edify them as S. Paul saith And he giveth an example of the trumpet in the field which when it giveth such a sound that the Soldier understandeth it availeth much For every Soldier therby knoweth what to do But if such a blast be blowen as no man understandeth then the blast is utterly in vain For no man knoweth therby whether the horsemen shal make them ready or leap upon horseback or go to their standard
Majesty It may like the same to understand that We your most humble faythful and obedient Subjects having alwayes God we take to witnes remayned your Highnes true and humble Subjects in our harts ever sythens the death of our late Soveraign Lord and Master your Highnes brother whom God pardon And seeing hitherto no possibilite to utter our determination herein without great destruction and bludshed both of our selves and others tâ—l this time Have this day proclaimed in your city of London your Majesty to be our true natural Soveraign Liege Lady and Queen Most humbly beseeching your Majesty to pardon and remit our former infirmities and most graciously taccept our meanings which have byn ever to serve your Highnes truly And so shal remain in al our powers and forces to theffusion of our bludds as thies bearers our very good Lords therle of Arundel and L. Paget can and be redy more particularly to declare To whom it may please your Excellent Majesty to give firme credence And thus we do and shal daily pray to Almighty God for the preservation of your most royal person long to reign over us From your Majesties city of London this day of Iuly the first year of your most prosperous Reygne Thus endorsed by the hand of Sir Will. Cecyl Copy of the letter to the Quene from Baynards Castle 20 July 1553. NUM LXXII The Archbishop to Mrs. Wilkinson persuading her to fly THE true Comforter in all distress is only God through his son Iesus Christ. And whosoever hath him hath compaâ—y enough although he were in a wildernes al alone And he that hath twenty thousand in his company if God be absent is in a miserable wilderness and desolation In him is al comfort and without him is none Wherefore I beseech you seek your dwelling there whereas you may truly and rightly serve God and dwel in him and have him ever dwelling in you What can be so heavy a burden as an unquiet conscience to be in such a place as a man cannot be suffered to serve God in Christs religion If you be loth to depart from your kin and friends remember that Christ calleth them his mother sisters and brothers that do his fathers wil. Where we find therfore God truly honored according to his wil there we can lack neither friend nor kin If you be loth to depart for slandering Gods word remember that Christ when his houre was not yet come departed out of his countrey into Samaria to avoyd the malice of the Scribes and Pharisees and commanded his Apostles that if they were pursued in one place they should fly to another And was not Paul let down by a basket out at a window to avoid the persecution of Aretas And what wisdome and policy he used from time to time to escape the malice of his enemies the Acts of the Apostles do declare And after the same sort did the other Apostles Albeit when it came to such a point that they could no longer escape danger of the persecutors of Gods true religion then they shewed themselves that their flying before came not of fear but of godly wisdome to do more good and that they would not rashly without urgent necessity offer themselves to death Which had been but a temptation of God Yea when they were apprehended and could no longer avoid then they stood boldly to the profession of Christ Then they shewed how little they passed of death How much they feared God more then men How much they loved and preferred the eternal life to come above this short and miserable life Wherefore I exhort you as wel by Christs commandment as by the example of him and his Apostles to withdraw your self from the malice of yours and Gods enemies into some place where God is most purely served Which is no slandering of the truth but a preserving of your self to God and the truth and to the society and comfort of Christs little flock And that you wil do do it with speed lest by your own folly you fal into the persecutors hands And the Lord send his holy spirit to lead and guide you whersoever you go And al that be godly wil say Amen NUM LXXIII The words and sayings of John Duke of Northumberland spoken by him unto the people at the Towerhill of London on Tuesday in the forenoon being the 22d day of August immediatly before his death as hereafter followeth GOod people I am come hither for to dy this day for the which al you are come hither to see And that although this is most horrible and detestable yet justly have I deserved the same for that I have been most grievous sinner unto Almighty God and to al the whole world and to the Queens grace In as much as I did presume of my self in the plain field to bear armor against her Grace Wherfore I do acknowledg that I have offended her lawes and that justly she might have put me to death without any Law had she so pleased But of her most clemency hath weighed my death by a law which justly hath condemned me But the more I trust for my Salvation and the more better for me to consider the greatnes of my sins And therfore the better for my Salvation And forasmuch as I am permitted to speak my conscience this I do protest before God the World and al you that this my death hath not been altogether of mine own procuring but hath been incensed by others Whom I pray God to pardon For I wil not name nor accuse any man here And now I shal shew how I have been of a long time led by false Teachers somewhat before the death of K. Henry VIII and ever since Which is a great part of this my death Wherfore good people beware and take heed that you be not led and deceived by these seditious and leud Preachers that have opened the Book and know not how to shut it But return home again to your true religion and Catholick faith which hath been taught you of old For since the time that this new teaching hath come among us God hath given us over unto our selves and hath plagued us sundry and many wayes with wars commotions tumults rebellions pestilence and famine besides many more great and grievous pâ—agues to the great decay of our common wealth Wherfore Good people be obedient unto the Queen her lawes and be content to receive again the true Catholic faith from which of long time you have been led Examples we have of Germany Which in like manner being led and seduced how are they now brought to ruine as wel it is known to the world And also we are taught by our Creed in the latter part of the same Where it is said We believe in the holy Ghost the holy Catholick faith the Communion of Saints Thus you may see the Articles of our belief do teach us the true faith Catholic This is my very faith and
hear of the abolishing especially of that law that gave that title of the Supremacy of the Church in the Realm to the Crown Suspecting that to be an introduction of the Popes authority into the Realm Which they cannot gladly hear of And for this cause cannot gladly hear of my Legation in the Popes Name Wherupon her G. in the same letters doth exhort me to stay my voyage until a more opportune time And asketh my counsil in case the lower House make resistance in the renouncing of the title of Supremacy what her G. were best to do and what course she had best to take One other poynt is that her G. desireth in the same letter to be certified by me how it came to pass that a Commission given by her to Mr. Francisco Commendone in secret was published in the Consistory as her Graces Ambassador resident in Venice doth certify her These be the two points wherin her G. requireth my answer And for to obey her demand which to me is a Commandment I do send you not only to present my letters but also my mouth and with these present Instructions for more satisfaction of her G. in al points As touching the first point which is of most weight and so great touching the honor and wealth of her G. both spiritual and temporal as none can be more ye shal shew her G. that my first advise and counsil shal be to obtain of God by prayer that which I pray him to give me writing this Which is to have Spiritum Consilij Fortitudinis And this her G. must now pray for that as in the attaining the Crown his high providence shewed by manifest tokens to have given her these two graces so in the maintaining therof he wil confirm these two gifts in her mind Her Highnes knowes if she had relented at that time for any peril when that both mans counsil and force were against her she had lost So if she for any fear do relent and do not renounce the title of Supremacy which took the name of Princess and Right heire from her she cannot maintain that she hath gotten already by the spirit of Council and Fortitude So that my first counsil is this that obtaining by prayer these two gifts which her G. had at that time to shew her self no less ardent in the leaving of the title of Supremity for to maintain her right then the King her father was in the acquisition therof to the privation of her right Which so much more she ought to do and be more fervent in this then her Father was in that Because that was done against al law both of God and man and this that her Majesty doth now shewing her self most fervent herein doth fulfil both Gods law and mans And that is her very duty if she should loose both state and life withal As she hath known she ought to do by the example of the best men of her realm Which for this cause resisting the Kings unlawful lawes lost both And now the goodnes of God putting no such hard conditions to her G. nor laying afore her eyes only Praemia futura with loss of temporal as he did to those men but praemia coelestia with terrena joyned together That serving to the honor of God which is in this poynt to render the title of Supremacy of the church in earth to whom God hath given it she doth establish her own Crown withal If now she should relent herein for any fear of men being brought to that state that other men should rather fear her then she them especially in so good a cause this afore God and men were most perpetually to be blamed Wherfore what my Counsil is herein on this maner now rehersed you may inform her Highnes Now to come to the execution of the thing After her G. is determined to have it done casting away al fear the same stondeth to have it put forth and causing it to pass by the Parlament this is another council necessarily to be pondered Consisting the whole after my opinion in the proponement of the person that hath to put forth the same that with les difficulty and more favour it may pass Here ye may say that I much pondering the same and considering that it must be a person of Authority that should propone the same if it should take effect When I look in my mind upon al them I know of the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal and persons of the Lower House that might have authority I do see none but that other he hath defended the contrary cause by his Sentence and writing as the Spiritual men have done which taketh away a great part of authority to persuade others when men heareth them accepting that matter that aforetime they have oppugned Or else to speak of the Temporal Lords or others being al intangled with private profit enjoying goods of the Church by rejecting the authority of the same they cannot speak with that freenes of spirit as such a matter requireth Wherfore yee may conclude with her G. mine opinion herein that after long consideration hereof I see no person but one that is able with authority and also favour to propone this matter And that person is her G. her self God having brought it to her hand alone She being in this matter and al other immaculate and without blot ordered of God to defend his cause and her own withal And this ye may say the Counsil that it pleased God to put in my mind is that her G. do in this case as I remember the Emperor did in his own case passing by Rome wheras his mind was to justify his quarrel touching the war betwixt him and the French king afore the Pope and the Cardinals When doubting if onye other person should propose the same it might have contradiction of that party that did favor France he determined without any conference either with his Councel or others to put forth the matter himself And so when nother the Pope nor no other looked for any such thing his Holines and the Cardinals being now congregate he entred in among them in the Consistory and made a long Oration in justifying his cause and obtained that he would without any resistance Underneath this maner my poor advise should be that her Majesty should personally come into the Parlament and put forth the same her self and I dare be bold to say what for her authority and the justnes and the equity of the cause it self she shal have no contradiction And if need were also to shew her self to the Lower house the thing it self so neer toucheth her wealth both godly and temporally that it would be taken rather cum applausu then otherwise Further and jointly with this it shal be necessary her highnes make mention of the Popes Legate in my person to be admitted and sent for Wherin her G. hath this first to entreat that the law of my banishment may be abolished and
pro Martyribus deprecatur fit ipse Martyr NUM LXXXVI Dr. Ridley late Bishop of London to West formerly his Steward who had complyed with the Romish religion I Wish you grace in God and love of the trueth Without the which truly established in mans heart by the mighty hand of Almighty God it is no more possible to stand by the truth in Christs cause in the time of tribulation then it is for wax to abide the heat of the fire Sir know you this that I am blessed be God persuaded that this world is but transitory as S. Iohn saith Mundus transit concupiscentia ejus I am persuaded Christs words to be true Qui me confessus fuerit coram hominibus I wil confes him before my father which is in heaven And I believe that no earthly creature shal be saved whom the Redeemer and Savior of the world shal before his Father deny This the Lord grant that it may be so grafted established and fixed in my heart that neither things present or to come high or low life or death be able to remove It is a godly wish that yee wish me depely to considre things perteinyng to Gods honor and glory But if ye had wished also that neither fear of death or hope of worldly prosperity shuld let me to maintein gods word and his truth which is his glory and true honour it wold have liked me very wel You desire me for Gods sake to remembre my self Indeed Sir now it is time for me so to do For so far as I can perceyve it standeth me of no les daunger then of the los both of body and soule And I trow then it is time for a man to awake if any thing wil awake him He that wil not fear him that threatneth to cast body and soule into everlasting fire whom wil he fear Oh Lord fasten thou together our frayl flesh that we never swarve from thy Lawes You say you have made much sute for me Sir God gâ—aunt that you have not in sueing for my worldly deliveraâ—ce empaired or hindred the furtheraunce of Gods word and his â—ruth You have knowen me long indede in the which time it hath chaunced me to mislyke some things It is true I graunte For sodeine chaunges without substantial aud necessary causes and the heady setting furth of extremities I did never love Confession to the minister which is able to instruct correct comfort and enform the weak and ignorant consciences I have ever thought might do much good in Christs Congregation And so I assure you I do think even at this day My doctrin and my preaching you say you have heard oft and after your judgment have thought it godly saving of the Sacrament Which thing although it was of me reverendly handled and a great deal better than of the rest as you say yet in the margent you write warily and in this world wysely thus And yet methought not al soundly Wel Sir but I see so many chaunges in the world and so much alteration or els at this your saying I wold not a litle mervayl I have taken you for my trustie freynd and a man whom I fantasied for plainness and faithfulnes as much I ensure you as for your learning And have you kept this so close in your heart from me unto this day Sir I considre mo things than one and wil not say al that I think But what need you to care what I thynke for any thing that I shal be able to do unto you either good or harm You geve me good lessons to stand in nothing against my learning and to beware of vain glory Truly Sir herein I like your counsel very wel and by Gods grace I intend to follow it unto my lyves end To write to them whom you name I cannot se what it wil avayle me For this I wold now have you know it I esteme nothing avaylabâ—e for me which also wil not set furth the glory of God And now because I perceive you have an entyre zeal and desire of my deliverance out of this captivitie and worldly misery if I shuld not bear you a good heart in God again methynk I were to blame Sir how nigh the day of my dissolution and departure hence out of this world is at hand I cannot tel The Lords wil be fulfilled How soon soever it shal come I know the Lords words must be verified on me that I shal appear before the uncorrupt Judge and be countable to him of al my former lyfe Although the hope of his mercy is my shote ankor of eternal Salvation yet am I persuaded that whosoever wittingly neglecteth and regardeth not to clear his conscience he cannot have peace with God nor a lyvely faith in his mercy Conscience moveth me considering you were one of my family and of my household of whom then I thynke I had a special cure and of all them which were in my house which indede ought to have been an example of godlines to al the rest of my cure not only in godly life but also in promoting of Gods word to thuttermost of their power But now alas when the trial doth separate the corn from the chaff how smal a deyl it is God knoweth which the wynde doth not blow away This conscience I say doth move me to have fear lest the lightnes of my family shal be layd unto me for lack of more earnest and diligent instructions which shuld have been doon But blessed be God which hath geven me grace to se my default and to lament it from the bottome of my heart before my departure hence This Conscience also doth move me now to require both you and my freynd Dr. Harvy to remembre your promises made to me in time past of the pure setting furth and preaching of Gods word and his truth These promises although you shal not nede to fear to be charged with them of me hereafter before the world Yet look for none other I exhort you as my freynds but to be charged with them at Gods hand This Conscience and the love that I bear unto you byddeth me now say to you both in Gods name Fear God and love not the world for God is able to cast both body and soul into hel fire Cum exarserit in brevi ira ejus beati omnes saith the Psalme qui confidunt in eo And the saying of S. Iohn is true Quicquid est in mundo veluti concupiscentia carnis concupiscentia oculorum fastus vitae non ex patre sed ex mundo est Et mundus transit concupiscentia ejus Qui autem facit voluntatem Dei manet in aeternum If these gifts of grace which undoubtedly are necessarily required unto eternal salvation were truly and unfeignedly grafted and firmely stablished in mens hearts they wold not be so light so sodaynly to shrink from the maintenance and confession of the truth as it is now alas
would deal sincerely with him without Fraud or Craft and use him as they would wish to be used in the like case themselves Bidding them remember that with what Measure they meet it should be measured to them again Therefore to make himself some amends for all this foul Dealing his last Refuge was an Appeal Whereof he seriously bethought himself when and in what manner to make it The Causes for his resolving upon it besides those already mentioned were because he remembred Luther once did so in such a Case and that he might not seem rashly to cast away his own Life and because he was bound by his Oath never to receive the Pope's Authority in this Realm and because the Commissioners had broken their Promise with him as above was said and because he thought the Bishop of Rome was not an indifferent Judg in this Cause which was his own Cause for all the Arch-bishop's Troubles came upon him for departing from him He therefore wrote privately to a trusty Friend and Learned in the Law then in the University to instruct him in the Order and Form of an Appeal and whether he should first Appeal from the Judg-Delegate to the Pope or else from that Judg immediately to a General Council And so earnestly entreated him to lay aside all other Studies and to take this in Hand presently because he was summoned to make his Answer at Rome the sixteenth Day of this Month that is of February There was one reason more moved him to Appeal which must not be omitted namely that he might gain Time to finish his Answer to Marcus Antonius He feared after all they would not admit his Appeal But he did not much pass and desired God's Will might be done So that God might be glorified by his Life or Death He thought it much better to die in Christ's Quarrel than to be shut in the Prison of the Body unless it were for the advancement of God's Glory and the Profit of his Brethren This Letter of the Arch-bishop being writ with so much Strength and Presence of Mind and shewing so much Prudence and Wit is happily preserved in Fox's Monuments where it may be read This Appeal when the Arch-bishop had produced and preferred to the Bishop of Ely he told him That they could not admit of it because their Commission was to proceed against him Omni Appellatione remota Cranmer replied That this Cause was not every private Man's Cause but that it was between the Pope and him immediately and none otherwise and that no Man ought to be Judg in his own Cause And therefore they did him the more Wrong So at last Thirlby received it of him and said If it might be admitted it should And so after this Interruption they proceeded to degrade him taking off the rest of his Habits And then put him on a poor Yeoman-Beadle's Gown threadbare and a Towns-man's Cap. And Boner told him He was no Lord any more and so was sent to Prison CHAP. XX. Cranmer Writes to the Queen AND now having undergone these Brunts with all this Gravity Discretion Learning and Courage he next resolved to give the Queen a true and impartial Account of these Transactions to prevent Misreports and to justify himself in what he had said and done Two Letters therefore he wrote to her but thought not fit to entrust them with the Commissioners since Weston had served him such a Trick in the like Case before In these Letters he related the reason of his refusing the Bishop of Glocester for his Judg and of his Appeal For as he thought it his Duty at that juncture to declare himself in that publick manner against the Bishop of Rome so he reckoned he ought to declare himself also to the Supream Magistrate And therefore before the Bishop of Glocester and the Commissioners he said That as he had thus discharged his own Conscience towards the World so he would also write his Mind to her Grace touching this Matter He wrote to her That the twelfth Day of that Month he was cited to appear at Rome the eightieth Day after And that it could not but grieve the Heart of a natural Subject to be accused by the King and Queen of his own Country and before any outward Judg as if the King and Queen were Subjects within their own Realm and were fain to complain and require Justice at a Stranger 's Hand against their own Subject being already condemned to Death by their own Laws As though the King and Queen could not have or do Justice within their own Realm against their own Subjects but they must seek it at a Stranger 's Hand in a strange Land Then he proceeded to shew her why he refused the Pope's Authority when Brooks Bishop of Glocester came to try him namely Because he was sworn never to consent that the Bishop of Rome should have or exercise any Authority or Jurisdiction in the Realm of England Another reason why he denied his Authority was Because his Authority repugned to the Crown Imperial of this Realm and to the Laws of the same For the Pope saith all manner of Power both Temporal and Spiritual is given unto him of God and that Temporal Power is given to Kings and Emperors to use it under him Whereas contrary to this Claim said the Arch-bishop the Imperial Crown of this Realm is taken immediately from God to be used under him only and is subject to none but God alone Moreover to the Imperial Laws of this Realm all the Kings in their Coronations and all Justices when they receive their Offices are sworn and all the whole Realm bound to defend them But contrary hereunto the Pope he said made void and commanded to blot out of our Books all Laws and Customs repugnant to his Laws Then he proceeded to shew how contrary the Laws of the Realm and the Pope's Laws were And therefore that the Kings of this Realm had provided for their Laws by the Premunire So that if any Man let the execution of the Law by any Authority from the See of Rome he fell into the Premunire And to meet with this the Popes had provided for their Law by Cursing He supposed that these things were not fully opened in the Parliament-house when the Pope's Authority was received again For if they were he could not believe that the King and Queen the Nobles and Commons would again receive a Foreign Authority so hurtful and prejudicial to the Crown and to the Laws and State of this Realm He rebuked the Clergy who were the main Movers of this at the Parliament for their own Ends. For they desired to have the Pope their chief Head to the intent that they might have as it were a Kingdom and Laws within themselves distinct from the Laws of the Crown and live in this Realm like Lords and Kings without damage or fear of any Man And then he glanced at some of the Clergy probably
meaning Thirlby Hethe Tonstal c. that they held their Peace for this Consideration though they knew this well enough Who if they had done their Duty to the Crown and Realm should have opened their Mouths at this Time and shewn the Peril and Danger that might insue to the Crown hereby Another Cause he urged to the Queen why he could not allow the Pope's Authority was Because he subverted not only the Laws of the Nation but the Laws of God So that whosoever be under his Authority he suffered them not to be under Christ's Religion purely For proof of which he gave these Instances God's Will and Commandment is that when the People be gathered together to serve God the Ministers should use such a Language as the People might understand and take profit thereby For God said by the Mouth of S. Paul As a Harp or Lute if it give no certain sound that Men may know what is stricken who can dance after it it is put in vain So it is in vain profiteth nothing if the Priest speak to the People in a Language they know not And whereas when he urged this to the Commissioners they told him That that Place respected Preaching only He told the Queen That S. Paul's words meant it not only of Preaching for that he spake expresly of Praying Singing and giving Thanks and of all other things which the Priests say in the Churches And so he said all Interpreters Greek and Latin Old and New School-Authors and others that he had read understood it Till about thirty Years past Eckius and others of his Sort began to invent this new Exposition And so he said all the best Learned Divines that met at Windsor 1549 for the Reformation of the Church both of the New Learning and the Old agreed without Controversy not one opposing that the Service of the Church ought to be in the Mother-Tongue and that that Place of S. Paul was so to be understood Again Christ ordained the Sacrament to be received of Christian People under both Forms of Bread and Wine and said Drink ye all of this The Pope gives a clean contrary Command That no Lay-man shall drink of the Cup of their Salvation So that if he should obey the Pope in these things he must needs disobey his Saviour Again He instanced in the Pope's taking upon him to give the Temporal Sword to Kings and Princes and to depose them from their Imperial States if they were disobedient to him and in commanding Subjects to disobey their Princes Assoiling them as well from their Obedience as their lawful Oaths made unto them directly contrary to God's Commandment that commandeth all Subjects to obey their Kings and their Rulers under them Then he spake of the Superiority the Pope claimed above Kings and Emperors and making himself Universal Bishop And how his Flatterers told him he might dispense against God's Word both against the Old and New Testament and that whatsoever he did tho he drew innumerable People by heaps with himself to Hell yet might no mortal Man reprove him because he is the Judg of all Men and might be judged by no Man And thus he sat in the Temple of God as he were a God and named himself God and dispensed against God If this were not he said to play Antichrist's part he knew not what Antichrist was that is Christ's Enemy and Adversary Now added he until the time that such a Person may be found Men might easily conjecture where to find Antichrist He took God to record that what he spake against the Power and Authority of the Pope he spake it not for any Malice he ought to the Pope's Person whom he knew not nor for fear of Punishment or to avoid the same thinking it rather an Occasion to aggravate than to diminish the same but for his most bounden Duty to the Crown Liberty Laws and Customs of this Realm of England and most especially to discharge his Conscience in uttering the Truth to God's Glory casting away all Fear by the Comfort which he had in Christ who saith Fear not them that kill the Body As touching the Sacrament he said That forasmuch as the whole Matter stood in the understanding those words of Christ This is my Body This is my Blood He told the Commissioners That Christ in those words made demonstration of the Bread and Wine and spake figuratively calling Bread his Body and Wine his Blood because he ordained them to be Sacraments of his Body and Blood And he told them He would be judged by the old Church which Doctrine could be proved Elder and that he would stand to And that forasmuch as he had urged in his Book Greek and Latin Authors which above a thousand Years continually taught as he did if they could bring forth but one old Author that said in these two Points as they said he offered six or seven Years ago and offered so still that he would give place Then he shewed her how fond and uncomfortable the Papists Doctrine of the Sacrament is For of one Body of Christ is made two Bodies One natural having distance of Members with Form and Proportion of Man's perfect Body and this Body is in Heaven But the Body of Christ in the Sacrament by their own Doctrine must needs be a monstrous Body having neither distance of Members nor Form Fashion or Proportion of a Man's natural Body And such a Body is in the Sacrament teach they as goes into the Mouth with the Form of Bread and entreth no further than the Form of Bread goes nor tarrieth no longer than the Form of Bread is by natural Heat digesting So that when the Form of Bread is digested the Body of Christ is gone And what Comfort said he can be herein to any Christian Man to receive Christ's unshapen Body and it to enter no further than the Stomach and depart by and by as soon as the Bread is consumed It seemed to him a more sound and comfortable Doctrine that Christ hath but one Body and that hath Form and Fashion of a Man's true Body Which Body spiritually entreth into the whole Man Body and Soul And though the Sacrament be consumed yet whole Christ remaineth and feedeth the Receiver unto eternal Life if he continue in Godliness and never departeth until the Receiver forsaketh him That if it could be shewed him that the Pope's Authority be not prejudicial to the things before-mentioned or that his Doctrine of the Sacrament be erroneous then he would never stand perversly in his own Opinion but with all humility submit himself to the Pope not only to kiss his Feet but another Part also For all these Reasons he could not take the Bishop of Gloucester for his Judg representing as he did this Pope But another Reason was in respect of his own Person being more than once perjured having been divers times sworn never to consent that the Bishop of Rome should have any Jurisdiction within this Realm
I restored to name and bloud And herein her G. doth know what extreme injustice hath been done to me and al our house And touching my person what ever was done that could be layd against me why I should be ashamed which never thought nor did in that cause I was banished for but that wherby I deserved rather great reward then any pain being so given with heart and mind to the Kings honor and wealth both of him and his realm that with no reward that was offered me great the King himself could not persuade me to do or sentence any thing against his honor and the wealth of the realm and to his damnation Here is al the cause why I suffered banishment with so great loss of those kinsfolks that were dearer to me then my life And this being done by consent of the Parlament though I doubt not against their mind the Parlament is bound afore God and man to revoke me again and especially now coming with extraordinary Commission that bringeth the establishment of your Graces Crown to the comfort of the whole realm both temporally and spiritually And this her G. may boldly say of al the time of my exile wherin God hath given me honor more then I did require or would have had if it had layn in my own choise and goods sufficient to maintain my state if ever it should be found that for any respect of persons for ambition pleasure or lucre I swarved from that I judged the honor of God and in matters of my Country from the wealth therof I am content not only to be excepted at this time but perpetually to be banished But if they prove al the contrary and that with the King your Father not only as a faithful subject but with that love also that no servant could shew to his master more nor son to his father I shewed ever to exteame more his honor and wealth then mine own goods or Country and never procured other then the wealth of the same then let them believe now that I never would come unto them after so many years absence your G. bearing the crown with other Commission than that I know surely should be to the honor comfort and wealth of your G. and the whole Country And so touching this point of my counsil that her G. requireth of me here ye have explicated how the whole matter wherin my counsil is required may be concluded For otherwise at this time I se not what might be taken nor can imagine no other so good as this way Which me seemeth God hath ordered should be taken and preferred above al other After this ye shal shew her G. if this way be not followed or deferred what I most fear And this is first that the Popes Holines being already persuaded to graunt to the stay of my journey contrary to his first Commission when her G. shewed more fervency to receive the obedience of the Church that the next Commission I shal have shal be to return back into Italy again And the cause why I fear this is that the Pope shal think by offering to her G. and the Realm al those graces that do pertain to the reconciliation of both to the church when he seeth it is not accepted with that promptnes it is offered he shal think that both afore God and man he hath satisfied al that could be required of him touching the demonstration of his paternal affection to her G. and the realm In the which the College of Cardinals peradventure wil judge that his Sanctity hath been over much bountiful especially when they hear of this my staying being made without their consent Which they wil ever take for a great indignity hearing no greater nor more urgent cause therof then hitherto hath been shewed and knowing how her G. cannot maintain her Right nether afore God nor man without having recourse to his Holines and to the See Apostolic and of whose Authority and Dispensation the whole right of her cause doth depend as some of them then would have had his Holines at the beginning not to have sent his Legate until he had been required and much more now after he hath sent and he not accepted they wil al be of opinion that he shal be revoked And then what peril both her G. and the whole realm standeth in by the reason of the Schism yet remaining it is manifest of it self And yet this is not al my fear of my revocation but that which may follow that I fear more Which is this that wheras now if I had been accepted with that promptnes and sincere affect as I was sent of the Popes Holines and that I brought with me my Person I trust should have brought more comfort to her Highnes and the rest of the Country then any stranger as the Popes Holines thought when he made me Legate so now on the contrary for the self same circumstances and causes that pertain to my Person not being accepted it shal more aggravate the cause at all times that the Realm hereafter should require to be absolved of the Schism and al other that would seek to prevail against her Graces title by the reason of the Schism for the self cause that I was not accepted returning again to Rome would take this for a great proof of the obstinate enduring in the same which al divine lawes doth most condemn So that my Person I desiring nothing more then to bring comfort to her and the realm not accepted shal be cause of more discomfort which as I say God of his mercy forbid Expounded under this maner my fear which stondeth in my revocation not for my self but for the domage that may come to her Majesty and the realm therby the same being very likely if my stay be deferred ony longer space knowing that his Holines and the College wil not suffer such indignity then you may declare withal the remedies that I thought best to be used at this time to avoyd this inconveniency And herein you may shew how the first Remedy is that the Pope and the College of Cardinals be wel persuaded that my stay here is but for a smal time and for to bring a more sure conclusion and to make the way more plain as I have caused the Popes Holines to be informed by a servant of mine sent by post shewing the tenor of the bil her G. wrote Herrye my servant Wherin was conteined that her Highnes shortly trusted that the matters of the Parlament should have that conclusion that I most desired And upon this hope that messenger had to shew his Holines that I had sent my stuf afore towards Flaunders and now also for confirmation of that hope I have sent a part of my company afore to tarry me there So that this you may say is the first remedy I can find to keep the Pope and the College in hope of a brave and good resolution One other chief Remedy is because I