depose him and declare him an Enemy nay and act against his very Person too he then ceasing to be a Prince Franciscus Fenardentius one of the most furious of all the Franciscan Orders doth somewhat agree with the former as you will easily judge when you hear him speak b Conventus legitimus Ordinum tâ—â—us Regni qui ex Eccleâ—asticis Nobilibus populi selectis viris coalescit cum universi Regni Majestatem potestatem faciem referat sicut Concilium Generale Episcoporum universam representat Ecclesiam Regem Religioni populo perniciosum Tyrannum infestum potest exauthorare alium ejus loco substituere Franc. Fenard Com. in Esther pag. 87. The Parliament composed of the Clergy Nobility and Commons representing the Majesty and power of the whole Kingdom as a general Council of Bishops doth the whole Church may depose their King being a Tyrant and hurtful to Religion and the People and then may chuse another into his place To these Divines we may add an old noted Lawyer Andraeus de Isernia who tells us that to whom the Government of the Kingdom is given to the same person is also committed all things that belong to the Government whereby the people deprive themselves of all Relations to such authority c Non remansit apud Populum qui non potest revocare nisi Rex male se gereret tunc expelleret Regem Tyrannizantem sicut Tarquinium Romani Andr. de Isern Comment in usus Feudorum Tit. Quae sint Regalia V. Monetae pag. 743. Vnless the King do not govern well for then forsooth they may expel him the Nation as the Romans of old did Tarquinius Adamus Tannerus a German Jesuit of great repute in his Country both with the Emperour and other Princes yet for all the many favours received from them he must not contradict the Principles of his Order and Church and therefore he positively maintains that Kings may lawfully sometimes be deposed and because he would not seem to do any thing without Reason he thus tells you upon what goodly foundation this bad Principle stands because forsooth d Ratio est tum quia Respub uti in Principem suam potestatem contulit ita ab eodem potest ex justa causa auferre Tum quia quaeque Respub habet potestatem sibi prospiciendi de legitimo Câ—pite quale non est hic quâ— ex Pastore populi in Lupum degeneravit Ad. Tanner Theolog. Scholast Tom. 3. disp 4. Quest 8. dub 3. Num. 32 33. as the people do deliver their power up to the King so upon just account they can take it from him again and also because every Common-wealth hath the Authority to see that they have a lawful head and he who from the Pastor of the people turns to be a Wolf is no lawful Governour But now let us see the Opinion of a Scotch-man and that held one of the learnedst of his time his Divinity he got from Sorbonne but where he got his Politicks I know not unless from the practice of his Church of Rome however take it as it is a Totus populus est supra Regem in aliquo eventu potest eum exauthorare quemadmodum Romani Tarquinium superbum imperio exuerunt sed non potest de jure sine maxima evidentissima causa Jo. Major in quartum sententiarum Dist 11. Quaest 10. The people are above their King and in some cases may depose him as the Romans did Tarquin yet this they cannot do lawfully but upon urgent occasions This was a fit man to be Buchanan's Master who trod his steps to an hair in these Principles as appears by his ungrateful b De jure Regni apud Scotos Dialogue presented to King James But the Scholar had not so good esteem of his Masters skill in History as appears by the Satyrical Epigram against him though Major deserved better Cum scateat nugis solo cognomine Major G. Buchan Epigram lib. 1. pag. 337. Nec sit in immenso pagina sana libro Non mirum titulis quod se veracibus ornat Nec semper Mendax fingere Creta solet Since as he saith he 's onely Great in name And with false trifles doth his story frame No wonder that he calls himself so right Since greatest lyars sometimes truth may write But that we might not at this time think our Neighbours worse A conference about the next succession of the Crown of England Imprinted at N. with License 1594. Part. 1. cap. 2. pag. 32. Id. Pag. 36. than ourselves let 's hear an English-man speak to this case and this shall be the noted Jesuit Robert Parsons under the Visard of R. Doleman Yea not onely in this point saith he hath the Commonwealth authority to put back the next Inheritors upon lawful considerations but also to dispossess them that have been lawfully put in possession if they fulfill not the Laws and Conditions by which and for which their dignity was given them And again So yet retaineth still the Common-wealth her Authority not onely to restrain the same Prince if he be exorbitant but also to chasten and remove him upon weighty considerations In one place he seems to vapour with his Compact though I would gladly know when where by whom and how in England for that 's his drift this Agreement was and made conditional and by what Laws the people are made Judges and Punishers but let us hear the Jesuit himself speak Yea with such plain Exceptions Promises and Oaths of both Id. Cap. 4. p. 73. Parties I mean between the King and Common-wealth at the day of his admission or Coronation as if the same be not kept but wilfully broken on either part then is the other not bound to observe his Promise neither though never so solemnly made or sworn for that in all Bargains Agreements and Contracts where one Party is bound mutually and reciprocally to the other by Oath Vow or Condition there if one side go from his promise the other standeth not obliged to perform his In another place he turns the Condition into an Obligation affirming that the people not onely may but that they ought depose their Kings thus Then is the Common-wealth not onely free from all Oaths made by Id. Pag. 77 78. her of Obedience or Allegiance to such unworthy Princes but is bound moreover for saving the whole body to resist chasten and remove such evil heads if she be able And then again to weaken the succession by blood and to make an Heir-apparent but a trifle and to make the outward Ceremonies too much essential to the Office he thus in his fury gives you his Infallible Decree I must needs affirm to be most absurd base and impious that flattery Id. Cap. 5. pag. 120. before mentioned of Belloy and his Companions where he holdeth that onely succession of blood is the thing without farther approbation which maketh a King and that
Et sera ce premier Article leu par chacun an tant â—s Cours Souveraines qu' es Bailliages Seneschaucees du dit Royaume a l'ouverture des audiences pour estre garde observe avec toute severite rigueur To hinder the spreading of the pernicious Doctrine lately taught and maintain'd by some seditious spirits enemies to good Government against Kings and Soveraign Powers His Majesty shall be humbly desired that there shall be establish'd by the three Estates for a Fundamental Law of the Land to be kept and known by all men That the King being acknowledged head in his Dominions holding his Crown and Authority onely from God there is no power on Earth whatever spiritual or Temporal that hath any right over his Kingdom either to depose our Kings or dispence with or absolve their Subjects from the fidelity and obedience which they owe to their Soveraign for any cause or pretence whatever That all his Subjects of what quality or Condition soever shall keep this Law as holy true and agreeable to Gods Word without any distinction equivocation or limitation whatsoever which shall be sworn and signed by all the Deputies of the Estates and henceforward by all who have any Benefice or Office in the Kingdom before they enter upon such Benefice or Office and that all Tutors Masters Regents Doctors and Preachers shall teach and publish that the contrary Opinion viz. that it is lawful to kill and depose our Kings to rebel and rise up against them and shake off our Obedience to them upon any occasion whatever is impious detestable quite contrary to Truth and the establishment of the State of France which immediately depends upon God onely That all Books teaching these false and wicked Opinions shall be held as seditious and damnable All strangers who write and publish them as sworn Enemies to the Crown and that all Subjects of his Majesty of what Quality and Condition whatever who favour them as Rebels violators of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Traytors against the King And if there be a Book or discourse writ by any forraign Church-man or any other that then the Clergy of the same Orders establish'd in France shall be obliged continually to answer oppose and confute them without any respect ambiguity or equivocation upon pain to be punish'd as abovesaid as a favourer of the Enemies of the State And this Article shall be read every year in the Soveraign Courts Bayliwicks and Seneschalships of the said Kingdom and at the opening of their Courts of Audience that they may be the better preserved and observed with all rigor and severity This startles the Clergy who with the Noblesse presently set themselves against the third Estate somewhat like our House of Commons with a resolution to expunge this honest and loyal Proposition yet declared their continuable obedience to their King And as a main Engine to carry this their design about they desired Jaque Davie the famous Cardinal of Perron to endeavour to work over to them the third Estate knowing that his voluble Tongue used to be carryed on with so much Learning Judgement and Sweetness that it seldom mist of that it spoke for Accordingly attended with some Lords and Bishops as Representatives of their respective Estates and so to shew to the Commons that both the other did agree so in judgement in this case with the learned Cardinal that he spoke not onely his own but their Opinions too He though at that time somewhat indisposed went accordingly where he made a very long Speech to shew the unreasonableness and absurdity of the foresaid proposition endeavouring to prove by Reason that sometimes Kings should and by Example that they had been deposed their Subjects being justly quit from their Oaths of Allegiance and so not bound to obey them The Harangue it self being large I refer you to it in his Diverses Oeuvres Yet this Oration wrought little upon the third Estate which hugely troubled all their Cergy and the Popes Nuntio then at Paris and a Hist de Louis XIII pag. 49. Scipion Dupleix one of the Kings Historiographers can accuse the Article with manifest absurdity by which he shews his compliance with the rest in this Doctrine But the Pope Paul the Fifth shew'd himself most troubled in his Letter to Perron dated from Rome Febr. 1615. he call'd it a Detestable Decree and the voters of it Enemies to the Common good and quietness and mortal adversaries to the Chair of Rome But at the same time gives the Cardinal all the commendations and thanks that can be But our King James was not so complemental nor had he Reason For the Cardinal in his Speech having several reflections against the Government of England the cruelty of her Laws the persecution of the Roman Catholicks and shew'd himself mainly concern'd against our Oath of Allegiance which did not a little reflect upon the King himself upon which his Majesty looking upon this Cardinal as somewhat too busie in putting his Oar in another mans Boat and so concern'd to have somewhat of justice done him by his Ambassador publickly complain'd of this affront to the young King the Queen-mother and others and himself publickly answered the Speech But this was no trouble to the Cardinal who was hugely complemented and magnified from several Bishops and other great persons for this his Speech and valiantly defending the right of the Church But how to end this grand Controversie amongst the Estates was the cause of some Consultations at last the King was cunningly perswaded to take it to himself which he did affirming he understood his own Right and Possession and so forbad them to determine any thing about it However the two Estates were gallantly caressed by two Breves from the Pope stufft with Commendations and thanks for their Doctrine and valour for the Church But enough of Perron and the French Estates now in a manner neglected in that Kingdom And should we look upon our own Oath of Allegiance made onely upon a politick account for the prevention of Treason we might see it as strongly opposed and girded at as that of France For no sooner was it made that horrid Gunpowder-plot being a main Motive but Paul the Fifth absolutely forbad it to be taken by two Breves sent into England and presently began a Paper-scuffle on all sides Bellarmine Gretzer Parsons Coquaeus Scioppius and many others by might and main opposing its taking but they were instantly answered not onely by King James himself but several of his learned Subjects as Bishop Andrews Dr. Abbot Carleton Donne Prideaux Burbill Widdrington or Preston a Benedictan Monk for which there were Rods laid in piss for him by the Romanists and several others Amongst those who zealously opposed it was one Adolphus Schulckenius but whether a true name or no I know not yet he is very furious in behalf of the Popes deposing of Kings and this he tells us the Pope may do by the
first that made Seminaries at Doway a severe enemy to the Protestants and as fierce a maintainer of the power of Rome and the King of Spain of both which this one Example may satisfie Queen Elizabeth having sent some aid into the Netherlands against the Spaniard Sir William Stanley was made Governour of Deventer in Over-Issel which he presently betraying his trust deliver'd with himself and Garrison to the Spaniard by which he lost by common consent the reputation of Subject Gentleman and Souldier but Dr. Allain thinking to quell these rumours and to encourage the new Renegado's by a Letter from Rome sends Stanley and his Regiment not onely thanks and Commendations for this their action but as he thought a sufficient vindication too part of which take in his own words Yea I say no more unto you Gentlemen seeing you desire to know Dr. Allain's Letter touching the render of Deventer pag. 27 28. my meaning fully in this point That as all acts of Justice within the Realm done by the Queens authority ever since she was by publick sentence of the Church and see Apostolick declared an Heretick and an enemy of Gods Church and for the same by name excommunicated and deposed from all Regal Dignity as I say ever sithence the publication thereof all is void by the Law of God and Man so likewise no war can be lawfully denounced or waged by her though otherwise in it self it were most just because that is the first Condition required in a just War that it be by one denounced that hath lawful and Supream power to do the same as no Excommunicate person hath especially if he be withal deposed from his Royal Dignity by Christ his Vicar which is the Supream power in Earth and his Subjects not onely absolved and discharged of their Service Oath Homage and Obedience but especially forbidden to serve or obey any such Canonically condemned person And in another place of the same Pamphlet he thus tells them their doom if they had been faithful to their trust and the Queen a Id. pag. 30. Any Excommunicate or Canonically condemn'd Prince whom no man by law can serve nor give aid unto but he falleth into Excommunication Thus we see what small esteem he had of his Soveraign and how easie it is for these men to ease themselves of loyalty and Obedience And that the Pope may thus trample upon Kings observe his Doctrine in another of his Writings b Defence of English Catholicks against the book call'd The execution of justice pag. 143. The Pope may in some cases excommunicate for some causes deprive and in many respects fight and wage War for Religion And gain c Id. p. 207. Plain it is that Kings that have professed the Faith of Christ and the defence of his Church and Gospel may be and have been justly both excommunicated and deposed for injuries done to Gods Church and revolt from the same as sometimes also for other great crimes tending to the Pernition of the whole subject unto him And gain d Id. P. 114. By the fall of the King from the Faith the danger is so evident and inevitable that GOD HAD NOT SUFFICIENTLY PROVIDED FOR OUR SALVATION and the preservation of his Church and holy Laws IF THERE WERE NO WAY TO DEPRIVE or restrain Apostata Kings And then plainly declares to the world thus e Id. P. 115. Therefore let no man marvel that in case of heresie the Soveraign loseth his superiority and right over his people and Kingdom And in these f Id. P. 72 73. Opinions he endeavours to prove that there is no harm And gives the Earl of a Westmerland Id. 48. for his Rebellion great commendations and of his fellow-Traytor gives you this Character The renowned Count of Northumberland dyed a Saint and holy Martyr When the Spanish Armado invaded England he printed a pernicious Admonition to the Catholicks of these Kingdoms stuft with horrid Rebellion and Treason perswading them by all means to take part with the King of Spain and to Root out their own Queen What effect his Doctrine took I know not but 't is well known that the Fleet came to nothing and enough of this Allen who for his zeal to the Spanish Faction and the authority of Rome was made Cardinal de S. Martino by Pope Sixtus the Fifth at the desire of Philip the Second And now let us see what a man with a long name will tell us in this cause Andraeas Eudaemon-joannes a man suspected at first to sculk under a wrong denomination but when we know his Country and temper we shall not think him asham'd to own any thing though never so bad or false he was born in the Island Crete now better known by the name of Candia at Canea by the ancients call'd Cydon or Cydonia but bred up from his youth at Rome and a Jesuite If that be true that in the Island of his birth no venomous or harmful Creature can live 't was well that he was forthwith transplanted to Italy for his native soyl and his malicious humour could never agree His writings are onely stuft with railing and vain repetitions hath impudence to deny any thing and affirm what he pleaseth his whole books are composed of contradictions all along affirming that Kings may be deposed nay and sometimes cut off and yet at the same time vindicating himself and his Order from disloyalty and yet so shie in his affirmations though bald in his hints that his books may be read over to as much purpose and satisfaction as one of the Brethrens preachments or Olivers Speeches so that I should wonder that such a generous Pope as Vrban the Eighth and such a learned Cardinal as Bellarmine should have him in such esteem and favour if interest had no sway in this world And though all along one may know his meaning by his Moping yet sometimes he speaks plain enough and declares that the a Potuit enim non ut dominus sed ut Minister Christi deponere Principes Andr. Eudaem-joan Respons ad Epist Is Casauboni pag. 12. Pope can depose Kings and that this b Id. Parallelus Torti Tortoris cap. 4. pag. 197. ultro concedamus facta à Pontificibus jure atque ordine fieri potuisse ut contumaciam ac Tyrannidem Principum excommunicatione ac depositione ulcisceretur hath been done and may be done sometimes lawfully In the year 1594 one Jehan Chastel intending to stab King Henry the Fourth of France with his Kinfe struck him into his Mouth and though he mist of his aim yet he struck out two of his teeth and wounded him sore For this Treason the Villain is excuted but presently one Franzois de Verone writes an Apology for Chastel affirming that he had done nothing but what became a true Christian and Catholick his reasons being because the King as he said was an Heretick and so might lawfully be kill'd or
his Rebellion hath too much of Atheism in him to be a true Christian Thus would these men make the condition of Kings to be like that of Damocles with a drawn Sword hanging over their heads by a slender thred His and the Kingdoms settlement to lye at the mercy and alteration of every hot-brain'd Zealot For let him be of whatsoever Religion yet we see he shall not please and that which should have no Arms but Prayers and Tears must be made a pretence to prove the Devil a Saint and Treason an Article of Faith We have formerly seen how the Romish Favorites do hugely contend in behalf of their a Extra Com. l. 1. Tit. â— c. 1. Unam Sanctam canon-Canon-law that the Pope is b Jer. 1. 10. set over the Nations and over Kingdoms to root out and to pull down and to destroy and to throw down But as if this were not enough to overcloud the Authority of Kings they will allow the people also the power to trample upon their Princes by deposing them and this in few words is acknowledged by c Jus deponendi abdicandi e solio Reges ac Principes non solum Ecclesiae sed interdum populis competere ratione exemplis ostenditur Rut. Benz. Comment in Canticum Magnificat lib. 3. cap. 27. dub 6. pag. 134. Rutilius Benzonius Bishop of their Miraculous Loretto Leonardus Coquaeus endeavouring to prove that the Pope hath power to depose Kings in one place brings his Argument by way of comparison that if d Examen Praefat. monit p. 102. Parliaments do sometimes depose Kings why may not the Pope much more do it And in another place speaks more plain That e Imo judicarem quod non expectata sententia Summi Pontificis posset talem Principem a subditis deponi Id. Pag. 49. without the Pope the subjects themselves may pull their Kings from their Thrones But I warrant you that King James against whom he wrote would never be converted by this French-man Here we have the Brabantine Jesuite Martinus Becanus keep a great deal of clutter about the old worne-out Argument of a mutual compact between King and People and so he would conclude that if Kings do not keep their Promises to their Subjects then the Controvers Angl. p. 133 134 135. people may slip their necks out of Coller and throw by their King and something to this purpose he affords you an old Rime Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But this in this case is a false rule with us being no compact nor the parties equals so that do but translate his Riming Proverb to agree with the cause in hand and we shall see the consequence to be false Don breaks his Troth burns my poor house what then May I his slave go and burn his agen This used to be common Logick to the borderers or Moss-troopers but we see ours if held affirmatively cannot prosper in a setled Kingdom But he goeth farther yet to extol the power of the People affirming that when a King is deposed though there Plus dicam in haec re voluit concensus populi ut etiamsi superesset legitimus haeres cui Regnum deberetur hoc palam omnibus constaret tamen si populus praetermitto legitimo haerede alium delegisset ille alius fuisset verus Rex Mart. Becan Controv. Angl. pag. 120. remaineth a lawful Heir to whom the Kingdom of right doth belong and this too apparently known to all yet if the people do chuse another and throw this Heir aside the other so chosen is the true King Almost an hundred years ago an English-man who calls himself John Rastell Master of Arts and Student of Divinity then living at Lovan a A brief shew of the false wares packâ— together in the named Apologie of the Church of England fol. 9â— wrote against Dr. Jewel in behalf of Dr. Harding or rather as himself saith gathered out of Dr. Hardings Book and if so about this cause take both their Opinions For whereas every Common-wealth is greater than the Prince which governeth it and may depose the same upon lawful cause and whereas Riot and doltishness are causes sufficient so to do as making the Prince unable to govern it well it followeth consequently that if the whole Estate of France deposed Chilperick and erected Pipine there was NO FAULT committed in so doing Now certainly you would think that this Chilperick was a strange Tyrant or that his wickedness must be so great that 't was no fault to take the Crown from him and give it to one of his Subjects that had no right to it nor is this all but the Kingdom by this means changed from one Family to another But we shall finde his enormities not to deserve such punishment that he wanted discretion I believe but then they might have given him an assistant and as for his inclination b Hist de' personaggi illustri Religiosi lib. 3. cap. 18. Essenda di natura piâ— Egli menò vita Angelica Paolo Morigi tells us that he was Godly and peaceful and when he was put into a Monastery that he led an Angelical life Whether there was such an English-man or no as this John Rastell I know not because Pitseus maketh no mention of any such and doth tell us besides that c Pag. 764. William Rastell amongst other things wrote several Books against Bishop Jewel whosoever be the man 't is not much to our purpose though William the Lawyer would have given more credit to the cause though for so doing would somewhat have encreas'd the wonder those who are so much addicted to our Common-law not troubling themselves so much with the Romish Politicks or the niceties of the Schools And so much for Rastell and his friends Doctrine d Recognit lib. de laicis cap. 6. Bellarmine tells us that Martinus ab Azpilcueta the famous Spanish Lawyer was of Opinion that the people never transferr'd their power so much upon and into the Prince but that in some cases they might resume it again from him And of the same judgement doth the Cardinal shew himself in one place that if e Videmus in â—ebus publicis temporalibus si Rex degeneret in Tyranâ—um â—icet sit Caput Regni tamen a populo deponi eligi alium Bellar. de Concil l. 2. c 19. the King turns Tyrant the people may depose him and chuse another And again that f Pendet a consensâ— multitudinis constituere super se Regem vel Consules vel alios Magistratus ut patet si causa legitima adsit potest multitudo mutare Regnum in Aristocratiam aut Democratiam e contrariâ— Bellarm. de laicis lib. 3. cap. 6. 't is the consent of the people that constitutes Kings or other Governments over them and so if cause be given they may turn â—he Kingdom into an Aristocracy or Democracy or the contrary g Defens fid
the Peoples consent to him which is next by birth is nothing at all needful be he what he will and that his admission inunction or Coronation is onely a matter of external Ceremony without any effect at all for increase or Confirmation of his right These I say are unlearned fond and wicked assertions And as if all the world agreed with him upon his main design he thus flatters himself and his Readers That a King upon just causes may be deposed I think both Id. Part 2. cap. 4. p 61. Parties though never so contrary between themselves will easily agree But before I leave this wicked Book I shall tell thee that the Doctrine of it was so pleasing to the Palates of our Independents that about the beginning of 1648 they got it reprinted though in another garbe that of Father Parsons his putting out being by way of Dialogue but the latter was by way of Speeches or Orations Gilbert Mabbot being Imprimator and not long before the happy Restauration of his Majesty the Dialogue was publickly reprinted again and to good purpose I warrant you Johannes Mariana the Spanish Jesuit sufficiently known for his variety of Learning and the smooth stroke of his Pen and no less for his pernicious Principles spread over the world to encourage Treason and Murther amongst his other Impieties he perswades subjects to War against Certe a Repub unde ortum habet Regia potestas rebus exigentibus Regem in jus vocari posse si sanitatem râ—spuat Principatu spoliari Non ita in principem jure potestatis transâ—ulit ut non sibi majorem reservaâ—t potestatem Jo. Mar. de Regi Regis Institutione lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 57. their Kings telling them that in some cases they may also depose them nay and Murther them too of which in its due place But they may say that the Parisians received him with some Rigour though yet I do not think that they will positively affirm that this was justly done for the Position now in hand unless they will also censure some of the main Pillars of their Church And the Germane Jesuit a Refutatio Aphorismorum cap. 3. ad Aphor. 1. p. 158. § 94. Sehastianus Heissius in this case doth Apologize for him declaring that in this point that Kings may be deposed by their Subjects he writ not amiss Nor is this Doctrine unpleasant to all the French as appears by one of the noted writers amongst them b Neque enim potest qui verus eâ—t dominus hostiliter invadiâ— sed via tantum juris à tota communicate moneri si incorrigibilis fuerit aut detineri debet ad tempus aut deâ—oni Quod non cadit adversus Principem nisi juxta allegata pâ—obata quidem à tota Communitate Râ—b Cenalis Arboricensis de utâ— iusque gladii sacultate Tom. 2. pag. 119. Robertus Cenalis who shews himself a lusty Champion for this cause against Kings whom he saith may be brought to a tryal and deposed To these I might add the Italian Jesuit a Moral Quaest Tom. 2. Tract 29. c. 1. § 12. Vincentius Filliucius the Spanish Fryar Mendicant b In D. Tho. Tom. 1. col 1157. Michael Salon and the learned Dominican of the same Nation c De justitia lib. 5 Quaest 1. art 3. Dominicus Soto with whom the Benedictan of our own Country agreeth viz. d Denique recte Sotus cum hujusmodi Tyrannus habeat jus titulum justum in Regno non est nisi perjudicem deponendus aut suo jure spoliandus Greg. Sayr Clavis Regia lib. 7. cap. 10. § 3. Gregory Sayer but to be too particular would be tedious And so I shall pass by e Tyrannicidium seu Scitum Catholicorum de Tyranni internecione Quest 2 3. Jacobus Kellerus the German Jesuit and Mr. f Grounds of Obedience and Government pag. 122 123 124 133 135 136 151 154 157 c. Thomas White an English Priest well known amongst us for his odd stile and opinions with several others CHAP. IV. That Kings may lawfully be kill'd by their own Subjects SOlon that ancient Law-giver to the Athenians though it was his design to put a curb to all Vice and root out Iniquity yet amongst his many other good and wholesome Sanctions he made no law against a mans killing of his Father not thinking that men could be so unnatural as to destroy that which gave them a being seeing the very Storks venture all for the preservation of their ancient Parents And the more modern Inhabitants of Vicaragua in America Tho. Gages survey of the West-Indies Pag. 74 75. Mexicana though Infidels had such esteem for their Governours the Fathers of the Country that they made no Law against the murthering of Kings Happy people whose innocent simplicity made them not capable to apprehend such monstrous Villany And must Christians be out-stript by these honest Heathens in virtue or is it decreed that Christianity should be a prop to wickedness Must we as they say of the Gloss of Orleance contradict the Text when we are bid to obey must we Rebel when we are bid to suffer must we kill and Murther Or must we think that the nulling is the fulfilling of a Law May we interpret all Commands as the Glossator upon the Canon-law with Oppositions that to g Statuimus id est abrogamus dist 4. § Statuimus Decree signifieth to abrogate or null or as another doth with the Civil-Law that by h Quo magis id est quo minus Cod. lib. 3. de judiciis Tit. 1. c. 3. § Quoties so much the more must be meant so much the less No yet such there are or else we do not rightly understand the Text or their Comment The learned Lord i Hist Hen. VII p. 134. Verulam tells us that conditional Speeches with Ifs and And 's doth not qualifie Treason Burdet the Merchant in London suffered as a Traytor under Edward the Fourth onely for saying that he would make his Son Inheritor of the Crown meaning his own House and Collingburn under Richard the Third for making this Pasquil upon his favourites Lovel Ratcliff and Catsby with an allusion to himself by a Bore his Cognizance or Badge in Arms The Rat the Cat and Lovel the Dog Rule all England under the Hog Since the Crowns of Princes are so nice people should be more circumspect how they treat of them especially when it concerns a mischief and the people may think that they are somewhat related to it and though the Rule be but obscure they are apt to take the staff by the wrong end and apply it to their own pleasures and desires of Novelty Though the Letter Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est To kill Edward do not fear is a good thing was dubious and might have a double interpretation yet Gurney and Maltravers had will and malice enough to understand it for the
who was the true Pope and yet the Succession of their Popes is infallible CHAP. VII 1. The deposing of Charles the Third le simple King of France 2. The Murder of Edmund and Edward the Martyr Kings of England 3. The Murders of Malcolme of Duffe of Culene of Kenneth the Third Kings of Scotland Sect. 1. The deposing of Charles the Third le simple King of France BUt now leaving off the quarrels and seditions amongst the Popes themselves at Rome let us move a little Northwards and see what Loyalty and Obedience we can finde towards Temporal Princes and France in the first place offers it self where passing by some troubles we behold b An. 892. Charles le simple in the Throne a well meaning King and Religious But against him Robert brother to Eudes and Major-domo and Grand-father to Hugh Capet gets a party and hath himself Crown'd King of Rheims by Merivee Archbishop of that City Charles informed of this marcheth against him both the Armies meet neer Soissons fight in which Robert is slain some say by Charles himself Dâ— Bussâ—eres tom 1. pag. 477. who ran his Lance into his mouth and through his tongue However though Charles here remain'd victorious yet by negligence or too much fear or confidence he lost all for instead of prosecuting his Victory he desired peace and assistance of a Oâ— Heribert Hebert Earl of â—ermandois or St. Quentin his enemy and Cousin to Robert b An. 923. Heribert glad of this desires Charles to come to St. Quentin that they might the better consult about his safety Charles thinking all promises to be true consents and freely goeth thither Herbert perceiving him now in his power seiseth upon him and tells him that France must now consult for a wiser King so he is carryed to the Castle of Thierry thence to Soissons where the Parliament being Chaâ—â—eau-Thierry a Town in â—a Haâ—te Campagne call'd according to Heberts humour the innocent King is deposed and Rodulph by the Frencb call'd Raoul Duke of Burgondy of whom we have formerly heard as King of Italy is declared and Crown'd King of France by Seulfus Archbishop of Rheims which Prelate was c Jo. Chenu Hist Archiepisc Gall. pag. 270. poysoned after by Hebert As for poor Charles sometimes he was favour'd by a little liberty but at last he was clapt up close prisoner in Perone Castle in Picardy where having thus for the space of five years been hurried from prison to prison he d An. 928. dyed being overwhelm'd with grief and the nastiness of his Goal But before I end this story it may be the Reader will not take it amiss if we tell him what device and policie was used by Lewes Son to Charles the simple to make Hebert suffer by his own judgement for his Treason against his Soveraign Eguina the Third Daughter to Edward sirnamed the Elder King of England and Sister to Ethelstan or Adelstan King also of England was married to this Charles the Third sirnamed the simple by whom she had Lewes the Fourth She perceiving the misery of her Husband and King to escape the same danger with her Son Lewes she takes her opportunity and slips into England where they stay with her Brother Athelstan till the people weary of Rebellion and other opportunities settle him in the Throne of France and from his thus living beyond Seas here in England his Country-men call'd him e Ultramarinus or Transmarmus D'oultremer Lewes sirnamed D'oultremer being thus restored was resolved to be revenged on Heribert Count of St. Quentin for the deposing and imprisonment of his Father Charles le simple and having as he thought sufficiently secured himself with his Nobility and People he held a Parliament at Laon composed of his sure Friends and thither as to advise about the good of the Nation Hebert came also amongst the rest In the mean time King Lewes had provided a trusty fellow to whom he gave a Letter written by himself with express Orders to the fellow to put himself into an English Habit and when the Assembly met to come in and bring the Letter as if from the King of England Accordingly the fellow cometh in delivers the Letter which was read whisperingly to the King and whilst the Secretary was thus reading it the King smiled the Nobles at this thinking it to be some jesting business desired of his Majesty the reason Well quoth the King now I perceive the English are not so wise as I took them to be for my Cousin the King of England writes to me that in his Country a labouring man inviting his Landlord or Master to dinner at his house caused him to be slain and now my lords he desires your advice what punishment this fellow deserves and what he should undergo Upon which they with Hebert unanimously declared their Opinions that he should be hang'd that death being most ignominious Whereupon the King turning to Heribert said And thou O Hebert art this false servant who by imprisonment murder'd in the Castle of Perone thy Lord and Master King Charles my father and so receive thy reward according to thine own judgement At this the Kings Officers provided on purpose come in seise upon Hebert carry him out to a Mountain close by where he was hang'd or strangled from which action they say the Hill is to this day call'd Mont-Hebert a Tom. 1. p. 693. § 9 10. Dupleix will have Heribert to dye a natural death and is very angry with de Serres for asserting this story though I can assure him that Serres was neither the first nor onely Author of this Passage for before him b De l'estar de France l. 1. fol. 56. du Haillan hath it and long before him again we have it told at large by c De gestis Franc. l. 5. fol. 40. Robertus Gaguinus but however it be there is no stress of any business lyeth upon it Sect. 2. The Murder of Edmund and Edward the Martyr Kings of England BUt now let us look a little neerer home where we finde Edmund Brother to Ethelstan raigning in England and commended for his good Government and Laws yet was he murder'd but Hollinshead lib. c. 21. Speed l. 7. c. 39. Jo. Trevisa l. 6. fol. 290. how Authors will not agree some say that being at his Mannor of Puclekirks in Glocestershire seeing one of his Servants in danger at a quarrel stepping in to save his Servant was himself d An. 946. slain Others will have it that at the same place keeping a Feast upon St. Augustine Archbishop of Canterbury his day and seeing one Leof whom for his misdemeanors he had formerly banished the land and now return'd without license sitting at Table neer him was so inraged to see such an Outlaw in his presence that he suddenly rose from the Table fell upon Leof took him by the hair and threw him to the ground but the Villan having fast
from whose modesty the recovery of the Kings favour assailed him afresh and without respect of his Majesty at such time as he led his Armies lately against the Peace-breakers with severe and terrible Letters nothing savoring of fatherly Devotion or Pastoral Patience but most bitterly threatning him with sentence of Excommunication and his Kingdom with an Interdict whereas on the otherside he rather ought with admonition to have mollified him and with merits and meekness overcome him If the Kings humility be so requited what will be determin'd against the stubborn If the ready devotion of obedience be esteem'd so slightly in what manner shall wilful obstiuacie be revenged Nay father to these so grievous threats are added yet matters far more grievous for he Excommunicated some of his Majesties Liegemen most inward with our Lord the King the Principal of his Privy Council who managed the counsels of the King and the affairs of his Kingdom and all this being neither cited nor impleaded neither as they say or call it guilty of any crime nor convicted nor confessing any thing Yea he went farther yet insomuch as he suspended from his Priestly and Episcopal Office our reverend Brother the Bishop of Salisbury being absent undefended neither confest nor convict before ever the cause of his suspension was approved of by the advice of those of the same Province or any others If therefore this course of proceedings in judgements so preposterous we spare to say inordinate be followed concerning the King and Kingdom what will be the end considering the time is evil and yeildeth great occasion of malice but that the band of grace and favour whereby the Kingdom and Priesthood have hitherto been united will be rent asunder c And so they appeal against the Archbishop Thomas The Church being somewhat troubled with these divisions it was the earnest desire of several to procure a peace and this the Pope himself wish'd having work enough to do with the Emperour Frederick To accomplish this upon the desire also of Henry An. 1168. he sends two Legates a Latere viz. Cardinal William and Cardinal Otto and accordingly impowered them with instructions to manage that accommodation in France He writes also to a Bar. anno 1168. § 3 4. Thomas desiring him by all means to give himself to peace and rather than not to have concord to wink at some things and yeild for a while Yet as if Thomas were not great enough before he intended to raise him above all in France to which purpose he resolved to make him Legat also over all those Churches but before he could bestow upon him that Legantine Authority he was to desire the King of France his leave which accordingly he did by b § 7 8 9. Letter As for the manner of the Treaty of Peace between the King and Thomas take the story of it from the Legates themselves to the Pope § 33. To our most blessed Father and Lord Alexander c. William and Oddo by the same Grace Cardinals c. Coming to the c c i. e. in France Dominions of the renowned King of England we found the controversie between him and Canterbury aggravated in far worse sort believe us than willingly we could have wished For the King with the greatest part of his followers affirmed how the Archbishop with great vehemencie d d Speed § 29. This Accusation Thomas denyed incensed the most worthy King of France against him and in like sort induced his Cosin the Earl of Flanders who before did bear him no malice to fall out with him and raise the most powerful war he could against him and this he knew of a certainty and it appear'd so by several evident demonstrations For whereas the said Earl departed from the King very friendly the Archbishop coming into his Province to the very seat of the War incited as much as in him lay as well the King of France as the said Earl to Arms The King affirm'd also that the Informations concerning the ancient Customs of England deliver'd to you were false and not true which also the Bishops there present did witness The King offer'd also that if any Customs since his time were devised contrary to the Ecclesiastical Laws he would submit them to your judgement Calling therefore to us the Archbishops Bishops and Abbots of the Kings Dominions that the King might not deprive us of all hopes of peace but rather suffer himself to be drawn to have a Conference with the Archbishop as well concerning the peace as the judgement Sending therefore Letters unto a a i. e. Thomas him by our Chaplains we appointed a certain and safe place where we might have conference with him on the Feast of St. Martin he nevertheless pretending excuses put off this Conference until the Octaves of that Saint which truely vexed the King more than could be imagined But when we saw that the Archbishop although we offer'd him safe conduct would nevertheless give us no meetings in any part of the Kings Dominions next the French we being willing to yeild to him that there might be nothing wanting in us which might redound to his profit came to a place in the Realm of France which himself appointed Being come to the Conference we began most earnestly to perswade him that he would behave himself to the King who had been his singular Benefactor with such humility as might afford us sufficient matter on which to ground our Petition for peace At which retiring himself aside with his friends after some consultation with them he answer'd that He had sufficiently humbled himself to the King without impeaching the honour of God the liberty of the Church the reputation of his own Person the possessions of the Church and farther the justice due to him and his friends These things so numbred up we seriously perswaded him as it was necessary to descend to particulars but when he would alledge nothing either certain or particular we demanded of him if in the matters specified in your Letters he would submit himself to our judgement as the King and Bishops had already promised to do to which he presently replyed that he had received no Mandat from you to this purpose But if he and all his might first be fully restored he would then proceed according as the Apostolick See should direct him So returning from the Conference since his words neither tended to judgement nor agreement nor yet would he by any means enter into the matter We manifested unto the King some things but concealing other passages as it was convenient and tempering other things what we heard c. Thomas b Bar. § 38 39 c. writes also to the Pope and informs him of the same conference and in a manner confesseth all here set down expecting his instigating the French against King Henry And another c § 53 54. Letter he writes to the Cardinals at Rome pitifully complaining that King
out and thrown in also lastly his head was cut off and fixt upon the most eminent place of the City and his body divided and parts of it sent to the chief places in the Kingdom As for Robert Graham he was thus punished a Gallows was raised in a Cart then he had his right-hand nailed to it and so drawn along the streets whilst the Executioners with burning Pincers tâ—re pieces from his Shoulders Thighs and suchlike fleshy places which were farthest from his Vitals thereby to keep him the longer alive and in greater pain yet did these terrors bring little repentance to him as may be ghâ—st by his impious answer for being asked during all these tortures How he durst lay hands on his Prince made this Reply That if he had Heaven and Hell at his choice he durst leap out of Heaven and all the joys there into the flaming bottom of Hell At last having all his flesh almost pull'd off his Heart and Intrails were thrown into the fire his Head stuck up and his Quarters sent to several places for a terror to others And here I shall hastily pass by the unfortunate Raign of King James III how his own Subjects covenanted against him confined or forced him to Edinbourgh Castle and at last came to open Battel against him at Bannoch-Burn not far from Sterlin where his Army being beaten he was after in cold blood murdered in the Mill but whether this abominable murther was done by Patrick Lord Gray Robert Sterling of Keer or Andrew Borthwick a Priest or all of them must be left as their Histories hath it uncertain Sect. 4. The deaths of Henry the Sixth and Edward the Fifth Kings of England BUt leaving Scotland here might I treat of the miseries of England at the same time of the long but unfortunate Raign of good Henry VI of his dethronement and which was worst of his year 1471 murther in the Tower of London as the common opinion goeth by a Bacons Hist Hen. VII pag. 2. Richard Duke of Glocester afterwards call'd Richard the III. Though Mr. b Hist Rich. III. pag â—0 Spondan calls him a Martyr an 1471. § 6. Buck of late would deny the fact and clear the said Richard from this and all other imputations laid to him by all other Historians The body of this King Henry was carryed to Chertsey in Surrey and there buryed in the Monastery belonging to the Benedictines And 't is said that many Miracles have been done at his grave above two hundred of which was gather'd into one c Vâ—d Harâ—sfield Hist Eccles p. 595. Volume nor was there any disease but they say was cured by him Blind Lame Dumb Kings-evil and what not And as if these were not enough they make him cure another Miracle viz. a Woman that used to go with Childe above d Ib. p. 596. two years Richard III envying the fame of Henry if we may believe King * Spelman Concil tom 2. pag. 71â— Henry VII removed the Corps from Chertsey to the Chappel of Windsor where he was also worshipped by the name of Holy King Henry and here they say that his Red-velvet-Hat e Stow pag. 424. heal'd the Head-ach of such as put it on their heads there his body rested for a time but now his Tomb being taken thence it is not commonly known what is become of his body 'T is true King Henry VII had a desire to have it removed to Westminster to which purpose the Abbot desired the f Spelâ— Concil pag. 712 71â— consent of Pope Alexander VI. King Henry VII also desired to have this Henry VI Canonized to which purpose he wrote to the said Alexander who gave the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Durham g Spelm. pag. 720. Authority to inquire into his Miracles and Life Nor did Henry VII cease here but Alexander dying he sollicited h Harpsfield pag. 594. Julius II very earnestly and some think that had the King lived a little longer he had obtain'd his request But this I shall leave with these words of Edward Hall These and other like Offices of Holiness Ed. Halâ—'s Châ—on fol. 223. b. caused God to work miracles for him in his life-time as old men said By reason whereof King Henry VII not without cause sued to July Bishop of Rome to have him Canonized as other Saints be but the fees of the Canonizing of a King were so great a quantity at Rome more then the Canonizing of a Bishop or a Prelate although he sate in St. Peters Chair that the said King thought it more necessary to keep his money at home for the profit of his Realm and Country rather then to impoverish his Kingdom for the gaining of a new Holy-day of St. Henry remitting to God the judgement of his will and intent And here passing by the cruel death of the young Innocent Prince Edward eldest Son to this King Henry VI in cold bloud after the fight at Tewkes-bury I might come to Edward V and shew how he was deposed by his Uncle Richard by means of his wicked Instruments Stafford Duke of Buckingham Dr. John Shaw Brother to Edmond Shaw Gold-smith then Lord Mayor of London and suchlike and from this I might lead you to the making away of the said young Innocent Prince Edward and his Brother by the means of the said Richard III but because all Histories will not exactly agree upon the manner how I shall refer you to the Chronicles themselves where the juggle if not the murthers may be seen at large Sect. 5. The troubles in Spain and the miseries of Don Henry the Fourth King of Castile and Leon by reason of his proud and rebellious Nobility IF we look into Spain we shall finde those Territories miserably wasted by Tumults and Rebellions we might see how the young King of Castile Henry III was so neglected by his proud and L. de Mayâ—â—â— Hist d' 〈◊〉 liâ— 18 19 20 21. greedy Nobility who pocketed up his Revenues that once he was forced to pawn one of his Robes for two Shoulders of Mutton to help out his Supper And we might see their Rebellions against his Son King John II whose troublesome Reign might be an Item to Kings to beware of confiding in and favouring too much one Subject by the neglect of the rest And the unhappy end of the Constable Don Alvaro de Luna may be a caution to the greatest favourites in their carriage for Kings at last in whose protection lyeth their greatest safety may be perswaded to leave them to Justice and then no mercy can be expected from the solong-abused Law and People But proceed we to greater troubles and misfortunes then these This King John II had by his First wife Maria of Arragon HENRY IV King of Castile and Leon. Leonora Catharine dyed young Second Wife Isabel of Portugal Daughter to D. Jean Master of S. Jago Son to John I. King of Portugal Alphonso whom
resolved to exclude King Henry the IV. if he turn'd not presently Romanist hoped that change would never be and so doubted not being of the Royal blood to get the Crown to himself This Plot he carried on secretly by his Favorites amongst whom was Jaques Davy Sieur du Perron though now but young and of mean birth yet of great parts and Learning and afterwards a Cardinal This Plot being discovered Mayenne was not a little troubled at it as aiming to take away his greatness and the King not satisfied as offering to rob him of the Crown However though his Party was potent and in the Opinion of the Romanists grounded upon good reason yet the King seemed outwardly to despise and slight it by jeeringly calling them the * Les Tiercelets Thirdlings as being neither for the King nor Covenant And another accident did not a little trouble Mayenne viz. The escape of Charles the young Duke of Guise from his Imprisonment at 15 August Tours for he had been secured ever since the killing of his Father at Blois but whether this escape was by the Kings desire and permittance the better to divide and so weaken the Leaguers or by Bribery or chance is nothing to our story The truth is Mayenne though he seemed pleased at his Nephews liberty yet he liked not the great rejoycings the Covenantâ—rs made at it by Bells and Bon-fires whereby he feared himself might be neglected and by such divisions and jealousies the King might assure himself no loser Mayenne himself also dreading the event of these distractions procureth a Private Meeting with the Duke of Lorrain and some others where it was secretly concluded to unite together never to permit if they could prevent it any to the Crown but of their Family but if they should be constrained to yield further yet that no stranger should be but a Prince of the Blood and of the Roman Religion This is signed and sealed by them and of it they inform the Duke of Guise who desires time to consider Nor is Paris free from sidings and fear for the Council of Sixteen which had been the foundation of the League and the raising of the Duke of Mayenne began now to distrust his proceedings as a man thwarting their greatness not active and fierce enough against the King and Hâ—gonots and one that regarded self more than the Publick And he of late being commonly far absent from them had not that aw and respect as formerly so they began to neglect him and cry up the young Guise And considering themselves strong enough having the Preachers the People the Spaniard the Bishop of Piacenza lately Vice-Legat on their side resolve to have things carried as they please To this purpose they send their demands and complaints to Mayenne who not consenting to them vext their Worships so much that they resolved to lay him aside and consult some other Head or Chieftain And to this purpose being also instigated by Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador in the Jesuits Colledge where their deepest Plots used to be made a Letter is drawn up and by the Sixteen and others sent to Philip II. King of Spain by one called Father Matthieu and by * Lib. 10â— * p. 1041. Thuanus and Davila nominated Claude Matheâ— But because François Montagne Rene de la Fon and Louis de Beaumanoir or if you will have the plain truth of it the Jesuit Luys Richeome for he was the French Author that writ the a but thâ—se with his â—athâ—r Apâ—logies are not printed amongst his Works in 2 vol. Apologies for the Jesuits under the former false names Because I say they deny his name to be so alledging that Claude Mathieu dyed above two years before viz. 1588. at Ancona in Italy though there might be others of that name besides him and because Matthien may as well be a Christian Name as a Sirname as the Advocate b Plâ—â—-day Arnauld and the Author of the c Book 3. fol. 200 201. Jesuits Catechism do intimate that this was so and the late d Memoirs d'Estat en suite de ceux de Mons de Villâ—â—â— tom 3. p. 44 where you may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whoâ—e Lettâ—r it self Prints from Paris assure us that his name was Matthieu Aquarius I shall say no more this being enough to overthrow one objection and Davila Thuanus Arnauld Perefixe and others being enough to testifie the truth of the thing supposing the name were not in all things exactly set down Part of the Letter take as followeth Most High and Mighty Prince Your Catholick Majesty having been so gracious unto us as to let us understand by the most religious and reverend Father Matthew not onely your holy intentions for the general good of Religion but more especially your great affections and favours towards this City of Paris c. Then after great commendations of young Guise and the telling of their own miseries they go on to tell him We trust in God that before it be long the Forces of his Holiness and your Catholick Majesties being joyn'd together will free us from the oppressions of our enemies who have hitherto for anâ— year and half so block'd and hem'd us in on all sides that nothing come into the City but by chance or force of Arms and would press further stood they not in fear of the Garrisons your Majesty was pleas'd to send us We can boldly assure your Catholick Majesty that the prayers and desires of all the Catholicks are to see your Catholick Majesty sway the Scepter of this Kingdom and Reign over us As we most willingly cast our selves into your arms as into the arms of our Father Or that your Catholick Majesty would be pleased to appoint some of your posterity And if it shall stand with your good pleasure to appoint any other besides your self that it may please you to make choice of a a a The Duke of Guise or â—omâ—â—thâ—r Frenchman to marry his 〈◊〉 Isabel Clara Eng. Son in Law whom we will receive as King with all our best affections all the Devotions and Obedience that a good and loyal people can and are Daughter to Alphonso IX of Castile and Leon married to Louis VIII of France and so Mother to St. Louis IX She was a wise Queen Regeâ—t qâ—elling all the Consâ—◠〈◊〉 of the Crown and Kingdom bound to yield to their Liege and Soveraign For we hope so well of the blessing of God upon this Alliance that what we have already received of that most puissant and most Christian Princess c c Donna Izabella Clara Eugenia el 〈◊〉 Daughtâ— to Philip II. by his 〈◊〉 wife Elizabeth â—r Izabel â— France Daughter â— Henry II. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have to â—◠〈◊〉 of France and to marry with 〈◊〉 French Prince â—â— Nâ—â—lâ—man to be â—ing Blanche of Castile Mother to our most Christian and most religions King St. Louis we shall receive it yea twofold of this great and vertuous Princess
of his seat took from him all his Royal Robes The grieved old Emperour fetching a deep sigh spake to this purpose The God of vengeance behold and revenge this iniquity you commit against me I suffer ignominy the like whereof was never heard of But it is God that justly punisheth me for the sins of my youth Yet for all this are not you free from this offence having broken your Oaths and so shall not avoid the revenge of a just Judge Let God never prosper you upon earth but let your portion be with him who betray'd Christ I know some hint so slightly on this story as if they were willing to pass it by in silence And others to mitigate the crime would gladly perswade us that the Emperour did willingly on his own head depose himself But 't is a poor excuse to conquer a man by force beat him soundly with an intent to make him deliver and then to say that he gave his purse freely when he was not able to keep it and you were resolved to have it And that the Father had really no minde to part with his Authority and Dominion his former battles against his Son for keeping them may testifie and his after-actions may sufficiently confirm it for getting liberty as conveniently as he could he withdrew himself to Colen thence to Liege and by his Letters declares to all Christian Princes and People how basely he had been used for a taste of which hard usage you may peruse his complaining Letter to Philip King of France it being somewhat long I shall refer you to the reading of it in a An. 1106. Sigebert And that he indeavour'd to restore himself by Arms by the assistance of the Duke of Lorraine History will tell at large And are all these signs of a willing and free resignation But at last young Henry gets his old Father again into his clutches where we cannot but suppose that the ancient Emperour was brought into excessive misery for proof of which take this one story testified by their own Historians This Henry amongst other buildings of Devotion had built at Spire a Monastery dedicated to the Virgin Mary and seeing thus all means of a free livelyhood taken from him applyed himself to Gebhard Bishop of Spire one to whom he had been a special Friend having not onely indowed the Church well but also advanced him to his honours Of this Bishop he desires one favour and that but a poor one too viz. that he would grant him the courtesie to live as an assistant in that Church which he himself had built and indowed telling of him withal that he was somewhat qualified for such an imployment because he had been brought up at his book and had some skill to assist in the Chair To which small request the ungrateful Bishop tartly replies with an b Per Matrem Domini non faceam tibi quod petis Helmold Hist Sclav cap. 33. Oath that he should not there be entertain'd though according to their c 16. q. 7. Quincunque fidelium Et Lancelot Inst Can. f. 1. Tib. 28. § defertur autem canon-Canon-law he should not have been denyed being the Founder Which uncharitable denyal so afflicted the ancient Emperour that he could not refrain from tears and sighing onely saying to the people then about him in the phrase of the patient man d Job 19 21. Have pity upon me have pity upon me at least you my friends for the hand of God hath touched me And thus overwhelmed with grief and poverty he presently after dyed at Liege having sway'd the Scepter above fifty years Now may we suppose that the living friends of the old Emperour went all to wrack when the dead could not escape the tyranny of their Popish Enemies Clement the Third his body after it had laid in the Grave five years at Ravenna was dig'd up again as unworthy of that holy Earth and so were the Bishops of his Consecrating served Nor did the Corps of the deceased Emperour fare any better for though at first it was buryed at Liege by the Bishop of that City but these men being under Church-Censures for their affection to old Henry they were not permitted to be received into Absolution and Church-Communion again till they had dug up the Imperial Corps and without any Ceremony laid it on unconsecrated ground and to this their Archbishops and Bishops gave their consents This being done with the approbation of young Henry it was convey'd to Spire and there laid by the a Ant. Dauroult Flor. Exempl cap 7. Tit. 16. § 8. Baron an 1110. § 4. Popes command without the Church and Church-yard in a Sepulcher without any form of buryal where it remain'd five years At the end of which time it pleas'd his Holiness Paschal to consent that it might have Christian buryal yet to this Christianity he was forced being then a b Baron an 1111. § 20. Prisoner to Henry the Son As for Henry he is much commended in History for his Nobleness and Valour having fought bravely in sixty two battles more than Caesar himself had done And his good benefaction to Churches makes him no enemy to Devotion yet would the Popelings from him raise up a new name of Heresie with which they severely brand him and this they call'd in those times Henrician and some Guibertine or Clementine from Clement the Third Heresie which they would make to be the same with Simony and what great Monster this Henrician Heresie is one of their great Rabbies and enemy to all good Government viz. c Ex ejus nomine quod ipse jus Investiturae mordicus sibi vendicaâ—et simonia dicta est Henriciana heresiâ— Cron. p. 898. Genebrard shall inform you onely this to chalenge to himself the power of giving Investitures to Bishops which now all Christian Kings do And yet about this did the Pope then keep such a clutter as if Religion it self were singing her Requiem But this puny supposed Heresie d Lib. 8. Prâ—teolus passeth by without any notice though he affords us an Henrician Heresie but from another man and upon different Principles which are nothing to my purpose here A man might think that young Henry the Fifth having thus got the Empire should be great friend to the Pope and they two be hand and glove But storie tells us the quite contrarie insomuch that now he thinks he is obliged to vindicate the rights of the Empire though against the Pope himself which he formerly looked upon really or was perswaded by the flattering Romanists to fancie so to be no less than abominable Heresie He being Emperour Pope Paschal declares his intent to meet him at Ausburg in Germany but upon some jealousie he turns into France and at Troyes holds a Synod where they fell to taking away the Emperours power of Investitures but against this Henry by his Ambassadors protested alledging that the Bishops of another Country were not to be judges of his
Magistrates THe Queens Majestie hath the chief Power in this Realm of England Articles of Religion anno 1562. Art 37. and other her Dominions unto whom the Chief Government of all Estates of this Realm whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil in all Cases doth appertain and is not nor ought to be subject to any Forraign Jurisdiction Where we attribute to the Queens Majestie the Chief Government by which Titles we understand the mindes of some dangerous folke to be offended We give not our Princes the Ministring either of Gods Word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen do most plainly testifie But that onely Prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself that is that they should Rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil Doers The Bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in this Realm of England The Laws of the Realm may punish Christian men Taken out of King Edward VI. his Articles anno 1552. § of Civil Magistrates with death for heinous and grievous offences It is lawful for Christian men at the Commandment of the Magistrate to wear weapons and serve in the Wars And with these agree the Articles agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops in a Anno 1615. § 57 58 59 60 61 62. Convocation at Dublin for the Kingdom of Ireland And because at the present I cannot remember any Historian to have taken notice of it I shall assure the Reader of one Passage concerning a Convocation of Divines In King James his time the Romanists on the one hand were so busie and zealous to advance the Popedom over all Principalities and Powers that the Crown it self must be disposed according to the pleasure of that Myter And on the other hand the Presbyterian Hâ—t-spurs were so rigoroâ—sly malepart that they would advance their seditious and blockish Assemblies or rather Conventicles above all Law Reason Loyalty Royalty and Divinity it self as appears by their coâ—tinual countenancing of Rebellion and Schism against their Kings and Bishops The first kept a great deal of clutter with St. Peter and is Sâ—ccessors the latter despis'd both him and all Biâ—hops â—he first would prove out of the Prophet b Jer. 1. 10. Exâ—rav Com. c. unam sanctam Gâ—â—g de â—ajor obed c solita Jerâ—my that the Pope was set Over the Nations and over the Kingdoms to root out and to pull down to destroy and to throw down to build and to plant The latter affirm'd that they were c Psal 149. 8. Tâ—â—â—nde â—hâ—r Kings with chains and their Nobles with jeâ—lers of I on The first would tell us that the Pope d Extra 16. had two swords â—hat all must be obedient to him upon pain of damnation 〈◊〉 he excels a King as much as the Sun doth the Moon or e Dist 96. c. du sunt Gold doth Lead That f Exâ—â—â— Joh. XXII T it 5 dist 22 â— omnes Gloss God hath delivered to him the Power and â—ule not onely of Earth but of Heaven too Nay that g Concil Ediâ— Regâ—a Paris Tom. 34. pag. 440. he wâ—s above all Power both of Heaven and Earth The latter despâ—â—ed all these Rodomontado's as coming from the Whore of Babylon and the Horned Beast but would fright the poor People out of their little wits by bauling out a Curse ye Meroz curse ye bitterly the Inhabitant thereof because they came not to the help of the Lord to the help of the Lord against the Mâ—ghty And with this they would Judg. 5. 23. carry on their Cause and Presbytery Regal Authority being thus designed to be nois'd and push'd down it wanted not many famous and Learned Champions as well here as beyond Seas Nor would King James himself be onely a Spectator in this Pen-Combat but he also falls to work and slighting the railing Rabble and inferiour Pickeerers he assaults and vindicates his Right against their greatest Cardinal who at first durst not incounter his Royal Aversary in his own shape but under the disguise of Tortus In the mean time a Synod being held in the time of that vigilant and industrious Prelate Archbishop Bancroft to the Reverend Divines there met was presented a large Tract containing M S. XXXVI Chapters to prove the Soveraignty of Kings and Chief Civil Governours above the High-Priests from the Creation to the end of the Jewish State which being read in the Convocation was wholly approved of by joynt consent And then being sent down to York it also past the Convocation there as appears by the Subscriptions to the said Treatise of Constitutions in vindication of Regal Supremacie 'T is said that there was a second part of it to prove the same Authority and Supremacie from Christ to these times but whether there was any such second part or whether it past the said Convocation I shall leave to others inquiry And by the way the Reader if he pleaseth for variety sake may take our XXXVII Article as it with the rest was turn'd into Latine Verse neer threescore years ago by one Mr. John Glanvil of the University of Oxford Obtinet Imperium Majestas Regia summum Angliacis ejus sinibus atque aliis Cujus in omnimodis sacrata potentia causis Omnibus ut par est imperat Ordinibus Sive Sacerdotes sint seu Civilia tractent Munia nec peregri est subjicienda foro Nos ubi Principibus primas damus inde sinistris Mentibus ansa sui Schismatis esse solet Non tamen aeternum datur illis copia verbum Sive ministrandi Pignora sacra Dei. Legibus hoc patuit quas Elizabetha beati Nominis auspicio condidit ante suo Tale sed Imperium nostris concedimus olim Quale pâ—is tribuit Regibus ipse Deus Nempe gradus hominum soli dominentur in omnes Quos Dominus proprio subdidit Imperio Quos vel publica res capit aut Ecclesia cunctos Civilique queant ense donare malos Non habet Imperium Romanus Episcopus ullum Finibus O felix terra Britanne tuis Jura Potestatem Civilia gentis in omnes Impia patrantes Crimina mortis habent Ferre Magistratus si jusserit arma vel ipsis Christicolis etiam bella ciere licet To which the Poet afterwards subjoyns these following Verses Subditus in proprium miser ut ferat arma Monarcham Quem feriet bruto fulmine Papa jubet Non ita a Mat. 12. 17. Caesareas abrupit Christus b Mart. 17 27. habenas Papa tamen Christi gestit habere vices Falso nam pedibus tenebrarum c Ephes 6. 21. Principis instat d Luc. 4. 6. Omnia qui mendax se dare Regna refert India magniloquo dives sic cessit e Ex donatione Alexandâ—i VI.
Abbots Priors and Lady Abbesses and the whole number of these Roman-Nonconformists would not amount to 200. But waving her Religion I finde the greatest crime objected to her is her cruelty against others for their opinions in Religion and with this her Adversaries have made no little noise in the world To this I shall return some satisfaction with as much brevity as can be all this being but a digression and by the by As for several years of her Reign not one Priest had suffered death so when they did as afterwards I fear many of them are yet held for blessed Martyrs who justly dyed as wicked Traytors And in this I would have the unbyass'd Romanists but to consider That even long before the Reformation a 25 Edw. 3. cap. 2. IT was Treason to compass or imagine the death of the King the Queen or their eldest Son and Heir b Ib. It was â—reason to Leavie war against the King or to adhere to the Kings enemies or to give to the said Enemies aid or comfort c Cokes Institut part 3. chap. 36. 13 Rich. 2. Stat. 2. cap. 2. It was Felony to bring or send into the Kingdom any Summons Sentence or Excommunication against any person of what condition soever d 16 Rich. 2. cap. 5. He incur'd a Praemunire that got such Bulls or Excommunications from the Pope e Coke part 3. chap. 84. None was to go out of the Realm or beyond seas without the Kings leave or license f Of these things see more at large in Coke's Institut part 3. cap 36. and his Reports part 5. fol. 12 15 17 21 22 23 27 28. and Bishop Bramhals just vindication of the Church of England from Schism cap. 4. It was of old expresly against the Law of the Land to procure or bring in any Bull of Excommunication against any subject much more in all reason against the Soveraign in respect it gave way to Forreign Authority the Popes Excommunications according to our old Laws being of no force in England g Coke Institut part 3. cap. 67. It was not lawful for any Subject of England to take a Pension c. of any forreign King Prince or State without the Kings license although the said Princes or States be in Peace or League with England Let the honest Romanist farther consider that before any Priest did suffer death it was Enacted that a 28 Hen 8. cap. 10. and 5 Eliz. c. 1. THey should incur a Praemunire who did any ways assert or teach the Pope to have jurisdiction over or in this Kingdom b 26 Hen. 8. c. 13. It was Treason for any to write or affirm the King to be an Heretick Infidel Schismatick Tyrant or Vsurper c 13 Eliz. c. 2. It was Treason to bring procure or publish any Bull from Rome d 13 Eliz. c. 2. It was a Praemunire so to acknowledge the Popes jurisdiction as to bring or procure from him any Agnus Dei Crosses Beads or Pardons being trinkets and trifles of themselves not worth a Rush but as they are held privy Tokens of Papal Obedience or Allegiance Here we see a fair way of Caution and he is a madman and no Martyr who will needs hasten his own death when neither God nor man requires any such indiscreet Zeal at his hands Christianity and Salvation being not destroy'd by these Laws the substance of them being in force when the Romanists themselves confess England was of their side and the Law-givers declare as appears by the Prefaces to the Acts that these Regalities and Laws tended for the better Government Constitution Peace and happiness of the Kingdom of which we are to suppose them to be best Judges seeing no Article of Faith confirm'd either by the Holy Scriptures or the Primitive Church were null'd or made void by these Statutes Yet the better to expose the Queen and render her actions odious all the world over they were very careful to publish what lyes they could of her pretended cruelties amongst whom we may account John Gibbins Robert Parsons Jesuits and John Fen Priest who were the chief Authors of that Pamphlet call'd Concertatio Ecclesiae in Anglia Add to them the Book call'd Ecclesiâ—e Anglicanae Trophaea drawn in Pictures in the English Collâ—â—ge at Rome by Nicholao Circini ingraven by Jo. Bapt. de Cavalleriis and publish'd by Gregory XIII his Approbation anno 1584. where people are said to be worryed in Bears skins c. and printed by Bartolomeo Grasso To vindicate the English-Romanists from the false Aspersions and falsities against their Soveraign and Country mention'd in this Book I finde a e Over throw of the Protestants Pulpit-â—abels against Mr. â—â—â—shaâ— pag. 10. Romanist I. R. whether May the Priest I know not though I am f Tho. James corrupt â—â— Fathers in the Appendix to the Reader told that such an one wrote against Mr. Crashaw as this also diâ— to offer something by affirming that there was never any such Book printed in the English Colledge at Rome But nothing is got by this since it cannot be deny'd but that the foresaid Book was printed at Rome and publish'd by the Popes express Authority as appears by his Breve prefixt And farther the foresaid supposed cruelties were painted upon the Colledge-Walls by Nich. Circini by order and appointment of the English there Nor need we trouble our selves to shew the disaffection of the English of that Colledge to their Queen and Country seeing Histories do testifie their Actions and a A. Mundy the English Roman liâ—e Travelers their railing and bitter words To these we may add Richard Verstegan who put forth a Book call'd Theatrum Crudelitatum Haereticorum Nostri Temporis where in his Pictures he offers to view the former lying Bear-skin Tales Of this man because he afterwards afforded some light to Antiquities and our Historians are silent of his life and extraction a word or two by the by His Grand-father was call'd Theodore Rowland Verstegan born in Gelder-landt came into England about the latter end of King Henry VII marryed here and presently after dyed leaving a Son nine months old who afterwards to get a livelihood took upon him the profession of a Cooper in London Nor is this any discredit Wolfangus Musculus his Father being of that Trade This Cooper was Father to our Richard Verstegan which Richard was born in the Parish of St. Catherines in London he gave himself to the study of good Letters and imployed himself in Painting which makes me think that he engraved the Cuts in his own Books as the Learned Hevelius doth now Being a Zealous Romanist he left England went into the Spanish Netherlands where he compos'd the foresaid Theatrum Crudelitatum the Verses were made by b Vid. Delic Poet. Belg. vol 1. pag. 760 761 762 c. Johannes Bochius born at Bruxels but if I mistake not Register to Antwerp Afterwards the Rebellious League
not exempted from the guilt of the offence although he escaped the punishment But let others dispute the Priviledge of Ambassadors and so I leave him as I finde him CHAP. VI. The Spanish Invasion THe greatest Enemies the Queen had were those whose births oblig'd them to obedience but whether their Religion its interest or some bad Principles of the Parties prompted them to such Treasons let others judge 'T is certain the Jesuits and other English Priests were the occasion of the Queen of Scots her ruine they still thrusting her on to so many inconveniences against the Queen and Kingdom that Elizabeth was the sooner perswaded to consult her own safety by taking away that which sought her overthrow As for these people when they saw no hope of restoring the Roman Religion either by Mary of Scotland nor her Son they Camden anno 1586 began to finde out new Masters and none more fit for them then the Spaniard whom they vapour'd to be Heir to the English Crown And concerning this a Vita Vincent Laurei Card. pag. 72. Ruggerius Tritonius Abbot of Pinaro in his life of Cardinal Vincentius Laurens tells us an odd passage viz. that Mary the Queen of Scots the day before she suffer'd death did under her own hand in the French Tongue declare that her Son James should not Inherit England if he remain'd a Protestant but that the right of the Kingdom should be translated to Philip of Spain And these Papers were sent to the said Cardinal Laureus being by Sixtus V. made Protector of Scotland who gave them to Conde Olivares then Ambassador for the King of Spain at Rome with order to send them to his Master Philip and this did Robertus Titius publish though without Tritonius the Authors knowledge and then living in Italy 1599. dedicating it to Cardinal Montalto And this is somewhat agreeable to one of the charges laid against her at her tryal that she sent a Letter to Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador wherein she promis'd to give her right of England to the King of Spain if her Son James would not be of the Romish perswasion The first of these Stories b History of Queen Mary James VI pag. 120. Mr. Sanderson looks upon as a meer trick and fable and whether she was really so concern'd for her Sons Religion as to use any means for his conversion to Popery King James can tell best himself and thus he saith c Monitory Preface to the Apology pag. 34. In all her Letters whereof I received many she never made mention of Religion nor labour'd to perswade me in it so at her last words she commanded her d Viz. Melvyn Master-houshold a Scotish Gentleman my servant and yet a live she commanded him I say to tell me that although she was of another Religion then that wherein I was brought up yet she would not press me to change except my conscience forced me to it For so that I led a good life and were careful to do Justice and govern well she doubted not but that I would be in a good case with the Profession of my own Religion But whether she undertook to give away the Title of England from her Son was no great matter it being against all Law Justice and Reason she having no power to dispose of the Inheritance of England yet the Romanists when all other endeavours fail'd to rob King James of his Kingdoms and life had the confidence about the year 1613. to a Jesuitica per unitas Belgii provincias Negotiatio E 4. publish a book affirming King James to be but a meer cheat or counterfeit and a mock-King denying him to be the Son of the aforesaid Queen Mary But laying aside such Forgeries that the Spaniard hath had a designe not onely to rule these Islands but to be the Universal Monarch hath been the opinion of many men amongst others I finde b Dessein perperuel des Espagnols a la Monarchie Universelle Pâ—inted 1624. in quarte one hath made an Extract from their Original Papers whither I shall refer the Reader But whatever his former attempts have been of late he hath rather lost then gain'd And though Naples Flanders Arragon Catalonia c. might do him some injury if they were in the possession of others yet as they stand divided and in a posture of defence he can never grow rich by their Coyn. But to return home Where we happen in the year which above an hundred years year 1588 before the famous German Astronomer Johannes Regiomontanus had affirm'd would be most wonderful The Prophesie it self Originally in the German Language went about by Tradition and Johannes Schoenerus repeated them to the noted Bohemian Mathematician c Ephemeridum Novum Ec. 10. Cyprianus Leovitius who first publish'd them 1577 which because they have made a great noise in the world though I finde no great matter in them seeing such general predictions may serve almost for any year take thus in the Original Tausent funff hunderâ— achtsig acht Das ist das Jar das ich betracht Geht in dem die Welt nicht under So gschicht doch sunst gross merctlich wunder Often have I been troubled at the fate Of the year fifteen hundred eightie eight And if the world it self don 't end you 'll see For its events most wonderful 't will be In this year I think France was the greatest sufferer the Covenanters or Leaguers there by their Barracado's forcing the King Henry III out of Paris and he to prevent his greater danger cut off the Cardinal and Duke of Guise which occasion'd so much war and his own Murther And besides these two the third party in that Kingdom viz. the Hugonots received a great loss by the Death of the Prince of Conde suppos'd by some to be poysoned England was in some fear and at some charges by the noise of the Invincible Armada but Spains loss was inestimable by its overthrow The Lord Maitland Chancellor of Scotland undertook in short thus to give us the year a Poet. Scot. vol. 2. pag. 138. Papa Dei petit Orbis Iber Dux Guisius Orci Regna annus mirus si potientur erit And b Id. pag. 133. Andrew Melvyn hath a Copy of Verses somewhat to the same purpose Upon this great Navy c Poet. Germ. vol. 6. p. 310. Simon Stenius d Poet. Gall. vol. 3. p. 655. Adeodatus Seba Beza and several other Forreigners bestow'd their Poetry to the no small trouble of the Index Expurgatorius which was forced to take the pains to casheer some of them For some years had this great Fleet been in preparing from several parts in the world but the History of the preparations fight and victory I shall leave to other Writers and follow mine own designe Certain it is the Spaniard scarce doubted of a Conquest which made one thus to despise the Queen Tu qui Romanos voluisti spernere leges Hispano disces subdere colla
nominatim et in specie reservamus Non obstantibus quibusvis Constitutionibus et Ordinationibus Apostolicis nec non Privilegiis Indulâ—iâ—â—t literis Apostolicis eidem Duci et Senatui aut quibusvis aliis pâ—rsonis in genere vel in specie praesertim quod interdici suspendi vel excommunicati non possint per literas Apostolicas non facientes plenam â—â— expressam ac de verbo ad verbum de Indulto hujusmodi mentionem ac alias sub quibuseunque tenoribus et formis et cum quibusvis etiam deroâ—atoriarum â—â—rogatoriis aliisque efficacioribus et insolitis clausulis ac irritantibus et aliis decretis ac in specie cum facultatibus absolvendi in casibus nobis et Apostolicae sedi reservatis illis quovis modo per quoscunque Romanos Pont. ac Nos et Sedem Apostolicam in contrarium praemissorum concessis confirmatis approbatis Quibus omnibus et singulis et aliis supra expressis eorum tenores praesentibus pro expressis habentes hac vice duntaxat specialiter et expresse derogamus caeterisque contrariis quibuscunque Ut autem praesentes nostrae litterae ad omnium majorem notitiam deducantur vobis et cuilibet vestrum per easdem praesentes committimus et in virtute Sanctae Obedientiae et sub divini interminatione judicii nec non sub Inderdicti ingressus Ecclesiae ac suspensionis a Pontificalium exercitio ac fructuum Mensarum Patriarchalium Archiepiscopalium et Episcopalium perceptione quoad vos Fratres Patriarchae Archiepiscopi et Episcopi an etiam privationis dignitatum beneficiorum ac Officiorum Ecclesiasticorum quorumcumque quae obtinueritis ac etiam vocis activae et passivae ac inhabilitatis ad illa et alia in posterum obtinendi quoad vos filii vicarii et alii supradicti eo ipso incurrendis aliisque arbitrio nostro infligendis poenis districte praecipiendo mandamus ut per vos vel alium seu alios praesentes litteras postquam eas receperitis seu earum notitiam habueritis in vestris quisque Ecclesiis dum major in eis populi multitudo ad divina convenerint ad majorem cautelam solemniter publicetis et ad Christi sidelium notitiam deducatis nec non ad earundem Ecclesiarum vestrarum valvas affigi et affixas dimitti faciatis Et ulterius volumus ut praesentium transumptis etiam impressis manu alicujus Notarii Publici subscriptis et sigillo personae in dignitate Ecclesiastica constitutae munitis eadem prorsus fides ubique habeatur quae ipsis praesentibus haberetur si forent exhibitae vel ostensae quodque eadem praesentes sive illarum Exempla etiam praefertur impressa ad Ecclesiae Leteranensis et Basilicae Principis Apostolorum et Cancellariae nostrae Apostolicae valvas et in acie Campi flore ut moris est affixae et publicatae eosdem Ducem et Senatum ac alios quoscunque praedictos vosque etiam universos et singulos respective perinde afficiant ac si eorum ac vestrum cuilibet personaliter directae intimatae et praesentatae fuissent Datum Romae apud St. Petrum sub Annulo Piscatoris die XVIII Aprilis M. DC VI. Pontificatus nostri anno Primo M. VESTRIVS BARBIANVS Anno a Nativitate D. N. Jesu Christi M. DC VI. Indictione quarta die vero XVII Mensis Aprilis Pontificatus Sanctiss in Christo Patris et D. N. D. Pauli divina providentia Papae Quinti anno ejus primo supradictae litterae earumque exempla impressa affixa et publicata fuerunt ad valvas Ecclesiae Lateranens ac Basilicae Principis Apostolorum et Cancellariae Apostolicae nec non acie Campi flore ut moris est per nos Christophorum Fundatum et Joan. Domenicum de Pace Apostolicos Cursores Petrus Aloysius Peregrinus Cursorum Magister The Venetians perceiving the Popes malice and indiscretion by this Paper Interdiction first order'd that every one should have recourse to his prayers then to testifie their sensibleness of the wrong done them recall'd home Duodo their extraordinary Ambassador at Rome but to prevent an absolute Rupture they let Nani their Ordinary Ambassador stay Then was command given to all Ecclesiastical Parsonis not to publish or permit to be publish'd or affix'd in any place any Bulls or Breves And by Proclamation it was commanded that whoever had any Copy of the former Breve or Interdiction against the Serene Republick should bring them unto the Magistrates all which were obey'd and such a multitude of Copies brought in that it was a wonder that so many had been printed and carefully or seditiously spread abroad The Pope informed of the Venetian Proclamation against his Breve call'd home his Nuncio and sent a dismission to Nani their Ambaffador at Rome who accordingly return'd to Venice In the mean time the Pope expected that his Breve or Indiction would do wonders for his cause especially he doubted not of three things I. That the Priests and such like Ecclesiasticks would forth depart from the Venetian Territories II. That the Cities and the people seeing themselves thus deprived of Church Offices and such like Duties and benefits would run into Sedition and so force the Senate to give the Pope satisfaction III. That the Nobility and Senators themselves upon this occasion might be disordered and divided by which he doubted not of a Conquest But in all these he found himself deceived and the Duke to prevent the worst publish'd his Manifestoes or Letters which you may read in * Goldastus which he caused to be affix'd in publick places In them Monarch Rom. Imper. Tom. 3. he Vindicated himself and the Senate in what they had done and in their carriage towards his Holiness Declared that the Breve was against all law and equity against Scriptures Fathers and Canons praejudicial to Secular Authority the liberty of the State the peace of the people and to the scandal of all the world Therefore Pronounced the said Breve unjust void null and of none effect nor to be obey'd or observed by any Commands all Ecclesiasticks within these Dominions to continue the celebration of Divine Service Now multitude of Pen-men are imploy'd of both sides every one writing according to his Fancy or Interest but those of Rome were the most violent throwing all manner of Lyes and Slaunders upon the Republick that their malice could Invent and in this they thought themselves not culpable because they thought the Venetians now to be the most wretched of all people insomuch that Cardinal * Baronius looks upon them as Pagans Pâ—râ—enaâ—â— ad Râ—â—â— b. Venet pag. 41â— Id. pag. 64. and Heathens without the fold of Christianity tumbling into manifest perdition and so far gone hat he cannot upon any account * wish them well And so great Authority had the Papal Interdict with some of the Religious That the Jesuits and Capuchins intended to obey it though contrary to the Command of their Prince and Senate
dependency upon the King or State of Spain or treaty with him or any of his Forces or Confederates and shall be ready with the uttermost of my ability to serve her Majesty against him or any of his Forces or Confederates I do absolutely renounce all Challenge or Intermedling with the Vriaghts or Fostering with them or other Neighbour-Lords or Gentlemen out of my Countrey or exacting any Black-rents of any Vriaghts or bordering-Lords I do resign all Claim and Title to any Lands but such as shall now be granted unto me by her Majesties Letter Patents Lastly As the only being a Subject doth include all the Duties of a Subject so will I be content to be informed here and advised by her Magistrates and will be conformable and assisting unto them in any thing that may tend to the advancement of her Service and the peaceable Government of this Kingdom as namely for the abolishing of all barbarous Customs contrary to the Laws being the Seeds of all Incivility and for the clearing of all difficult Passages and Places which are the Nurseries of Rebellion wherein I will employ the labours of the people of my Countrey in such sort and in such places as I shall be directed by her Majesty or the Lord Deputy or Council in her Name and will endeavour for my self and the people of my Countrey to erect civil Habitations and such as shall be of great effect to preserve us against Thieves and any Force but the Power of the State by which we must rest assured to be preserved as long as we continue in our Duty And now to see whether these Rebellions agree or no with the Roman-Catholique Doctrine I shall afford you the Opinions and Commendations of some of their Vniversities of these very Treasonable Actions In Dei Nomine Amen ILlustrissimus Princeps Hugo Onellus bellum gerit cum Angliae Regina Anglis ob Catholicam Religionem tuendam ut scilicet liceat illi Ibernis libere Catholicam Religionem profiteri quam libertatem vi armis Angliae Regina conatur eripere Duo nunc circa hoc bellum in dubium revocantur I. Alterum est An liceat Catholicis Ibernis praedicto Principi Hugoni in eo bello favere armis quibuscunque aliis modis II. Alterum An iisdem Catholicis liceat pugnare contra praefatum Principem citra mortale peccatum Anglis in eo bello favere armis aut alia quavis ratione Praesertinm cum si Anglis hoc auxilii genus negant manifesto vitae periculo aut amittendi bona temporalia sese exponunt Et praeterea cum ipsis Catholicis Iberniae a summo Pont. sit permissum ut possint praedictae Reginae Angliae obedire ac ut legitimam Reginam Tributa illi solvendo recognoscere videtur enim id praestare posse quod Subditorum est pugnare scilicet adversus Reginae Rebelles qui debitam ei Obedientiam negant terram illius ditioni subjectam usurpare videntur Ut utrique Questioni satisfiat Tanquam certum est accipiendum Posse Romanum Pont. Fidei desertores eos qui Catholicam Religionem oppugnant Armis compellere ac coercere cum alia Ratio non suppetat tanto malo occurrendi Est praeterea ut firmum constituendum Angliae Reginam Catholicam Religionem oppugnare nec permittere Ibernos Catholicam fidem publice colere eademque de Causa praedictum Principem ante eum alios quos Apostolicae literae Clementis VIII commemorant bellum adversus illam suscepisle His ita constitutis facile prima Quaestio expeditur Citra quaestionem namque est Posse quoscunque Catholicos dicto Principi Hugoni O-Neil in praedicto bello favere idque magno cum merito spe maxima Retributionis aeternae Cum enim praedictus Princeps bellum gerit authoritate Summi Pont. ob tuendam Religionem Catholicam ad idque eum omnes Christi fideles Pontifex per suas literas adhortetur ut ex ejus literis constat Atque Principi in eo bello faventes multis gratiis prosequatur ac si bellum contra Turcas gererent nemo jure dubitaverit susceptum bellum justum esse magni esse meriti pro Catholica Religione quae omnium maximum bonum est tuenda pugnare Est etiam de secunda Quaestione omnino certum Eos omnes Catholicos peccare mortaliter qui Anglorum Castra contra praedictum Principem O-Neil sequuntur nec posse illos aeternam salutem consequi nec ab ullo Sacerdote a suis peccatis absolvi nisi prius resipiscant ac Castra Anglorum deserant Idemque de illis censendum est qui Armis Commeatibus in eo bello Anglis favent vel quod simile tribuunt praeter ea Tributa Consueta quae ex summi Pont. Indulgentia permissione eis licet * * So some Copies have it but Osullevan reads it thus â—is licet Reginae Angliae aut ejus Exactoribus solvere Angliâ— Regibus florente in ea Religionae Catholica aut eorum Exactoribus solvere Haec Assertio hac apertissima Ratione confirmatur Quoniam per liter as summi Pont. satis est compertum Angliae Reginam ejus Duces Bellum gerere injustum contra praedictum Principem O-Neil eos qui illi favent Cum enim Pontifex declarat Anglos adversus Catholicam Religionem pugnare eosque non minus ac Turcas oppugnari debere eisdemque Gratiis eos oppugnantes prosequatur quibus contra Turcas pugnantes prosequitur Quis dubitet bellum ab Anglis adversus Exercitum Catholicum omnino iniquum geri At nemini licet iniquo bello favere aut i'li adesse sub poena aeternae Damnationis Peccant ergo gravissime Catholici qui in Castris Haereticorum contra praedictum Principem pugnant in bello aperte iniquo injusto omnes qui eidem bello favent Armis aut Commeatibus aut quacunque alia ratione quae per se belli progressum juvent nec possint rationem inire indifferentis obsequii Nec eos quicquam juvat Apostolicas Literas Surreptionis notare Surreptio enim intervenire non potest ubi nulla narratur Petitio eorum in quorum favorem expeditur At summus Pont. aperte in illis Literis docet Se Antecessores suos sponte exhortatos fuisse ad illud bellum gerendum Hibernos Principes ac Fideles omnes ad eos magis provocandos magnis eos Gratiis ac Indulgentiis donat Qui ergo fieri potest ut Surreptitiae sint literae quae solam Exhortationem gratiis erga assistentes cumulatam continent Nec possunt ergo Catholici Anglis faventes rationibus in secunda Quaestione adductis se tueri Nullum enim peccatum mortale committendum est etiam si vita aut res familiaris amittenda sit ea vero quae bellum injustum per se promovent ac juvant exercere aperte peccatum
some accusing Dr. James his Jesuits downfall him of Forgery Cheating Cozenage Corrupting of Registers and Records Robbing of Libraries and many other such like Crimes which may be found in the Writings of the Romish Priests themselves Besides those Books mentioned by Pits Ribadeneira or Alegambae he hath writ several others as Leicester's Commonwealth which was then by some jeeringly call'd Green-Coat because it was then commonly spread abroad in Green Covers It was a Book full of railing yet the Earl was bad enough A Memorial for Reformation or a Memorial or Remembrance for them that shall live when Catholique Religion shall be restored into England And this is its true Title though some do commonly call it The High Council of Reformation for England c. It is a Book that Parsons Manifestation of folly cap. 5. saith he was almost twenty years in compiling It was never printed Parsons being very cautious of having of it seen the design of it was to find fault with former Laws and Governments all which he undertook to alter and mend Some Romanists have found fault with him as if in it he designed to run down all other Orders and to advance the Jesuits But Parsons undertakes to vindicate himself In short somewhat to understand the Design take the Division of the Book thus This Book had Three Parts 1. The whole Body of the Realm jointly which consisteth of Ten Chapters 2. The Clergy containing The Clergy in general Then Bishops Priests Religious men Churches Schools and Universities particularly having Seven Chapters 3. The Temporality or Laity containing Prince with his Council Nobility and Gentry Commons all of inferior rank as Husbandmen Servants c. Inns of Court Law containing Five Chapters He wrote it in the * Lor di Banco Bizzarrie Politiche pag. 27. 28. English Tongue as one saith and if any where to be seen probably in the English Colledg at Rome And I suppose it is the same which * Parson 's Three Conversions of Eugl. Part â— Vol. 2. pag. 396. himself once quoteth with his Latin Title De Reformatione Ecclesiae Anglicanae per aliquot Capita He * Id. Part. 3. Vol. 1. pag. 321 351 369 several times mentions his Writings in Certamen Ecclesiae Anglicanae by which Book is meant Concertatio Ecclesiae Catholicae in Anglia in which he concludes the First Part The Second Part was for the most part writ by Gibbons and Fenn which was gathered together and published by John Bridgman a Jesuit There is in Baliol Colledg-Library a thick Quarto Manuscript call'd Controversiae nostri Temporis in Epitomen reductae It was given to that Colledg by John Bayly Doctor in Divinity formerly Fellow of Exeter Colledg There was also one John Bayly who succeeded Christopher Bagshaw in his Fellowship of Baliol Colledg 1582 but whether related to the former Bayly I know not This Dr. Bayly was eldest Son to Lewis Bayly Lord Bishop of Bangor the Book as much as I can gather by comparing is all writ with Parons his own hand and the Learned * Censura lib. Apocryp Praelect 2 Coll. 22. Dr. John Reynolds saith Parsons was the Author of it I have heard it also said that he wrote a little Book De Sacra Scriptura and that it was in the foresaid Library but upon search I find no such thing there and may suppose it a mistake the former Manuscript at the beginning treating of that Subject He scarce put his Name to any of his Books but for the most part insignificant and impertinent Letters sometimes false Names as John Howlet * W. C. Reply fol. 73. a. Perneus Doleman and such like And thus much for Parsons whom as good * Rob. Abbâ—t Antilog fol. 14. â— Authority tells us Pope Clement VIII call'd Knave the Jesuit Fitzherbert looked upon as an Exact Hypocrite the Secular Priests as the worst of Villains and whose Doctrine and Actions against his own Soveraign and Countrey were notoriously bad In short He was born 1546 or 1547 Admitted Fellow of Baliol Colledg 1568 Was Master of Arts 1573 Left the Colledg 1571 4 Studied Law and Physick in Italy 1574 Admitted Jesuit at Rome 1575 Return'd into England with Campion but made haste out again 1580 Made Rector of the English Colledg at Rome 1587 Return'd from Spain to Rome some say in hopes of a Cardinal's Cap 1597 Dyed at Rome and is honour'd in the Cell with a long and noble Epitaph 1610 CHAP. II. I. The Gunpowder-Treason II. The Life of Father Garnet with the story of his Straw THE Narrative of this Conspiracy commonly call'd the Gunpowder-Treason being generally known and related at large as well by Forreigners as Natives I shall be the shorter in it year 1605 The sum of it take thus A Club of Romanists vext that a Toleration was not granted resolved to resettle their Religion by the ruin of the King and Kingdom To this end many Plots had been contrived against Queen Elizabeth and King James But they failing a more desperate is pitch'd on and this was With one Blow to destroy King Queen Princes Bishops Nobles and Commons who were not of their Perswasion This is concluded feasible by blowing up the Parliament-House where they or their Representees meet To this purpose Piercy hireth an House adjoining intending by that means to undermine it which Mine being stuft with Gunpowder and other Materials would not fail of Execution But first they take an Oath of Secrecy in an House behind St. Clements Church without Temple-Barr The OATH You shall swear by the Blessed Trinity and by the Sacrament you now purpose to receive Never to disclose directly or indirectly by word or circumstance the matter that shall be proposed to you to keep secret nor desist from the Execution thereof until the rest shall give you leave This done they went into a more private Chamber heard Mass and received the Sacrament from one William Gerard. In short To work they fall and in some time had wrought under a little Entry to the Wall of the Parliament-House under-propping it with Wood as they proceeded But at last occasion offering it self they hired a Convenient Cellar just under the House into which they conveyed Thirty six Barrels of Powder over which they laid a Thousand Billets and Five hundred Fagots with some Stones and Iron Barrs Things thus fitted they expect the day of the Parliaments sitting which from time to time had been put off till the Fifth of November In the mean time they consult how to seise on the Prince Henry if he should not be at the House As for Charles Duke of York after King Charles the Martyr Piercy undertook to surprise him whom with his Brother Henry they resolve to dispatch out of the World yet the better to bring their Ends about they thought good to center their hopes in one of the Royal Blood and this must be the Lady Elizabeth afterwards married to the Palsgrave whom they