terra cujus Rex est Puer But here Sir there is exception of further consequence against them That they were not borne in lawfull Marriage the King having than another Wife living Dame Elizabeth Butler Besides the great dishonour and reproach he received by disparaging his Royall bloud with a woman so far unmeet for his bed These Considerations have resolutely turned all their eyes and Election towards your Grace as only worthy of it by your singular vertues and that interest in the Crownes of England and of France with the Rights and Titles by the high Authority of Parliament entailed to the Royall bloud and issue of Richard Duke of Yorke whose lawfull begotten Sonne and heire you are which by a just course of inheritance and the Common Lawes of this Land is divolv'd and come to you And unwilling that any inferiour Bloud should have the Dominion of this Land are fully determined to make your Grace King to which with all willingnesse and alacrity the Lords and people of the Northerne parts concurre And the Maior Aldermen and Commons of this City of London have all allowed and gladly embraced this generall Choice of your Grace and are come hither to beseech you to accept their just Election of which they have chosen me their unworthy Advocate and Speaker I must therefore againe crave leave in the behalfe of all to desire your Grace will be pleased in your noble and gracious zeale to the good of this Realme to cast your eyes upon the growing distresses and decay of our Estate and to set your happy hand to the redresse thereof for which we can conceive no abler remedy then by your undertaking the Crowne and Government which we doubt not shall accrew to the laud of God the profit of this Land and your Graces happinesse This speech of the Duke is recorded by Doctor Morton Sir Thomas Moore and other Chronicles and Historians to which the Protector gave this reply MY most noble Lords and my most loving friends and deare Country-men Albeit I must confesse your request most respective and favourable and the points and necessities alledged and urged true and certaine yet for the entire love and reverend respect I owe to my Brother deceased and to his Children my Princely Couzens you must give me leave more to regard mine honour and fame in other Realmes for where the truth and certaine proceedings herein are not knowne it may be thought an ambition in me to seeke what you voluntarily proffer which would charge so deep a reproach and staine upon my honour and sincerity that I would not beare for the worlds Diademe Besides you must not thinke me ignorant for I have well observed it there is more difficulty in the Government of a Kingdome then pleasure especially to that Prince who would use his Authority and Office as he ought I must therefore desire that this and my unfained Protestations may assure you the Crowne was never my ayme nor suits my desire with yours in this yet I shall thinke my selfe much beholding unto you all in this Election of me and that hearty love I find you beare me and here protest that for your sakes it shall be all one whether I be your King or no for I will serve my Nephew faithfully and carefully with my best counsels and endeavours to defend and preserve him and this Kingdome nor shall there want readinesse in me to attempt the recovery of that hereditary right in France which belongs to the Kings of England though of late negligently and unhappily lost There the Protector became silent and thought it not safe in his discretion or policy to open all the disgusts he had of the Soveraignty for that would have been matter of Exprobation of the Barons and toucht too neare the quicke though he had well observed by sundry experiences of the leading times and moderne too the inconstant ebbing and flowing of their dispositions how variable and apt they were to take up any occasion of change pursuing their Kings if once stirr'd so implacably that many times they never left without death or deposing Examples he had in the Raignes of King Edward his Brother and Henry the sixth not long before that in the time of Richard the second and his Grandfather Edward the second more anciently the extreame troubles and distresse of King Iohn and Henry the third all by the Barons being dreadfull warnings and insolent monuments of their haughtinesse and Levitie and this was Altamente repostum with the wise Prince But the Duke of Buckingham thinking the Protector set too slight a consideration upon so great a Concernment and the affection tender'd by himselfe and the Nobilitie and over hearing something he privately spake to the Lord Maior and Recorder tending to his mislike for an Epilogue or close to his former Oration he thus freely addes SIR I must now by the Priviledge of this Imployment and in the behalfe of those and my Countrey adde so much freedome unto my dutie as to tell your Grace It is immoveably resolved by the Barons and people that the Children of King Edward shall not Reigne over them Your Grace hath heard some causes nor need I intimate how these Estates have entred and proceeded so offensively to other men and so dangerously to themselves as is now too late to recall or retire And therefore they have fixt this Election upon you whom they thinke mostable and carefull for their safetie But if neither the generall good the earnest Petitions of the Nobility and Commonalty can move you wee most humbly desire your Answer and leave to Elect some other that may be worthy of the Imperiall Charge in which wee hope wee shall not incurre your displeasure considering the desperate necessitie of our welfare and Kingdome urges it And this is our last Suit and Petition to your Grace The Protector toucht by this round and braving farewell which made him very sensible For as Sir Thomas Moore disertly confesseth the Protector was so much moved with these words that otherwise of likelyhood he would never have inclined to their Suit And saith That when he saw there was no remedy but he must either at that instant take the Crowne or both he and his heires irrecoverably let it passe to another paradventure one that might prove an Enemy to him and his especially if Richmont stept in betwixt whom and this Prince the hatred was equally extreame Therefore it behoved the Protector to Collect himselfe and fixing his Consideration upon the effect of that necessitie they last urged gave this Reply MY most Noble good Lords and most loving and faithfull friends the better sense of your loves and most eminent inconveniencies insinuated by your Noble Speaker hath made me more serious to apprehend the benefit of your proffer and Election And I must confesse in the meditation thereof I find an alteration in my selfe not without some distraction when I consider all the Realme so bent
against the Sonnes of King Edward And therefore being certaine there is no man to whom the Crowne by just Title can be so due as to our selfe the rightfull Sonne and Heire of our most deare and Princely Father Richard Duke of Yorke to which Title of blood and nature your favours have joyned this of Election wherein wee hold our selfe to be most strong and safe And having the lawfull power of both why should I endure my professed Enemy to â—surpemy right and become a Vassall to my envious Subject The necessitie of these causes as admitting no other remedy urges me to accept your offer and according to your request and our owne right we here assume the Regall Praeheminence of the two Kingdoms England and France from this day forward by us and our heires to Govern and defend the one and by Gods grace and your good aydes to recover and establish the other to the Ancient Allegeance of England desiring of God to live no longer then wee intend and endeavour the advancement and flourishing Estate of this Kingdome at which they all cry'd God save King Richard And thus he became King But yet his Detractors stick not to slander and accuse all that was said or done in these proceedings of State for meer dissimulation by which justice they may as well censure At siâ— Reverentia dictum all the Barons worthy and grave Commons which had their Votes therein which would fall a most impudent and intolerable Scandall upon all the High Court of Parliament for in short time after all that was alledged and acted in that Treatie and Colloquy was approved and ratified by the Court of Parliament so that their Cavills onely discover an extreame malice and envy For it was not possible therefore not credible he could upon such an instant as it were by any practice attaine to that power and credit with all the Barons Spirituall and Temporall and Commons to procure and perswade them from the Sonnes of King Edward so unanimously to become his Subjects and put the Crowne upon his head with such Solemnitie and publicke Ceremonies Whilst those matters had their current the Northerne Gentlemen and his Southerne Friends joyned in a Bill Supplicatory to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall earnestly expressing their desires for the Election of the Lord Protector with the former causes urged Also that the blood of the young Earle of Warwicke was attainted and his Title confiscate by Parliament This Bill was delivered to the Lords Assembled in the great hall at Westminster the Lord Protector sitting in the Chaire of Marble amongst them upon the 26 of June some six or seven dayes after he was Proclaimed the tenor of the Bill was thus written in the Chronicle of the Abbey of Croyland PRotector eodem die quo Regimen sub titulo regii nominis sibi vendicarit viz 26 o die Iunii Anno Dom. 1483. se apud Magnam Aulam Westmonasterii in Cathedram Marmoream Immisit tum mox omnibus proceribus tam Laicis quam Ecclesiasticis Caeteris assidentibus astantibus c. ostendebatur rotulus quidam in quo per modum supplicationis in nomine procerum populi Borealis exhibita sunt Primum quod silii Regis Edwardi erant Bastardi supponendo illum praecontraxisse matrimonium cum quadam Domina Elianora Boteler antequam Reginam Elizabetham duxisset in uxorem deinde quod sanguis alterius Fratris Georgii Scil Clarensiâ— ducis fuisset Attinctus Ita quod nullus certus incorruptus sanguis Linealis ex parte Richardi Ducis Eboraci poterat inveniri nisi in persona Richardi Protectoris Ducis Glocestriae jam eidem Duci suplicabant ut jus suum in Regno Angliae sibi assumeret Coronam acciperet But the Barons were all accorded before this Bill came both sides moving with an equall and contented forwardnesse And in July next following 1483. was Crown'd and receiv'd with as generall Magnificence and Acclamations as any King in England many years before For as a grave man writeth Fuit dignissimus regno c. non inter malos sed bonos principes Commemorandus That he was most worthy to Reigne and to be numbred amongst the good not bad Princes The Queene his Wife was Crowned with him and with no lesse State and Greatnesse Accompanied him from the Tower to Westminster having in their Traine besides the Nobilitie of the South parts foure thousand Gentlemen of the North. Upon the 19. of June 1483. in the 25. yeare of Lewis the French King he was named King of England the morrow Proclaimed and rode with great Solemnitie from London to Westminster where in the seat Royall he gave the Judges of the Land a strickt and religious charge for the just executing of the Lawes then departed towards the Abbey being met at the Church doore with Procession and the Scepter of King Edward delivered to him by the Abbot so Ascended to Saint Edwards Shrine where he offered the Monks in the meane time singing Te Deum From thence he return'd to the Palace where he lodged untill his Coronation Upon the fourth of July he went to the Tower by water with the Queene his Wife and the next day Created Edward his onely Son about ten yeares old Prince of Wales He Invested Sir Iohn Howard who was made Lord Howard and Knight of the Garter 17. Edward 4. in the Dukedome of Norffolke in a favourable admission of the right of the Lady Margaret his Mother Daughter of Sir Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norffolke and an heire generall of the Mowbrayes Dukes of Norffolke and Earles of Surrey descended from the Lord Tho. Plantagenet of Brotherton a younger Sonne of King Edward the first and Earle of Norffolke This King also made him Marshall and Admirall of England he was as rightfully Lord Mowbray Lord Segrave Lord Bruce as Lord Howard as I have seene him Stiled by Royall Warrant in a Commission for Treatie of Truce with Scotland His eldest Sonne Sir Thomas Howard was at the same time Created Earle of Surrey and made Knight of the Garter Henry Stafford Duke of Buckingham was made Constable of England for terme of life but he claimed the Office by inheritance Sir Thomas Moore writes That Sir Thomas Howard Executed the Office of Constable that day William Lord Berkley was Created Earle of Nottingham Francis Lovel Viscount Lovel and Chamberlain to the King the Lord Stanley restor'd to liberty and made Steward of the Household Thomas Rotheram Chancellour and Arch-Bishop of Canterbury having beene committed for delivering the Great Seale to the Queene Widow receiv'd to grace and many Knights Addubbed of the old Order and some of the new or habit of the Bath whose names I have set downe to shew what regard was had of their Family and in those times accused of so much Malignity Sir Edward De-la-Poole Sonne to the Duke of Norfolke George Gray Sonne to the Earle of Kent William Souch Sonne to the
of a thing Jnconcuss that cannot be shaken undaunted Bartlemies 63. Meant of the great and generall massacre of above 100000. Protestants in France chiefly in Paris and the Countrey adjoyning on Saint Bartholmews Eve Anno 72. whereupon S t. Bartholmews teares Bartholomaeus flet quia Gallicus occubat Atlas Como sal in aqua 105. Is meant of suddain wasting Monomachy 62. When two sight single without seconds Cadet 67. A younger brother Guerdonable worthy of reward 75. Aneu 45. An acknowledging or taking for his owne Geus saus adneu vagabonds that none will owne so Bastards are not admitted to their adneu 1 not acknowledged by their Fathers Rebus de Picardy Devises and representations of odd things by words mottoes which present one thing and by deviding the word in pronunciation signifie another Faulcon Serrure An abscene French device and presents the use of Italian lockes Authors quoted in this History AUgustine Aristotle Baleus Boetius Buchan Cambden Cicero Cambrensis Claudian Croyland Pryor Comineus Cooke Demosthines Dion AEsopus Euripides Ennius Erasmus Epictetus Fabian Fuchius Froisard Grafton Glover Guinsford Goodwin Du Hailon Hall Hollinshead Hyrd Dele-Hay Harding Hist. de Brit. Homer Julius Capital Juvenall Justus Vulterius Lib. Manusâ—r Apud D. Rob. Cotton Lampridius Lucan Maximus Moore Monstrolet Newbrigensis Nyerus Ovid Osiander Pliny Paradin Polidor virg Plutarch Seneca Sarisburensis Stow Strabo Socrates Stanford Suetonius De Serces Tacitus Terence Tillet Virgill Valla Walsingham With many Parliament Roules and Records FINIS The House and Title of Yorke The Linage of Edward 3. The Empire of K. Henry 2. Girald in Topog Hibernie Sariâ—bur in Pol. Newbrig Lib. â— Fulk Earle of Anjou Acoustre in criminall condemne Paradin From this example Henry 2. submitted his body to be scourged by the Monks of Canterbury for the death of Tho. Becket After this manner and long after K. H. 2 the heire and successour of this Earle Fulko was injoyned by the Pope to go to the Holy-Land and to fight against the Infidels Hovend Rival c. Leon. Fuchius Plin. Lib. 24. cap. 9. Strabo Lib. 16. Du Haillon In his Catalogue of Honour Deus i. Rex Lib. manus in quarto apud D. Rob. Cotton Comes i. Praesesâ— Camden in Cumberland Sir William Haward purblind Quasi part blind The Bastard Faulconbridge An Army sent into Scotland under the D. of Glocester Anno 24. Ed. 4. Chron. Croy. The doubtfull death of K. E. 4 vid. lib 4. The Duke of Gloucester made Lord Protector Phil. de Comines in Lud. 11. Sir Tho. Moore Chronic Abbat Croy. The insolency of the Queens Kindred Sir Thomas Moore in Edward 5. Rich. 3. Lord Hastings Sir Thomas Moore Ciâ— lib 3. de offic Suet. in viâ—a Iulâ—i Caesaris Eurip. in Phoeniss Axiom Polit. Senec. in trag Artes imperii The flight of Richmont with his Vncle Pembrooke The Earle of Rich. borne in Pembrooke Castle This slight of theirs was in Anno 11. E. 4. Iohn Stow. Earle of Rich. Prisoner in Brittaine The last D. of Brittaine who was Earle of Richmond possessed of the Earledome was Iohn de Montfort who flourished An. Dom. 1440 had sons but not Earles of Richmond as Rob. Glou. writeth now this Francis 1. renewed the claime which was about 30 yeares after Iohn de Montfort Duke of Brittaine Iac. Nyerus in Annal. Fland. lib. 17. King Edward treateth for the delivery of Richmond Ennius apud Cicer. ta Offic. K. â— 4 sends for Richmond Hist de Brit. D. Stillington sent for Richmond K. R. reneweth suâ—t to the D. of B. for the Earle of Richmond E. 4. Fulmen â—elli ut Seleac Rex inde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. fulmen dictus claud Paradin B. Mort. Sir Th Moore Hollingshed Graston Stow Hall Virgill c. Parliament The Duke of Buck. to the L. Protector in the behalfe of the 3 Estates The common published stories have Eliz. Lucy but that is false The Answer of the Lord Protector to the 3 Estates The bold and round conclusion of the D. of Buck. The Protectors Reply to the Dukes last Suit Lib. Abb. Croyl Cambden Monstrolet Coâ—ineâ— Anglici scriptoret Stile of the D. of Norff. In rotuliâ— in domo convers Signifying mercy Signifying Iustice to the Temporalty Iustice to the Clergy Peace Monarchy Moore Graston Polidore Hall Croyland Hollingshed Stow c. Chron. M. S. in Quar. apud D. Ro. Coâ—ton and Rob. Fabian Rich. the Bastard of the D. oâ— Gloc. Captaine of Calice Iohn Maierus Iean Tillet dâ— Tillet saith That that tribute or Pension was 75000 crowns or Escu's chacun Escu vallant trois souls The Q. Mother King Rich. reconciled The Parliament of R. 3. The friends confederates of the E of Rich. The sons of K. E. living in Jan Febr after the death of their Father Vice Constable of England Patents de anno 1 Rich 3. part 1. meâ— 2. Other Officers of King Richard 3. Treaties for League and commerce with Flanders c. In Thesauro Scaeccarij 1 R. 3. In Rowles Aâ— 1 R. 3. An. Dom. 1484. Eâ—gile in Record The Lady Anne de la Poole a Nun. Treaty with the Duke of Brittaine Ib. in Scaccaer Treatie with the King of France Treaty of marriage of King Rich. with the Lady Eliz. Revolt of the D. of Buck. The Duke of Buckingham first riseth in Rebellion The quarrell of the Duke of Buck. against the King The Title of the Earldome of Hereford of the Constableship of England Sir Tho. Moor. This Margaret Countesse of Richmond was Daughter and Heire to Iohn Beaufort Duke of Somerset Margaret de Beaufort Mother of the D. of Buck. was Daughter of Edmond D. of Somerset and thus were the E. of Rich. and the D. of Buck. a Kin. Rob. Glov in catal c. The Conspirators with the D. of Buck. for the E. of Rich. The overthrow of the Duke of Buckingham Polidore lib. 25 King Richard sharply reprehended Banister for betraying his Master which argued a noble mind The D. execucuted by Marshall Law Eurip. in heâ—a Valer. Max. l. 7 Virgill Iohn Froisard Paradin Hist. de Brit. The Duke had by this Lady his daughter and heir Anne who brought the Dutchy of Brittaine to France Hist. de Brit. The death of Edw. Prince of Wales Sonne of Rich. 3. Chron. Croyland Ibidem Seneca Iohn Earle of Lincolne and after Duke of Suffolke proclaimed Heire Apparant Iohn Sarisburiensis Ep. 85. Sir Tha. Walsin in Rich. 2. Parl. ann 20. Rich. 2. Don Duart de Lancastro a Noble Gen. of Portugall averred himself descended from the D. of â—â—â— Valodolid The peculiar Sir-names of the Bastards of the anâ—â— in Kings of England Armes of Bastards of the Kings of England Camd. in Surr. The. Gainsford Scarboucle falsly called Carbuncle Difference betweene the house of Lancaster and Somerset The Earles of Worcester from whom The civill and imperiall Law against Bastards Sir Edw. Cook Doctor Stephen Gardiner Sir Tho. Eger Chancellors of England
THE HISTORY of the Life and Reigne of RICHARD The Third Composed in five Bookes By GEO BUCK Esquire Honorandus est qui injuriam non fecit sed qui alios eam facere non patitur duplici Honore dignus est Plato de legibus Lib. 5. Qui non repellit a proximo injuriam si potest tam est in vitio quam ille qui infert D. Ambros. offic Lib. 3. LONDON Printed by W. Wilson and are to be sold by VV. L. H. M. and D. P. 1647. The true Portraiture of Richard Plantagenest of England and of France King Lord of Ireland the third King Richard TO THE FAVOVRABLE ACCEPTANCE Of the Right Honourable PHILIP Earle of Pembrooke and Mountgomery c. Sir HAving collected these papers out of their dust I was bold to hope there might be somthing in them of a better fate if mine obscure pen darken not that too Please your Lordshipp to let your name make them another witnesse of your noblenesse it may redeeme and improve them to a clearer opinion and acknowlegedment of these times in which I am to meet every Critick at his owne weapon who will challenge the Book at the very Title The Malicious and Malevolent with their blotted Coments the Captious Incredulous with their jealous praecisianâ—sines whose inclinations shewes them of envious perplexed natures to looke at other mens actions and memory by the wrong end of the perspective and me thinks I fancy them to our shaddowes which at noone creepe behind like Dwarfes atevening stalke by like Gyants they will haunte the noblest merits and endeavors to their Sun-set then they monster it but to the Common-rout they are another kind of Genius or ignis fatuus leades them into darke strange wanderings there they stick for to perswade the opinionated vulgar out of their ignorant selves is of as high a beliefe to me as to transpeciate a Beast into a man I therefore shall crave favour to protest these papers beyond their Censure and humour But to those they are wished I hope their weak accesses may be the more pardonable since they are the kindlings and scintillations of a modest Ambition to truth and gratitude which gives me the encouragement to assure your Lordship that if mine Authors be sincere and faithfull my penis free and innocent having learned that a story as it ought must be a just perspicuous Narration of things memorable spoken and don The Historiographer veritable free from all Prosopolepsyes or partiall respects and surely his pen should tast with a great deal of Conscience for there is nothing leaves so an infected a sting or scandall as History it rankles to all posterity wounds our good names to all memory places by an Authentick kind of preiudice I am with his opinion in his excellent Religio Medici who holds it an offence to Charity and as bloody a thought one way as Nero's in another My Lord under these humble addresses this sues to your honoured hand Presented by the unfained wishes of your Honours avowed and humble Servant GEO BUCK The ARGUMENT and CONTENTS of the First Booke The Linage Family Birth Education and Tirociny of King Richard the third THe Royall house of Plantagenest and the beginning of that name What Sobriquets were The antiquity of Sirnames Richard is created Duke of Gloucester his marriage and his issue His martiall imployments His Iourney into Scotland and recovery of Barwick The death of King Edward the 4 th The Duke of Gloucester made Lord Protector and soone after King of England by importunate suite of his Barons and of the People as the next true and lawfull heire Henry Teudor Earle of Richmond practiseth against the King He is conveyed into France The Noble Linage of Sir William Herbert his Imployment He is made Earle of Pembrooke King Edward the 4 th first and after King Richard sollicite the Duke of Brittaine and treat with him for the delivery of the young Earle of Richmond his Prisoner The successe of that businesse The quality and title of the Beauforts or Sommersets The Linage and Family of the Earle of Richmond The solemne Coronations of King Richard and of the Queene his wife his first at Westminster the second at Yorke Nobles Knights and Officers made by him Prince Edward his Son invested in the Principallity of Wales and the Oath of Allegeance made to him King Richard demandeth the Tribute of France His Progresse to Yorke His carefull charge given to the Iudges and Magistrates He holdeth a Parliament wherein the marriage of the King his Brother with the Lady Gray is declared and adjudged unlawfull their children to be illegitimate and not capable of the Crowne The Earle of Richmond and divers others attainted of Treason Many good Laws made The K. declared and approved by Parliament to be the only true and lawfull heire of the Crowne The King and Queene dowager are reconciled He hath secret advertisemeÌ„ts of Innovations and practises against him Createth a vice-Constable of England His sundry treaties with Forraigne Princes Doctor Morton corrupteth the Duke of Buckingham who becometh discontent demanding the Earledome of Hereford with the great Constableship of England He taketh Armes is defeated and put to death by marshall Law THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE HISTORY OF RICHARD THE THIRD OF ENGLAND AND OF FRANCE KING AND LORD OF IRELAND RIchard Plantagenet Duke of Glocester and King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland the third of that name was the younger sonne of Sir Richard Plantagenet the fourth Duke of Yorke of that Royall Family and King of England designate by King Henry the sixth and by the most noble Senate and universall Synod of this Kingdome the High Court of Parliament The Mother of this Richard Duke of Glocester was the Lady Cecily Daughter of Sir Ralph de Neville Earle of Westmerland by his wife Ioane de Beaufort the naturall Daughter of Iohn Plantagenet alias de Gaunt Duke of Guiene and Lancaster King of Castile and Leon third Sonne of King Edward the third for in that order this Duke is best accounted because William of Hatfield the second Sonne of King Edward the third dyed in his infancy and this Duke of Yorke and King designate was propagated from two younger sonnes of the same King Edward the third whereby he had both Paternall and Maternall Title to the Crowne of England and France But his better and nearer Title was the Maternall Title or that which came to him by his Mother the Lady Anne de Mortimer the Daughter and heire of Phillippa Plantagenet who was the sole Daughter and heire of Lyonell Plantagenet Duke of Clarence and second Sonne of King Edward the third according to the account and order aforesaid And this Lady Phillip was the Wife of Sir Edmond de Mortimer the great and famous Earle of March and that Duke Richard King designate by his Father Richard Plantagenet Duke of York sirnamed also de Conningsbâ—rrough issued directly and in a
men by their out-sides or as boyes Poetry with a tickled faith through such wide eares and observations crept in that Parasitisme on the one side and Pride and Usurpation on the other side that made the house of Lancaster and the Beauforts alias Somersets all one which whilst the house of York flourished was held to differ as much as Royall and Feudall Soveraignty and Suzeraignty for their modestie at first was very well pleased with that of Beaufort and it seem'd honourable enough untill the children of Iohn de Beaufort the eldest Brother being Earle of Somerset assumed the name of their Fathers greatest honour and Earledome for their Sir-name and the rest following quite left the name of Beaufort and made the other Hereditary From this Iohn de Beaufort Earle of Somerset and Marquesse of Dorset descended Henry Duke of Somerset Father naturall to Charles Somerset created Earle of Worcester by King Henry the eight And it is worth the noting that this Duke Henry left the Faction of Lancaster to follow Edward the fourth The first Beauforts legitimated by the Pope and Richard the second have no other Sir-names but Beaufort in either of the instruments Apostolicall nor any words to give or emure them to any capacitie of Royall Title or state of Soveraignty in the Crown onely purged them by the Popes spirituall power from the foulenesse of Bastardy allowing them as children legitimate and lawfully born but gives them no other title then Ioanna de Beaufort miles Henricus de Beaufort Clericus Thomas de Beaufort Domicellus Ioannus de Beaufort Domicella and more the Pope cannot doe As the Doctors of Sorbone and some of the best Canonists hold who peremprorily affirme That the Pope cannot make Bastards capable to inherit the Hereditary Lands of their Father neither can give them power to Constitute Successours or Heires or hold Offices Dignities or Titles without the Princes speciall dispensation to which the Civill and Imperiall Lawes agree and is Authentick in England as a Learned and eminent Judge reports though others thinke it of too severe a nature and moderately agreeable to reason and Law the Law much observing reason That Bastards being honest and worthy men the rather if they be avowed by their Fathers may be admitted to Honours Dignities Titles Feuds and other Ornaments of rewards and vertue Of this indulgence and connivence wee have examples in England by two worthy and deserving men flourishing in this Age who though Bastards held the greatest Offices in England So Richard the second in his Charter for the legitimation of the Beauforts would have men of desert and avowed by their Fathers capable of Advancement and Honours The Tenor of which Charter and Confirmation of it by Parliament I shall exhibite as it is taken out of the Archives and Tower Records opening the way by a short advertisement That in this Act of Parliament there is an Induction to the Charter made by Doctor Edmond Stafford Brother to the Earle of Stafford and Bishop of Exeter Lord Chancellour of England in the twentieth yeare of Richard the second which intimateth that Pope Vrbanus the sixt at the earnest request of the King vouchsafed to legitimate these Beauforts the base sonnes and the daughter of the Duke of Guyen and Lancaster That the King also having power to legitimate and enable Bastards in the same kind and in as ample manner as the Emperour hath or had for so he pressed and avowed in the Act was pleased at the humble request and suit of the Duke their Father to make them not onely legitimate but also capable of Lands Heritages Titles Honours Offices Dignities c. And that the King for the more authority therof crav'd the allowance and favourable assent of the Barons in Parliament which was granted The Charter runnes thus Charta Legitimationis Spuriorum Ioannis Ducis Lancastriae RIchardus dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hiberniae charissimis Consanguineis nostris Nohilibus viris Ioanni de Beaufort Militi Henrico de B. Clerico Thomae de Beaufort Domicello Nobili mulieri Ioannae Beaufort domicellae praeclarissimi patrui nostri Nobilis viri Ioannis Ducis Aquitaniae Lancastriae Germanis natis liegis nostris salutem Nos pro honore meritis c. Avunculi nostri Proprio arbitratu meritorum suorum intuitu vos quia magno probitatis ingenio ac vitae ac morum Honestate fulgetis ex regali estis prosapia propagati c. hinc est quod Ioannis c. avunculi nostri genitoris vestri precibus inclinati vobis cum ut asseritur defectum natalium patimini hujusmodi defectum ejusdem qualitates quascunque abolere praesentes vos haberi volumus pro sufficientibus ad quoscunque honores dignitatis praeeminentias status gradus officia publica privata tam perpetua quam temporalia atque Iudicialia Nobilia quibuscunque nominibus nuncupentur etiam si Ducatus Principatus Comitatus Baroniae vel alia feuda fuerint etiamsi mediate vel immediate à nobis dependeant seu teneantur praefici praemoveri eligi assumi admitti illaque recipere pro inde libere ac licite valeatis ac side legitimo thoro nati existeritis quibuscunque Statutis seu Consuetudinibus regni nostri Angliae in contrarium editis seu observatis quae hic habemus pro totaliter expressis nequa quam obstantibus de plenitudine nostrae regalis potestatis de assenssu Parliamenti nostri tenore praesentium dispensamus vosque quemlibet vestrum natalibus restituimus Legitimanus Die Feb. Anno regni 20. R. 2. Here wee find large Graces Honours and Priviledges conferred upon those Beauforts for the King calls them Consanguineos sous and not onely confirmes their Legitimation but makes them by the helpe of the Parliament capable of Baronies Earledomes Dukedomes and Principalities enableth them for all Offices publique and private temporary and perpetuall to take hold of and injoy all Feuds as well noble as other all Lands and Signiories Hereditary as lawfully firmly and rightfully as if they had beene borne in lawfull matrimony but yet conferres no Royall Title nor interest in the Crowne at the least to the observation of those who allow not the claime of the Beauforts and Somersets and say that to reach that there must be words of a higher intent words of Empire Majesty and Soveraigntie such as Regni summa potestas Corona Sceptrum Diadema Purpura Majestas and the like Neither of these nor any importing their extent being in this grant so no Title to the Crowne nor Soveraigntie could passe to them To which the other side replyes That there is a word in the Charter that comprehendeth Empire Raigne and Soveraigntie that is Principatus whereof the King and Parliament make the Beauforts capable Principatus being the State of Princeps a Title of the most absolute Soveraigne Power for the Roman Emperours
or attained of any thing Capitall Therefore now their innocence must bee made guilty And in this I say no more then all our Hâ—storians or others say who agree in one opinion that The KING could not take away the lives of Perkin Warbecke and this Earle of Warwicke untill this practise of their escape was layde to them and they made guilty thereof Therefore they were not Traytors before neither was Perkin now to bee thought a Counterfeit but a Prince of the Bloud clayming the Crowne for otherwayes Hee was Perkin of Flanders a base fellow and a most culpable and notorious Traitor then what neede they looke further for a Crime to put him to Death And if Hee were not a Traitor surely it was a Tyranny to make of an Innocent and guiltlesse Man a guilty Folon and by Traines and Acts to forge an offence out of nothing For doubtlesse an Innocent and a true man may seeke freedome and purpose an act of escape also commit in and yet be still an honest Man and a faithfull good subject for nature and reason teacheth and alloweth all men to eschew injuries and oppression Besides this Practise of those young men to escape was found as Pollidor well observeth Crimen Alienum and not Crimen proprium then how much greater was the wrong to take away their lives But however it may bee laid upon them it was nothing but a desire of liberty out of durance in which they were kept for a small or no offence The Civill law holdeth suspition of flight or escape to bee no crime Suspicio fugae quia non solet detrimentum reipublice ad ferre non censetur crimen so ulpian And by the Lawes of England if a Prisoner doe escape who is not imprisoned for Treason or felony but some lesser fault of trespasse according to the old Law of England Escapae non adjudicabitur versus eum qui Commissus est prisonae pro transgressione Escape shall not bee adjudged for Felony or other crime in one who is committed for trespasse For the offence of the escape is made in the common Law to be of the same nature and guilt with the crime whereof the Prisoner is attainted And certainely neither the Earle of Warwicke nor Richard alias Perkin were attainted of Treason or Felony c. before But to close this dispute and tragedy not long after some of the Instruments which betrayed them into this as Walter Blunt Thomas Astwood servants to the Lieutenant of the Tower finished at Tiburn because they should tell no tales And to this succinct relation there can be no better testimony then the hands of those witnesses who have sealed their confession and knowledge with their bloods Men of all conditions and estates all maintaining at the last gaspe that Perkin was the true Duke of Yorke whose Affirmations I will produce give mee but leave by the way to answer one Objection or Cavill brought against this Duke called in scorn Perkin Warbecke A new Writer affirming him to bee an Impostor whose learning may be as much mistaken in this as other things though he laid a great pretence to knowledge especially in the History of England and other Countreyes indeed his judgement and reading are much exprest alike in his Pamphlet which he cals the History of Perkin Warbecke wherein he forfeits all his skill to make him a parallel in advers fortunes and supposed base quality to the unhappy Don Sebastian late King of Portugall who he also protests an Impostore And to arrive at this huge knowledge he would have us thinke hee tooke much paines in the sifting of Authors and indeed I thinke he did sift them concerning his ignorance in the case of Don Sebastian if he be not too wise to have it informed I will urge some reasons on Don Sebastians side who was King of Portugall and invading the Kingdom of Barbary Anno Dom. 1584. was overthrown in a fierce bloody Battel in the fields of Alcazer by the King of Morucco where it was thought he was slaine but escaped and fled secretly traver stiâ—e or disguised travailing in that manner through many parts of Africa and Asia some 30. yeares in which time and travaile he suffered much lived in Captivity and misery but at last got away into Europe with purpose to have got into Portugall if possible to repossesse the Kingdome In this returne he came to Venice there discovered himselfe and desires aide of the Venetian States they entertained him as a Prince distressed gave him good words but durst not lend him Assistance fearing the King of Spaine Yet the chiefe Senators and many of the wisest of the Sigmory made no doubt of him Among them Signieur Lorenzo Iustiniano of the Senators Order a man of wise and great abilities was appointed by the States a Commissioner with others to hear and examine this cause of Don Sebastian in which they tooke much paines And this Signieur Lorenzo being lieger Ambassadour in England affirmed and protested solemnly he and all the other Commissioners were clear and very confident he was Don Sebastian King of Portugall notwithstanding they durst not give him aide but councelled him for France where the King favoured right without feare of anothers displeasure But taking Florence in his way in the habit of a Fryer he was observ'd and discovered by some spyes which the Grand Duke of Tuscany had set upon him from Venice who to in sinuate with the King of Spaine Philip the second and for some other commodious considerations delivered Sebastian to the Governour of Orbattelli a Spanish Port in Tuscany from thence sent him by Sea to the Count De le Mos Vice-roy of Naples who conveyed him into Spaine there for a while his entertainment was no better then in the Gallies what other welcome hee had I know not but the fame went certainly he was secretly made away after Philip the third was King The said Vice-roy of Naples confessed in secret to a friend of his he verily believed his prisoner was the true Sebastian King of Portugall and was induced to be of that opinion by the strong Testimonies and many strange and peculiar markes which some Honourable Portugesses did know him by all found about the body of this Sebastian And the French King Henry the 4 th it should seeme was perswaded no lesse for when the newes was told him the Duke of Florence had sent this Sebastian to the King of Spaine he told the Queene what an ill deed her Unckle had done in these words Nostre Uncle a faict un act fort indigne de sa Persone Doctor Stephen de Sampugo in a letter to Ioseph Texere Councellour and Almoner to the most Christian King writes thus The King Don Sebastian is here in Vonice c. So soone as hee arrived here where he hoped to find support the Ambassadour of Castile persecuted him very cruelly perswading the Signeury that he was a Calabrois c. I sweare
proceeding from the vanity and obstinacy of the Prince the other from the peoples opinion of him and his vices And then he must neither raigne nor live any longer Ennius said with Cicero quem oderunt perijsse expetunt And soe all that was practised upon the fortune fame and person of King Richard was by this rule though in the judgment and equity of the most knowing in those times their cunning translatio Criminis could take noe hold of him neither appeares it probable that the Earle of Richmond himselfe when he had got all justice and power in his hand did hold King Richard guilty of the murder and Subornation of those fellowes nor them the Assasines for doubtlesse then being so wise and religious a Prince he would have done all right to the lawes divine and humane And that I beleeve in the extreamest and publick'st way of punishment to make it more satisfactory and terrible to the people and times but they freely inioyed their liberty with security to naturall deaths without any question or apprehension Tirrell excepted who suffered for treason not long after committed by him against King Henry himselfe Neither was Iohn Greene named a party in this murder ever called in question nor doe the Historians of those times though meere temporizers charge him with this practise against his Nephewes untill after his Coronation some say they survived King Richard and giveing this respiâ—e of time there was no cause why after that he should make them away being then secure in his Throne and Title and they longe before pronounced uncapable First by the ecclesiasticall Iudges then by the Barons and Parliament and where was the cause of feare but if King Richard had beene of that bloody constitution the man whose life could be most prejudiciall unto him was the Erle of Warwicke lawfull Sonne of George Plant agenet Duke of Clarence Elder Brother to King Richard now there was a necessitie for the Lancastrian faction if they must have a King of that family to take those Princes away not to leave King Richard or his Sonne nor yet any legitimate issue of Lancaster for all those were before any of the house of Beauforts in the true order of Succession and stood in their way so did the Progeny of Brotherton of Woodstocke of both the Clarencies Glocester c. Though they feared few or none of those Titulare Lords being modest men not affecting Soveraignty but content with their owne private fate and feudall estate when all was one with the Lancastrians who were so vehement in their royall approaches that besides King Edward the Fourth and his two Sonnes King Richard and his Son the Prince of Wales there was afterward and as occasion served The Earle of Warwicke and Duke of Suffolke and others both male and female of that princly family laid in their cold vrnes and it must be so else there could be no place for the Beauforts and Somersets their turnes being last the Kings of Portugall of Castile and other being before them if not excluded by Act of Parliament In this Tragedy there was a Scene acted by Iohn de Vere Earle of Oxenford which may be worthy of our observation for example sake and makes not against the cause of Perkin This Earle of Oxenford much affected and devoted to King Henry the Seventh was a great enemie to this Richard Alias Perkin and I thinke the onely enemie he had of the great Nobility how this dislike grew I cannot say whether out of ignorance or incredulity or out of malice hateing King Edward and all that had a neare relation to that family or else to applyhimselfe to the honour of the King but he and the Cardinall are said to be the châ—ife vrgers of Perkins dispatch and hee being high constable pronounced the sentence against the young Earle of Warwicke which much distasted the Country and ne're to Heveningham Castle that was his cheifest Seate there lived in the woods an old Hermit a very devoute and holy man as the fame of those times admit him who seem'd much troubled to heare this newes for the love he bare to the ancient and Noble family of Oxenford of much anguish of Spirit saying the Earle and his house would repent and rue that guilty and bloody pursuite of the innocent Princes for the event of which prophesy this hath bine observed Not long after the Earle was arrested for an offence so small that no man considering his merit and credit with the King could have thought it worth the question for which he was fined at thirty thousand pounds in those dayes a kingly sum after this he lived many yeares in great discontent and dyed without issue or any child lawfully begotten by him and in much shorter time then his life time that great and stately Earldome of Oxenford with the opulent and Princly patrimony was utterly dissipated and como sal in agna as the Spaniard saith in the refran yet this Earle was a very wise magnificent learned and religious man in the estimation of all that knew him and one more like to raise and acquire a new Erledome But it thus fell and was wasted the Castles and Mannors dilapidated the Chappell wherein this Iohn de Vere and all his Ancestors lay intombed with their monuments quite defaced to the ground their bones left under the open Aire in the feilds and all this within lesse then threescore yeares after the death of the said Earle Iohn about the same time these unhappie Gentlemen suffered there was a base sone of King Richard the Third made away having beene kept long before in Prison The occasion as it seemeth was the attempt of certaine Irishmen of the West and South parts who would have got him into their power and made him their cheife being strongly affected to any of the house of Yorke were they legitimate or naturall for Richard Duke of Yorkes sake sometimes their viceroy and thus much in breife of that Now to resolve a question why the King deferred so long the death execution of the Earle of Warwick Perkin and tooke so much deliberation after he had resolved it one reason and the cheifest brought by some is That in regard Perkin was an Alien and in the allegeance of a Forraigne Prince therefore he could not be condemned nor executed for felony nor treason by our lawes which is a ridiculous evasion for we have frequent examples in our stories that the naturall subjects of France of Scotland Spaine Portugall Germany and Italy have had judgement and execution by our lawes for felony and treason as Peter de Gaveston a French man Sir Andrew Harcley a Scot and lately Dr. Lopez a Portugall therefore apparantly that was not the cause the King so doubtfully and as it were timerously deferred their Arraignments Executions The Heathens perhaps would have defined it some inward awe or concealed scruple such as they called Eumenides and