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A09105 A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit of certayne in England calling themselues secular priestes VVho set forth dayly most infamous and contumelious libels against worthy men of their owne religion, and diuers of them their lawful superiors, of which libels sundry are heer examined and refuted. By priestes lyuing in obedience. Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610. 1602 (1602) STC 19411; ESTC S119803 191,126 270

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ouerthrow therby the Popes institution of the Archpriest their intention must needs be consequently to exclude all Papal authority and iurisdiction from the kingdome of England except the prince of what religion soeuer agree thervnto VVhich doctrine of what quality it is no man can but see And for better explication therof we are in this place to aduertise the Reader that albeit we haue said so much already in our Apologie about this matter as was needful for that place and the obiections made by these people did require yet hauing both thought and sought more of that poynt since by occasion of the often vrging it we find somwhat to be added heere to wit that the Appellation to Rome in the first instance which there we mentioned was rather an antecedent or preamble to the law it selfe of Premunire then the cheefe substance therof which preamble was begon specially vnder K. Henry the second in the cause of S. Thomas of Canterbury about the yeare 1170. and continued on vntil towards the later end of the raigne of K. Edward the 3. to wit about the yeare 1375. which was but a yeare before the said Kings death when VVickclif now had begone to styrre against Cleargie men and the king being impotent permitted the gouernment most to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his fourth some at great variance in those dayes with the bishops namely VVickam and Courtney the first of VVinchester the second of London and himselfe not a litle incensed with Iohn VVickcliffes new diuelish persuasions against the cleargy and religious men VVherfore a contention being in those dayes about the collation of benefices and bishopricks in England wherof the Popes were wont to dispose for the most part they concluded in England after many contentions and disputes and many sendings forth and back to Auinion in France where the Popes at that tyme resided that such prouisions of benefices should not be sought nor made from the Pope immediately for the tyme to come but only in England by consent of the prince and confirmation afterward of the Pope for the most principal benefices and dignityes and whosoeuer should contrary to this procure prouisions immediately from the Pope or any other power or iurisdiction contrary to this lawe should incurre the penaltyes therof And this to haue byn the only true meaning and intent of the said law and lawmakers that were Catholiks is euident by all authors that haue wrytten therof And in this sense there is no controuersy among vs for that later Popes haue eyther agreed thervnto or permitted the same and we see the like in vre also in other Catholike countreys at this day by agreement and composition betwene the Sea Apostolike Princes and Catholike Cleargie But besides this sense and meaning of the law there hath byn another inuented by heretiks and enemyes synce that tyme as though by this law all external iurisdiction of the bishop of Rome should be vtterly excluded from England not only in prouiding of benefices whervnto are annexed temporalityes but euen in matters also meere spiritual In which sense K. Henry the eight Father of her Maiestie was persuaded by some of his Counsel infected with Luthers Doctrine at that tyme to condemne the Card. of Yorke and all his English Cleargie in the losse of all their temporalityes by pretence of this law for admitting the authority and iurisdictiō of the Popes legats Campegius the said Cardinal without the kings expresse licence And in this sense also hath the Popes authority byn called forrayne and external and vtterly excluded from England by diuers lawes statutes oathes set forth by Protestants against the same since that tyme. And in the same sense and signification being plainly false and heretical as yow see do these libellers vrge it now against the Archpriest and others that admit and approue his authority though meerly spiritual as all the world seeth as hauing nor benefice nor temporality annexed to it or ioyned with it And so we see with what kynd of people these men are drawen by passion to conspire and iump The third point of their argumēt in this book is to shew that nether the Pope nor any other ecclesiastical power what soeuer hath any authority to restrayn punish or presse by way of force or armes immediatly or by others any Christian tēporal prince whatsoeuer for any delict of heresy Apostasy impugnation of Christian faith extirpation of religion or other cryme whatsoeuer though neuer so much danger or damage should e●s●e by his default to the commouwealth or to the rest of Christendome And this irreligious paradox they go about to maintayne throughout their whole book alleadging fond childish argumēts for the same as that the word of the spirit not the swords of the flesh or any arme of man is that which giueth life and beauty to the Catholike Churche and that the promise made to S. Peter is a sure and sufficient ground to defend Catholike religion without armes And other such fācies which the Anabaptistes do vse to proue that there should be no external force or ciuil magistrate vsed by Christians and as Martyn Luther disputed when he would prooue that warre was not to be waged against the Turke for religion especially at the Popes direction And yet are our men so confident in these their follies as they are not ashamed to say in the same place to Catholiks Giue no eare deare Catholikes to any priuate VVhisperings or Iesuitical persuasions to the contrary all arguments that can be brought assure your selues are false and vnlearned sophistifications Thus they say and thus they assure Catholiks but much more sure are wee that this is pride ignorance ●olly and falshood in them for that they cannot but know that all the Catholike learned men of Christendome are against them in this position and that the proofes and reasons which they alleadge for the same called by these men heere priuate VVhisperings Iesuitical persuasions and vnlearned sophistications are so learned and weighty as they are not able to answere one of them and if we should heere set downe the ranke of authors that haue wrytten of this point within these 400. yeares as also in our dayes against heretikes and atheists and conuinced the same by most learned demonstrations both out of scriptures councelles fathers and theological reasons to wit that albeit directly the supreme pastor of Christs Churche according to the cōmon opinion of diuynes haue not temporal dominion or iurisdiction ouer christian temporal princes that are supreame in their owne states yet indirectly for conseruation and defence of religion when it is impugned or put in hazard by them he may also vse the sword or help of temporal forces for his restraint eyther immediatly from himself or by other princes at his direction if we say we should cyte heere all the learned Catholike authors of all nations that haue wrytten and
art inexcusable that iudgest another condemning thy selfe by iudging him seing thow doest the selfe same thinges wherwith thow findest fault in him The wryter of the Conference putteth downe his name R. Doleman and whether it be his true name or no it little importeth the reason therof is before by vs declared in the next precedent Chapter This other pamphleter cometh forth without any name at all and yet quarreleth with the other for not putting a name is not heere more then S. Paules condemnation against so impudent a cauiller But let vs passe from a vayne and idle Preface to the barren bulke of the worke it selfe which is more ridiculous and absurd then the preamble what do yow thinke that this discouerer hath performed in his whole little barking pamphlet against the forsaid book Hath he answered think yow any one reason argument example or discourse therin set downe throughout those nynteene large Chapters cōteyned in the conference No truly nor hath so much as gone about to do it And wherin then doth he spend his tyme and paper in this discouery yow shal heare breefely and therby know the man First he sheweth himselfe very angry at the common opinion of men about the estimation and credit of this book generally wherat also VV. VV. doth storme exceedingly in his epistle to the Important Considerations The author saith he is so extolled for sharpnes of wit plenty of much reading cunning in conueyance aboundance of eloquence and other graces as none can find any want or default c. Do yow not see heere enuy accuse and condemne her selfe Secondly he taketh in hand and this in diuers parts of his Discouery to shew that the setting forth of this book could not be with the priuity of the K. of Spaine that is now dead or he that now raigneth nor pleasing to eyther of them for that it hurteth his cause a very wise and pertinent argument and that other betrer meanes might haue byn deuised yf he forsooth and his fellowes had byn called to counsel for the aduauncment of the K. honorable designes seruices and offices for so are his words Marry saith he in ordine ad Deum vsque ad aras and more then this I am sure quoth he so good a king wil not require c. Do yow se how careful this discouerer is to hold good opinion with the K. of Spaine how desyrous to further his honorable designes and seruices in ordine ad Deum vsque ad aras shal we thinke this to come from M. Paget VVe can hardly beleeue it Thirdly he taketh in hand to giue many graue notes vpon the reasoning of the two lawyers in the book of Conference and first of all he complaineth that the speakers in the dialogue or conference about succession as also the place named by the author are counterfait as in the title of his answere yow haue heard him auouch which is so egregious a foolery as nothing can be more for with this substantial reason he may refute euery thing wherin fayned persons are brought in to speake and consequently condemne and reiect for counterfet things all Plato and Tullyes works wrytten in dialogue maner affirming that those their conferences and persons therin named were for the most part fayned and counterfetted And is not this also a point of great wisdome Fourthly he findeth great fault with this book for that therin two lawyers should be brought in to reason and be iudges of so great and weightie a controuersy about the succession not law it self But what a iest is this As though law is not best vttered by lawyers or as though to determine weightie controuersyes the rediest way were to bring many law bookes into the place without lawyers to expound them VVho seeth not the cauilling vanity of this man Fifthly he misliketh and com●layneth greeuously that the ciuil lawyer should speak first and before the temporal lawyer in this Conference wherof he inferreth that the intention of the wryter is when tyme shal serue in England to haue the ciuil law of Caesar for so his words are preferred before the auncient municipal lawes of our Country which municipal lawes he affirmeth Pope Eleutherius to haue appoynted to Lucius king saith he of all the great Britany and to haue commanded this at the request of the Brytish nob●lity and people aboue 1400. yeares past that Caesars ciuil lawes should be Abolished c. Mark heere we beseech yow the learned discourse of our wise Doctor because the ciuilian speaketh first more largely in the first book of the Conference and contrary wise in the second and for that the said first book is before the second book therfore he inferreth that the wryter had a purpose to preferre the ciuil law before the temporal Is he not worthie a doctorship trow yow that so reasoneth As for the second point about Eleutherius the Pope that he appointed K. Lucius to banish Caesars ciuil lawes and to plant municipal lawes or that these municipal lawes that now are in England brought in principally by the Conque●oun and increased synce by acts of Parliamēt as all men know were in Britany in Pope Eleutherius his tyme or that K. Lucius was king of all the great Britany as heere is a●ouched vnto vs or that the said K. Lucius or his nobility did demaund these municipal lawes at the Popes hand as this wise discouerer affirmeth these things we say being such strange noueltyes as they are required some proof at least at the Doctors hand yf he wil not be held ridiculous as most of these things are alleadged by him but citing none at all euery man wil iudge of him accordingly In the sixt place after much cōplaint as hath byn touched that the Ciuilian lawyer in the first book speaketh more then the temporal he saith thus The temporal lawyer for his part must follow an eccho not betweene two hilles vpon stoppage of breath for modesty and feare but in playne fields not subiect to rebounds boldly without blushing to correspond c. Consider heere a very graue complaint for that the temporal lawyer is made to answere and allow the Ciuilians speech But heare yet a much grauer and earnest against the trauellers which being present at the speech do speake also themselues sometimes for varietyes sake telling the lawyers what seemeth best to them which thing greatly misliketh this wise discouerer for which cause he wryteth thus against it Furthermore saith he the trauailers for their parts must help the credit of these lawyers by a coople of od shifts els all wilnot go straight for by the meanes of their ranging throughout diuers countreys we must haue a common opinion settled eurey where that all is true which these two haue said and agreeable to the lawes of nature and consequently the common ●ame of their horrible blasts must●course both ayre and earth c. This is his complanit for that poynt
Catholiks for cause of religion then excluding all spiritual authority and Iurisdiction of the Sea Apostolike from England as forrayne and subiect to the law of Premunire Thirdly denynig the said Sea and Bishops therof all authority to restrayne punish or force by way of armes eyther by him selfe or others any temporal prince for heresy Apostasy or whatsoeuer other cryme pertayning to Religion Fourthly affirming that if any Pope should attempt such matters he may and ought to be resisted by Catholike subiects and that themselues would do it though he came in person Fifthly they lay all the fault of so long and greeuous persecution as hitherto English Catholiks haue suffered for religion vpon themselues and their owne doings not excepting heerin the very martyrs and Saints of God and further they are not ashamed to affirme that yf they had byn of the Counsel themselues they could haue done no lesse then to haue agreed to the said persecution and to the lawes and statutes made for the same Sixtly that they meane hereeafter to change their former course and as their phrase is to turne ouer the leafe and with such resolution as yf they should know any disignments or treatese of his Hol. or other Catholiks for reformation or restraynt of heresy by way of force in England they would reueale the same to the persecutors The 7. and last poynt is that they condemne the Semynaries and education of our youth therin beyond the seas wherin themselues or the most part of them haue byn brought vp and made that they are now excepting their sedition and they dehort all Catholikes with great vehemency from sending their children thither counseling them rather to keep them at home where they assure them that God wil prouide other masters euen of the ministers themselues yf need be to instruct them better then in the Seminaryes they are instructed These are the wise and holesome positions which these men haue in this booke set downe and do handle as the subiect and argument therof which yow see of what quality consideration they are to wit the first ful of adulation and meerly parasitical the second third and fourth pernicious erroneous and heretical the fifth wicked and reprochful the sixt trayterous and the last ridiculous or rather impious which in part shal appeare by these few words which in this place we are to say of each of them in order The first point of this argument is set downe in the title it selfe of the book which they cal Important considerations to mooue all true Catholikes that are not wholy Iesuited to wit not so base or wickedly mynded as themselues to flatter and fawne vpon tēporal fauour to acknowledge all the proceedinges of the state of England against Catholikes since it excluded the Roman faith and fel to heresy to haue byn not only iust but also myld and merciful c. Thus they say adding further another peece of the said title in these words Published by sundry of vs the secular priestes in dislike of many treateses letters and reportes which haue byn wrytten and made in diuers places to the contrary with our opinions of a better course hereafter for the promoting of the Catholike faith in England Thus they frame their title wherby as yow see they first make themselues publike proctors for the heretiks and presecutors and then open accusers against the presecuted Catholikes on their owne side That which they adde of the publication of this booke by sundry of them secular priests we easily beleeue that they were rather sundy and sundered also then many vnited in so wicked an attempt and that they were not only secular in order and degree but in mynd also hart and desyres which S. Paul conioyneth with impiety when he saith abnegantes impietatem saecularia desideria As for the treateses letters and reports which haue byn wrytten and made in diuers partes of the world against the persecution vsed vpō Catholiks in England which our new doctors heere do protest to mislike they hauing byn wrytten and made by the grauest and most learnedest men of our nation and others and vpon the grounds and proofes which in their books they haue set downe little importeth what these men may like or dislike therof now being vnworthie to be admitted for iudges or cēsurers of their Maisters doings and wrytings especially seing them so transformed by the passion of enuy malice as they seeme to haue sold their tongues to the common enemy to contradict whatsoeuer others haue done before them for which cause also their offered opinions of a new and better course hereafter for turning ouer the leafe as after they cal it is ridiculous and contemptible to all Catholiks of discretion cōsidering the learning vertue grauity seuerity constancy wisdome and other commendations of these that went before and the very effects and fruits themselues of their labors hitherto and comparing the●with the con●rary in firmityes and imperfections of these men and that th●y set vp nothing but seeke to pul downe And when they come to the end of their book and should shew vs what this new course of theirs is which they cal better for promoting of Catholike Religion herafter in England yow shal find no other thing prescribed by them but only a flattering persuasion to sticke to the State against the Pope and Sea Apostolike wherin we persuade our selues that the aduersaryes themselues do not beleeue them then a vehement exhortation to Catholiks to send their children no more to the Seminaryes beyond the seas least they be infected with the contrary doctrine which is so foolish and absurd as we are ashamed to mention or relate it And thus much touching the first point The second is about the law of Premunire many tymes mentioned before by them and now againe greatly vrged in the preface of this book where hauing rayled without all modestie or measure against F. Persons and all other Catholiks and priests vnited with him in admitting his Hol. ordinance about the Archpriest they say thus As by this meanes to wit by admitting the Archpriest he and his confederates haue incurred a double premunire as in another place siz in the booke of Quodlibets I meane God willing to declare so entendeth he therby to draw yow all good Catholiks into the same predicament premunireal and of treason with him Touching this booke of Quodlibets heere mētioned yf these men do meane therby that they may say or vnsay therin what they list without controlment then may all the other books also hitherto set forth be called Quodlibets no lesse then this hauing tyed themselues therin to no law eyther of truth probability proof or modesty Neyther can we immagine what occasion this booke of Quodlibets may bring to handle more at large this matter of Premunire then heere and in other their wrytings hath byn expressed seing that applying that law as they do to
assaylant then the assayled Yow haue heard how boysterously not to say furiously these passionate people haue runne euery where vpon F. Persons dentibus ensibus to vse their owne phrase and surely if we did not know F. Persons and his merits towards our common cause and them in particular as we do yet knowing them as we may by these their books and libels and beholding their outragious dealing with him we must needs think the better of him for it and that there is some great good thing in him for which they enuy him so exceedingly and discouer such rancor and malice against him as they seeme to be content we meane of the principal that wryte these books to put out both their owne eyes according to the prouerb so they might put out one of his But this is the nature of enuy Let vs now examine some more particulars of their proceedings with him Besides all their former rayling and calumniation against F. Persons wherof we haue treated hitherto they obiect now further to leaue nothing vntouched the wryting of certayne books foure in number wherof 3. are extant in print and one only in wrytten hand The first is in latyn vnder the name of Philopater conteyning an answere to the English Edict and most rigorous law set forth against Catholiks in the yeare 1591. The second is in English named a VVardword to the VVatchword of Sir F. Hastings by N. D. which two books these men do inueigh against by name and yet in the first of them their owne cause if they be Catholike priests as also the Seminaries and English martirs are so diligently de●ended especially in the 3. 4. and 5. sections as if enuy had not vtterly extinguished in these people the sense and feeling not only of vertue and gratitude but of humanity also and ciuility they would neuer so enueigh against this book wrytten in their behalfes as neyther against the second to wit the VVardword which is wholy to the same effect and to defend the most innocent Catholike recusants of our countrey against the bloudy slaunders and imputations of that cruel mynded knight The 3. and fourth books obiected by them are the conference about Succession or Titles as they cal it and the high counsel of Reformation for so they fondly terme it of which two books we shal speake somwhat more in this place but most of the last for that it is not in print as all the other three are and so may be vewed and examined by the Reader himself to whome we giue only this aduertisment that none of the forsaid three haue F. Persons name vnto it and consequently are no otherwise knowne to be of his making but only by their owne coniectures albeit all three are such as be they his or no they yeild litle matter of aduantage to these poore men but much rather of greef and enuy as by reading them will appeare And as for the third of Succession we shal discusse some points therof afterwards beeing vrged therunto by their often carping therat and a childish answere set forth against it in print Now we wil begin with the fourth wherof they write thus This Polypragman Persons say they set out a booke intituled The high counsel of Reformation of England c. wherin he wil haue the old Roman Agrarian law so firmely established in this land no fee simple of inheritance shal be left for any English from the Prince to the freeholder to possesse enjoy and leaue by succession of birth and bloud to his posterity as to his next heyres further then as the Spanish Iesuitical court counsel and gouernors shal appoint for them Lo heere a great and heynous charge and if any one sentēce therof be true or sincerely set downe then shal we be content to beleeue them in all the rest and if we proue them to be all and euery one of them meerly false then yow know what to think of them First then we graunt that vpō search made we haue found that the said Father not altogeather vntruly called heere Polypragmon for the multitude of his cares and labors in our publique cause hauing had occasion aboue others for more then xx yeares not only to know the State of matters in England but also of many forraine nations and Catholike kingdomes abroad hath vsed like diligence from tyme to tyme to obserue and note to himselfe certayne excellēt things found in other places which are not so much in vse among vs in England nor were when it was Catholike VVhich obseruations he hauing imparted somtymes with certayne confident frēds they seemed to them of so great importāce for the tyme to come as they intreated him earnestly to put them at least in wryting for himselfe and for others after him to publike good when tyme might serue to vse them if now he would not make them common as he signified in no wi●e he would Herevpon he then being at Siuil in the yeare 1596. and receyuing letters from his Superiors to returne to Rome for appeasing the tumults there he was more earnestly intreated that before his departure he would performe the same and so he did calling it A memorial or Remembrance for them that shal lyue when Catholike religion shal be restored into England wherin he proposeth with all indifferency such matters as he hath obserued and noted to be thought and considered of at that tyme and eyther to be taken or reiected limited chaunged or altered as they should think best all which appeareth by his owne Preface to that treatese which for more satisfaction of the Reader and fuller declaration of his intent and purpose we shal heere set downe word for word as we find it in the said book wherof we haue procured a true copy out of the original though with great difficulty for that no copyes are giuen abroad but only to some few confident frends to haue a sight therof and giue their iudgement of the matter But yet before we set downe the said Preface we may note the falsity of these first words of our brethren affirming the book to be intituled The high counsel of Reformation for England c. wheras it is only intituled A memorial for Reformation c. conteyning certaine notes and aduertisments c. gathered and set downe by R P. 1596. Secondly it is not nor euer was set out or published as these men falsly affirme but is kept in secret to the author and his nearest frends only to the end aforesaid Thirdly the whole calumniation that follovveth of the old Romaine Agrarian lawes pretended therby to be so firmely established as no fee simple of Inheritance shal be left for any English c. All this we say is so notoriously false as the plaine contrary is therin to be found First for that nothing proposed in this Memorial is firmely established or set downe by way of resolution but only suggested to be considered of secondly
benefices but ample commission rather for all parts with a sufficient stipend to liue vpon vntil things be better setled Lo heere that which is spoken to great good purpose for some few preachers only to be free from any particular charge and this for a while to the end they may attend to all places is turned odiously by these men to all priests in general VVhat wil yow say of this malitious kynd of dealing but the narrownesse of this place suffereth vs not to passe herein any further There remayneth then the third part of this book concerning the laytie conteyning the Prince with his counsel the nobility communalty and hath this title in the first chapter therof Of the laity temporalty in general of their agreement and concurrance with the Cleargie most needful for both their good the difference also of both their states And then the Chapter beginneth thus By that which I haue spoken in the first Chapter and second part of this memorial about Cleargymen the difference and distinction may appeare that is betwixt these two principal braunches of a Christian and Catholike comon-wealth to wit the Cleargie and layty which is a distinction obserued from the very beginning of Christian religion and the primatiue Church as may appeare by the first second third eight seauenty and diuers other cannons of the first general Counsel of Nice where often mention is made of this distinction And before that againe Tertullian a most learned and auncient wryter not only setteth downe the same distinction of cleargy and lay-men as receaued generally in his tyme but sheweth also and reprehendeth earnestly the emulation and enuy that euen then begonne by art of the diuel to be in diuers of the laity against the Cleargie c. VVe cannot prosecute the rest at large but only giue yow a gesse what manner of matter it is which ensueth by the first entrance and so the next chapter being of the Prince and the counsel begynneth thus As the Prince in euery common-wealth is the head and hart from whence all lyfe and vigour principally cometh vnto the same so aboue all other things is it of importance that he be wel affected and disposed and so much the more in England aboue other countreys by how much greater and eminent his authority is and power with the people more then in diuers other places by which meanes it hath cōmen to passe that England hauing had more store of holy kings in ancient tymes then many other contreys togeather came to haue also religion and piety more aboundātly setled by their meanes then diuers realmes about them c. Thus there The 3. Chapter is of the nobility and gentry beginning in these words By the nobility of England we do vnderstand according to the fashion of other countreys not only noble men of title but gentlemen esquyres knights and other degrees that be aboue yeomen husband men and the communalty in which inferior sort of nobility beneath Barons I meane of knights esquyres and gentlemen there is not that distinction obserued betwixt their degrees in forraine countreys as in ours and I take ours farre the better and more laudable order This nobility then and gentry being the cheef members of our Realme are carefully to be preserued by our Catholike Prince in their ancient honors dignityes and priuiledges and whatsoeuer iniury or disestimation hath byn layd vpon them these later yeares by occasion of heresy it is to be remooued and particular inquiry is to be made by commissioners appointed by the parlament For this purpose wherin and in what points the nobility of England hath byn iniured dishonored or oppressed to the end that supplication may be made to the Catholike Prince for remedy therof And as the ancient nobility of England in tymes past came to that dignity in the common-wealth and to their credit estimation both with Prince and people first for their piety and zeale in Christian religion and secondly for their fidelity and valour in seruice of their prince and countrey so their heyres and posterity must conserue the same by the self same meanes c. And so he followeth on with many other considerations which wee pretermit The 4. Chapter of this part is intituled Of the Innes of Court and study of the common lawes with diuers considerations also about the lawes themselues c. About which subiect diuers important points are suggested for making that study to florish with more honour and profit of the weale-publike and the students good The 5. Chapter is Of the common people of England and how greatly they are to be cherished and made of which Chapter beginneth thus The communalty being the body and bulk of the Realme and those that sustayne the poyse and labour of the same they are greatly to be cherished nowrished esteemed conserued and next after the planting of true religion and knowledge of God greate care is to be had of their en●itching for that as Constantius the Emperour was wont to say the princes true treasure are the coffers of his subiects and especially of the communalty who if they be poore and needy can neyther pay their landlords nortil or mannure their ground nor help the Prince in his necessityes And by the communalty in this place I vnderstand labouring nun seruingmen husbandmen yeomen aertificers citizens and marchants all which labour and ●oyle to the end that others may liue in rest And in England their condition as before I haue touched was wont to be more prosperous and happy then in any countrey els of the world besides and may be againe by the grace of God with the restoring of true religion the losse wherof brought not only spiritual but also temporal misery vpon vs all and our Realme c. Thus wryteth he there laying downe many excellent meanes for comfort of this communalty which we wil not prosecute in this place for breuityes sake nor say any more at all of this whole book or Treatese but only remit our selues to the iudgment of the indifferent Reader to gesse by this litle he hath seene what manner of matter and with what piety moderation and tender loue of our countrey the whole is wrytten which these men so spitefully do maligne and cauil at And this shal be sufficient for a tast of this fourth book Touching the third intituled A conference about the next succession to the Crowne of England had in the yeare 1593. for that it is in printe and in the hands of many and the contents therof sufficiently knowen we shal need to say lesse but only to note vnto the Reader the like great passion and intemperate folly of these our brethren in exclaming now so eagerly against it which not long ago when they were in good tune they liked wel and highly commended and wheras it is knowen that it came forth with the consent liking and approbation at least of our
late Cardinal Allen Sir Francis Englefield and others the most principal Catholiks of our nation beyond the seas as by their owne hands is yet extant what malepert saucinesse is this of a few yonglings so bitterly now to inueigh against it And if we wil consider the contents therof we shal more maruaile at so insolent dealing of these indiscreet and rash greene heads deuowed wholy as it semeth to carp at other other mens actions though they vnderstand them not For what argument we pray yow could there be more important graue serious and necessary to be handled at that tyme when this book was wrytten English affayres standing as they did and do then the matter of succession to our crowne wherof both religion and Realme spirituality and temporality for the most part dependeth especially the subiect of the former book for two they are in number is of such weight and consideration and so ought to be with Catholiks as it were irreligious to be ignorant or carelesse therin to wit that in all pretence and pretenders ro reigne ouer Christians and succession to crownes the consideration of true Cath. religion is the principal point to be respected and that this is conforme to all lawes both diuine and humane but especially to the ancient accustomed lawes of our land and that no good Catholike may or can dispence with himselfe or others in this point for any humaine respect or consideration whatsoeuer which point is so substantially prooued by all variety of learning both ecclesiastical and prophane and by so many examples and customes of all nations in 9. seue●al chapters as our enuious brethren cannot turne their hands to answere any one thing therin contayned though neuer so much they maligne both the matter and the wryter And this of the first book handling matters in general against heretikes and Atheists But the second book of this conference conteyning ten Chapters passeth further on from generalityes to particularityes setting downe all the particular titles pretēces and pretenders which are or may be probably of the blood royal of our land with an open protestation of all indifferency therin vsed without hurt hinderance or preiudice to any which Protestation for that it wypeth of all the cauillations which these men or others of their humour do endeauour to lay against the wryter as though he had penned the same partially in fauour of some particular prince we haue thought good to set his owne words downe in this place which ate these Hauing to speak saith the common lawyer in this discourse of many princes peeres and nobles of the royal blood of England to all which by law of nature equity and reason he affirmed that he bare reuerent honour and respect and to discusse their seueral pretentions rights interests and titles to the crowne he said that his meaning was to offend hurt or preiudice none nor to determine any thing resolutely in fauour or hinderance of any of their pretences or claymes of what side family faction religion or other party soeuer he or she were but rather plainly and indifferently wihout hatred or partial affection to or against any to lay downe syncerely what he had heard or read or of himselfe conceaued that might iustly be alleadged in fauor or disfauour of euery ●iteler Thus wryteth and protesteth he and seing that whatsoeuer he putteth downe in this affayre is registred in our owne cronycles and both the authors and places alwayes cyted by him for his defence and for the discent of blood and genealogie in euery preson named and that the obiections and arguments to and fro in euery pretence and pretenders are layd forth clearly without partiality we do not see what reason or probability in the world our discontented preists can haue yf they be Catholiks so intemperatly to exclayme against this book which in the iudgment of farre wyser Catholiks and more disappassionate then themselues was most needful at that tyme when it was wrytten and is greatly profitable now and wil be most of all hereafter for so much as the first parte therof openeth mens eyes to se their due obligation to religion aboue all other respects and considerations and the second shewing the variety of pretenders togeather with their reasons and propinquityes of blood and other pretences giueth more scope to thē that shal haue to do therin that yf the said due circumstance of Cath. religion be not foūd in one it may be sought and preferred in another which is no smal help and comodity to right meaning consciences And thus much now being opened and declared we would aske of these our out cryars what they haue in reason to say or reply in this case They tel vs in diuers places of this last libel of Important Considerations and other where that the wryting of this worke is greatly misliked and thought preiudicial and that for this cause that one M. Paget a cheef man of their crew hath answered the same which maketh vs somwhat to maruaile For albeit we haue seene a certayne vayne pamphlet set forth about this matter said to be printed at Colen 1600. others think rather at Paris Intituled A discouery of a conterfes Conference c. And though we doubt not much of M. Pagets affection in these affayres neyther of his desyre to contradict the supposed author of the said book of succession as yow may wel perceaue by that we haue alleadged more largely in our Apologie and albeit on the other side we easily persuade our selues that the wryters of this last rayling and heretical libel of important considerations do know sufficiently who was the true author of the forsaid foolish pamphlet for the good intelligence they haue one with another of that contradicting company yet hardly can we yeild to thinke so basely of M. Pagets wit howsoeuer his wil be that so contemptible a thing should come from him and his pen we would rather thinke it to be of a certaine neighbour of his of greater title in learning but of lesse discretion and capacity in wit or reason wherunto yf nothing els yet the very fond and ridiculous title would induce vs which yf yow wil heare it all is this A discouery of a counterfet Conference held at a counterfet place by counterfet Trauellers for the aduauncement of a conterfet Title c. VVherunto yf he had added By a counterfeite Catholike or companion all had byn ful of counterfets it had fitted both the knowen vanitie of the counterfet doctors stile and the quality of his person There followeth the Preface or Epistle to the author of the Conference wherin no one thing of moment is handled but a quarel pickt against him for not putting downe his name wherunto we may answere with those words of S. Paul Inexcusabilis es o homo qui iudicas in quo enim iudicas alterum teipsum condemnas cadem enim agis q●ae iudicas Thow