Selected quad for the lemma: law_n

Word A Word B Word C Word D Occurrence Frequency Band MI MI Band Prominent
law_n england_n king_n people_n 13,931 5 5.0853 4 true
View all documents for the selected quad

Text snippets containing the quad

ID Title Author Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication) STC Words Pages
A05094 The French academie wherin is discoursed the institution of maners, and whatsoeuer els concerneth the good and happie life of all estates and callings, by preceptes of doctrine, and examples of the liues of ancient sages and famous men: by Peter de la Primaudaye Esquire, Lord of the said place, and of Barree, one of the ordinarie gentlemen of the Kings Chamber: dedicated to the most Christian King Henrie the third, and newly translated into English by T.B.; Academie françoise. Part 1. English La Primaudaye, Pierre de, b. ca. 1545.; Bowes, Thomas, fl. 1586. 1586 (1586) STC 15233; ESTC S108252 683,695 844

There are 34 snippets containing the selected quad. | View lemmatised text

children of Fraunce or to prouide for the gouernement of the kingdome or for other matters The kinges sate amongst them and were Presidentes except at one assemblie wherein was debated the noblest cause that euer was namelie to whome the kingdome of Fraunce belonged after the death of Charles the faire whether to his cosin Phillip de Valois or to Edward king of England his brother in lawe King Phillip was not President not beyng at that time king and besides a partie No doubt but the people receiue great benefit by this assemblie of estates For this good commeth vnto them that they may drawe neere to the kings person to make their complaints vnto him to present him their requests and to obtaine remedie and necessary prouision for redresse Whereby we may easily iudge that many who haue written of the duetie of magistrates and such like treatises are greatly deceiued in maintaining this That the estates of the people are aboue the prince which laieth open a gappe to the rebellions of subiects against their soueraign so that this opinion can haue no reason or good ground to leane vpon For if this were true the commō-wealth would not be a kingdom or monarchy but a pure Aristocratie as we haue declared heretofore Yea what shew of reason is there to maintaine this error seeing euery one in particular al in general bowe their knees before the king vse humbly requests supplications which his maiestie receiueth or reiecteth as it seemeth best vnto him But in this case we except a king that is captiue beside himself or in his infancie For that which is thē decreed by the estates is authorized as from the soueraign power of the prince Moreouer we may see what great good commeth to the king by the assemblie of his estates in the first speech which master Michael de l' Hospital Chauncellor of France made at the last assemblie of estates at Orleans Where he confuteth at large their opinion that say that the king after a sort diminisheth his power by taking aduise and counsell of his subiects seeing he is not bound so to doe as also that he maketh himselfe too familiar with them which breedeth contempt and abaseth his roiall dignitie But we may aunswere them as Theopompus king of Sparta did his wife who obiected this vnto him by way of reproch that by bringing in the Ephories and minglyng their gouernement with his he would leaue his authoritie and power lesse to his children than hee receiued it from his predecessours Nay said this Prince vnto hir I will leaue it greater bicause it shall be more assured The Emperour Aurelius sayd as much to his mother bicause hee freely heard euery one Besides as we see that in any great perill of sea or fire kindled to the daunger of publike profite no mans seruice or succour is reiected how base soeuer his calling is so it cannot but be profitable for the Estate when it is threatned with ruine and the affaires therof are of greatest importance to receiue the counsell of all that haue interest therein laying the opinions in the balance rather than the persons from whom they come And hereby the soueraigne maiestie and prudence of a Prince is knowen when he hath both power and skill to waigh and to iudge of their aduice that giue him counsel and to conclude with the soundest not the greatest side But to go forward with that which remaineth let so many as haue this honour to be ordinarie counsellors to Princes remember the saying of Solon the wise That they are not called thither to please and to speake to their liking but to vtter the truth and to giue them good counsell for common safetie that they must bring with them for an assured and certaine foundation of their conference about state-affaires a good intent mooued with reason and iudgement to profite him not with passions or desires of vain-glory of couetousnesse of emulation of any other imperfection that leadeth them to their priuate profite that they must at the entrie of the councell chamber vnclothe themselues of fauour towardes some of hatred towardes others and of ambition in themselues and aime at no other marke than at the honour of God and safetie of the Common-wealth To this ende they must necessarilie be furnished with wisedome iustice and loyaltie As for skill and knowledge although it be requisite in counsellors of estate namely the knowledge of the lawes of histories and of the estate of Common-wealths yet sound iudgement integritie and prudence are much more necessarie Aboue all things they must hold nothing of other Princes and Seignories that may binde them to their seruice And yet now a dayes to receiue a pension of them is so common a matter but very pernitious in any estate that it is growen to a custome Agesilaus would not so much as receiue a letter which the king of Persia wrote vnto him but sayd to his messenger that if the king were friend to the Lacedemonians he need not write particularly to him bicause he would also remaine his friend but if he were their enimie neyther letter nor any thing else should make him for his part otherwise affected To bee short let counsellors of estate learne of Plutarch that it is necessarie for them to be free from all passions and affections bicause in giuing of counsell the mind hath most force towards that wherunto the will is most enclined As for feare danger or threatnings they must neuer stay them from doyng their duetie but let them constantly propound and maintaine that which they iudge to be good and profitable for the Common-wealth We read that the Thasiens making warre with great vehemencie against the Athenians published a decree that whosoeuer counselled or spake at any time of concluding a peace between them should die the death Within a while after one of the citizens considering what great hurt his countrey receiued by that warre came one day into the assembly of the people with a halter about his necke and cried with a loud voyce that he was come thither to deliuer the Common-wealth by his death that they should put him to death when they would and that for his part he gaue them counsell to abrogate that law and to make peace which was done and he pardoned Considius a Romane Senatour would neuer be from the Senate no not when Caesar ruled all by violence and did what pleased him and when none of the other Senatours came any more through feare of his force And when Caesar asked him how he durst be there alone to stand against him bicause quoth he my age taketh all feare from me For hauing from hence forward such a short time to liue in I am not greatly carefull to saue my life If kings did correct all those that giue them ill counsell as Solyman did one of his Bassaes who was his kinsman they would not so readily
deed in the gouernment of the common-wealth they sayd That man hath wrought an act of policie this day But the chiefe signification of this worde and that which aunswereth to our present discourse is the order and estate whereby one or many townes are gouerned and publike affaires well managed and administred But before we beginne to speak of the diuers sortes of Policies that is to say of gouernments of townes of which all Common-wealthes and Monarchies are compounded let vs speake a word of the end of policy and of that marke whereat it ought especially to aime As all Cities and ciuill societies are appointed for the obtaining of some Good so all policie respecteth the same and tendeth to no other thing than to vnite and frame vs to the companie of men so long as we liue amongst them to conforme our maners to a ciuill iustice to set vs at agreement one with another and to maintaine and preserue common peace and tranquillitie by procuring that euery one may haue his owne It is the cause that men to communicate togither without fraud or hurt that the insolencie of the wicked is brideled and punished briefly that not onely all duties of humanitie are vsed amongst men but also that some publique forme of religion appeereth and that blasphemies against the diuine nature and other offences which trouble common quietnesse are not openly broched For although it falleth not within the compasse of mans power as we said to prescribe and appoint by their authoritie any regiment and gouernment ouer soules yet euery one is not to bee suffred to forge at his pleasure lawes concerning religion and the maner of seruing God But ciuil ordinance must carefully prouide that the true seruice of God be not publikely violated and polluted through an vncontrouled libertie especially considering that the conseruation of euery well ordered policie dependeth thereupon But we shal vnderstand this matter more at large hereafter in the particular handling of the parts of an estate which we wil diuide into 3. principal and general heads folowing therin the ancient Politikes namely into the Magistrate the Law and the people Now to goe on with that which was propounded vnto vs let vs speake of those kindes of gouernments which were amongst the ancients The ordinance of a citie or order amongst magistrates especially amongst them that had the soueraigne rule ouer all was called of the ancients Common-welth or as some others wil haue it Weale-publike which in hir kind of gouernment was named according to the qualitie of the chiefe rulers therof And those common-wealths that tended to common benefit were said to be right simply iust but if they respected the profit of the superiors only they were said to be corrupt were called transgressions of right commō-wealths these being the cause of as much euil to the whole body of the city as the others are of Good For as the good or euill of an house dependeth of the father of the familie the safetie or losse of a ship of the Pilote or master the good or ill successe of an army of the generall thereof so the happines or vnhappines of townes and peoples dependeth of the magistrates and yet so that God ruleth ouer all Common-wealths then are either good or bad right or corrupted That is a good common-welth wherin the gouernours seeke the publike profit of the citizens the benefit of the whole ciuil societie It is called right and iust bicause it hath such an end and seeketh after the same taking no counsell about any thing but only about the preseruation of iustice A corrupt common-wealth is that which repugneth and is directly contrary to that which is good and iust chiefly to the end therof For it seeketh only the increase of priuate commoditie hauing no care of publike profit There are 3. kinds of good common-wealths and 3. of bad whose gouernment alwayes consisteth in the superiors of the estate taking their appellation and name of them as hath been said The first kind of good common-wealths is a Monarchie which taketh place whē the soueraigntie is in one alone This respecting publike profit onely and preferring common benefit always before hir own priuate and particular commoditie taketh vpō hir the name of a kingdom or of kingly power But if she looke vnto his particular benefit that ruleth seeking to raign by an absolute wil without any obseruatiō of iust laws then she hath the name of tirānie which is the first bad kind of cōmon-welth Now forasmuch as we liue in this kingdō vnder this first kind of cōmon-welth called a kingly monarchie we wil dilate this matter cōsider thereof at large in a seueral treatise that we may the better know the excellencie of it when it is wel iustly ordained The second kind of a right good commō-welth is of a Greek word called an Aristocratie which in our lāguage we may interprete the power of the best mē whō we cal in latine optimates bicause they are accounted for the best most vertuous men This forme of gouernment taketh place when a few tried and approoued men for maners and learning haue the soueraigntie iointly togither and make lawes for the rest of the people whither it be generally or particularly directing their thoughtes to no other marke than to publique vtilitie and profite This was seene most excellently among the Lacedemonians whose common-wealth surpassed all others of hir time as well for hir policie and establishment whereof there was neuer the like and wherein she continued about 500. yeeres as also for the glorie of hir warlike actes whereby she helde the empire of Graecia a long tyme vnder the lawes of that happy Aristocraticall gouernment which Lycurgus established there This man seeyng their estate to incline one while to tirannie when the kings had too much power and an other while to popular confusion when the common people beganne to vsurpe too great authoritie deuised with him-selfe to giue them a counterpoize that should be healthfull for the whole bodie of the Common-wealth by establishing there a Senate which was as a strong barre holding both the extremities in equall balaunce and giuing firme and stedfast footing to their estate For the 28. Senators making the bodie of the Senate sometimes tooke part with the two kings who were depriued of all soueraigntie so far foorth as was thought needfull to resist the rashnesse of the people and contrarywise sometimes they strengthened the peoples side against the kings who had then but the voyces of two Senatoures in the councell thereby to keepe them from vsurping any tyrannicall power True it is that their estate was not purely Aristocraticall vntill one hundred yeeres after the first establishment thereof by Lycurgus bicause hee had left the confirmation and abrogation of the aduice and decrees of the Senate in the peoples power But Polydorus and Theopompus
general end be to set an order and policie amongst vs and not dispute of their reason and cause as long as their iurisdiction extendeth not to our soules to lay vpon them a new rule of iustice Of the People and of their obedience due to the Magistrate and to the Law Chap. 56. AMANA WE haue hitherto seene that the preseruation of policies dependeth of the obseruation of the law that the soueraigne magistrate ruleth thereby and vseth it as a bond to reduce to vnitie and agreement all the citizens of one Common-wealth being vnlike in calling and liuing vnder his dominion at which marke euery good politike gouernor ought chiefly to aime Now my companions we are to intreat of this third part of a citie which maketh the politike body perfect and absolute namely of the people and of that obedience which they ought to yeeld to the magistrate and to the law ARAM. The whole Common-wealth fareth well or ill as all hir parts euen to the least are ruled and containe themselues within the compasse of their duetie For all of them togither make but one body whereof the magistrate is the head and the lawe the soule that giueth life vnto it Wherefore it is needefull that these should commaund and the other obey ACHITOB. Whatsoeuer profiteth the whole profiteth the part and that which is commodious to the part is also commodious to the whole and so contrarywise Wherefore to obey well which is necessarily required of the people is greatly auaileable to the whole political bodie Now let vs heare ASER handle this matter vnto vs more at large ASER. In euery discipline the beginning is commonly taken from the least partes thereof Grammer taketh his beginning from letters which are the least things in it Logike from the two least partes thereof namely the Nowne and the Verbe Geometrie from the point Arithmetick from Vnitie Musick from the Minnem and Sembrief which are likewise the least parts therof Therefore hauing seene that Policie is the order and life of the citie and that the citie is a multitude of citizens before we speak of the whole bodie of them we must as I think intreat first of a citizen who although he differ according to the diuersitie of common-wealths yet to take him properly may be said to be euery one that hath right to iudge in his citie hath a deliberatiue voyce in the generall or common councell thereof This definition of a citizen cannot fitly be applied to all citizens of all Common-wealths but only to those that are ruled popularly wherin they are all equall and gouerne themselues by assemblies in which euery one hath libertie to speake his aduise Some define a citizen to be he whose parents are citizens or els to be a free subiect holding of the soueraigntie of an other wherin they adde this word Free to distinguish him from slaues and strangers But generally we may say that whosoeuer may beare offices or magistracie in what forme of gouernment so euer is reputed taken for a citizen and such are all the naturall Frenchmen in this monarchie amongst whom there is not one how base soeuer he be that may not be made noble by vertue or that may not by skill and integritie of life attaine to the greatest estates of iustice of treasurie and of other publike charges This is not seen in all common-wealths For in the Seignorie of Venice it seemeth that none are truely citizens but the lordes and nobles who onely enioy the office of magistracie and may enter into the great councell after they haue attained the age of fiue and twentie yeeres As for the people they intermeddle not with any matter of gouernment this only excepted that they may be Secretaries and Chancellors as Contarenus reporteth The citie of Rome hauing many times sundry gouernments the appellation of a citizen was likewise diuers therein For as long as the first kings rules the common people were altogither excluded from publike honors offices But after when the regall power was changed into the gouernment of a certaine number of men chosen by suffrages and common voyces the people were admitted to magistracies and to the managing of affairs being present at the publike assemblie had in Mars his field which was distributed by tribes wardes companies and centuries to deliberate of the common estate to create magistrates and to decree new lawes where he was reputed for a citizen in deed that was a free man that had both house and tribe and possibilitie to attaine to honor enioying besides many other priuiledges and prerogatiues But when the soueraigntie came into the emperors hands those assemblies continued onely vnder Iulius and Octautus and after were abrogated by Tyberius and translated to the Senate and to the absolute power of the prince taking away al authoritie frō the people in publike matters Now to returne to our former assertion we say that all they are citizens to whom the gate that leadeth to the gouernment of the citie lieth open I mean the whole company of them that liue vnder the same lawes and soueraigne magistrates Such are all the subiects and naturall vassals of our king of whom the people and the nobilitie are the two orders or estates and of them is the estate of the church compounded which maketh one part of the common-wealth of France This self-same distinction of citizens is obserued almost throughout all Europe But besides this general diuisiō there are some more special in many common-welths as at Venice into the Gentlemen Burgesses Common people at Florence before it was brought in subiectiō to a Prince there were the greater sort the middle sort the vulgar or common sort of people And our ancient Gaules had the Druides the Horsemen the inferior people In Egypt were the Priests the Souldiors the Artificers And although Plato labored to make all the citizens of his common-welth equal in rights prerogatiues yet he diuided them into three estates into Gardes Souldiers and Labourers Whereupon we must necessarilie inferre this conclusion that there neuer was nor can be Common-wealth wherein the citizens were equall in all rights and prerogatiues but that some had more or lesse than others and yet so that wise Politikes haue carefully prouided that the meanest should haue no cause to complaine of their estate Moreouer the conueniencie and proportionable agreement of our French estates hath been the cause why this kingdome vntill this our infortunate age hath continued prospered so long amongst other kingdoms both of auncient and late times namely when Goodes Honours and publike charges were ordinarily distributed according to the condition of euery estate and their rightes and priuiledges preserued especially when it was carefully prouided that one estate should not grow too great aboue the other I meane that the nobilitie should not keep the people too much vnder and bring them to a
one in Bagdet the other in Cayre The king of Calecuth is chiefe of his religion and for this cause goeth before the other kings of India in dignitie and is called Samory that is to say God on earth The Pope commandeth ouer the temporalties of the church called S. Peters patrimonie as king and is reast of the latin christian churches as head of the religion I meane in those places of those persons where he is so taken and acknowledged The king of England certaine yeeres past tooke vpon him the title of king and supreme gouernor of the Church The fourth kind of monarchie is electiue not hereditarie in some places for terme of life as the empire of Almaigne the kingdom of Polonia of Bohemia and of Hungaria in other places for a certaine time as was the Dictatorship at Rome These estates are not commonly so sure and durable as those that are hereditarie bicause of the practises forestalling of voyces which are for the most part vsed wherupon seditions arise to the great detriment of those kingdomes For the prince being dead the estate remaineth in a pure Anarchie without king without lord without gouernment in danger of ruine like to a ship without a Pilote which is ready to be cast away with the first wind that bloweth Also a gate is set open to theeues and murderers who kill and slay at their pleasure vpon hope of impunitie as it is commonly to be seene as histories rehearse after the death of the kings of Thunes of the Souldans of Egypt and of the Popes of Rome where the seat being vacant the first thing that is commonly done is the breaking open of prisons the killing of iailers the letting out of guiltie persons and the reuenging of iniuries by all possible meanes and this continueth vntil the colledge of cardinals haue agreed vpon a successor And in deed in the yeere 1522. two were executed against whom it was prooued that at sundry tumults mooued at this election they had slaine an hundreth and sixteene men As touching the Empire of Almaigne their histories are full of impouerishmentes fallen vpon them through the election of their Emperours as well by ciuill warres as by murders and poisonings So that within three hundreth and three-score yeeres since the Empire fell vnder the election of seuen princes eight or nine Emperours haue been slaine or poisoned besides those that haue been shamefully thrust out of their imperiall seate Ecclesiasticall persones also haue not wanted ciuill warres about their elections wherein no such prouision could be made but that two and twentie Popes were cut off and many thrust out of their seate as may be seen in the Registers of the Vatican Nowe we must note further that among the electiue estates euery election is either of such persones as the Electours like of as in Germanie they doe not onely chuse for emperoures the princes of Almaigne out of diuers families but sometime straungers haue been chosen as Alphonsus king of Spaine and Richard Duke of Cornewall and brother to king Henry the third or else it is out of certaine inferiour estates as the Pope out of the Colledge of Cardinals and not long since the Souldan of Cayre out of the Mammeluckes vnto which degree of honour none could ascend except before he had been a slaue and a runnagate Christian so that afterward he commaunded absolutely in Egypt and Soria This estate hauing continued about three hundreth yeeres was not long since quite ouerthrowen by Sultan Selym king of the Turkes who tooke the last Souldane and caused him to bee caried vpon an olde Cammell all a-long Cayre and then to be hanged vpon one of the gates of that Citie The great master of Malta is chosen by the chiefe Priors of his religion as that also of Prussia was before the agreement made with the king of Polonia by which composition his estate was turned into a Duchie subiect to the crowne of Poland and of electiue made hereditarie The fift kinde of Monarchie is hereditarie and is properly called royall and lawfull whether the king come to the estate by right of succession as Thucidides writeth of the auncient kings or whether the kingdome be giuen by vertue of the lawe without regard had to daughters or to males descending of them as it is in this kingdome by the Salicke lawe or whether it bee giuen as a meere gift as the kingdomes of Naples and Sicill were giuen to Charles of Fraunce and since giuen agayne to Lewes of France first Duke of Aniow whether it bee left by will as the kinges of Thunis Fez and Marocke vsed to doe and as it was practised also by Henry the eight king of England who left his kingdome to his sonne Edward appointing Mary after him and after hir Elizabeth or by what other meanes so euer the Prince becommeth lord of the estate his monarchie is alwayes royall and lawfull if he in like maner bee obedient to the lawes of nature as he desireth that his subiectes should bee towards him leauyng to euery one his naturall libertie and proprietie of his goodes and looking to the profite and commoditie of the Common-wealth This kingly gouernment Aristotle compareth to Oeconomie For although a father of a familie gouerne his house after his pleasure yet he respecteth the commoditie of his familie Vnder this happie fourme of gouernement beyng the best of all wee may boast that wee liue in Fraunce through the goodnesse of our kinges who neyther ordaine nor put any thing in execution but by mature deliberation and counsaile which they take with the princes of their bloud and with other notable and graue persones whome they call neere vnto them as though their soueraigne power were ruled and moderated For first the king commaundeth nothing that taketh effect if it bee not signed by his Secretaries and sealed with his great seale that is to saye seene and approoued by the Chauncellour who is a seuere Controuler of all matters that passe All the kinges letters must alwayes of necessitie bee approoued by the iudges to whom they are directed and examined not only whether they were obtained by priuie insinuation or fraudulent dealing but also whether they be lawful or vnlawfull Yea in criminall matters the re-inabling of such as before were not capable of offices or dignities writs of repeale from banishment pardons remissions are skanned with such rigor by them that the procurers of such letters are compelled to deliuer them bare-headed and kneeling and to offer themselues prisoners of what estate soeuer they be in so much that oftentimes men are condemned and executed with their pardons about them As for the giftes and expences of the king whether they be ordinarie or extraordinarie the chamber of accounts examineth them narowly and many times cutteth off such as haue no good ground by reason that the officers are sworne to let nothing
com-Pared to a milstone The custome of the Egyptians Prouerb 31. 4. 5. Prou. 23. 29. ●0 Against masks mummeries The Israelites Lot Alexander Dionysius Lucullus The sumptuousnes of a Franciscan Frier Philoxenus Vitellius Muleasses Lewes Archbishop Charles 6. Against plaiers Against the curiositie of super fluous expences The beginning of ciuil warres How Heraclitus disswaded superfluitie Lycurgus banished all strange wares from Lacedemonia Why Cato would not chuse Publius General of the warre Agis Against excesse in apparell Augustus Agesilaus Epaminondas Examples of moderate traine of seruing men A good lesson for Princes and Magistrats to learne Commendable imposts for Princes to lay vpon their subiects A good law to cut off the occasions of idle expences Pouertie so●oweth superfluous expences Our pallate must not be more sensible than our hart Iames 5. 1. 5. 73. Emperors of Rome within 100. yeeres The force of desire to enioy any pleasure Two kinds of ambition What ambition is The effects of ambition The cause of ambitious desires Enuie a note of an ambitious man Sedition a fruit of ambition Ambitious men full of selfe-praise Ciuill warres a fruite of ambition Alcibiades A very fit admonition for France Caesar Pompey The Triumuirate The ambition of the Dukes of Orleans and Burgundy Ambitious men can be no good counsellers to Princes Effects of ambition in great men The names of Peace and Warre abused much by Princes Dionides answer to Alexander Examples of the fruits of ambition Fredericus 3. Antonius and Geta. Solyman Marcus Crassus iustly punished for his ambition Marius S. Melius M. Manlius How and wherin we may seeke for honor Cretes and Hermias Traians letter to Plutarke Vespasianus A notable saying of Titas Another of Philip king of Macedonia Pleassure the hooke of all euil Who they were that placed their chiefe Good in pleasure What pleasure is The fruits of pleasure The sundry profers which Vice and Vertue made to Hercules What whoredome is The effects of immoderate copulation Osey 4. 11. The effects and end of concupiscence Socrates disputation against incontinencie The fruits of whoredom The miserable effects of Adulterie Zaleucus law against adulterie The law of lulia against adulterers The punishment of adulterers vsed among the Egyptians Alexander hated adulterie Anthonie duke of Venice Testimonies of Gods wrath against whoredome Numb 25. 9. This sinne of Dauid was in numbring the people as appeereth 2. Sam. 24. 1. 1. King 12. Gen. 19. The danger that dependeth vpon the loosenes of a Prince Tarquinius Appius Claudius Caesar Teundezillus Caracalla Childericus Iohn Earle of Arminack Rodoaldus Roderigo Galeatius Duke of Millan Two brothers flaied aliue Peter Lewes Almendine and Delmedin Abusahid The whoredom of Frenchmen The scourges hat France 〈◊〉 Good counsell against whoredome 1. Cor. 6. 9. Ephes 5. 5. The iudgement of ignorant men touching noblenes of mind How we should make choice of a happy life The common down fall of the passions of the soule The Romanes built two Temples the one to Vertue the other to Honor. The first step to Honor. Wherin worldlings place honor The White at which euerie good man ought to aime The iudgement of the best not of the most is to be preferred alwaies A good man may sometime praise himselfe Themistocles did so And Nestor The effects of pride The works of fortitude must be grounded vpon equitie and iustice Mattathias exhortation to his sonnes How ielousie of glorie is tollerable Themistocles T. Flaminius Caesar wept at the sight of Alexanders image Cyrus A notable historie of an Indian Examples of the contempt and desire of 〈◊〉 glorie Pompeius Tamberlane seueritie towards Baiazet the great Turke Saphors towards Valerianus Pope Alexanders towards Friderike Psal 91. 13. Agathocles The honor of great men dependeth of their vertue not of their dignitie Herodes Dioclesianus Menecratus finely punished for his pride by Philip. Euery vain-glorious man is a foole Shame is the keeper of all vertues How shame may be made profitable in a man Sinne is naturall in man How we must auoid and represse sinne A notable custome among the Romanes What kind of shame is very hurtfull How we must learne to resist all naughtie shame Zeno. Agesilaus Pericles Xenophanes Other pernitious effects of foolish shame Perseus Dion Antipater I. Caesar What death Caesar thought best How the Persian youth was instructed Hippocratides saying to a yong man that blushed Eutichus The shamefastnes of the Romanes Cato his sonne Scaurus his sonne Parmenides Cleobulus A notable historie of the shamefastnes of the Milesian maidens Honest shame is alwaies commendable Fortitude is the third riuer of Honestie Wherein the perfection of euery worke consisteth Fortitude is a Good of the soule not of the bodie The Properties that are required in a valtant man Fortitude fighteth for iustice onely All hardie men are not valiant The resolution of valiant man is alwaies commendable and vnchangeable Fortitude contemneth mortal things Magistrates ought to make lesse account of worldlie goods than Philosophers Of bodily force Iulius Caesar was sickly Marcus Sergius lacked his right hand Fabius the Greatest Pompey the Great C. Marius Agis Dienecus Themistocles Damindas Dercyllides A notable answer of certaine Polonians Anaxarchus Socrates M. Crassus A notable oration Iudas Macchabeus Leonides L. Dentatus Eumenus Aristomenes Lysimachus Two kinds of feare A Temple dedicated to feare The feare of neighbour enimies is the safetie of a Common-wealth Two sorts of pernicious feare Of the good feare It is ioined with the true loue of God It causeth vs to respect the good of our countrie Phocion Antigonus Scipio Nasica The effects of too great prosperitie in Commonwealths Of that feare which is the defect of Fortitude Timorous men are alwaies litle Claudius Caesar The feares of faint-harts Mydas Cassius Base minds stand in great feare of death and griefe A strange alteration of a Gentlemans haire in one night Agamemnon dispensed with a rich coward What vices proceed of cowardlines Of seruile feare Of rashnesse of the effects thereof Who is a vertuous man Cato Iphicrates comparison of an armie to a mans bodie The rashnesse of Isadas How a man may be valiant What Magnanimitie is Magnanimitie consisteth in three things The goods of the body and of Fortune The first effect of Magnanimitie The second effect The third effect The common remedie of the Ancients in desperate cases Cato of Vtica The opinion of the Stoicks Brutus A notable historie of the Numantines No man ought to hasten forward the end of his daies Alcibiades constancie and courage in death Socrates speech at his arraignment What it is to feare death Examples of the second effect of Magnanimitie Fabritius Camillus A good lesson for a Generall to learne Treason and crueltie neuer find place in a noble hart Of the third effect of Magnanimitie Aristides Magnanimitie is inuincible Wherin the perfectiō of a wise mans life consisteth Alexander reserued hope only for himselfe Properties requisite in a Generall The definition
Reader if thou takest payns to read well to vnderstand better and which is best of all to follow the precepts instructions and examples which thou shalt find here as also if thou bringest hither a good will and cheerefull disposition voyd of all malicious enuy which at this day is commonly practised by most men of this our age who like to malicious Censorers busie themselues rather in seeking out what to bite at and to reprehend in other mens workes than to draw out and to commend that which is good or to assay to make them better Besides thou shalt haue somewhat to commend in the order of these discourses and in the maner of teaching which is in them For after the handling of that knowledge which is especially necessary for man all those vertues follow which he ought to imbrace and those vices which he is to shun Next he is instructed in that which concerneth house-keeping then in that which hath respect to estates and policies last of all how he may die well after he hath liued well As for the maner of teaching which is diligently obserued by these Academikes thou shalt see that first they prayse that vertue or disprayse that vice which they propound to themselues to discourse vpon that they may mooue and frame mens minds as well to hate the one as to desire the other Then they define that wherof they discourse that the end of the present subiect may be better knowen Afterward they giue precepts to find out the means wherby to attaine to that which is Good and to eschew the euil Lastly they adde examples which are liuely reasons and of great waight to mooue men with delight to embrace vertue and to flie vice Now if thou thinkest that too litle is spoken considering the goodly and large matter here propounded it is not bicause they knew not that the excellencie of euery thing put foorth here is so great and the reasons so aboundant that a man might well make a booke therofby it selfe as many learned men haue done but the chiefe scope and drift of these Inter-speakers was to discourse briefly of such things as are necessarily required in the institution of maners and of a happy life Neuerthelesse it may well be that that which thou findest not sufficiently folowed in one place may be learned in another if thou lookest vnto the end Moreouer they who are here named and who mind to retaine alwayes the name of disciples neuer purposed or presumed to set downe resolutions or to appoint lawes which are necessarily to be kept and may not be changed in any wise by those that are cleere-sighted according to the occurrence benefit of the estate of this Monarchie but grounding their counsels and instructions vpon the soundest and most approoued opinion of the writings of learned men both of auncient and late times and vpon such as drew neerest to the infallible rule of the holy scriptures according to the small measure of graces giuen them from aboue they haue left to euery one following therein the ancient schoole of the Academikes libertie to compare the motiues of the one side with the reasons on the other that the truth of all things might be diligently searched out and inquired after that none through any head-strong conceit should be wedded to priuate opinions and that afterward choise might be made of the best and of such as are most certain therby to order and rule all intents and actions and to referre them to the perpetuall glory of that great Lord of Hierarchies who is the onely cause and chiefe fountain of all Good contentation and happinesse Spe certa quid melius The Contents of the seuerall chapters of this Booke Chap. 1 Of Man Page 10 2 Of the body and soule 19 3 Of the diseases and passions of the body and soule and of the tranquillitie thereof 27 4 Of Philosophie 38 5 Of Vertue 51 6 Of Vice 63 7 Of Sciences of the studie of Letters and of Histories 72 8 Of the Spirit and of Memorie 83 9 Of Duetie and Honestie 92 10 Of Prudence 103 11 Of want of Prudence and of Ignorance of Malice and subtletie 115 12 Of Speech and Speaking 126 13 Of Friendship and of a Friend 136 14 Of Reprehension and Admonition 148 15 Of Curiositie and Noucitie 159 16 Of Nature and Education 170 17 Of Temperance 179 18 Of Intemperance and of Stupiditie or blockishnes 189 19 Of Sobrietie and Frugalitie 198 20 Of Superfluitie Sumptuousnesse Gluttonie and Wallowing in delights 209 21 Of Ambition 223 22 Of Voluptuousnes and Loosenesse of life 234 23 Of Glory Praise Honour and of Pride 245 24 Of Shame Shamefastnes and of Dishonor 256 25 Of Fortitude 265 26 Of Timorousnes Feare and Cowardlines and of Rashnes 277 27 Of Magnanimitie and Generositie 288 28 Of Hope 298 29 Of Patience and of Impatiencie of Choler and Wrath. 308 30 Of Meeknes Clemencie Mildnes Gentlenes and Humanitie 319 31 Of good and ill Hap. 328 32 Of Prosperitie and Aduersitie 338 33 Of Riches 350 34 Of Pouertie 358. 35 Of Idlenes Sloth and Gaming 367 36 Of an Enimie of Iniurie and of Reuenge 378 37 Of Iustice 390 38 Of Iniustice and of Seueritie 402 39 Of Fidelitie Forswearing and of Treason 413 40 Of Ingratitude 424 41 Of Liberalitie and of the vse of Riches 434 42 Of Couetousnes and of Prodigalitie 444 43 Of Enuie Hatred and Backbiting 457 44 Of Fortune 467 45 Of Mariage 478 46 Of a House and Familie and of the kinds of Mariage of certaine ancient customes obserued in mariage 484 47 Of the particular dutie of a Husband towards his wife 500 48 Of the dutie of a Wife towards hir Husband 513 49 Of the dutie of the Head of a familie in other partes of the house namely in the Parentall Masterly and Possessorie part 523 50 Of the dutie of children towards their Parents of the mutuall loue that ought to be among brethré of the dutie of seruants towards their masters 536 51 Of the Education and instruction of Children 549 52 Of the diuision of the ages of Man and of the offices and duties that are to be obserued in them 561 53 Of Policie and of sundry sorts of Gouernments 573 54 Of the soueraigne Magistrate and of his authoritie and office 584 55 Of the Lawe 593 56 Of the People and of their obedience due to the Magistrate and to the Lawe 603 57 Of a Monarchie or a Regall power 615 58 Of diuers kinds of Monarchies and of a Tiranny 627 59 Of the Education of a Prince in good maners and conditions 640 60 Of the office and dutie of a King 652 61 Of a Councell and of Counsellers of Estate 675 62 Of Iudgements and of Iudges 689 63 Of Seditions 703 64 Of the causes that breede the change corruption c. of Monarchies and Policies 716 65 Of the preseruations of Estates and Monarchies and of remedies to keepe them from sedition 730 66
that the studie of letters is rich and vndoubtedly giueth vs the knowledge of things Moreouer nothing may be compared to sciences which comfort vs in our life time and cause vs to liue after death ASER. O science saith Plato how would men loue thee if thou wert knowne Fire and aire are not more necessarie for life than is the art and rule of good liuing which is shewed vnto vs by learning And as health is the conseruation of the bodie so is doctrine the safegarde of the soule But we are to vnderstand more amply of thee AMANA what is the greatnes and beautie of sciences AMANA Whatsoeuer is profitable not onely for a house and familie for a citie and nation but generally for all mankinde may well be accounted deere precious and woonderful as so excellent a thing ought to be bought with all that a man hath especially if it be the true substance of all happines and felicitie and the efficient cause of prudence which is an excellent guide for mens actions to make them woorthy of an immortality What can one desire more than profite pleasure and honor which are those things wherewith all men are commonly led The treasure of Arabia and India may well bring some pleasure to man but yet alwaies vnperfect seeing all riches is of it selfe blind bringeth no light to the soule but receiueth hir brightnes from the soule when it is framed according to vertue Great and proud armies may by notable victories procure to themselues renowm and glory but blame woorthy a title of honor but forced and vniust if their enterprises are not grounded vpon equitie iustice The marchant sailing on large and terrible seas may reape profite by his trafficke but bought with the perill of his life and hazard of his certaine patrimonie Neither can this be done except he haue first laide a good ground of his voiage vpon a sure discourse of reason and vpon the direction of a good and wise pilot Now of all these things thus poore of themselues and begging all their ornaments else where what certain ioy true honor or great profite may a man chalenge to himselfe and not rather looke for a sodaine change of them into a woorse estate than they were in before through the inconstancie and vncertaintie of mans nature Where then shall we seeke for these great and rare properties to finde that which of it selfe will be vnto vs profitable pleasant and honorable altogither and that not for an instant but for euer Truely in science or knowledge which first is able to mollifie mans nature being before sauage and wilde and to make it capable of reason secondly frameth and setleth his iudgement that he may passe the course of his daies in al tranquillitie of minde to the profite of many lastly causeth him to die in honor with certaine assurance of eternall life and happines It is knowledge that maketh man prudent for doctrine bringeth foorth prudence and worketh vnspeakable pleasure in his soule For the searching out of the truth is the proper worke and perfection of the spirite neither doth any delight come neere to that which a man taketh in learning It is science which guideth mens iudgements whereby their chiefest deliberations and counsailes are executed aswell in feats of war as in the establishment and preseruation of lawes kingdoms monarchies commonwealths cities and peoples likewise in the regiment and gouernment of all worldlie affaires either generall or particular which are well or ill guided according as he that manageth or gouerneth them is instructed To this purpose Seneca saide that they who being destitute of knowledge did learne onely by experience to gouern publike affaires although they were borne with a diuine and happy spirit yet both late and to the detriment of their common-wealth they would in the end become good gouernors of the people As contrariwise they that should come thereunto being garded with the precepts of knowledge so they caried a good minde woulde quickely and without paine become woorthy of their charge O wisedome saith Cicero the guide of our life the onely cause of vertue and enimie tovice what should not we only but euen all the life of men be without thee Thou hast builded townes thou hast gathered together dispersed and wandering men that they might liue in a societie of life and in common friendship Thou compellest them to come togither first by keeping all in a house and by mariage then by the common vse of words and speech Thou hast beene the inuentresse of lawes and the mistres of maners and discipline We haue no recourse but to thee in our afflictions we craue aide and succour of thee we put our selues wholy into thine armes Truely one day well and iustly spent according to thy holie precepts is to be preferred before an immortalitie of time consumed in wickednes and vice With what riches shall we furnish our selues rather than with thine which hast liberally giuen vs the meanes to obtaine tranquillity in this life and hast taken from vs all feare and terror of death Briefely we may be assured that science is the onely diuine and immortall qualitie in vs and that infallible rule which bringeth both peace and warre to their perfect proportion without which whosoeuer goeth about to frame any glorious or happy building doth asmuch as if he should vndertake to sarle in the midst of the sea without a rudder or walke through vnknowne places without a guid Now the ancients knowing the greatnes difficultie of knowledge and that it cannot be obtained as it falleth out in all great matters without great paine and trauell that their labor might become profitable vnto vs they I saie who had spent their life euen with sweating in seeking out the secrets of nature and were desirous to ease mans studie who otherwise is inclined from his youth to pleasure rest haue diuided science for vs into diuers parts Which they did to this ende that step by step according to the nicenes of our spirits euen as our bodies are first nourished with milke and then with stronger meats we might finde therein apt and conceiueable foode and in the ende be made partakers of the secrets of perfect wisedome euery one according to his capacitie and need expecting the full vnderstanding thereof in the immortality of that second and most happie life First then al arts and sciences handled by reason were diuided into three principall kinds into Philosophie Rhetoricke and Mathematicke Afterwards ech of these sciences was diuided into three other parts and kinds Philosophie into Moral Logicall and Physicall or Naturall Rhetoricke into Demonstratiue Deliberatiue ●udiciall Mathematick into Arithmetick Musick and Geometry Since that for greater facilitie and that it might be more easie to learne all humane philosophie hath beene reduced into art as we haue it at this day from whence the name of liberall arts came bicause they are woorthy beseeming a free
the end well propounded and yet men erre in the meanes to attaine vnto it and contrariwise it falleth out oftentimes that the meanes are good and the end propounded bad So that it is from this liuely and euer-flowing fountaine which is the cause of al good from whence we are to looke for the perfect knowledge of our dutie and the ends and meanes whereby to execute it to the glorie of God and to the good and profit of our like And from this generall vertue and fountaine of honestie and dutie fower riuers issue and spring called morall vertues namely Prudence which is as a guide to the rest and knoweth what is profitable for it selfe for others and for the common-wealth Temperance the mistres of modestie chastitie sobrietie and vigilancie and of all order and mediocritie in all things Fortitude which maketh a man constant patient couragious hardie and readie to enterprise high great profitable and holie things and Iustice which is the bond and preseruation of humane societie by giuing to euery one that which belongeth vnto him by keeping faith in things promised by succoring gladly the afflicted and by helping euery one according as abilitie serueth Which vertues are the true and certain goods of the soule whereby all actions are directed according to dutie as we shall speake particularly thereof heerafter In the meane while let vs enter into the examples of the ancients and see how exactly and inuiolably they obserued all points of dutie choosing rather to sacrifice their liues than to infringe and breake any of them much more contemning all other weaker occasions wherwith lewd and base-minded people suffer themselues to be easily corrupted And first touching the first point of dutie naturally imprinted in the soules of the greatest infidels which is to acknowledge some diuinitie with what zeale although inconsiderate and rash did the ancient heathens and pagans precisely obserue their paganisme euen to the sacrificing and cheerfull offering vp of their owne children to their gods as we read of the Carthaginians What say I their children yea oftentimes themselues whereof Calanus an Indian Gymnosophist serueth for a witnes who seeing himselfe old after he had offered sacrifice to the gods bad Alexander the Great farewell with whom he came to Babylon and tooke his leaue also of all his other friends Then lying along according to the custome of his countrie vpon a little pile of wood which he had prepared for that purpose he caused fire to be put vnto it and so burned himselfe for a burnt-offering to his gods not stirring at all but continuing with such a wonderfull constancie that Alexander who was present confessed himselfe to be vanquished of him in greatnes of hart and magnanimitie of courage Who will not admire the strict obseruation of the ancient religion of the Egyptians Graecians and Romans mooued with a desire of yeelding the dutie of their being to the honor of a diuine nature But for shortnes sake and not to wander farre from the subiect of our assemblie I passe it ouer with silence Heere I will onely alledge one notable example of the Iewes who were more zealous professors of their law than euer were any people Caius a Romane emperor sent Petronius into Syria with commandement to make war with the Iewes if they would not receiue his image into their temple Which when they refused to do Petronius said vnto them that then belike they would fight against Caesar not weighing his wealth or their owne weakenes and vnabilitie We will not fight quoth they but had rather die than turne from the lawes of our God And foorthwith casting themselues on the ground and offering their throtes they said that they were readie to receiue the blow In this estate as Iosephus reporteth it they remained for the space of fortie daies letting slip the time which then was of sowing their grounds Which caused Petronius to defer the execution of his charge and to send the declaration of these things vnto Caesar whose death rid the Iewes out of danger Now we are to consider with what burning affection the ancients imbraced common benefit and safetie seeking to profit all men according to the true dutie of a good man but especially their countrie in whose seruice they thought it great happines to lose their liues For truly besides the sweet affection which nature hath imprinted in our harts towards our countrie and the conformitie of humors which commonly is found in our bodies with that heauenly aire wher we haue our first breathing which seemeth to be a mutual and naturall obligation the reason of all humane right and the religion of diuine equitie besides the dutie of conscience bind all persons to serue the publike wealth of their countrie to the vttermost of their power and that so much the rather bicause that vnder it the life honor and goods of euery particular man are comprehended This reason caused Cato of Vtica a Consul and noble Romane to answer one of his friends who was come to giue him thanks for defending him in iudgement from a false accusation that he was to thanke the Common-wealth for whose loue onely he did spake and counselled all things This also made him to vndertake the sute for the office of Tribuneship of the people that he might resist the faction of Pompey by whom he saw Metellus set on worke to sue and seeke for the same office for the assurance of his affaires and strengthening of his league Now is the time quoth Cato to his friends wherein I must imploy and bestow the power of such an office and of so great authoritie as a strong medicine in time conuenient and vpon necessarie causes and either ouercome or die honorably in the defence of common libertie So likewise he opposed himselfe as much as he could against all nouelties and alteration of affaires betweene Caesar and Pompey And when the selfesame Pompey being desirous to win him to himselfe sought to bring it to passe by alliance and thereupon demanded two of his neeces in marriage one for himselfe and the other for his sonne Cato without any longer deliberation answered him presently as being netled that caried backe the message that he should returne to Pompey and tell him that Cato was not to be taken by the meanes of women Which was not bicause he would not haue him esteem greatly of his friendship which he should alwaies find in him to be more sure and certaine than any alliance by marriage so that he onely sought after and did things honest and iust but at this time he would not giue hostages at Pompeies pleasure against the Common-welth Afterward the affaires of Rome being brought to such necessitie through corruption of monie and by vnlawfull and forceable meanes in procuring publike places of authoritie many Senators being of opinion that Pompey was to be chosen sole and onely Consul Cato also was of the same mind saying that men ought
to choose a lesse euill to meete with and to redresse greater mischiefs and that it were better willingly to bring in a kind of monarchie than to defer it so long vntill the issue of present seditions should by force and constraint establish one And it may be quoth he that Pompey will haue a longing desire to preserue the Common-wealth when he shall see that it is so liberally and freely committed to his fidelitie This election being approoued and ratified Pompey sent to seeke Cato and hauing hartily thanked him for that honor which he had done him requested him to be a daily assistant and Councellor vnto him in his office To whom this graue man made answere that he did neuer oppose himselfe heeretofore against him for any ill will he bare him neither gaue this last counsell for any good he meant towards him but all for the good and profit of the Common-wealth And as touching his priuate and particular affaires he said he would giue him the best counsell he could whensoeuer he asked his aduise but for publike matters he would alwaies speake what he thought were best although he neuer asked him any thing Thus did Cato behaue himselfe al his life time as a good citizen and as an vpright and iust man free in speaking for the truth and altogither void of corruption Metellus a Senator of Rome left vs a notable testimonie that he esteemed of Dutie as of a sacred and inuiolable thing when he would not sweare to the people to obserue and keepe that which was to be ordained and established concerning a law put vp by one of the Tribunes against all right and equitie notwithstanding that the Consul with the rest of the Senators through constraint and feare which they had of the people had sworne vnto it and giuen their promise Then Metellus departing from the assemblie said that it was too easie a matter to do ill as also a common thing to do well where no danger is but to do well when perill is certaine and sure that was the proper dutie of an honorable and vertuous man For this cause being banished and making light account of the matter he vsed these or the like speeches When things shall be amended the people repenting them of their error will cal me back againe but if the affaires continue still in the same state wherein they now are it will be best for a man to keepe himselfe a farre of Lycurgus after his lawes were giuen to the Lacedemonians fained that he had some thing else whereof to take counsell with Apollo concerning their estate and therefore at his departure from Lacedaemon to go to Delphos he caused his citizens to sweare and promise that they would keepe his lawes inuiolably vntill his returne either dead or aliue This done he went to the I le of Candie where he remained in perpetuall and voluntarie banishment and commanded that after his death the ashes of his bodie being burnt should be cast into the wind that by this meanes the Lacedaemonians might neuer be absolued of their oth but that his countrie might alwaies receiue the fruit of his labors for desire whereof he had freely forsaken it altogither Marcus Otho the emperor hath left behind him a more woonderfull example of the great loue he bare towards his countrie for the benefit whereof he died willingly For after he had lost a battell against Vitellius and Cecinna fighting for the empire he was solicited by the rest of his armie which was yet of great strength to trie fortune once againe and to vse them and their persons as long as they had one drop of blood and life in their bodies And at the same time a simple soldier hauing his sword in his hand spake thus vnto him Know O Caesar that all my companions are determined to die thus for thy sake and therewithall he slue himselfe before him Then Otho casting his eies all about spake vnto them in this sort I account this day more happie to me Companions than that other wherein ye did choose and pronounce me your emperor beholding you so wel affected in my behalfe and receiuing such honor from you with so great a demonstration of friendship And if I haue been worthie to hold the empire of Rome by your election I must now shew it in not sparing my life for the good and safetie of my countrie I knowe well that the victorie is not yet wholie mine enimies and I haue receiued newes of such and such forces which he named particularly vnto them that are readie to ioine with vs. The Senate is on our side and the wiues and children of our enimies are in our hands But what This war is not against a Hannibal or a Pirrhus or against the Cymbrians that we should fight for the possession of Italie but it is against the Romans themselues so that in this warre both the conqueror and conquered shall offend and hurt their countrie bicause whatsoeuer serueth for the benefit of him that ouercommeth turneth to the dammage of the Common-wealth Beleeue me I know better how to die than to raigne especially considering that I shall not so much profit the Romans although in the end I should remaine the stronger as now I can by sacrificing my life for the peace vnion and concord of my countrimen This done he tooke order for the Senators and others of his armie to retire and saue themselues and said to a nephew of his whom he had adopted I command thee my sonne as the last admonition which I can giue thee not to forget altogither nor yet to print it too much in thy memorie that thou hast had an vnkle who was emperor Then laying him downe to rest the next morning very early he tooke his sword and turning the point thereof with both his hands against his stomacke he fell vpon the top of it without shewing any other token or feeling of griefe and so died being onely seuen and thirtie yeeres of age Codrus king of Athens did no lesse for his countrie For hauing vnderstood that the Oracle had promised and assured the victorie to the Thracians who were enimies to the Athenians if they saued their king aliue he went into their campe disguised like a handicrafts man and slue one of their men whereupon he was presently slaine of others not being knowen what he was And thus were the Thracians depriued of the hope of victorie which before they accounted certaine and in a maner gotten of the Athenians Marcus Curtius a knight of Rome who being Consul wan a notable battell against the Cymbrians threw himselfe headlong into a deepe gulfe which was made in the midst of Rome by an earthquake and which had greatly dammaged the citie The reason moouing him so to do was bicause the Soothsaiers had giuen out that the gods would not be pacified and appeased towards the citie before the gulfe had swalowed a man on liue Curtius
his hand to the worke For this cause Isocrates said that a prudent man ought to remember things past to vse things present and to foresee things to come A prudent man saith Demosthenes accounteth it a point of follie to say when a thing is com to passe Who would haue thought it could haue beene Now Prudence is apparant in him that possesseth hir first by the rule and gouernment of his person whether it be in things within him as in his maners and conditions or in outward things concerning his bodie as in sobrietie of diet comely intertainment good house-keeping commendable vse of his substance and riches Of which perfections and other praise-worthie effects that flow from Prudence vnder the name of sundrie vertues we are to intreat particularly heerafter as also how a prudent man being adorned with them may first become a good Oeconomist that is a gouernor and father of a familie and after attaine to that great vertue of politicall knowledge which is the art of skilfull gouerning ruling a multitude of men And then although he doubt not but that it is an act of Prudence to know what is good and profitable for the Common-wealth yet that he may knowe howe to execute that office with a perfect and absolute vertue he seeketh for all occasions to profit the same and vnto what place of authoritie soeuer he be called he alwaies sheweth foorth dutifull effects of a good man He neuer giueth or taketh but good counsel and alwaies vttereth the same freely He is able saith Plato to discerne the good from the bad He helpeth innocencie and correcteth malice He is not astonished for any feare nor altereth his mind for dispraise or commendation he is not discouraged through violence or false accusations neither is pressed downe with sorrow or puffed vp with prosperitie And as one not ignorant of the vncertaintie of worldly things he abideth constant in all changes and like to himselfe knowing how to choose the lesse euill in all inconueniences as the better He sheweth himselfe valiant in all things He is maister of his pleasures knoweth how to command himselfe He can reape profit by most sinister accidents yea by his greatest enimies and yet hurt them not The conuersation of the prudent is alwaies healthfull and profitable His quips his laughters his sports are not without some fruit hauing in them a certaine power to correct and moue those that do amisse He beleeueth not saith Heraclitus any thing lightly but is a seuere examiner of the truth To be short Prudence causeth a man to refer all his actions both priuate and publike to the best end which is to serue God and to profit his neighbor This did Socrates teach very well saying that All the desires and inclinations of our soule guided by prudence tende to happines Wherin we may note the indissoluble coniunction of all the morall vertues of which no one can be had perfectly but with hir companions albeit ech of them haue hir particular proper dutie But prudence is especially necessarie in them all as it will yet better appeere in the further handling therof albeit the effects hereunder mentioned of this first vertue being narrowly considered may giue vs sufficient proofe thereof Now to incite and stir vs vp to imbrace it with greater zeale and affection and to seeke after all meanes of obtaining it either by good instruction or by long vse of things let vs call to mind certaine examples of the ancients thereby to marke what woonderful fruits this vertue of Prudence hath brought foorth in them If we consider all the heroicall facts of the worthiest captaines and generals of armies that euer were we shall finde that they brought them to passe more by prudence than by any other force and meane Which thing Alexander the great and first Monarke of the Graecians knowing very well whensoeuer any speech or comparison was made before him of Vertue or Science he alwaies had this verse of Homer in his mouth In counsell wise and valiant in the fight as if he would haue said that of all vertues Prudence was most prince-like and that prowesse was practised by meanes thereof And indeed he being richly endued therwith vndertooke the conquest of the Persian empire yea of all the world when he had but thirtie thousand footemen and fower thousand horsemen with monie and victuals to furnish them onely for thirtie daies But what The meanes wherunto he trusted was Prudence followed of Patience Valure and Temperancie wherewith the studie of philosophy had furnished him for his voiage In this iourney he did not onely in two battailes ouerthrowe Darius monarke of the Persians who had aboue twelue hundred thousand men but also brought vnder subiection fifteene sundry nations and tooke fiue thousand cities and townes and laboured to put in reall execution practise that forme of gouernment of estate which was so greatly esteemed of Zeno the Stoick philosopher tended in effect to this end that all men generally might liue togither not being diuided by townes peoples and nations nor separated by particuler lawes rightes customes but that we should take all men for our countrimen and fellow citizens that as there is but one world so there might be but one kinde of life Thus did this prudent and vertuous monarck giue out that he was sent from heauen to be a common refourmer gouernour and reconcilour of the whole world so that he imploied all his might to reduce and bring to ciuilitie barbarous kings to plant Graecian cities that they might liue ciuilly amongst the vntamed and sauage nations and established euery where lawes and a peaceable kinde of life euen amongst vnbrideled people who neuer heard word spoken either of peace or lawes Those whom he could not assemble together by perswasion of reason he constrained by force of armes so that he caused them all to drinke as ye would say in the same cup of loue friendship by intermingling their liues maners mariages and fashions of liuing He commanded that al men liuing should account the whole habitable earth for their country and his campe for their castle and tower of defence and that all good men should be of kin one to another and the wicked onely strangers Moreouer he willed that the Graecian and Barbarian should no more be distinguied by their garments but that the Graecian should be knowne and discerned by vertue and the Barbarian by vice accounting all vertuous men Graecians and all vicious men Barbarians Therefore Plutark said very well that they who were tamed and brought vnder his yoke were a great deale more happie than those that escaped his power bicause these men had none to cause them to leaue of from liuing miserablic and the other were compelled by the conqueror to liue happily Whereby he deserued no lesse the name of a great philosopher than did Pythagoras Socrates and others who although they wrote nothing yet were so called
for their maner of life and for that which they spake did and taught In all which things Alexander approching next vnto them went also beyond them in this that they taught men of good vnderstandings namely such as were Graecians as well as themselues and that without great paine and trauell but this monark sustaining infinite labor and cheerefully sheading his bloud did change into a better estate and reformed the rude maners of innumerable sauage people euen of such as were brutish by nature Now let vs speake of Caesar the first Romaine Emperour Was it not prudence especially that prepared the way for him to so mightie an empire first by reconciling together Crassus and Pompey two of the greatest Romaine Senators by whose fauor he obtained afterwardes the dignitie of Consulship When he was placed therin being desirous to win the good wil of the people knowing that he was alreadie well vnder propped of the Senatours he preserred many lawes in their behalfe Besides he was very sumptuous and popular if euer any Romaine was not sparing any cost vpon plaies turneies feastes largesses and other baits to curry fauor with the meaner sort of the people and to gaine the honor and credire of a man that is gratious and charitable towards the poore And when he was sent to take vpon him the gouernment of the Gaules he warred there ten yeeres being guided by an vnspeakable prudence that was accompanied with diligence and forecast so that by vsing all occasions wisely to purpose he subdued there three hundred sundry nations tooke eight hundred townes in manie battel 's discomfited three millions of men The commentaries which he wrote himselfe declare sufficiently that his own vertue wrought more exploits than all his armie Of this also he gaue proofe enough in the beginning of the ciuill warre betweene him and Pompey wherein he vsed such diligence that comming out of Fraunce he made himselfe maister of all Italy in threescore daies without any effusion of bloud and droue away his enimy And Cicero who as some say conspired his death in an epistle calleth him a monster of prudence and of incredible diligence Was it not prudence whereby he noted two faults in Pompey which after were the cause of his ouerthrow The first in an incounter of their armies wherein Caesar being at that time the weaker had the woorst And when he perceiued that his enimy pursued him not but retired to his campe he said The victorie this day was in the power of our enimies but their captaine could not perceiue it The other fault which he noted was at the battel of Pharsalia where Pompey was quite ouerthrowne because he charged his souldiers being ranged in battell to stand still in their places and so to attend their enimies Then Caesar saide that in so dooing Pompey tooke from his souldiers the vehemencie and violence of giuing the onset which is as a spurre vnto them in their race besides the heate of courage which this speedie running forward worketh in thē We see then how necessarie this vertue of prudence is in feats of warre which caused Agesilaus king of Lacedemonia after great losses sustained by the violence of Epaminondas the generall captaine of the Thebanes to say to his men that they should not greatly care for the multitude of their enimies but bend all their force against Epaminondas onely bicause none but wise prudent men were valiant and the onely cause of victorie And therefore if they could beate him downe they should vndoubtedly haue the rest at their deuotion As indeed it came to passe in that battell which they fought togither wherein the Lacedemonians halfe discomfited one of those that fled being pursued by Epaminondas turned back and slew him wherupon the rest tooke such courage and the Thebans were so dismaied that the victorie remained with Agesilaus Now if in warfare prudence beareth such a stroake who doubteth but that in ciuil and politike gouernment she is as necessarie or rather more Diuine Plato in his booke of a common-wealth saith that if a man woulde do notable acts woorthy of perfect praise in the administration of the common-wealth he must haue prudence and iustice followed of power and fortune But we may further say that onely prudence hath set aloft and preserued many great estates from ruine and subuersion The Athenians being diuided and banded into three contrarie parts and factions Solon being very prudent and wise would not ioine himselfe to any of them but kept himselfe indifferent to all practising speaking whatsoeuer he could deuise to ioine reconcile them togither again Wherein he behaued himselfe so well that being chosen by them all for the onely pacisier and reformer of their estate he placed it in greater glorie than euer it was in before by his prudent and wise lawes which were receiued as inuiolable The prudence of Lycurgus the reformer and lawmaker of the Lacedemonians was the cause of the maintenance of their estate aboue fiue hundred yeeres so that it was the chiefest in all Graecia both for glorie and excellencie of gouernment from whence they fell not vntill such time as they wholy neglected those goodly ordinances and lawes which he left them A prudent man alwaies gineth good counsalle and vttereth the same freely being also a good and willing helpe to innocencie Phocion speaking his minde one day in the counsell chamber of the Athenians against the enterprising of a certain war and seeing that his aduise so greatly displeased them that they would not giue him leaue to vtter his minde he spake freely vnto them in this maner Ye may perad●●nture O Athenians force me to do that which ought not to be done but ye can not constraine me to speake any thing contrary to my opinion that ought not to be spoken or counsailed Demosthenes knowing the innocencie of a poore woman drawne into iudgement with danger of being ouerthrowne saued hir by his great prudence For two strangers hauing giuen hir a good summe of money to keepe with this condition that she should not restore it to the one except the other were also present within a while after one of them came very sorrowfull faining that his companion was dead and bringing some counterfeit token therof with him Wherupon he so perswaded this poore woman who ment simply plainely that she restored the monie to him Afterwards the other came demanding the money also brought this woman before a iudge who being without hope of escaping Demosthencs answered for hir that she offred to giue him the money so that he brought his fellow bicause as himselfe confessed she ought not to giue it to the one without the other The profite which a prudent man draweth from his enimies is in this that he knoweth and taketh them for spies for enuiers at his life and ioint-labourers with him for honor and glory wherupon he is the more carefull that his dooings
wicked and wretched for doing the contrarie You aske of me saith Socrates in Xenophon whether courage or greatnes of hart proceed of nature or of learning For my part I think that as we see some borne with stronger bodies than others are so by nature we haue mindes more fit to sustaine perils aduersities than others haue And that this is so we see many brought vp with the same maners and instructed vnder like lawes and yet some of them more hardie and bold than the rest Notwithstanding there is no doubt but the goodnes of nature is holpen by learning and institution It is certaine saith Plutark that there is in all men some light of good and right iudgement but yet the difference between philosophers and the common sort of men is great bicause philosophers haue their iudgement more staied and assured in dangers whereas the vulgar sort haue not their harts fortified and defended with such anticipations and resolute impressions aforehand Albeit therefore many notable men as Cicero saith haue atchieued many braue and vertuous exploits being guided by their naturall iudgement onely and by daily experience in affairs yet infinite faults may be noted in them especially in their behauiour and maner of life which might haue been amended and corrected by the knowledge of letters Moreouer the iudgement of man wauereth too easily to settle and resolue it selfe vpon any thing yea it is driuen by a thousand occasions from the ground of hir former discourses if it be not built and laid vpon certaine knowledge reason which the studie of wisedome teacheth vs. And as for that prudence which is gotten onely by vse and by a mans owne experience it is too long dangerous and difficult bicause it is not able to make vs wise but after our owne perill oftentimes whilst we seeke it death maketh haste to preuent it or else followeth it so neere that we had neede of a second life to bestow about it Thus we see that if there be any want in any one of these three Nature Reason and Vse vertue also must needes faile and be vnperfect in that point True it is that a good naturall inclination deserueth more praise being without learning than learning doth without it bicause euen knowledge serueth many times for an occasion to the wicked who abuse it maliciously to further their vnpure purposes Neuertheles we can accuse nothing but their peruersnes which by reason of their ignorance would not haue staied it selfe from vttering such pernitious effects in them and peraduenture worse For in what measure soeuer it be yet as Socrates said they that haue been well brought vp and instructed are in some sort forced to moderate themselues Besides they that are not altogither well borne yet being holpen by good training vp and exercise of vertue they may after a sort repaire and recouer the defect of nature Idlenes saith Plutarke annihilateth and corrupteth the goodnes of nature but diligence in good education correcteth the naughtines thereof And as we see that drops of water falling vpon a hard stone make it hollow and that iron and copper consume and weare only with handling and ground that is more vneeuen and stonie than it ought yet being manured and dressed beareth faire and goodlie fruit and contrariwise good ground becommeth vnfruitfull and waxeth worse and worse the more it is left vnlabored euen so good maners and conditions are qualities which in long processe of time are imprinted in the soule and morall vertues are attained vnto through care diligence labor and long exercise Therefore although nature hath this propertie in al men that it is in perpetuall motion through a weake instinct and that in some stronger in others weaker which causeth hir to aspire vnto and to desire the excellencie of hir first perfection whereof she knoweth hir selfe void yet if she be not alwaies holpen and driuen towards the better part she will soone suffer hir selfe to be caried to the worse They are but little sparks saith Cicero which through vice and corrupt maners are so easily quenched that the light of them appeereth not And as the heate buried in the veines of a flint seemeth rather dead than aliue if the sparkles be not drawen foorth by the steele so this immortall portion of celestiall fire being the fountaine and first motiue of all knowledge remaineth without any profit or commendable action if it be not sharpened and set on worke We are no sooner borne and taken in hand to be brought vp as Plato saith but we follow after wickednes as if we had sucked iniquitie togither with our nurses milke Afterwards being comitted by our fathers to the hands of teachers we so inwrap our minds with errors that those weake seedes of vertue which are in vs by nature must needes giue place to vanitie and to opinion But if good wits find good bringing vp then they grow alwaies vp from better to better Whereupon in my opinion that old prouerbe was not spoken without reason that education goeth beyond nature Which thing when Lycurgus was desirous to let the Lacedemonians vnderstand he nourished two dogs of one the same litter vsing the one to hunt and bringing vp the other in the kitchen And when the people were gathered togither he spake vnto them in this maner It is a matter of great importance O ye Lacedemonians to ingender vertue in mens harts by education custome and discipline as I will let ye see and sensibly perceiue out of hand Then he caused both the dogs to be brought and casting off a hare on the one side setting a platter of broth on the other he let loose his dogs of which the one followed after the hare the other ran to the broth Thus fareth it quoth he with men who may be made more vertuous by good education than by nature Neither will it profit them at all to descend of Hercules race if they practise not those works whereby in his life time he grew to be most famous in the world and if they exercise not themselues all the daies of their life in honest and vertuous actions Furthermore if we desire examples of this that learning institution and education auaile greatly to conforme and frame our harts and wils to vertue yea to alter and make them better Socrates confesseth in Plato that by nature he was inclined to vices and yet philosophy made him as perfect and excellent a man as any was in the world Themistocles in his youth as himselfe confessed for want of discipline was caried away by his desires like to a yoong vnbridled colt vntil that by Miltiades example who was then famous amongst the Grecians he caused the viuacitie quicknes of his spirit and the ambition which naturally was in him to attende vpon vertue Besides education and custome haue power to change not onely the naturall inclination of some particuler men but also of whole
friendship of his wife breaketh the peace of a house causeth the wife to loose hir soule who otherwise peraduenture would not haue yeelded if he had not corrupted hir In a word it is the cause of infinite miseries offences which we daily see come to passe Amongthe Auncients this vice was so odious that it was narowly sought out and chasticed with very grieuous punishments In so much that Iulius Caesar caused one of his captains to be beheaded bicause he had dishonoured the mistresse of the house where he lodged not staying vntill one accused him and without any complaint made vnto him by hir husband There was a law among the Locrians established by Zaleucus which condemned all those that were conuicted of this vice of adulterie to haue their eyes puld out This lawe was afterward so well kept that his sonne being taken with the fact and all the people intreating for him Zaleucus would neuer suffer the punishment to be any thing lessened And yet to satisfie their importunitie in some sort he caused one of his own and another of his sonnes eyes to be plucked out chusing rather to beare halfe the punishment allotted for the offence than that it should remaine vnpunished the law violated Augustus Caesar made the law Iulia intituled of Adulteries wherein is declared how processe ought to proceed against those that are attainted of it and how such as are conuicted thereof are to be punished euen to permit the father to kill his daughter being taken in the fact with the adulterer After that Fabius Fabritius was slain by his wife through trecherie to the ende that she might haue greater libertie to commit adulterie one of his yonger sons whē he came to age slew his mother with the adulterer was absolued therof by the Senate We read also that the lest punishment vsed by the Egyptians against adulterers was to cut off the womās nose the priuy parts of the man Briefly we shall find that in all nations where honor and ciuilitie is neuer so little regarded this vice of adulterie hath been grieuously punished and greatly hated of all noble minds Herein the example of Alexander is woorthy to be remembred who when a woman was brought vnto him one euening demanded of hir why she came so late to whom she answered that she stayed vntill hir husband was gone to bed Which he no sooner heard but he sent hir away being very angry with his men bicause they had almost caused him to commit adultery He would not so much as touch his friends Concubine although he loued hir and he tooke on wonderfully with Cassander bicause he would by force kisse a minstrels maid So farre off was he from beyng willing to suffer his courtiers to force any wiues or daughters of his subiects or to induce them to suborne any for him But contrary wise we see now adayes that they are most esteemed of great men whose skill is greatest in corrupting of women Antonius Venereus duke of Venice may be vnto them an example worthy to be folowed who caused his owne sonne to die in prison bicause he had rauished a maid But let vs note a litle the eye witnesses of Gods wrath who neuer or very seldome suffreth whoredome to go without present payment meete for such peruerse wickednes The reading of holy Scriptures doth furnish vs with notable examples in the death of foure and twentie thousands Israelites for whoredome in the punishment of the same sinne committed by Dauid with the death of more than threescore thousand men in Israel in the punishment of the same sinne in Salomon vpon his sonne who was depriued of ten parts of his kingdome in the ouerthrow of the Cities of Sodomah and Gomorrah and in many other places Whē Sathan seeketh for a readie way to cause men to fall he commonly vseth whoredom When Balaam taught Balaac that subtill practise to cause the Israelites to commit idolatrie it was by meanes of the faire women of his countrey thereby to cause them to fall into the wrath and indignation of God Concerning histories written by men the number of examples of Gods wrath vpon whoremongers is infinite of which we will heere alleadge some making mention of violent punishments and of the depriuation and subuersion of flourishing estates which haue proceeded from the same cause of whoredome And truly it is more dangerous for a Prince in regard of his estate than any other vice yea than crueltie it selfe For crueltie maketh men fearefull and striketh a terror in the subiects but whoredome draweth with it hatred and contempt of the Prince bicause euery one iudgeth an effeminate man vnwoorthie to command a whole people Tarquinius king of Rome for his loftines surnamed the proud was depriued of his kingdome bicause of the violence which one of his sonnes offered to Lucretia a Romane Ladie And although he gathered togither great forces thinking thereby to reenter into his estate yet he could neuer attaine therunto Since which time the name of a king hath beene so odious among the Romanes that they would neuer suffer any to beare that title amongst them but from that time forward changed the gouernment of a Monarchie into a Democraty or popular estate abolishing all lawes appertaining to a king In place of which they sent to the Athenians for Solons lawes which afterward were obserued by the Romanes and called the lawes of the twelue Tables Appius Claudius one of those ten that had all authoritie in the gouernment of the Romane estate bicause he would haue rauished Virginia daughter to Virginius a Citizen of Rome who slew hir to saue hir honor was banished with all his companions in that office and their manner of gouernment changed into the authoritie of Consuls What was like to haue befallen that mightie Caesar after he had conquered France Almaigne England Spaine Italy and Pompey himselfe but a shamefull death by reason of a foolish loue which caused him to go into Alexandria in disguised apparell to enioy Cleopatra where an Eunuch and a child had almost slaine him if he had not cast himselfe from a high tower into the sea and so saued himselfe by swimming to his campe vnder the gallies of his enimies Teundezillus king of Spaine was for committing violent adulterie with a ladie of a noble house depriued both of life and kingdom Marcus Antonius Caracalla Emperour being caried away with intemperate lust maried his mother in law and within a while after he lost both his empire and life Childericus the first of that name king of France after he had raigned a long time was driuen out of his kingdome for his whoredome Iohn Countie of Arminack maried one of his owne sisters and being therefore excommunicated of the Church was depriued of his estate and life by the Emperor Charlemaigne Rodoaldus king of Lumbardy being taken in adultery was
firme stedfast and abiding Good being assured as we said that not one of those things wherein a happie life consisteth shall waxe old perish or fall to decay To conclude he is happie that sheweth in all the workes and actions of his life a patterne of honestie and vertue being moderate in prosperitie constant in aduersitie A man thus affected and disposed will behaue himselfe without reproofe in the time present will call to mind with ioy pleasure the time past and wil boldly and without distrust draw neere to the time to come euen with a cheerefull ioifull hope of better things and with a stedfast expectation of that vnspeakeable and endles happines which is prepared for the elect Of Prosperitie and Aduersitie Chap. 32. AMANA BEing in our former discourse entred into the diuers and contrarie effects which the nature and condition of worldlie affaires draw with them whereof euery one in his particular place may dailie haue good sufficient testimonies seeing through the malice and corruption of our age all things are at that point as if they ment to lay more hard and difficult crosses vpon vs to sustaine I thinke we shall not depart from our matter if we seeke for some instruction whereby to gouerne our selues prudently in prosperitie and in aduersitie considering the effects both of the one and the other to the end we may auoid those that are most pernitious and retaine still with vs that constancie and woorthines that is required in the vertue of Fortitude which teacheth a man how he ought to behaue himselfe nobly in euery estate and condition of life For as gold transfigured by the workeman now into one fashion and then into another is transformed into sundrie kinds of ornaments and yet remaineth alwaies that which it is without any alteration of substance so it behooueth a wise noble minded man to cōtinue alwaies the same in things that are contrarie and diuers without any alteration and change of his constancie and vertue But I leaue the discourse of this matter to you my Companions ARAM. As a man saith Scipio deliuereth ouer his horses which bicause they haue beene in many skirmishes are become restie furious and vntractable to the yeomen of his horses to bring them into good order againe so men that are growne to be vnrulie through prosperity must be brought as it were to around circle that they may consider of the inconstancie of worldlie things and of the variablenes of wretched fortune ACHITOB. In prosperitie saith Euripides be not lift vp too much and in aduersitie hope the best alwaies And as in a fire said Socrates it is good to behold a cleare brightnes so is a moderate soule in felicitie But let vs heare ASER who wil handle that which is heere propounded more at large ASER. As men prouide bulwarks and banks against a riuer that vseth to ouerflow so he that desireth to liue happily must fortifie himselfe with powerfull and conuenient vertues to resist the hurtfull assaults which the vnlooked for successe of humane affaires make vpon him continually both in prosperitie and in aduersitie For questionles nothing is hardlier kept within compas than he that hath all things according to his harts desire neither is any thing so much cast downe or sooner discouraged than the same man when he is afflicted and misseth of his purpose All mindes are not resolute and constant enough from slipping beside themselues and beyond the limits of reason neither in great prosperity which puffeth and lifteth vp mens harts especially theirs that are base by nature nor yet in vnloked for aduersity which through the heauie burthen thereof oftentimes astonisheth and amazeth them that are thought to be best setled and assured But if we consider apart the pernitious effects which issue from these two contraries when reason doth not guide and gouerne them we shall find nothing but pride in the one and faintnes of hart basenes of mind and oftentimes despaire in the other Notwithstanding we may well note this that prosperitie hath alwaies beene the cause of farre greater euils to men than aduersitie that it is easier for a man to beare this patiently than not to forget himselfe in the other Whereof I thinke we may not vnfitly alledge for a reason that which Menander saith that man of all other liuing creatures is aptest to fall suddenly downe from high to low bicause he dareth vndertake the greatest matters although he be weakest Whereupon being as it were naturally subiect to falling it is not so strange vnto him being better furnished for that seeing he is or ought to be prepared thereto long before then when against his naturall disposition he ascendeth to some greatnes not hoped for Now whether it be for this reason or bicause vice is his proper inheritance the memorie of the time past aswell as of the present time furnisheth vs with sufficient testimonies seeing fewe are found that forgat not themselues in their prosperitie whereas many haue behaued themselues wisely and taken occasion to be better in their aduersitie Which being vnderstood of Plato when he was requested by the Cyrenians a people of Grecia to write downe lawes for them and to appoint them some good forme of gouernment for their Common-wealth he answered that it was a very hard matter to prescribe lawes to so rich happie and wealthie a people as they were For commonly those cities which in short time come suddenly to great felicitie grow to be insolent arrogant and vneasie to raunge in order neither is there any thing for the most part prouder than a poore man made rich as contrariwise none are so readie to receiue counsell and direction as he whom fortune hath ouerrun He that is pressed greatly with aduersitie is seldome puffed vp with pride or vanquished of lust or drowned in couetousnes or ouertaken with gluttonie or lift vp with desire and worldlie glorie all which imperfections happen commonly to those vpon whome fortune too much fawneth That felicitie saith Seneca which hath not beene hurt cannot indure one blow but when it hath had a long and continuall combat with discommodities and hath hardued it selfe by suffering and bearing iniuries then doth it not suffer it selfe to be ouercome with any euill Now one of the greatest benefits that a man may haue in this life is neither to be changed by aduersitie nor lift vp with prosperity but to be as a well rooted tree which although it be shaken with sundrie winds yet can not be ouerthrowne by any of them And truly it is very ridiculous that that which commeth to all worldly things by an ordinarie and naturall course euen by the sequele of causes linked togither and depending one of another changing the estate of mortall things should haue power to alter or to make any mutation in reason and wisedom which ought to abide stedfast in the mind of man For this cause Plato said that there
a wise man than by promises forasmuch as an vndiscreete man lightly promiseth whatsoeuer you will and oftentimes more than is required of him but a man of good iudgement weigheth his speech with sence and reason before he gage it to any bodie and hauing once giuen his word he reuoketh it not what losse or dammage soeuer may insue thereof as he that esteemeth a great deale more of the honour of truth and fidelitic than of his owne life being touched with vntruth and periurie And if it were lawfull for euery one to alleadge necessitie or constraint thereby to cloake the breach of faith to whome might a man trust in any matter Who doubteth but that all agreements made betweene men whether in time of warre or of peace or in any particular affaires betweene partie and partie are grounded vpon a benefit which euery one supposeth to be necessarie and profitable for himselfe and so consequently that they ought not to be kept Who doubteth but that the breach of them may easily be coloured with the like necessitie and so vnder this goodly pretence of false right and equitie should be allowed But what May we be iudges for our selues and in our owne cause First our aduerse parties to whom we are bound must be called and must agree with vs of Iudges to determine of our promises whether they were lawfull or vnlawfull forced and necessary or no according to the law which releaseth a man of his promise if it be vniust or vnreasonable or if it be too burthensome vnto him or if he were circumuented by deceit fraud error force iust feare or grieuous hurt But when we are both iudge and partie and in stead of iustice seeke after force and violence it is soone seene that all shew of excusing the breach of faith giuen is onely grounded vpon malice and subtiltie This did Lysander admiral of the Lacedemonians vsually practise who made no reckoning of Iustice but when it was profitable accounting onely profit to be honestie and saying that children must be deceiued with the play of cock-all and men with othes Which kind of dealing argueth a man to be in truth worse in behauior towards God than towards his enimies bicause he that beguileth his enimie through the means of fidelitie sworne vnto him doth sufficientlie testifie that he feareth him and dares not discouer vnto him that which lieth hid in his hart and yet in the mean time he hath no reuerence or feare of the diuine maiestie from which nothing is hid but vseth that for a couering and maske of his wickednes We must saith Cicero keepe that promise vnuiolable which we haue made to our enimie albeit the mishaps of warre haue constrained vs to yeeld vnto it How much lesse therfore ought we to breake our faith giuen to our friends and to those of whom we neuer receiued any thing but profite and pleasure Through this neglect of faith we fill our soules with lying nourishing and delighting them therein and separating them far from the truth the fountaine of all goodnes to lie vnto our neighbors to deceiue and beguile them in those things which we are able to performe thereby destroying the bond of humane societie yea of nature it selfe which bindeth vs both to will and to procure their good This is that which Epenetus the Lacedemonian would teach vs when he sayd that liers were the cause of all the sinnes and crimes in the world And therfore Plutarke also saith That to lie is a seruile vice woorthy to be hated of all and not to be pardoned in any no not in slaues themselues All they saith Cicero that speake one thing and meane another ought to be taken for faithlesse wicked and malicious men whereas a good man will neither faine nor dissemble in any sort either to buy better cheape or to sell deerer It is not the point of a plaine open and sincere man or of him that is iust and vertuous to conceale from the buyer the fault of that thing which he selleth but rather of a malicious deceitfull crafty suttle and wicked man And if this be a vice and sinne not to declare the fault of that thing which is sold how shall they be termed who vse a thousand wordes and lies to set foorth their merchandice Whereas good men haue always been very scrupulous precise in keeping the truth from all kind of pollution as that which ought to be as wel in the hart as in the mouth in the works as in the words of euery honest man But if lying procure blame and dishonor to al men it doth much more to kings and princes For seeing they are placed in such authoritie that they may doe what pleaseth them what need they to lie If Machiauell and his followers fauorers of tyrannie had well waighed that which we read in infinite places of scripture that God will ouerthrowe dissemblers and liers with all their lies subtilties hardly could they commend dissimulations deceits trecheries and such like pranks wherewith they seeke to poison the noble minds of good princes to cause thē to degenerate both from their natural disposition from the steps of such vertuous men as haue gone before them And to this purpose I remember a decision of right concerning princes which deserueth to be grauen in letters of gold within their lodgings palaces namely That if the prince go against his promise it ought to be reckoned amongst the cases that fall out by chance neither may any man suppose the contrary For the obligation is double the one in respect of naturall equitie which wil haue couenants and promises kept the other in regard of the Prince his faith which he must obserue inuiolable although he receiue losse thereby bicause he is the formall Warrantie vnto all his subiects of that fidelitie which is amongst themselues so that no fault is more detestable in a Prince than periurie For if he that is debter and pledge for iustice be disloiall there is no more trust to be giuen to him in all his othes but if he be vpright his bare word ought to be vnto him for a lawe and his faith for an Oracle God himselfe saith the master of the sentences is bound by his promise Gather togither saith he all the nations of the earth that they may iudge betweene me and my people if there be any thing which I ought to haue done and haue not performed it What is he then that will call in question whether a Prince is bound to that which he hath sworne to and promised seeing all soueraigne power is no lesse bound to the lawes of God and of nature than the simplest that is subiect thereunto If faith ought not to be kept with enimies it is not to be giuen vnto them and if it be lawful to capitulate with them it is as necessarie to keepe promise Yea we may further adde that periurie is not to be
to Anaxarchus the Philosopher 50. Talents which are 30000. Crownes but he refused them saying that he knewe not what to doe with so great a summe What said Alexander then hath he no friendes to pleasure seeing all king Darius wealth will not suffice me to distribute amongst mine owne Perillus besought him to giue him some monie towards the mariage of his daughters whervpon he gaue to him also 50 Talents And when he told him that it was too much by halfe he replied thus If half be enough for thee to take yet is it not enough for me to giue Likewise he gaue to a poore Egyptian asking his almes a rich and populous citie when the other all astonished supposed that he mocked him Take quoth he to him that which I giue thee for if thou art Biace that demandest I am Alexander that giueth The first Monarch of the Caesars is he not also exceedingly praised of Historiographers for the liberallest Prince of his time and for such a one as shewed in deede that he loued not riches in warre that afterward he might at his pleasure liue in delight or abuse them about his owne pleasures but that they were the common price and reward of vertue which he laid vp to recompence valiant and honest men withall Of which reward he said he would haue no part but only distribute it to euery one according to his desert Antonius one of his successours sought to imitate him in this bountifull liberalitie For proofe heereof may serue that commandement which he gaue to his Treasorer to double the halfe of 2500. Crownes which he had giuen to one of his fauorits whereas his Treasorer that brought him the saide summe when he beheld it thought that he should haue diminished the gift But he stained this vertue with a perpetuall blot and infamie which caused his destruction in that he applied it to the seruice and maintenance of his delights and pleasures and abused it in the fauor and behalfe of the wicked which is al one in great men as if they themselues were authors of vice and iniquitie Archelaus king of Macedonia may serue vnto them for a notable example whereby they may learne to keepe themselues in their estates from such a pernitious euill This king being requested by a Minion of his Court to giue him a cup of gold wherein he dranke deliuered it to his Page commanding him to beare and giue the same to Euripides who was there present and then said to the other As for thee thou art woorthie to aske and to be denied also but Euripides is woorthie of gifts although he aske not Antigonus the elder being importunately desired by one that was good for nothing and that counterfaited the Cynick Philosopher to giue him a drachma which might be in value about foure pence halfepenie made answer that it was no meete gift for a king And when the other replied that he should then giue him a Talent he answered it is no present for a Cynick Titus the emperor was so greatly in loue with liberalitie all his life time that remembring one euening with himselfe that he had giuen nothing the same day he cried out O my friends we haue lost this day He vsed to blesse those daies wherein the poore came vnto him or when he sought after them to do them good putting in practise that precept of Phocylides which saith Sleepe not at night before thou hast thrice called to mind thy works that day and repent thee of the euill but reioice in that which was well done For this great good nature Titus was loued whilest he liued and bewailed after his death and vpon his Tombe was written this Epitaph The delights of mankind are ended Ptolemaeus the Thebane Captaine ouer a great armie had so acquainted himselfe not to denye any that stood in neede of his liberalitie that when a poore souldior demanded his almes of him he hauing at that present nothing to bestow vpon him gaue him his shooes saying My friend make thy profit of this seeing I haue no better thing to giue thee For I had rather go bare-foote than see thee suffer so much Denys the elder entring into his sonnes lodging and beholding there great store of rich iewels of gold and siluer and of incredible treasure said vnto him My sonne I did not giue thee these riches to vse in this sort but to impart of them vnto thy friends For thou must know that no man in all the world is so rich as he that is liberall who with his liberalitie preser●eth his friends and mollifieth his enimies This is that which Cyrus by experience shewed vnto Croesus and how smally those gifts which he had bestowed vpon woorthy persons had impouerished him For sending to euery one of them to succour him with monie they sent him altogither as much as they had receiued by gift from him bestowing moreouer great rewards vpon the bearer of his message So that the wealth which proceedeth from liberalitie is vnconsumeable as that which is gotten by giuing and by scattering abroad is gathered togither Pertinax who succeeded Commodus in the Empire surpassed all the Emperors that euer were for exceeding liberalitie which he vsed to the benefite and profite of all his subiects For first he gaue freely all the waste and desolate ground in Italy and in other his prouinces to them that could and would till them and to the labourers thereof he gaue freedome and exemption from al taxes and subsidies for ten yeeres with perpetuall assurance that they should not be troubled in their possession He forbad also that his name should be set in any castell or place within his dominion saying that his lands were not proper to him onely but common to all the people of Rome He abolished all customs tributes and toles laid vpon the hauens of riuers at the entries into townes waies and passages which he called inuentions of tyrannie to get monie placed all such things in their ancient liberties Which actions beseemed rather a father of the countrie than a lord and maister and there are few Princes that vse to doe so but many to whome their owne will seemeth to be a most iust law But contrariwise let them know that they ought to be subiect to the eternall law namely to right reason truth and iustice which are the proper will of God onely whose people they must rule with right and equitie by comforting them through beneficence and continuall good turnes Let vs learne then by our present discourse to decke our selues with this vertue of Liberalitie euery one according to those meanes that are giuen vnto him from aboue and are iustly gotten by him taking good heede that we abuse it not in any kind of voluptuousnes or vice neither yet vpon the wicked as though we purposed to nourish and maintaine their impieties For this is vtterly to destroye Iustice and
beyng kinges and seeyng how hard a matter it was to assemble all the people togither and how they ouerthrew many tymes the sacred decrees of the Senate holpe them-selues with an oracle from Apollo whereby it was signified that the Senate of thirtie should from thence-forth haue all power in matters of estate in so much that of Senators they became soueraigne lordes And to content the people they appointed fiue Ephories who were chosen out of the people as Tribunes to keepe away tiranny That policie then is truely Aristocraticall wherin vertue only is respected in the distribution of magistracies and the benefit of the subiects is chiefly considered in the gouernment thereof Oligarchie is opposite and contrary to this and is the second kinde of a corrupted common-wealth This is when a few noble or riche men occupie the authoritie and administration of the common-wealth reiecting the poorer and baser sort and aiming at nothing but at their owne priuate and particular profite without all care of publique commoditie These men alwayes vse to take part with their like in nobilitie or riches to the treading downe and oppression of the meaner sort of people Moreouer they rule all matters according to their affections and through ambition and couetousnes take them into their own hands vntil some one that is mightiest amongst them find the means to rule absolutely and to change the Oligarchie into a tiranny Aristotle affirmeth that all the auncient gouernments in Sicilia were Oligarchies among which that of the Leontines was translated into the tirannie of Panecus that of Gela into the tirannie of Cleander that of Rhegium into the tirannie of Anaxilas and so of many others The third kind of a good and right common-wealth is of a Greeke worde called Timocratie which we may call The power of meane or indifferent wealth This kinde of gonernment was after a peculiar sort called of the Auncients by the name of Common-wealth bicause this policie tended most of all to publique profite and was guided by lawes and compounded of an Oligarchie and a Democratie which are two extremes and of themselues vicious and corrupt For of their mediocrities this forme of common-wealth was instituted after 3. sortes First by taking the lawes and institutions of both secondly by holding the mediocritie of things commanded by them thirdly by following the constitutions partly of the one partly of the other Aristotle speaketh of this kind of Common-wealth when he saith That ciuill societie consisting of meane persons is very good and that those cities are wel gouerned wherein there are many of the middle sort who haue more power than both the other parties or at least than any one of them For where as many are passing rich or extreme poore there followeth either an extreme Democratie or an intollerable Oligarchie or els through their excesse a tirannie Nowe the last kind of corrupt common-wealth remaineth to be seene which is called Democratie where free and poore men being the greater number are lordes of the estate There were fiue sortes of them the first where the gouernment was equally communicated to all the second where regard was had to wealth although it was but small the third where all the citizens were partakers of the gouernment vnder the ruling of the lawe the fourth where euery one might attaine to the magistracie so that hee were a citizen and the lawe ruled the fift where other things beyng equall the multitude commanded and not the lawe and then the people onely gouerned accordyng to their fansie by decrees and prouisoes which they gaue out daily oppressing the vertuous riche and noble that they might liue in all libertie This kinde is not to bee called a Common-wealth seeing the lawes beare no sway but beyng aunswerable to a tirannie it is passing ill and vnwoorthie to bee numbred among Common-wealths Plato and Xenophon wrote that the Democratie of Athens was such a one where the people was giuen ouer to all licentiousnesse without either feare of Magistrates or obseruation of lawes Nowe of the three kindes of good Common-wealthes mentioned by vs Aristotle Polybius Dionysius Halicarnassaeus and Cicero compound an other that is partaker of all three saying that euery kind of Common-wealth established simplie and alone by it selfe soone degenerateth into the next vice if it be not moderated and kept backe by the rest Therefore they say that a Common-wealth erected with a right gouernement to continue long must haue the vertues and properties of the other Common-wealths ioyned togither in hir to the ende that nothing growe out of proportion which may cause hir to degenerate into hir next euill and so consequently ouerthrow hir Likewise many auncient and late Politikes haue maintayned that the Common-wealths of the Lacedemonians Carthaginians Romans and others that are famous as that of the Venitians were compound and mildlie intermingled with the royall Aristocraticall and popular power But this subiect deserueth well a seuerall discourse which beyng needlesse for the vnderstanding of the matter here propounded vnto vs we will not stay any longer in the curious searching out of sundry other kindes of estates and policies which the ancients haue drawen out of these alreadie described We will note therefore for the conclusion of our speech that the reason why so many kindes of Common-wealths are mentioned by the auncients is this bicause euery citie is compounded of many partes the diuersitie of which according as they were in greater number and power caused them to varie the names of gouernments But to auoyd confusion and obscuritie we may say that if the soueraigntie consisteth in one onely prince the estate is Monarchicall if all the people haue interest in it the estate is popular and if onely the least parte of them haue the chiefe power the estate is Aristocraticall But if their forme of gouernment be contrary to their nature they take an other qualitie but chaunge not their essence Moreouer we say that the preseruation of euerie publique societie dependeth of the policie well ordeined without which there can be nothing but disorder confusion among men We say that policie is the order of a citie in the offices of magistracie namely in the chiefe of all in whose gouernment the whole Common-wealth consisteth which if it be in the peoples handes is called Popular as in the Cantons of Switzerland and leagues of the Grisons in many free townes in Germanie and in old time was in Athens if in the hands of certaine persons as of the gentlemen of Venice and of some families in Genes it is called Aristocraticall if it dependeth of the wil of one alone it is called a Monarchie as in France Spaine Portingale England Scotland Sweathland Polonia Further we say that the diuersitie of gouernment among cities and peoples dependeth of their end if they tend to a good ende which is to publique benefite they are
good and iust but if to an ill ende namely to the particular profite of such as commaund they are euill and vniust Of the soueraigne Magistrate and of his authoritie and office Chap. 54. ACHITOB WE commonly say that that thing is rightly done which is done according to the order and institution of policie Neither is right any other thing amongst vs than the order of that estate vnder which we liue the soueraigntie wherof is the sure foundation vnion and bond of all the particulars in one perfect body of a commō-welth And when iudgements are exercised by the magistrates when the wil of iustice is declared by the exposition of the lawes of right and when we direct our actions vnder iustice thē is the order of ciuil societie duly obserued Hereupon in our last discourse we said that the estate of a common-wealth was compounded of 3. general partes of the magistrate of the law and of the people Thus followyng our purpose let vs intreat particularly of these parts wherof euery common-welth consisteth first let vs consider of the chief magistrate and of his authoritie and office ASER. All ciuil superioritie is a holy and lawful vocation before God And as iustice is the end of the law and the law a worke of the magistrate so also the magistrate is the image of God who ruleth and gouerneth all according to which mould and paterne he must fashion himselfe through the meanes of vertue AMANA As in a man that is well disposed both in bodie and soule according to nature not corrupted the soule ruleth and commandeth with reason being the better part and the body with the affections thereof serue obey as the woorse part so is it in euery humane assemblie It belongeth to the wisest to rule and to such as are lesse aduised to obey Therefore the Magistrate must aboue all things labour that he be not vnwoorthie of that person which he sustaineth But let vs heare ARAM discourse of this matter which is heere propounded vnto vs. ARAM. God being carefull of all things euen of the very least and comprehending in himselfe the beginning end and midst of them according to his good pleasure and making all in all by his onely spirite respecting the common good of this whole frame and preseruation of humane societie hath from time to time distributed to sundry persons distinct and different graces that in exercising diuers estats charges administrations offices handicrafts and occupations they might through mutuall succour and interchangable helpe preserue and maintain themselues This is that which we see in cities amongst ciuill companies which is asmuch to say as a multitude of men vnlike in qualities conditions as rich poore free bond noble vile skilfull ignorant artificers labourers some obeying others commanding and all communicating togither in one place their arts handicrafts occupations exercises to this end that they may liue the better and more commodiously They obey also the same Magistrates lawes and soueraigne councell which Plato calleth the Anchor head and soule of the citie which naturally tendeth to some order and rule of dominion as that which tooke beginning and increase from persons acquainted with a gouernment that resembleth the royall regiment as appeereth in euery well ordered familie and hath already beene touched of vs. The first soueraign gouernment was established either by the violence of the mightiest as Thucidides Caesar Plutarke and others write and the holy historie testifieth the same vnto vs and putteth this opinion out of doubt where it is sayd that Nimrod Chams nephewe was the first that brought men into subiection by force and violence establishing his principalitie in the kingdome of Assyria Or if any will beleeue Demosthenes Aristotle and Cicero the first soueraigntie was instituted vpon their will and good liking who for their owne commoditie rest securitie submitted themselues to such as excelled most in vertue in those times which they called heroicall Who knoweth not saith Cicero in his oration for Sestius that the nature of men was sometime such that not hauing natural equitie as yet written they wandred vp and downe being dispersed in the fields and had nothing but that which they could catch keep forceably by murders and wounds Wherefore some excelling in vertue and counsell knowing the docilitie vnderstāding of man gathered the dispersed togither into one place brought them from that rudenes wherein they were vnto iustice gentlenes Then they established those things that belonged to common profit which we call publike appointed assemblies afterward called cities walled about their buildings ioined togither which we cal townes hauing first found out both diuine and humane equitie At the same time the authoritie of Magistrats tooke place who were instituted by the consent of the people for that excellent heroicall vertue which they saw in those first Rectors and Ordainers of ciuill societie to whome was committed the iurisdiction of lawes or receiued customes and the disposition of written equitie to rule and gouerne their people thereafter But not to staye long about the diuersitie of those opiniōs which we haue heere alleadged for the establishment of the soueraigntie this is out of question that the foundation of euery common-wealth dependeth thereupon that it is the absolute perpetual power of the Common-wealth is not limited either in power or charge or for a certaine time This soueraigntie is in him or them that are chiefe of the Estate a little king is asmuch a soueraigne as the greatest Monarch of the earth For a great kingdome saith Cassiodorus is nothing else but a great Common-wealth vnder the keeping of one chief soueraigne But before we intreate more amply of his authoritie and office it behooueth vs to render a reason of the name of Magistrate which is heere giuen vnto him This word Magistrate hath beene taken of the Ancients in diuers significations and Plato maketh seuenteene sortes of them calling some necessary Magistrats others honourable Aristotle said that they ought chiefly to be called Magistrats that haue power to take counsell to iudge and to command but especially to command And this doth the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sufficiently declare as if he would say Commanders and the Latine word Magistratus being a word of commanding signifieth to maister and to exercise dominion Also the Dictator who had the greatest power to command was called of the Ancients Magister populi Therefore albeit the name of Magistrate hath been heeretofore and is yet giuen to all that haue publike and ordinarie charge in the Estate yet we will as it were abuse this name a little by transferring it to the Soueraigne of all of whome all Magistrats lawes and ordinances of the Common-wealth depend Now let vs see whether this vocation of the Magistrate be lawfull and approoued of God We
haue not onelye infinite testimonies in the Scripture that the estate of Magistrates is acceptable before God but which is more it is adorned with honourable titles that the dignitie therof might be singularly recommended vnto vs. When we see that all men placed in authoritie are called Gods we must not esteeme this title to be of smal importance seeing it appeereth therby that they are authorized by him and represent his maiestie in the ruling gouerning of vs. If the Scripture as that heauenly word saith called them Gods vnto whom the word of God was giuen what is that else but that they haue charge cōmission from God to serue him in their office as Moses Iosaphat said to their Iudges whom they appointed ouer euery citie of Iudah to exercise iustice not in the name of men but in the name of God By me saith the wisedome of God kings raigne and princes decree iustice By me princes rule and the nobles and all the iudges of the earth Moreouer we see that many holye men haue obtained kingdomes as Dauid Iosias Ezechias some gouernments and great estates vnder kings as Ioseph and Daniel others the guiding of a free people as Moses Iosua and the Iudges whose calling and estate was acceptable to God as he hath declared by his spirite Wherefore no man ought to doubt of this that ciuill superioritie is not onely a holie and lawfull calling before God but also the holiest and most honourable of all other whereunto all the people is subiect aswell by the establishment of the right of the estate as by the holie and heauenly ordinance of God And if the Magistrate be perswaded as it is certaine that many Estates haue had that foundation that the cause of his first institution and voluntarie subiection whereunto the people submitted themselues for their cōmon benefit was that excellencie of vertue which appeered in some aboue the rest ought he not to thinke himselfe vnwoorthy of so honourable a title if he want the cause of the beginning thereof But further if the Magistrate know that he is appointed the minister of Gods iustice vnto what great integritie prudence clemencie moderation and innocencie ought he to conforme frame himselfe With what confidence dare he suffer any iniquitie to haue entrance into his seate which he vnderstandeth to be the throne of the liuing God With what boldnes will he pronounce any vniust sentence out of his mouth which he knoweth is appointed to be an instrument of the truth of God With what conscience will he subscribe to or seale any euill statute with his hand which he knoweth is ordained to write the decrees of God To be short if the Magistrate call to mind that as God hath placed the Sunne and Moone in the heauens as a token of his diuinitie so is he also appointed in earth for the like representation and light will he not thinke that he is to imploy and bestow all his care and studie that he may represent vnto men in all his dooings as it were an image of the prouidence defence goodnes clemencie and iustice of God It is certaine that the Magistrate is the same thing in the Common-wealth which the hart is in the body of a liuing creature If the hart be sound and pure it giueth life vnto the whole body bicause it is the fountaine of the bloud and of the spirits but being corrupted it bringeth death and destruction to all the members So fareth it with the Magistrate who is the soule of the people their glasse and the white whereat all his subiects aime If he liue vnder right reason truth and Iustice which are the proper wil of God onely he is not vnlike to a line or rule which being first right it selfe afterward correcteth all other crooked things that are applied vnto it For nothing is more natural than that subiects should conforme them selues to the manners deedes and words of their prince The wise Hebrew Plato Cicero and Titus Liuius haue left this Maxime vnto posteritie as an infallible rule of Estate And Theodoricus king of the Gothes writing to the Senat of Rome goeth yet further vsing these words as Cassiodorus rehearseth them That the course of nature would sooner faile than the people would leaue off to be like their Princes But further as the hart in the bodies of liuing creatures is last corrupted insomuch that the last relicks of life seeme to abide therein so it is meete that if any disease corrupt the people the soueraigne Magistrate should continue pure and sound vnto the end from all that pollution If there be any euill in the soule it proceedeth from the wickednes of the body being subiect to peruerse affections and looke what good thing soeuer is in the body it sloweth from the soule as from the fountaine thereof Now as it would be against nature if the euils of the body should come from the soule the good gifts of the body should be corrupted by the vices of the spirite so would it be very absurd that corrupt manners euill lawes vice and vngodlines should proceede from the Magistrate vnto the people seeing as Plato saith he holdeth the same place in the Common-wealth that reason doth in the soule which guideth the other parts by wisedome And forasmuch as the whole Common-wealth representeth but one certaine bodye compounded of diuers members whereof the Magistrate is the Head and most excellent of all he must also vse such equitie that he profit euery one of them and beware that he be not contagious to the whole publike body through his euil example The people saith Seneca giue more credite to their eies than to their eares that is to say they beleeue that which they see sooner than that which they heare And to instruct the people by precepts is a long and difficult way but to teach them by examples is very short and of greater efficacie Therefore the Magistrate must be more carefull of that which he doth than of that which he speaketh And that which he prescribeth his subiects for a rule as it were by law must be confirmed of him by works and deedes For as he is chiefly bound to follow the lawes of God and nature so he must make all those lawes and statuts which he establisheth in his estate according to that paterne And therfore one of the Ancients said very wel that the prince togither with his subiects had one and the same God to serue one law to keepe and one death to feare We will then briefly comprehend the dutie of the Magistrate in these three things in ruling in teaching and in iudging his people which duties are so neerely knit and ioined togither that the one cannot be well exercised without the other and he that faithfully dischargeth one fulfilleth them all For this cause Plato saith that the arte and science of the King of the
ciuil estate gouernment which is the chief Magistrate let vs consider now of the second no lesse necessary therein which is the law whereby he is ioined and vnited to the rest of the publike body for the maintenance and preseruation thereof ACHITOB. The lawe is in the citie as the spirite is in the body For as the body without the spirite vndoubtedly perisheth in like maner euery citie Commonwealth that hath no law falleth into ruine and perdition Therefore Cicero calleth lawes the soules of Common-wealths ASER. As the soule guideth the body and indueth it with abilitie to work so the law is the direction maintenance of euery Estate By the lawe is the Magistrate obeied and the subiects kept in peace and quietnes But let vs heare AMANA handle this matter AMANA We see that naturally all liuing creatures whether earthie watry aërie or flying tame or wild seeke after the companies and assemblies of their kinds to liue with them as Sheepe by flocks Kine Oxen Harts and Hindes feeding by herds Horses Asses Mules by companies Choughs Stares Cranes other birds by flights Fishes both in fresh and salt waters following one another in sholes Bees dwelling in hiues Pigeons in doouehouses Ants in little hollow places No maruell therefore if men singularly adorned with an immortal soule with reason speech and by these prerogatiues more communicable than other creatures as borne to honour God to loue one another to liue togither in a ciuill policie with lawes Magistrats iudgements hauing proper to themselues onely the knowledge of good euill of honestie dishonestie of iustice iniustice knowing the beginnings causes of things their proceedings antecedents consequents their similitudes cōtrarieties no maruel I say if they liue more commodiously happily togither do that by right equity which other liuing creatures do only by a natural instinct seeing also they may be assured as Cicero saith that nothing here below is more acceptable to god the gouernor of all the world than the cōgregations assemblies of mē linked togither by right equity which we cal cities Now we are to note that all those which obey the same lawes Magistrats make iointly togither but one city which as Aristotle saith is euery cōpany assembled togither for some benefit If a city be assēbled in monarch-wise it is to be defēded against strāgers to liue peaceably among thēselues according to law if Aristocratically vnder certaine chiefe lords it is to be respected according to their riches nobility vertue if in a popular cōmunity it is to enioy liberty equality the better that the city is guided by policy the greater benefit they hope for therby Therefore as the Venetians make but one city liuing vnder an Aristocraticall gouernment the Bernians an other liuing vnder a Democraty whether they liue within or without the wals or far frō the chief towne so all the natural subiects of this Monarchy acknowledging one king for their soueraigne lord obeying his commandemēts the decrees of his coūcel represent one city political cōmunion cōpounded of many villages townes prouinces Prouostships Bailiweeks Senshalships gouernments Parliaments Barronies Counties Marquesies Dukedoms Cures Bishopriks Archbishopriks being in of it self sufficiently furnished with all necessary honest things for the leading of a good vertuous life obeying the statuts lawes ordinances established therin according to which the Magistrat ought to rule to gouern his subiects shewing therby that albeit he be not subiect to the law yet he wil as it becommeth him liue gouerne himselfe vnder the law Therfore the Magistrate is very wel called by some a liuing lawe the law a mute Magistrate Moreouer the marke of a soueraign Prince of which depēdeth whatsoeuer he doth by his imperial authority is the power to prescribe lawes vnto all in general to euery one in particular not to receiue any but of God who is the Iudge of Princes saith Marcus Aurelius as Princes are the iudges of their subiects yea it is God saith the wise mā that wil proceed with rigor against thē for the contēpt of his law So that they which say generally that princes are no more subiect to laws thā to their own couenāts if they except not the laws of god of nature those iust couenants and bargaines that are made with them they are iniurious to God And as for their power to abrogate such lawes by their absolute authoritie it is no more permitted vnto them than the other seeing the power of a soueraign is only ouer the ciuill or positiue lawes But that we may haue some certaine vnderstanding of the matter heere propounded vnto vs to intreate of we must first see what the lawe is into howe many kindes it is diuided whereunto it ought to tend the profite of it and howe we must obey it The lawe is a singular reason imprinted in nature commanding those things that are to be done and forbidding the contrary We haue both the lawe of nature and the lawe written The lawe of nature is a sence and feeling which euerie one hath in himselfe and in his conscience whereby he discerneth betweene good and euill asmuch as sufficeth to take from him the cloake of ignorance in that he is reprooued euen by his owne witnesse The written lawe is double diuine and ciuill The diuine lawe is diuided into three partes that is into Manners Ceremonies and Iudgements That of Manners was called of the ancient writers the Morall lawe beeing the true and eternall rule of Iustice appointed for all men in what countrie or tyme soeuer they liue if they will direct their life according to the will of God And as for the Ceremonies and Iudgements although they haue some relation to Maners yet bicause both of them might be altered and abolished without the corruption or diminution of good manners the Ancients did not comprehend those two parts vnder the word Morall but attributed this name particularly to the first part of the lawe of which the sincere integritie of Maners dependeth which neither may nor ought in any sort to be altered or changed and whereunto the end of all other lawes is to be referred in honouring God by a pure faith and by godlines and in being ioined vnto our neighbour by true loue The Ceremonial lawe was a Pedagogie of the Iewes that is to say a doctrine of infancie giuen to that people to exercise them vnder the obedience to God vntill the manifestation of those things which were then figured in shadowes The Iudiciall law giuen vnto them for policie taught them certaine rules of iustice and equitie wherby they might liue peaceably togither without hurting one another Now as the exercise of ceremonies appertained to the doctrine of pietie which is the first part of the Morall law
bicause it nourished the Iewish Church in the reuerence of God and yet was distinct from true pietie in like maner albeit their Iudiciall law tended to no other ende than to the preseruation of the selfe same charitie that is commanded in the Morall law yet it had a distinct propertie which was not expresly declared in the commandement of charitie As therefore the ceremonies were abrogated and true religion and pietie I meane Christian substituted in place of the Iudaicll law so the Iudiciarie lawes were cancelled abolished without violating in any sort the dutie of charitie So that all nations haue libertie to make for themselues such lawes as they shall thinke expedient for them called of vs ciuill lawes which must be squared according to the eternall rule of charitie and differing onely in forme they must all haue one end commanding alwaies honest vertuous things and contrariwise forbidding those that are dishonest and vitious Nowe of these ciuill lawes there are two chiefe kindes amongst vs The first consisteth in lawes that are ratified established vpon which euery Monarchie and publike gouernment is first grounded and hath his beginning which ought not in any wise to be infringed or changed such are those which we call the lawes of the French-men namely the Salicke law established by Pharamond who was the first that tooke vpon him the name of king ouer them Such lawes also are annexed and vnited to the crowne and therefore the Prince cannot so abrogate them but that his successor may disanull whatsoeuer he hath done in preiudice of them much lesse are subiects permitted to attempt any such matter Yea all those that go about it seeke nothing but to mooue sedition in the estate and to cause subiects to reuolt from their superiours As for the other ciuill lawes as constitutions ordinaunces edicts and customes which haue beene made and receiued according to the condition and circumstaunce of times and places they are in the power of the soueraigne Prince to change and to correct them as occasion shall serue And yet in the general and particular customes of this Realme none haue beene commonly chaunged but after the lawefull assemblie of the three generall Estates of France or else of the particular Estates of euery Prouince not as if the king were necessarily bound to stand to their aduice or might not do contrary to that which they demand if naturall reason and iustice stand with his will And then whatsoeuer it pleaseth him to like or dislike to command or forbid is held for a law an edict and decree and euery subiect is bound to obey it But to speake generally of the lawes of an Estate the changing and gain-saying of them is a very pernitious plague in euery Common-wealth This ancient rule and Maxime of wise Politicks is well woorth the marking That nothing is to be changed in the lawes of a Common-wealth which hath a long time preserued it selfe in good estate what apparant profite soeuer a man may pretend And for this cause in the popular gouernment of the Romanes vnder Publius Philo the Dictator that Athenian edict was receiued and past by force of lawe whereby it was not lawfull for any to present a request to the people without the aduice of the Senate But there was a farre more strict and seuere decree amongest the Locrians For it was to this effect as Demosthenes rehearseth it that euery Citizen that was desirous to bring in a newe lawe should come and declare it publikely before the people with a halter about his necke to the end that if his newe lawe was not thought meete to be receiued and very profitable for the Common-wealth he might presently be strangled as a woorthie reward for his rashnes In euery societie sayth Aristotle that is well instituted and ordained by lawes great care is to be taken that no part of the lawe although neuer so little be diminished or changed yea most heede is to be had of that which is done by little and little For if resistance be not then made it falleth out in the Common-wealth as in the diseased bodie of a man wherein the disease if speedie remedie be not vsed in the beginning thereof increaseth by little and little and that which might easily haue beene cured through negligence is made incurable Men neuer beginne sayed Paulus Aemilius the Romane Consul to alter and chang the estate of a Common-wealth by making their first entrance with some notorious resisting of the lawes And therefore we must thinke that the preseruation of the principall foundations of a politike Estate is left at randon when men neglect the care of keeping diligentlye the constitutions thereof howe light or of small importance soeuer they seeme to be For seeing the lawe is the sure foundation of euery ciuill societie if that fayle it must needes be that the whole politicall building will fall to ruine Therefore Bias the wise sayd that the Estate of that Common-wealth is happie wherein all the inhabitants feare the lawe as a seuere Tyrant For then whatsoeuer it requireth is vndoubtedly perfourmed After the lawe is once established and approoued saith Isidorus we must not iudge of it but iudge according vnto it That is the beste policie sayde Chilon one of the Sages of Graecia where the people hearken more to the lawes than to the Oratours This also was the cause that Pausanias the Lacedemonian made this aunswere to one who demaunded of him why it was not lawefull in their countrie to alter any of their auncient lawes The reason is quoth he bicause the lawes must bee Mistresses ouer men and not men Maysters ouer the lawes Moreouer the antiquitie and profite of lawes are so euident that it is needeles to make any long discourse thereof heere Moses was the first lawe-maker of the Hebrewes Mercurius Trismegistus of the Egyptians Phoroneus the Kinge of the Graecians Solon of the Athenians Lycurgus of the Lacedemonians Anacharsis of the Scythians Numa Pompilius of the Romanes Ten notable men were chosen by the Senate and people of Rome to translate and to expound the lawes of the twelue tables We haue already declared how Pharamond made ours The greatest and best part of the lawes of Germanie was established by Charles the great Emperour and king of France And so all regions haue had diuers lawmakers according to the condition and circumstance of time place and countrie True it is that before the publishing of the law of God there was no law-maker of whome we haue any knowledge and surely not so much as one word of a law is to be found in all the works of Homer or Orpheus or of any before Moses But Princes iudged and commanded all thinges by their soueraigne power which kind of gouernment being more tyrannicall than kingly could not be of any continuance or assurance bicause there was no bond to knit the great with
the small and so consequently no agreement Besides this is out of doubt that all the subiects of an Estate stand in neede of a law as of a light to guide them in the darkenes of humane actions especially it is necessarie for the terrifieng of the wicked who might pretend some true cause of their ignorance or some probable colour of their wickednes or at least some shew why they should escape the punishment which is not imprinted in our hartes as things forbidden by nature Neuertheles it is not the law that maketh a right gouernment but vpright iustice and the equal distribution therof which ought to be surer ingrauen in the mindes of good kings and princes than in tables of stone And it is to small purpose to multiply Edicts and Decrees if they be not seuerely obserued yea the first signe that a man may haue of the losse of an estate is when there appeereth an vnbrideled licence and a facilitie in dispensing with good statuts and when new decrees are daily consulted of And if the estate be already troubled the heaping vp of lawes vpon lawes is no lesse dangerous for it than a multitude of medicines in a weake stomacke whereas contrarywise new introductions and abuses are then especially to be taken away and things brought backe againe to their first and ancient forme Histories teach vs that when edicts and decrees were most of all multiplied then did tiranny gather greatest strength As it fell out vnder the tyrant Caligula who published decrees of al sorts both good and bad and those written in so small a letter that men could not read them to the end that he might thereby snare those that were ignoraunt His successour Claudius made twentie edicts in one day and yet tirannie was neuer so cruell nor men more wicked than at that time Therefore let the lawes and good ordinances of an estate be inuiolable straightly kept not subiect to dispensation not fauourable to great men but common and equall to all and then shall the bond of ciuill societie bee surely tied Now where as I said that all nations haue libertie to prescribe and frame ciuill lawes for themselues my meaning was not to approoue certaine barbarous beastly lawes receiued of some people as those lawes which alowed theeues a certain reward which permitted the company of men and women indifferently and innumerable others more dishonest which are not onely voyd of all iustice but euen of all humanitie But these two things must be kept inuiolably in all lawes namely The ordinance of the law the equitie of it vpon the reason wherof the ordinance is grouuded Equitie is alwayes one and the same to all people bicause it is naturall Therefore all the lawes in the world of what matter soeuer they are must meete in the same equitie Concerning the ordinance of the law bicause it is ioyned with circumstances no inconueniēce letteth but that it may de diuers among sundry nations prouided alwayes that they all tend a-like to the same marke of equitie Now seeyng the diuine law which we call morall is nothing else but a testimonie of the law of nature and of the conscience that is imprinted in all mens hartes no doubt but this equitie whereof we now speake is wholy declared and comprehended therein Therefore it is meete that this equitie onely should be the white rule and end of all lawes For as S. Augustine saith in his booke of the citie of God euery law that beareth not the image of the diuine lawe is a vaine censure And iustice is the end of euery law wel established which is the cause why S. Paul so greatly extolleth the vigor of the lawe calling it the bond of perfection Those lawes then which are squared out by this heauenly rule which tend to this ende and are limited out by this measure ought to be receiued and followed cheerfully albeit they differ from the Mosaicall law or otherwise one from another For many haue denied some amongst vs are yet of that opinion that no Common-wealth can be well iustly instituted and ordained if leauing the policie of Moses it be gouerned by the common lawes of other nations which is so absurd a thing and would be the cause of so great confusion in the policies of the world that there needeth no great store of arguments to prooue it vaine and friuolous Moreouer by that distinction of the law which we haue already set downe in our discourse it appeereth sufficiently that the opinion of these doters is grounded vpon a meere ignoraunce of the will of God The lawe of God forbiddeth stealing and diuers paines and punishments are appointed for the same in the policie of the Iewes according to the kind time and place of the theft The ancientest lawes of other nations punished theeues by causing thē to restore double that which they had stolne Those lawes which folowed made a distinction betweene open and secret theft others vsed banishment and some death The lawe of God forbiddeth false witnes-bearing which was punished amongst the Iewes with the same punishment that the partie falsely accused should haue incurred if he had been found guiltie In some other countries there was no punishment for it but publike ignominie and shame and in some also the gibbet Brieflie all the lawes in the world with one common consent how different soeuer they be tend to one and the same ende pronouncing sentence of condemnation against those crimes that are condemned by the eternall lawe of God onely they agree not in equalitie of punishment which is neither necessarie nor expedient There is some suche countrey that woulde speedily become desolate through murders and robberies if it did not exercise horrible grieuous punishments vpon the offenders in those crimes There falleth out some such time as requireth increase of punishments Some such natiō there is that standeth in need of some grieuous correction to be appointed for some special vice wherunto otherwise it would be more giuē than other nations He that should be offended at this diuersitie which is most meete to maintain the obseruation of the law of God would he not be thought to haue a malicious mind and to enuy publike benefite and quietnes For the conclusion of our present speech let vs learne that ciuil lawes and ordinances depend only of the soueraigne ruler that he may change them according to the occurrence and benefit of state affaires Let vs learn that all lawes must be referred to the infallible rule of the iustice and will of God and to the common profit of ciuil societie that he which commaundeth vs to obey magistrates not only for feare of punishment but also for conscience sake requireth of vs such obedience to their lawes and ordinances so that he is accursed that infringeth or contemneth them Therfore we must voluntarily submit our selues vnto them so that their
the law of God of nature Now forasmuch as when we intreated of the soueraigne magistrate we described him such a one as he ought to be answering truly to his title that is to say a father of the coūtrey which he gouerneth a sheepheard of his people the gardian of peace protector of iustice preseruer of innocencie that man might wel be iudged to be beside himself that would reprehend such a gouernment But bicause it commonly falleth out that most princes wander far out of the right way that some hauing no care to do their duty sleep in their delights pleasures others fixing their harts vpon coueto●snes set to sale all lawes priuiledges rights iudgemēts some spoil the poore people by ouercharging them with impostes exactions to furnish their prodigalitie vnmeasurable dissolutenes others exercise open robberies in sacking of houses violating of virgins maried women in murdring innocents or suffring such violence to be done vnder thē by the ministers baudes of their pleasures some also oppres the nobility euen the princes of their bloud to shew fauour to base persons and those strangers despising woorthy mē that are their natural subiects vassals I say considering these things it will be very hard yea altogither impossible to perswade a great many that such are to be acknowledged for princes and true superiors that we must of necessitie obey thē so far as we may without offending our consciēces confecrated to God onely For this affection is rooted in the harts of men to hate detest tirants no lesse than they loue reuerence iust kings So that whē amongst such lothsom vices so far estranged not only frō the duty of a magistrate but also from all humanity they see in their soueraign no forme of the image of God which ought to shine in him no shew of a minister giuen from aboue for the prayse of good men and execution of vengeance vpon the wicked they are easily driuen forward to hate to contemn him and finally to rebell against him But if we direct our sight to the word of God it will lead vs a great deale farther For it wil make vs obedient not onely to the rule of those princes which execute their office according to iustice but to them also that do nothing lesse than their dutie It telleth vs that whatsoeuer they are they haue their authoritie from God only the good as mirrors of his goodnes the bad as scourges of his wrath to punish the iniquitie of the people but both the one and the other authorized from him with the same dignitie and maiestie in regard of their subiects Therfore in respect of obedience and reuerence we owe as much to the vniust as to the iust prince Which thing bicause it is so hardly beleeued amongst mē lesse practised now than euer I wil insist a litle longer in the proofe of my saying by testimonies of the scripture than we haue vsed to do in our other discourses First I desire euery one diligently to consider and marke the prouidence of God that special working wherby he vseth to distribute kingdoms to establish such kings as he thinks good wherof mention is oftē made in the scripture As it is written in Daniel He changeth the times seasons he taketh away kings he setteth vp kings that liuing men may know that the most high hath power ouer the kingdom of men and giueth it to whomsoeuer he wil appointeth ouer it the most abiect among mē It is wel known what maner of king Nebuchadnezzer was euē he that took Ierusalē namely a great thief a robber Notwithstanding God affirmeth by the prophet Ezechiel That he gaue him the lād of Egypt for the reward of his work for the wages of his army wherwith he had serued him in spotling and sacking Tyrus And Daniel said vnto him O king thou art a king of kings for the god of heauē hath giuē thee a kingdom power strēgth glory Whē we heare that he was appointed king by god we must withal cal to mind the heauēly ordināce which cōmandeth vs to feat honor the king then we wil not doubt to yeeld to a wicked tyrant that honour which God hath thought him meet for Whē Samuel declared to the people of Israel what they should suffer of their kings not onely according to the rights and priuiledges of his maiestie but by tyrannical customs and fashions namely that they would take their sonnes and daughters to serue him their lands vines and gardens to giue them to their seruants contrary to the commandement of the law of God yet he inioined them all obedience leauing them no lawful occasion to resist their king I haue saith the Lord in Ieremy made the earth the man the beast that are vpon the ground by my great power by my out-stretched arme haue giuen it vnto whom it pleased me But now I haue giuen al these lands into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babel my seruant the beasts of the fields haue I also giuen him to serue him And all nations shal serue him and his sonne and his sonnes sonne vntil the very time of his land come also And the nation and kingdom which will not serue the same Nebuchadnezzar king of Babel that wil not put their necke vnder the yoke of the king of Babel the same nation wil I visite saith the Lord with the sword famine pestilence Wherfore serue the king of Babel and liue We know by these words with what great obedience God would haue this peruerse cruel tyrant to be honored only for this reason bicause he was lift vp by his hand vnto that roial maiestie Now if we are bound to beleeue as much of al the kings of the earth these foolish seditious thoughts should neuer come into our mindes that a king must be handled according as he deserueth that it standeth not with reason that we should accoūt our selues his subiects who for his part behaueth not himselfe towards vs as a king There is in the same prophet a cōmandemēt of god to his people to desire the prosperitie of Babylon wherin they were held captiues to pray for it bicause in the peace therof they should haue peace Behold how the Israelits were commanded to pray for his prosperity who had spoiled thē of their goods possessions caried thē into exile brought thē into miserable bōdage so far off is it that they were permitted to rebel against him Although Dauid already elected king by the wil of God anointed with holy oile was vniustly pursued of Saul yet he said The lord keep me from doing that thing to my master the lords anointed to lay my hand vpon him For who can lay his hand on the Lordes annointed and be guiltles As the Lord liueth either
the Lord shal smite him or his day shall come to die or he shall descend into battel and perish The Lord keepe me from laying my hand vpon the Lords annointed This word is directed to vs all it ought to teach vs not to sift out the life of our soueraign prince but to content our selues with this knowledge that by the wil of God he is established set in an estate that is ful of an inuiolable maiestie Moreouer we read in Iosephus that the holiest men that euer were among the Hebrewes called Essaei that is to say true practisers of the lawe of God maintained this that soueraigne princes whatsoeuer they were ought to be inuiolable to their subiectes as they that were sacred and sent of God Neither is there any thing more vsuall in all the holy scriptures than the prohibition to kill or to seeke the life or honour not onely of the prince but also of inferiour magistrates although saith the scripture they be wicked And it is said in Exodus Thou shalt not raile vpon the iudges neither speake euill of the ruler of thy people Now if he that doth so is guiltie of treason both against the diuine and humane maiestie what punishment is sufficient for him that seeketh after their life According to mens lawes not onely that subiect is guiltie of high treason that hath killed his soueraigne prince but he also that attempted it that gaue counsell that consented to it that thought it Yea he that was neuer preuented nor taken in the maner in this point of the soueraigne the law accounteth him as condemned alreadie and iudgeth him culpable of death that thought once in times past to haue seazed vpon the life of his prince notwithstanding any repentance that folowed And truly there was a gentleman of Normandie who confessed to a Franciscan frier that he once minded to haue killed king Francis the first but repented him of that euill thought The frier gaue him absolution but yet afterward told the king thereof who sent the gentleman to the parliament of Paris there to be tried where he was by common consent condemned to die and after executed Amongst the Macedonians there was a law that condemned to death fiue of their next kinsfolks that were conuicted of conspiracie against their prince We see then the straight obligation wherby we are bound vnto our princes both by diuine and humane right Wherfore if it so fall out that we are cruelly vexed by a prince voyd of humanitie or els polled and burthened with exactions by one that is couetous or prodigall or despised and ill defended by a carelesse prince yea afflicted for true pietie by a sacrilegious and vnbeleeuing soueraigne or otherwise most vniustly and cruelly intreated first let vs call to mind our offences committed against God which vndoubtedly he correcteth by such scourges Secondly let vs thinke thus with our selues that it belongeth not to vs to remedie such euils being permitted onely to call vpon God for helpe in whose hands are the harts of kings and alterations of kingdoms It is God who as Dauid saith sitteth among the gods that shal iudge them at whose onely looke all those kings and iudges of the earth shall fall and be confounded who haue not kissed his sonne Iesus Christ but haue decreed vniust lawes to oppresse the poore in iudgement and to scatter the lawfull right of the weake that they may praie vpon the widowes and poll the orphans Thus let all people learne that it is their duetie aboue all things to beware of contemning or violating the authoritie of their superiours which ought to be full of maiestie vnto them seeing it is confirmed by God with so many sentences and testimonies yea although it be in the hands of most vnwoorthy persons who by their wickednes make it odious as much as in them lieth and contemptible Moreouer they must learne that they must obey their lawes and ordinances and take nothing in hand that is against the priuiledges and marks of soueraigntie Then shall we be most happy if we consecrate our soules to God only and dedicate our bodies liues and goods to the seruice of our prince The ende of the fourteenth daies worke THE FIFTEENTH DAIES WORKE Of a Monarchie or a Regall power Chap. 57. ASER. WHen we began yesterday to intreat of the sundry kinds of estates and gouernments that haue been in force amongst men and of the excellencie or deformitie of them we reserued to a further consideration the monarchie or kingly power vnder which we liue in France This forme of regiment by the common consent of the woorthiest philosophers and most excellent men hath been always taken for the best happiest and most assured common-wealth of all others as that wherein all the lawes of nature guide vs whether we looke to this little world which hath but one bodie and ouer al the members one only head of which the wil motion and sense depend or whether we take this great world which hath but one soueraigne God whether we cast vp our eyes to heauen we shall see but one sunne or looke but vpon these sociable creatures belowe we see that they cannot abide the rule of many amongst them But I leaue to you my Companions the discourse of this matter AMANA Among all creatures both with and without life we alwais find one that hath the preheminence aboue the rest of his kind Among al reasonable creatures Man among beasts the Lion is taken for chiefe among birds the Eagle among graine wheate among drinks wine among spices baulme among all mettals gold among al the elements the fire By which natural demonstrations we may iudge that the kingly and monarchicall gouernment draweth neerest to nature of all others ARAM. The principalitie of one alone is more conformable and more significant to represent the diuine ineffable principalitie of God who alone ruleth al things than the power of many ouer a politicall body Notwithstanding there hath been many notable men that haue iudged a monarchie not to be the best forme of gouernment that may be among men But it is your duetie ACHITOB to handle vs this matter ACHITOB. This controuersie hath always been very great among those that haue intreated of the formes of policies and gouernments of estates namely whether it be more agreeable to nature and more profitable for mankind to liue vnder the rule of one alone than of many neither side wanting arguments to prooue their opinion Now although it be but a vaine occupation for priuate men who haue no authoritie to ordain publike matters to dispute which is the best estate of policie and a greater point of rashnesse to determine therof simply seeing the chiefest thing consisteth in circumstances yet to content curious mindes and to make them more willing to beare that yoke vnto which both diuine humane nature and equitie hath subiected them I purpose here to waigh
their strongest reasons that haue misliked a monarchy to the end that by contrary concluding arguments which maintaine defend it both they and we may be so much the more stirred vp to range our selues willingly vnder the happy lawful rule of our king considering the agreement participation which it hath with al the good policies that can be named as also the happines certain benefit that commeth to vs as well in respect of this our priuate life as of the cōmon prosperitie of the whole publike body vnto which we owe our selues First we wil note that a monarchie a kingdome or royall power signifie one and the same thing namely one kind of Common-wealth wherein the absolute soueraigntie consisteth in one onely Prince who may not be commanded by any but may command all If there be two Princes of equall power in one estate neither the one nor the other is soueraigne But a man may well say that both togither haue the soueraignty of the Estate which is comprehended vnder this word Oligarchye and is properly called a Duarchy which may continue so long as those two Princes agree otherwise it must needes be that the one will ouerthrow the other Therefore to auoid discord the Emperours diuided the Estate into two parts the one taking himselfe for Emperour of the East the other of the West and yet the edicts and ordinances were published by the common consent of both Princes to serue both their empires But as soone as they fell in debate both the Empires were in deede diuided both for power for lawes and for estate He therefore may be called a Monarch that of himselfe alone hath power to prescribe lawes to all in generall and to euery one in particular And vnder this power are comprehended all the other rights and marks of soueraigntie which the Lawyers call regall rights and handle them seuerally which neuertheles we may comprehend vnder eight soueraigne marks namely to make and to abrogate a lawe to proclaime warre or to make peace to take knowledge in the last appeale of the iudgments of all Magistrates to appoint or to disappoint the greatest officers to charge or to discharge the subiects of taxes and subsidies to grant tollerations and dispensations against the rigour of lawes to inhaunce or to pull downe the title value and constant rate of monie to cause subiects and liege people to sweare that they will be faithfull without exception to him vnto whome the oath is due Now to enter into that matter which we purposed especially to handle namely whether a Monarchie be more profitable than any other forme of estate many haue maintained that it is a dangerous thing to liue vnder the rule of one onely king or prince bicause it is a very hard matter to find one perfect in all points as euery King or Prince must of necessity be if he will deserue that name according to that which Cyrus Monarch of the Persians sayd That it belonged to none to command if he were not better than all those ouer whome he commanded Moreouer although it were possible to finde one of that perfection which is required yet were it a thing alwaies to be greatly feared that by reason of humane frailtie and of the great licence that kings haue to execute their wils he would change both condition and nature and of a King become a Tyrant of which there are infinite examples set downe in histories Yea it is certaine and granted by the greatest part of them that haue written of state matters that euery kind of Common-wealth that is established simply and alone by it selfe quickly degenerateth into the next vice if it be not moderated and held backe by the rest As a kingdome is soone changed into a tyrannie an Aristocraty into an Oligarchy and so of the other But this danger is greater in a Monarchy as they say that mislike it than vnder the rule of many bicause it is vnlikely that all of them should be wicked and if any one be so the good men may bridle him And so they conclude that it is not so dangerous a matter to liue vnder the gouernment of many as of one who may more easily corrupt his nature being a Monarch than many can doe that are elected in an Aristocraty as the Areopagiticall Lordes in Athens the Ephoryes in Lacedemonia and the Senate in Rome After the death of Cambyses Monarch of the Persians when the chiefe Lords of the kingdome had slaine that Magus who vnder the name of Smerdis had vsurped the rule of the Estate they deliberated of the affaires and helde a generall Councell wherein as Herodotus writeth many very woorthie and memorable speeches were vttered Otanes mooued this that the affaires might be gouerned in common by the Persians speaking vnto them in this manner I am not of opinion that one of vs from hence forward should be sole Monarch ouer all bicause it is neither pleasant nor good to haue it so For ye know to what insolencie Cambyses was growne ye haue also throughly seene the boldnes of the Magus and ye may thinke with your selues how perilous a thing it is to haue a Monarchy which may do what it list not being subiect to correction The best man in the world placed in this estate will soone be caried away with his woonted thoughts Insolencie possesseth him bicause of present prosperitie and hatred is soone bred in such a man Now hauing these two vices he aboundeth in all iniquitie and committeth great iniustice one while through insolency another while of hatred Although a Tyrant hauing abundance of all good things should be farre from enuy yet the contrary falleth out in him towards his subiects For he hateth good men that liue and prosper well he delighteth in the wicked and gladly heareth euill reports of other men And which becommeth him very il if you admire and praise him moderately he is angry that you do it not excessiuely yet if you doe so he will mislike it thinking that you flatter him Besides which is woorst of all he changeth the lawes and customs of the countrie forceth women killeth good men not taking knowledge of their cause Thus did this Persian Lord conclude that a Monarchy was to be left a Democraty to be chosen Megabyses one of his companions liked well the abolishing of a Monarchy but perswaded the Oligarchical gouernmēt saying that nothing was more ignorant or more insolent than an vnprofitable multitude Therefore it was in no wise tollerable that eschewing the insolencie of a Tyrant they should fall into the handes of an vnbrideled and disordered people Many others haue noted great dangers and discommodities in a Monarchy especially in the change of the Monarch whether it be from ill to good or from good to better For we commonly see at the changing of Princes new deuices newe lawes newe officers newe friends newe forme of
the constitutions of lawes aswell in the gathering of their duties and tributes as in their manner of life They vsed the seruice of Noble mens and of Princes children onely who were of the age of twentie yeeres and were instructed in all sciences The reason whereof was that the king being pricked forward with the sight of thē that were about him might beware how he committed any thing woorthie of reproch And truly there is nothing that corrupteth Princes so much as vitious seruants who seeke to please their sensuall desires and affections When the king arose in the morning he was bound first to take and receiue all the letters and requests that were brought vnto him that answering necessarie matters first all his affaires might be guided by order and reason Then he went to the Temple to offer sacrifice to the gods where the Prelate and chiefe Priest after the sacrifice and praiers were ended rehearsed with a loud voice in the presence of the people what vertues were in the king what reuerence and religion towardes the gods was in him and what clemencie and humanitie towards men Moreouer he told that he was continent iust noble-minded true liberall one that brideled his desires and punished malefactors with a more mild and light punishment than the greatnes of their sinne and offence required rewarding also his subiects with graces gifts that were greater than their deserts This done he exhorted the king to a happie life agreeable to the gods and likewise to good manners by following after honor and vertue and therewithall propounded vnto him certaine examples of the excellent deedes of ancient kings thereby to prouoke him the rather therunto These kings liued with simple meates as with veale birds for all dishes they kept very exactly all the lawes and ordinances of their countrie in euery point of their life which was no lesse directed euen in the least things than the simplest of their subiects And truly so long as the kings of Egypt were such zealous obseruers of their lawes and of iustice raigned peaceably among their subiects they brought many strang nations into their subiection gathered togither infinite riches whereby they adorned their countrie with great buildings and sumptuous works and decked their townes with many gifts and benefits The Barbarian kingdomes were the second kinde of Monarchy namely the ancient Monarchies of the Assyrians Medes and Persians whose Princes vsurped Lordlie rule ouer their goods and persons and gouerned their subiects as a father of a familie doth his slaues Which kind of gouernment sauoureth more of a tyrannie than of a kingdome besides it is directly against the law of nature which keepeth euery one in his libertie and in the possession of his owne goods Notwithstanding when by the law of Arms and of iust warre a Prince is made Lord ouer any people they properly belong to him that conquereth and they that are ouercome are made his slaues by the ancient consent of all nations and this maketh the difference betweene the Lord-like Monarchy and a tyrannic which abuseth free subiects as slaues Of this second kinde of Monarchy was the kingdome of Persia as Plato writeth vnder Cambyses Xerxes and other kings vntill the last Darius For vsurping more absolute authoritie to rule than was conuenient they began to contemne their Vassals and to account of them as of slaues and putting no more confidence in them they intertained into their seruice mercenarie souldiors and strangers whereby they made their owne subiects vnfit for warre and so in the end lost their estate when it seemed to haue attained to the top of worldlie prosperitie Such is the estate of the Turke at this day wherein he is sole Lord commanding ouer his subiects in rigorous manner aswell ouer the Musulmans as Christians and Iewes He vseth in his principall affaires which concerne peace and warre and matters of gouernment the seruice of runnagate slaues whom he placeth in authoritie changeth or deposeth as he thinks good without peril and enuie yea he strangleth them vpon the least suspition or dislike conceiued of them not sparing his owne children and others of his blood if they anger him So did Sultan Solyman deale with Hibrahim Bascha who was almost of equall authoritie with him insomuch that he was there called the Seignour king of the Ianitzaries the Bascha and king of the men of Armes Neuertheles in one night wherin he made him stay sup with him lie in his owne chamber he caused him to be slaine and his bodie to be cast into the sea The morrow after he seazed vpon his goods as confiscate and caried them away and yet no man euer knewe the cause of his death except it were this that he was growne too great and consequently suspected of his maister who was a Tyrant rather than a King Likewise he keepeth in his hands all the Lordships of his kingdome which he distributeth to men of warre who are charged to maintaine a certaine number of men of Armes and of horses according to the rate of their reuenew and when it pleaseth him he taketh them away againe Neither is there any man in all the countries vnder his obedience that possesseth Townes Castles and Villages or dwelleth in strong houses or that dare build higher than one storie or than a Dooue-house The great Knes or Duke of Moscouia exceedeth for seueritie and rigour of commanding all the Monarchs in the world hauing obtained such authoritie ouer his subiects both Ecclesiasticall and secular that he may dispose of their goods and liues at his pleasure so that none dare gainesay him in any thing They confesse publikely that the will of their prince is the will of God and that whatsoeuer he doth is done by the will of God The king of Ethiopia is also a Lordlike Monarch hauing as Paulus Iouius affirmeth 50. kings no lesse subiect vnto him than slaues And Frauncis Aluarez writeth that he hath seene the great Chancellour of that countrie scourged starke naked with other Lords as the very slaues of the prince wherein they thinke themselues greatly honoured The Emperour Charles the fift hauing brought vnder his obedience the kingdome of Peru made himselfe soueraigne Lord thereof in regard of goods which the subiects haue not but as they farme them or for terme of life at the most The third kind of Monarchy whereof the Ancients made mention was that of Lacedemonia wherein the king had not absolute power but in time of warre out of the countrie and a certaine preheminence ouer the sacrifices We made mention of their gouernment before The first kings in Rome were sacrificers also and afterward the emperors called themselues Pontifices that is chiefe bishops and those of Constantinople were consecrated as our kings of Frāce are In like maner the Caliphaes of the Sarasins were kings and chiefe bishops in their religion the
the Prince his hart all good order of his Estate dependeth and that his pietie is of great force to awaken his subiects in their dutie namely when they see him followe and cleaue to true religion without faining and dissimulation Therefore he must carefully prouide that false doctrines heresies blasphemies agaynst the name of GOD and his truth with other offences in matters of religion be not openly broached sowne amongst the people but that some publike forme of Christian religion may alwaies be seene in his kingdome which is the sure foundation of euery well established Monarchy But heerein that which I said before is diligently to be noted namely that the Prince through wisedome craued before at the hands of God must be well assured of his diuine iust and eternall will and according to that take order that true pietie may not be publikely violated and polluted by an vncorrected libertie Next we will briefly comprehend all those points which ancient men both Philosophers and Christians haue required in an absolute and perfect Prince in three principall duties and actions that is in ruling iudging and in defending He must rule by good lawes and by good example iudge by wisedome prouidence and iustice and defend by prowes care and vigilancie These duties that excellent greek Orator and Philosopher Isocrates seemeth to haue couertly contained in these words which he wrote to Nicocles the Prince This may prooue vnto thee that thou hast raigned well if thou seēst that the people which is subiect vnto thee encrease in modestie and wealth vnder thy gouernment For good lawes iustice and good example of life make subiects better and prudence ioined with fortitude and prowes richer Now that a good Prince I call him good and iust that imploieth all his power to be such a one being ready to spend his bloud and life for his people may attaine to these excellent qualities his loue and affection towards his subiects is very necessarie as that which is able to preserue the indissoluble bond of mutuall good will betweene them him which is one of the surest meanes to maintaine great Estates and Monarchies Next he is to begin the good ordering of his Estate at himselfe and reforme first of all all disorder in his owne life and maners correct those things that are most secrete in his court knowing that from thence forward he must liue as it were in an open Theater where he is seene on euery side so that his life will be a discipline and instruction of good or ill liuing vnto others Therefore let him striue to excell those whom he ruleth to surmount them as far in vertues as he surpasseth them in riches honor Amongst al those that followe him he must alwaies haue the wisest next his person cal others from al parts neere vnto him not refusing or contemning any man of skill reputation He must often heare them learne of them being a Iudge amongst such as are lesse skilfull striue to go beyōd the best learned through diligence and studye By which kind of exercises he shal knowe how to gouerne the estate of his kingdom vprightly cannot but do such things as are praise-woorthy And forasmuch as common tranquillity publike quietnes is one principal end of ciuil societie the first duty of a good king towards his subiects is to maintaine them in peace concord For it is vnpossible that a Common-wealth should flourish in religion iustice charitie integrity of life briefly in all things necessary for the preseruation therof if the subiects enjoy not an exceeding great assured peace Let the Prince then without intermission seeke after the safest meanes to keepe his kingdome in quietnes rest let him deliuer his subiects from calamitie let him be careful of al things which may be profitable commodious vnto them let him command them with mildnes teach them obedience by the vprightnes of his commandements Let him not suffer his people to be ouer insolent nor yet to be troden vnder foote and oppressed but let him take order that such as are most honest may be preferred to honors offices that the rest may not any way be wronged He must alter those ciuill lawes and customs of liuing which being ill established are preiudiciall to his subiects and ordaine all iust and profitable lawes agreeing with themselues and such as breeding but fewe suites among his people may briefly iudge and decide them according to right and equitie In this point a good Prince must vse great care and diligence that iustice may be well administred to the preseruation of euery mans right and to the punishment of the wicked This is that which the spirite of God so often commandeth namely to execute iudgement and righteousnes to deliuer the oppressed from the hands of the oppressor not to vexe the stranger the fatherles nor the widow to doe no violence nor shed innocent blood And these selfe same things must he cause to be obserued by them that are appointed to exercise iustice in his name Which bicause it was neglected by many kings they lost both life and kingdome as we read of Phillip king of Macedonia a very mild Prince and of an excellent nature who was neuertheles slaine by Pausanias bicause he delaied a long time to let him haue right and iustice concerning an iniurie which an other had offered him Demetrius also lost his kingdome bicause he could not abide to heare his subiects but especially for this matter One day when many supplications were presented vnto him he put them into the plaites of his cloake and passing ouer a bridge he threwe them all into the water and would not once vouchsafe to read them whereupon the people being filled with indignation rebelled against him On the other side a good Prince ought freely and at all howers of the day to heare the complaints of his subiects and to prouide thereafter as one that is truly zealous of iustice clemencie and goodnes which are rather diuine than humane qualities and most proper to him that will conforme himselfe asmuch as may be as it becommeth him to that heauenlye vertue which is alwaies iust and mercifull and as Plutarke saith ruleth all things without compulsion mollifieng the necessitie of obeying by admonition and perswasion of reason Nothing is more conuenient for a Soueraigne than gentlenes for a Prince than clemencie for a King than mercie and yet seueritie and rigour of iustice are no lesse necessarie ornaments for the discharge of his dutie and the good of his subiects Therfore in that which concerneth diuine and naturall right the punishment established for the transgression therof he must alwaies vse iustice and beware least his facilitie in granting fauor dispensations make him a promoter of euill which as Seneca saith if he leaue vnpunished is transferred vnto his posteritie But
are two sortes of negligence the one in those that call chuse or receiue into any great office such men as are vnwoorthie and care not for their charges or that suffer such persons to ascend to the chiefest places of Magistracie that are enimies to that forme of Common-wealth as if the chiefe men in Bearne shoulde chuse an Auoyer which office is contrarie to their manner of liuing or if the Venetians should chuse a Duke or the Cardinals a Pope that were not of their religion or if the King of Fraunce should create a Constable or Chancellour that liked not a Royall and Monarchicall Estate The other kinde of negligence which is much more common is in them that are called to a dignitie office or Magistracie and shewe them-selues retchles in that administration and exercise as we see that moste Bishops and Prelats neglect the dutie of their charges to imploie or bestowe their tyme in worldlie affaires for which cause they growe into misliking and contempt From hence haue proceeded great offences and maruellous troubles which may more easilye bee lamented than taken away or reformed being such abuses as haue taken deepe roote Moreouer the alteration of policie is bred by other meanes by little and little as when through dissimulation or otherwise men suffer some part albeit neuer so little of the lawe or politike Estate to be cut off Changes seldome fall out all at one time if they are not very violent but for the most part go on by litle and litle as the seasons of the yeere slide away softly from great heates to hard frosts and from the frost and cold of winter to the heate of sommer A lingring feuer afflicteth the patient so easily that he hardly perceiueth himselfe therin but if it be suffered to continue without redresse in due time it will turne to a hectick feuer and so consequently become incurable So fareth it with an Estate and Policie whose authoritie waxeth contemptible and is lost by little and little when men are negligent in preuenting the same in due time He that will consider the alteration happened in France within these thirtie yeeres shall find it to be very great aswell in regard of religion as of manners and lawes which neuertheles came by little and little and so continueth still greatly threatning a change of the estate Heere therefore I will distinguish betweene the chance of lawes customes religion place which is properly but an alteration and the change of an estate which is when the soueraigntie goeth from one into the power of another Dissimilitude also is the cause many times of sedition and of change in the Common-wealth which commeth to passe when the Inhabitants of a place are not of the same nation but many strangers are receiued into it who perceiuing them-selues to be the stronger part haue many times thrust the naturall Citizens out of their towne whereof Aristotle alleadgeth many examples that fell so out in the Grecian cities At Sienna at Genes at Zurick at Cullen the strangers being multiplied draue out the Lords of those places and slew most of them bicause they were ouer-charged with exactions euill entreated and excluded from bearing of offices They of Lindauia slew the Lords of the countrie and changed the Aristocraty into a popular Estate and so did the Inhabitants of Strausborough who hated the Nobilitie in such sort that they would not suffer any of them to enioy the great estates and publike charges vnles he prooued that his grandfather was one of the baser sort of the people These examples mooue naturall Inhabitants many times to ouer-runne strangers when they see the number of them waxe ouer-great amongst them One example heereof we may note in the citie of Geneua into which when many strangers aswell Frenchmen as others retired for religion the naturall Citizens could neuer brooke them although they were very profitable to the citie making it rich and populous whereas before it was poore and smally inhabited but conspired many times to driue them out as namely that conspiracie of one Perin in the yeere 1556. which began to be put in execution when Caluine ranne into the midst of their naked swords to appease the tumult as Beza writeth in his life The same feare mooued Pharaoh when he sawe the Hebrewes encrease ouer-fast amongst his subiects to decree that the Midwiues should from that time forward kill the male children at their birth Now in receiuing of strangers regard must be had to the number that it be not ouergreat and that their authoritie be not vnmeasurable For otherwise it is necessarie for trafficke sake and for many other publike commodities that some be receiued of others Many other kinds of dissimilitude are found in common-wealths as dissimilitude of linage betweene the Nobilitie and Common-people of offices betweene Iudges Treasurers Souldiors Priests of professions betweene Lawyers Phisitions Diuines and Philosophers of occupations betweene Bakers Butchers Shooemakers Painters Smithes Carpenters without which dissimilitudes no Common-wealth can consist Therefore they are not to be taken quite away but onely the disorder that groweth amongst them that so they may be reduced to a conuenient agreement like to that which is betweene the diuers parts that are in the constitution of the world of man We may also call a dissimilitude that difference which is of religions as of the Iewes Christians Mahomists Caphrans Armenians Grecians Latines Iacobites Ethiopians then betweene the Christians themselues as Catholiks Lutherans Zuinglians and Caluinists Many haue said and are yet of this opinion that the chiefe cause of ciuill warres in France proceedeth from this diuersitie of religion And to say truth there is nothing that carieth men away with such vehement passions as zeale of religion for which they fight more willingly thā for their liues goods wiues and children Through the diuersitie heereof they that are neerest of kinne loose their naturall loue they that are of the same country and language persecute one another as mortall enimies and sundry nations abhorre one another for the same These things are too well knowne amongst vs to require proofs thereof And truly in respect of sedition and tumult nothing is more dangerous than for subiects to be diuided in opinion whether it be in matters of estate or of lawes and customs or for religion For if they be of diuers opinions some labour for peace and seeke to make others agree vnto it who wil neuer agree amongst themselues And in truth it is a very hard matter to maintaine publike exercises of any religion whatsoeuer when it is contrary to the religion of the people or of the most of them who many times cannot be kept within compasse neither by lawes nor Magistrats vnlesse the force appointed to keepe them in bee very great For we saw that Thomas Emperour of Constantinople was cruelly slaine by the people amidst a great congregation in the Church bicause he
nothing doth cast forth more liuely marks and beames of a wonderful diuinitie than husbandry For most of other arts were inuented long time after man was created of God and augmented since by the industrie of many Onely husbandry gaue sufficient testimonie of it self of the incomprehensible power of God when presently after the creation of the elements there came out of the bowels of the earth all kinds of herbes and plants garnished with their proper vertues for the seruice commoditie of man Man himself also by a diuine and natural instinct hath been from the beginning more enclined and disposed to the tillage of the earth than to any other studie vocation whatsoeuer as we read of our first fathers who commonly called themselues Laborers of the earth and feeders of cattell Husbandry and the countrey life were so much commended esteemed of the auncients that many of them haue written sundry bookes therof in Greek Latin and many monarchs haue heretofore left their great palaces contemned their purple robes and diademes that they might giue themselues to the manuring of countrey cōmodities Cyrus was neuer better pleased and contented than whē he might be dressing of some goodly piece of ground and setting of a certaine number of trees checker-wise Dioclesian forsook the scepter of his empire that he might with-draw himselfe into the fields and trim with his owne hands trees graffs seuerall plots of ground and gardens Besides in husbandry and the countrey life profite aboundeth with pleasure and gaine with delight As for profite it is very euident For a good husbandman is alwais prouided of bread wine flesh fruit wood and other Aliments And concerning pleasure it is incredible to one that hath skill and will to consider of the maruels of nature besides a thousand delights with exercises as pleasaunt and profitable for his health as can be And that benefit which is most excellent and chiefest of all I meane tranquillitie of mind may more easily bee obtained by the Muses darlings and louers of knowledge in the midst of the open fields and pleasaunt sound of waters than amongst the noise of suites dissentions wherwith cities are replenished It belongeth to the dutie of labourers to liue in their simplicitie and to do their endeuor in tilling the fields For the performing hereof they stand in need of 3. things of skill to know the nature of the soile and the seasons of sowing and gathering of will to be diligent and carefull to continue in their countrey labour and lastly of abilitie to prouide oxen horses cattell other instruments of husbandrie By this discourse therefore we may see what things are most requisite and necessarie for the institution of a happy common-wealth and that no man is so industrious wittie or prudent that of himselfe without the helpe of another he can liue without societie and minister to himselfe all necessary things For this cause the fellowship of many togither was found out that by teaching iudging defending giuing taking changing seruing and communicating their works and exercises one with an other they might liue well and commodiously togither Which thing will vndoubtedly come to passe in euery Common-wealth when euery one walking in his vocation directeth his will and worke to the seruice of God his prince and countrey Of Peace and of Warre Chap. 67. ARAM. IVstinian the Emperor in the Preface of his Institutions saith That it is necessarie for the imperial maiesty to haue respect to two times namely of peace and of warre that it may be prouided against all euents either of the one or the other Lawes and good politike statutes are necessary for it in time of peace that the Prouinces may be quietly gouerned but in time of warre it must alwayes haue armour readie and couenient forces to helpe friends to resist enimies and to containe disobedient subiectes within compasse Nowe hauing hitherto intreated of that policie which chiefly respecteth the tyme of peace we must hereafter my companions referre to our discourses that small knowledge which we haue of warlike discipline And first I thinke we must oppose these times of peace and warre one agaynst the other and consider of their cleane contrary effectes that we may bee so much the more easily ledde and perswaded to desire and procure that which is best and most profitable for euery estate and monarchie Therefore I propounde vnto you this matter to discourse vpon ACHITOB. If it be possible as much as in you is saith the Apostle haue peace with all men and let the peace of God rule in your hartes to the which ye are called in one body For truely without peace all riches is but pouertie all mirth but mourning all life but death But no man can perfectly know the benefit of peace that hath had no triall of the burthen of warre ASER. If ye walke in my ordinaunces saith the eternall God I will send peace in the land but if ye will not obey me but despise mine ordinaunces I will send a sword vpon you that shall auenge the quarell of my couenaunt and ye shall be deliuered into the hand of the enimie Now let vs heare AMANA discourse vpon that which is here propounded vnto vs. AMANA Lycurgus entring into the gouernement of the Lacedemonians and finding their Estate greatly corrupted determined with himselfe to change their whole Policie For he thought that if he should onely make some particular lawes and ordinances it would doe no more good than a slender medicine would profit a corrupt bodie full of many diseases before order were taken for the purging resoluing and consuming of the euill humors that a new forme and rule of life might afterward be prescribed His enterprise although great and difficult yet fell out very well and his lawes were receiued approoued of the people after a little force and feare wherwith at first they were restrained But this law-maker referred all his lawes to warre and to victorie and kept his subiects in continuall exercise of Armes not suffering them to learne any other science or handi-craft vnto which he appointed the Ilotes onely who were men brought in subiection by the right of warre Whereby Lycurgus seemeth to haue beene of this mind that force ought to be mistres in all worldly matters and that other things serue to no purpose if they want Armes which by a certaine right of warre that shall alwaies continue amongst men bring in subiection to Conquerours the persons goods of those whome they ouercome It seemeth also he thought that there was neuer any true peace amongst men but onely in name and that all Princes and people liue in continuall distrust one of another and doe nothing else for the most part but watch how to surprize each other as Plutark elegantly setteth it out notwithstanding all leagues and goodly agreements that passe betweene them Numa Pompilius second king of
the Romanes cleane contrary to Lycurgus was so farre in loue with peace and referred all his lawes in such sort thereunto that during his raigne there was neither warre nor ciuil dissention nor any motion of noueltie in the gouernment of the Common-wealth Much lesse was there any enmitie or enuie conceiued against him particularly or conspiracie against his person through desire of ruling but all occasions of war being extinguished and remooued the Temple of Ianus was continually kept shut for the space of fortie yeeres which was a signe of peace amongest the Romanes For not onely at Rome the people were tractable through the example of the iustice clemencie goodnes of king Numa but also in the townes round about there was a maruellous alteration of manners insomuch that as the beames of a cleare Sunne are dispersed abroad so there was shedde in the hartes of men a secrete desire to liue in peace to labour the grounde to bring vppe their children quietly and to serue and honour their gods And Plutarke writeth in his life that in his time there was nothing but feastes plaies sacrifices and bankets throughout all Italy so that a man might say that the wisedome of Numa was a liuely fountaine of all goodnes and honestie out of which many riuers issued to water all Italy and that his peaceable prudence was communicated as it were from hande to hande vnto the whole worlde Nowe although these two men haue beene greatly praised and commended for sundrie rare vertues yet all men approoue not the extremities which they followed in this forme of gouernment For as he is pernitions that mooueth and continueth warre onely to subdue his neighbours to inlarge the borders of his countrie and to vsurpe other mens right which sauoureth more of brutishnes than of humanitie so a long peace bringeth with it many discommodities making men insolent commonly through too great prosperitie as also nice lauish and effeminate through abundance of wealth and idlenes Therefore Plato Aristotle and Polybius reprooue Lycurgus bicause he propounded onely the exercise of the vertue of warre to his Citizens which is the least of those foure that are necessarie for the establishment and preseruation of euery Empire saying that all his lawes were wel ordained to make men valiant but not iust temperat and prudent On the other side they that are too much affected to peace and quietnes weaken themselues by little and little before they be aware and by their example mollifie the courage of youth whereby they lie open to the iniuries of those that will inuade them and so loose their libertie not being able to defend their persons and goods But as the world is compounded of 4. elements by whose mixture it is so made that it is both seene and touched withall is preserued in such loue concord that it cannot be dissolued by any other thā by him that made it so euery publike Estate must be established by 4. vertues by whose harmony agreement it is preserued And as the fire the earth were first created to make the whol frame subiect to sight feeling and then the water the aire mingled with them that the dissimilitude of those extreames might be tempered according to proportion so fortitude and iustice are first required in the ordaining of Common-wealths bicause they cannot continue without law and strength and next prudence and temperance being ioined with them moderate the rigour and remisnes of both Againe as by these natures of which all things are made being dispersed aboue and beneath and on all sides the world is preserued and continued so that light things are kept from ascending through the waight of heauy things contrariwise heauy things held aloft that they fal not so by these 4. vertues dispersed amongst men a Common-wealth wel instituted guided by discipline is maintained And although by reason of the varietie and change of humane affaires it cannot continue so long so adorned as the worlde yet it will abide many yeeres Moreouer as the elements are bred one of another alter to fro going into returning continually from the first matter which receiueth them into it selfe for which cause they cannot be seene simple but mixed wherupon ariseth such a tēperature of al things that they wither not by drougth nor burne with heate neither are ouer-whelmed with too great moisture nor grow stiff with excessiue cold so these vertues whereby cities are instituted must be mingled one with another agree togither for their mutuall preseruation wisedome beeing President ouer them in which they are all contained For they cannot maintaine them-selues one without another nor keepe their vigor and dignitie Iustice without temperance is rigour fortitude separated from iustice is rashnes and crueltie and without prudence iustice is but craft and suttletie To conclude temperance without fortitude ought rather to be called cowardlines and nicenes whereby we see that they are so interlaced and depend in such sort one of another that they cannot be separated If it fal out otherwise that estate wherein such disorder taketh place must of necessitie be vtterly ouerthrowne or changed Out of these learned Philosophicall discourses we will draw a very good lesson namely that in euery Estate wel instituted for continuance this temperature of the foure vertues must necessarily be kept that men may be instructed howe to gouerne themselues well both in time of peace and of warre and obserue such a moderation therein that knowing how to deale in both times they may be ready and fit for warre when necessity vrgeth hauing this end before them to attaine to peace which must alwaies be preferred as rest is before trauell and good before euill as we shal easily vnderstand by considering their contrary effects It is certaine that Philosophie is best exercised in time of peace For when there is no trouble of war the spirite is quiet and fit for euery honest kind of rest so that arts and sciences go well forward lawes are in force iustice flourisheth vertue sheweth hir effects better vice languisheth the zeale of pietie encreaseth the discipline of the Church is authorised both the noble and meane man preserueth and augmenteth his wealth trade and trafficke is free briefly euery one receiueth good commoditie and so consequently the whole bodie of the Common-wealth But if we looke to those effects which the time of warre commonly bringeth foorth the desire of hauing is awakened couetousnes encreaseth iustice falleth to the ground force and violence beareth sway spoiling raigneth riot is set at libertie wicked men are in authoritie good men oppressed innocencie troden vnder foote maidens and wiues defloured countries wasted houses burnt Churches destroied tombs broken downe goods spoiled murders committed all vertue banished from among men vice honoured the lawes contemned and broken the seruice of God forsaken the estate of the Church derided the nobilitie and people burdened
commoditie thereof A notable law for the common instruction of children Of Gymnastick or bodilie exercise The end of Musicke The vse of painning Fower things to be vsed in the institution of youth Instruction which consisteth in six precepts 1. The first precept The first thing that youth must learne is to worship God We can do nothing without the grace of God 2. The second precept Youth must not glorie in transitoric goods Nor in bodilie beautie The fruits of true knowledge and vertue 3. The third precept The common diseases of youth Modestie is the best remedie for them 4 The fourth precept hath fower branches 5. The fift precept 6 The sixt precept Of admonition Of promises Youth is to be drawne on with the promises of eternall life Of praises and threatnings Hope and feare are the foundation of vertue Adolescencie is the age betweene 14. 28 Place and time are to be considered in all things All kind of behauior not conuenient in all ages Of the diuision of the ages of man The number of seuen accounted a perfect number Of the climactericall yeere of 63. The whole age of man diuided into six parts Of Infaucie Of Childhood * He meaneth not common naturall infirmities but malitious offences Two things requisite in a Schoolemaister skill and bonestie of life The benefit that commeth by good Schoolemaisters A strang custom vsed by the children of Rome The reason o● this word Iuuentus Of adolescencie The fruits of adolescencie being left to it self Aurelius exhortation to his sonnes gouernours Concupiscence raigneth most in Adolescencie Who are to be accounted free Knowledge and iudgement are the gard of adolescencie Catoes sonne banished for breaking an earthen pot And Cinnaes sonne for gathering fruite without leaue How the Romanes taught their yoong men to forsake the follies of their first age The dutie of yoong men A moderate youth maketh a happie old age Examples of vertuous young men Alexander a paterne of vertue in his youth Bucephalus Alexanders horse Pompey Papyrius Of 〈◊〉 ma●s estate The dutie of a man at the perfection of his age Clitomachus M. Aurelius Solon learned to the hower of his death Socrates learned musick being old T. Varro and M. Cato learned Greeke when they were old Iulianus Alphonsus Of old-age Psal 90. 10. Prudence is the ornament of old age What Senate is and frō whence it came What vse is to be made of a white beard Epaminondas salutation vsed to men according to their ages Cato What breedeth authoritie in a man Sophocles To whom old age is not grieuous The soule is not subiect to mans iurisdiction Gal. 3. 18. Col. 3. 11. Gal. 5. 1. 13. Rom. 13. 1. 2. All power is of God The beginning and preseruation of policies is from God Of commanding and obeying Policie is the bond of all societie There is shew of commanding and obeying in all things As in harmonie The superior part of the world ruleth the inferior The Sunne is king and the Moone Queene among the starres The Moone ruleth ouer all moistures The Fire and Aire chiefe among the elements The Eagle Lion whale and pike ouer their kinds No people without all policie Diuine iustice humane policie always linked togither Religion is the foundation of all estates The auncie●● law makers established then ordinance through the means of religion Religion the greatest means of inlarging the Roman empire What Policie is and from whence the word is deriued The diuers significations of this word Policy Of the end of policie Ciuil ordinance ought to maintaine the worship of God Euery estate cōsisteth of 3. parts of the magistrate the law and the people When common-wealths are right and when corrupt The good or euil estate of cōmon wealths dependeth of the magistrates next vnder God The diuision of common-welths in generall The subdiuision of them Of a monarchie Of a tirannie Of an Aristocratie and what it signifieth The Lacedemonian estate was an excellent paterne of this gouernment Why the Senate of Lacedemonia was first instituted What power the kings of Lademonia had The policie of Polydorus and Theopompus to get the power out of the peoples hands Why the Ephories were appointed in Lacedemoni● Of an Oligarch● How an Oligarchie is changed into a tirannie with examples thereof Of a Timocraty * His meaning is that it is ruled by some lawes taken from ccb of these Of a Democratie Fiue kinds therof according to Aristotle in his 4. booke of Politi ca. 4. Athens a Democratical estate Of a mixt kinde of common-wealth Examples hereof The perfectest distinction of common-wealths There is difference between the estate and the gouernment of a common-wealth Examples of the popular estate Of the Aristocraticall Of the Monarchicall What right is The foundation of euery estate is the soueraigntie therof Euery estate cōsisteth of 3. parts The magistrate is the image of God The wisest must rule Why God distributeth his gifts diuersly to diuers men A well gouerned familie resembleth the kingly regiment Gen. 10. 10. Of the originall of kingdoms Cicero his opinion therein What soueraigntie is A little king asmuch a Soueraigne as the greatest Monarch Of the name of Magistrate The Dictator of Rome was called Magister populi The calling of Magistrates prooued to be lawfull Psal 82. 6. Iohn 10 35. 2. Chron. 19. 6. Prou. 8. 15. 16. The calling of the Magistrate is most holie He is the minister of Gods iustice Good counsell for Magistrats The Magistrate compared to the hart of a liuing creature And to a Carpenters rule The Magistrate is in the Common wealth that which reason is in the soule The example of the Magistrate is the best way to teach the people Whereunto the Prince is bound aswell as his subiect The dutie of the Magistrate consisteth in three things The art Royall Philosophicall and Politicall is all one Who is most woorthie of soueraigne authoritie Why there are so few vertuous Princes Wherin the dutie of the chiefe Magistrate consisteth Why the sword is put into the Magistrates hand Ier. 22. 3. What is meant by this precept Do Iudgement and Iustice Prou. 16. 12. 20. 8. 26. Prou. 25. 4. 5. He that suffreth euill is culpable aswell as he that committeth it Seueritie and clemencie are to be linked togither in a Magistrate Ciuilitie and grauitie must be ioined both togither in a Magistrate The dutie of the Magistrate Al motions contained vnder one and all causes vnder the first The law is the blood and bond of the Common-wealth The law is the spirite and soule of the common-wealth All creatures are sociable by nature The prerogatiues of men aboue other creatures What a citie is The diuers ends of the three good Common-wealths A king must line vnder a law albeit he be not subiect to the lawe The marke of a soueraigne Wisd 6. 3. How far Princes are subiect to lawes Wherein the absolute power of Princes consisteth The definition of the law The diuision
of it What the law of nature is The diuision of the written law The diuision of the law of God Of the Morall law Of the Ceremoniall law Of the Iudiciall law Of ciuill or positiue lawes The diuision of ciuill lawes What ciuill lawes may not be changed The Salick law immutable What ciuill lawes may be changed A Prince may deny the request of his three Estates hauing reason and iustice on his side The change of lawes in a well setled Estate is dangerous A seuere decree of the Locrians against such as would bring in new lawes Mischiefs in a commonwealth must be resisted in the beginning The law is the foundation of ciuill societies Bias. We must not iudge of the law but according to the law Why the Lacedemonian lawes might not be changed The ancient law-makers No law before the law of God The necessitie and profit of a law The vpright and equall distribution of the law maketh a good gouernment To dispence with good statuts and daily to make new is a token of the decay of a common-wealth Examples therof in Caligula in Claudius How lawes may be kept inuiolable Two things required in the keeping of euery law Equitie is alwayes one and the same to all people The equitie of the morall law ought to be the end and rule of all other lawes Their opinion confuted who would tie all nations to the policie of Moses Theft punished diuersly in diuers nations How false witnes was punished among the Iewes Ciuil ordinances depend only of the soueraign ruler The end wherunto all lawes are to be referred The magistrate is the head the law the soule and the people the body of the common-welth The Nowne and Verbe are no parts of Logike but of Grammer The definition of a citizen in a popular state Other definitions of a citizen A general definition of a citizen Of the state of Venice Of the ancient estate in Rome Who are truly citizens The diuision of the whole people into three orders or estates The diuision of citizens in Venice and Florence In Egypt and among the ancient Gaules These gardes were the Senate and councell for state affaires consisting of 400. Burgesses Of the agreement that is to be kept between the estates of a common-wealth One cause of the ●●serie of France at this present The office and dutie of subiects The soueraign magistrate compared to the Sunne Against them that thinke the magistrate to be a necessarie euil Prou. 24. 21. What is ment by honouring the King Rom. 13. 5. Subiects must obey their prince for the feare of God Of the seruice due to the prince Rom. 13. 1. 2. Tit. 3. 1. 1. Pet. 2. 13. 14. 1. Tim. 2. 1. 2. Priuate men must not busie themselues in publike affairs The counsailors of a prince are his eies eares and his officers are his hands Two kinds of publike power The difference between the prince the magistrate and the priuate man How farre subiects are bound to obey their prince and his lawes The titles of a good magistrate The behauiour of euil princes Tirants are naturally hated We must obey and reuerence vniust princes a well as iust Dan. 1. 21. 4. 14. Nebuchadnezzer Eze. 29. 18. 19. Dan. 2. 37. 1. Sam. 3. Iere. 27. 5. c. A tyrant called the seruant of God Ier. 29. 7. 1. Sam. 24. 7. 26. 9. 10. Dauid would not lay viosent hands vpon Sauls person These Essaei or Esseni were a superstitious sect among the Iewes that pretended to lead a most perfect kind of life Exod. 22. 28. A gentleman iudged to die bicause he once thought to haue killed his prince A s●u●r● law against treason How we must behaue our selues vnder a tyrant Psal 82. 1. 2. 12. Esay 10. 1. The lawes of nature lead vs to a monarchie In euery kind of thing one excelleth A monarchie most significantly representeth the diuine regiment What a Monarchie or kingly power is Of a Duarchy that is of the rule of two The diuision of the Empire 8. Marks of soueraigntie Their reasons who mislike a Monarchie What excellencie is required in him that ruleth others The Persian Councell held for the establishing of their Estate Otanes oration The effects of a Tyrant Megabyses oration for an Aristocraty The dangers of a Monarchy A child Prince is a token of Gods wrath Darius oration for a Monarchy Against an Oligarchy A Monarchy concluded vpon in the Councell of the Persians of Romulus and of Augustus The commodities of a Monarchy Italy a praie to all h●r neighbours and ●●y Of the antiquitie of a kingdome Ninus was the first that extended the limits of his kingdom What Estates were ruled Mona●chically The Dukedome of Venice is electiue What this word Emperour importeth Vpon what occasion the name of Emperour was first giuen to a Monarch The reasons alleadged against a Monarchie answered One iust Princ better than many good Lords and many Tyrants woorse than one Monarchies haue continu longest The opinion of many Politicks touching a mixt estate of a Common wealth The Lacedemonian estate mingled The Carthaginian Common-wealth was mixt The Romane estate mingled The estate of Venice compounded What agreemēt the French Monarchy hath with euery good policie Why men are diueisly affected vnto diuers formes of gouernments The praise of the French nation for their loue to a Monarchy The difference betweene the rule of a king and of a tyrant Fiue kinds of Monarchies How the first Monarchy came vp Gen. 10. 8. of the raigne of Nimrod Nimrod was the first king that warred vpon his neighbours Of the happie raigne of the king of Egypt They vsed the seruice onely of Noble mens children ●nd they wel learned The Priests of Egypt vsed to praise their Princes in the Temple before the people The diet of the ancient kings of Egypt Of the second kind of Monarchy The difference betweene a Lord-like Monarchy and a tyranny Marks of a tyrannicall gouernment Of the estate of the Turke The death of Hibrahim Bascha The Turke disposeth of all Lordships at his pleasure Of the Estate of Moscouia Of the king of Ethiopia The king of Ethiopia whipped his Lords like slaues Of the kingdom of Peru. Of the third kind of Monarchy What kings took vpon them soueraigntie in religion Of the 4. kind of monarchie which is electiue The dangerous state of an electiue kingdom when the prince is dead Examples therof in the kingdoms of Thu●es of Eg●pt The great disorder in Rome vp●n the death of the Pope In the empire of Germanie In the Popedome All electiue princes are either taken indefinitely or out of certaine estates The Souldans of Cayre chosen out of the Mammelucks The great mastership of Malta electiue and that also of Prussia Of the fift kind of Monarchie which is hereditarie The Salick law excludeth daughters and their sonnes Kingdoms left by will Of the happy gouernment of the estate of France The Chancellor of France must approoue all
in the end the earle of Richmond ouercame king Richard enioyed the kingdom quietly and was called Henry the seuenth hauing married Elizabeth daughter to Edward the fourth both of them beyng the sole heires of the families of Lancaster and Yorke By means of this mariage the dissention ceased in England and the red and white Roses were ioyned togither in one armes There was no Countrey more afflicted than Spayne both by ciuill warres and by Neighbour-states when it was diuided into many kingdomes The Moores ouer-ranne it on the one side the French and Englishmen deuoured it on the other taking part at the first with the dissentions that were in Castile between Don Peter and Don Henry next with the contentions that arose betwixt Castile and Portingale which caused much euil to both the kingdomes But since that Spaine hath been vnited it hath extended hir dominion into Afrike and into the New found Ilands borne armes in Germany and in Hungary commanded ouer the chief Ilands of the Mediterranean sea ouer Naples and Sicilia ouer Millan and Flanders Contrarywise Italy hauing in former times hir forces knit togither obtained the Empire of the world but being now diuided into many Seignories and Potentates that agree badly togither and hauing suffred all the calamities in the world by ciuil warres lieth open to the iniuries of strangers Through the same cause the power of Germany is greatly diminished wherin not long since the princes of Saxonie were banded one agaynst an other Iohn Fredericke Phillip Lantgraue of Hesse the Duke of Wittemburg with many free cities rebelled against the Emperour the peasauntes rose against the Nobilitie to set themselues at libertie the Anabaptists possessed Munster made a botcher their king and held out the siege for the space of two yeeres Hungaria which had valiauntly resisted the Turkes almost two hundreth yeeres togither was at length subdued by them through the diuisions that were in the countrey as Polonia is greatly threatned by the Moscouite In Persia after the death of king lacob his two sonnes stroue for the gouernement of the countrey but the Sophie Ismael commyng in the meane tyme vpon them with his new religion slew one of them in battell and compelled the other to flie into Arabia and so possessed the kingdome which he left to his children Phillip the eleuenth Duke of Burgundie easilie subdued Dinan and Bouines in the countrey of Liege which were separated onely by a riuer after they had ouerthrowen themselues by their dissentions whereas before he could not obtaine his purpose And whilest the kings of Marrocke warred one with another for the estate the Gouernour of Thunis and of Telensin made himselfe king renting a sunder his two prouinces from the rest to erect a kingdome Concernyng Frenchmen they haue beene often and many times molested with seditions and ciuill warres as well as others The nobilitie of Fraunce was almost all slayne at the battell of Fountenay neere to Auxerre by the ciuill warres betweene Lotharius Lewes and Charles the balde And Champagnie lost so many of the nobilitie in warre that the Gentlewomen had this speciall priuiledge graunted them to make their husbandes noble When king Iohn was prisoner in England Charles his sonne Regent of Fraunce beyng at Paris to gather money for his raunsome there fell such a diuision betweene the king of Nauarre who tooke part with the Parisians and the Regent that the people vnder the guiding of Marcel Prouost of the merchauntes ranne to Charles his lodgyng where the Marshalles of Cleremount and Champagnie were slayne euen in his chaumber and presence and their bodies drawen ouer the marble stones The like was done to Reignold Dacy the kings Attorney besides many other murders so that the Regent had much ado to saue himselfe without Paris But the forest factions that euer were in Fraunce were those of Burgundie and of Orleans which caused a most grieuous cruel ciuill war that lasted 70. yeeres with murders robberies and vnspeakable cruelties Both of them one after another called in the Englishmen to succor them who afterward seazed vpon the crowne It was a pitifull thing to see France cruelly tormented both by hir owne subiects by strangers to see it void of right equitie without magistrates without iudgements without lawes which had no abiding place amongst fire and force where violence onely raigned All this was procured by the ambition of these two houses each of them seeking to obtaine the gouernment of the kingdom vnder Charles the sixt whose wittes fayled him By the means of these diuisions Henry the fift king of England taking to wife Katherine the youngest daughter of king Charles was put in possession of Paris by the duke of Burgundie and proclaimed heire and Regent of Fraunce by the consent of three estates held at Troy But the death of this Henry and the duke of Burgundie forsaking the alliance of the Englishmen with the valure and good behauiour of king Charles the 7. as also the loue and fidelitie of the Frenchmen restored the kingdom to that estate wherin it is at this present Now if France hath heretofore suffred so much by ciuill warres and domesticall seditions if all forraine estates haue receiued so many sundry alterations and incredible wounds by the same means how can we looke for lesse nay rather haue we not already seene the like or greater calamities amongst vs through our dissentiōs priuate quarels between certain houses contending one with another being chiefly mooued with ambition and desire to gouerne Why doe we not acknowledge this first cause of our miseries that we may lay aside all hatred crept in amongst vs vnder pretence of diuersitie of religion that we may reunite our mindes so much diuided to the good and common quietnes of vs all and liue vnder the obedience of our Prince with that fidelitie for which Frenchmen haue been alwais praised aboue other nations Do not so many examples both of auncient and later times make vs see thus much that if we redresse not this contention this goodly and florishing kingdom which heretofore hath growen great by the concord and obedience of our auncestors is readie to fal into vtter ruine and subuersion through our factions diuisions and part-takings Shall this little that remaineth of the French monarchie which in former times hath had all the empire of Germany the kingdoms of Hungarie Spaine and Italy and all the bounds of the Gaules to the riuer of Rhine vnder the obedience of hir lawes shall it I say be thus laid open as a praie and that by hir owne subiectes caried headlong with such passions that they make the way plaine and readie for strangers to bring them vnder their miserable bondage Shall it be said among our posteritie that our selues haue encouraged them to vnder-take that which not long since Spaine Italy England the Lowe countreys the Pope the Venitians being
all ioyned togither against the house of Fraunce durst not take in hand after the taking of Frauncis the first and the losse of that famous battell Not one of them durst enter into Fraunce to conquere it knowing the lawes and nature of this Monarchie For as a building layd vpon deepe foundations and made of lasting stuffe well knit and ioyned togither in euery part feareth neither windes nor stormes but easily resisteth all assaults and violence so this kingdom will not easily admit any alteration and change as long as all the members continue vnited and ioyned togither vpon the foundation of their lawes Therefore let the king princes their councell great and small euery one in his place take order that God may be truly knowen and sincerely serued according to his iust and righteous will that honest behauiour may be maintained the authoritie of lawes kept iustice administred magistracie duely exercised rewards and punishments distributed equally that vertuous men may be honored and the wicked corrected Otherwise if we cōtinue long diuided into companies with defiances passing repassing if we persist in our wonted inuectiues and riots referre not all our actions to some good ende let vs not looke for lesse than for a generall desolation and pitifull ouerthrow of our countrey appeering already in many places thereof or at least for some horrible mutation and change of the estate Of the causes that breed the change corruption and finall ruine of Monarchies and Policies Chap. 64. AMANA AS long as the Physition knoweth not the cause of his Patients disease it is impossible for him to remedy the same to prescribe a medicine to the sicke partie A disease knowen saith the Prouerbe is in a maner cured So fareth it with Estates and Monarchies that are changed marred and in the end brought to ruine by diuers causes which if they were wel knowen to their princes and gouernors might easily be preuented by prudence and reason and fit remedies then applied to those euils that dispose lead thē to mutation when the natural corruptiō that is in them as euery thing hath his proper inward corruption of which it is eaten and consumed beginneth to spread it selfe to the best parts to marre all Go to then my companions hauing seen the nature of seditions let vs seek out the causes that stirre them vp whereby Estates and Monarchies are changed marred and in the end ouerthrowen ARAM. The diuision that is between subiects of one and the same prince ariseth for the most part of discontentment where-with some are mooued vpon iniurie or contempt or else of feare that men haue of the light or to auoyd some euil or of great idlenesse pouertie and neede ACHITOB. There are as I take it two causes intermingled which breede this franticke Feauer of our Fraunce the one proceeding from the Estate the other from religion But let vs heare ASER to whome the handling of this subiect offered nowe vnto vs belongeth ASER. There is no beginning of any thing whatsoeuer so small which through continuance perseuerance is not soone made great and strong if vpon slight account thereof it be not stayed Euery euill as Cicero saith in the first sproute thereof may be easily stopped but being inueterate is more strong and vneasie to be suppressed So that if it be mette withall before it appeare and breake foorth the danger is lesse although it proceed first from the necessitie of naturall corruption which is in all things that are created and is to be seene euen in things without sense as Mil-dew in wheate rottennesse in wood rust in brasse and iron yea euery thing is corrupted by it own euill howsoeuer it escapeth all outward harmes Therefore as a good Phisition preuenteth diseases and if one part be suddenly touched with raging payne asswageth the present euill and then applieth remedies to the causes of the disease so a wise prince or gouernor of a Common-wealth ought to preuent as much as is possible the ordinarie changes of all estates which ouer-take them either by outward force or by inward diseases When they beginne he must stay them whatsoeuer it cost him and then looke what the causes are of those diseases that are farthest from effect and apply conuenient and apt remedies vnto them Now it is certaine that if a man would throughly meet with all hurtfull things or otherwise cure any such euill when it happeneth hee must know their causes whereof the effect dependeth which is the very entraunce to all good helpes and remedies what so-euer Fore-seene mischiefes as the Poet saith hurt not so much as those that come vnlooked for A wise man premeditateth all that may happen but it falleth out contrary to fooles And if we haue neuer so small an in-sight into the condition and state of worldly thinges wee can not in any wise doubt of this that euery Common-wealth after it is come to the toppe of persection which is the flourishing estate thereof hath but a short tyme of continuance whether hir ouerthrowe proceedeth from the violence of hir enimies when shee thinkes hir selfe safest or whether she waxe olde through long tract of tyme and so ende by hir inward diseases or whether she sodainly decay and fall downe with hir owne waight by reason of some other hidden cause Which chaunges of Common-wealths beyng matter sufficient to make a great booke we are according to the sequele of our discourse to consider chiefly of the causes that for the most part stirre vp sedition and breed the alteration and finall ouerthrowe of Estates and Monarchies The Philosophers propound foure causes of euery thing the efficient the materiall the formall and the finall cause The efficient cause of seditions is double the one neere the other remooued a farre off The neere or next cause are the authors of seditions by whose counsell direction and helpe they are stirred vp and brought to passe By the cause remooued a far off I meane those things for which men are prouoked to raise seditions and of which we are chiefly to intreat in this place They are the matter of seditions against whome they are raised as princes and magistrates who are superiours and sometime their subiectes beyng inferiours The forme of sedition is the stirring vp of the people noyse out-cries batteries murders ciuill warre the taking of townes spoyling of countreys burning and banishment If it bee of subiectes towardes their lordes and superiours it is called rebellion if betweene subiectes or equals it is called a faction The ende of seditions is that for which they are first mooued and stirred vp Aristotle setteth down foure ends of seditions namely profit honor with their contraries losse dishonor For men are commonly mooued to sedition either through hope of profit honor or else through feare of losse and dishonor towards themselues or their friends so that they desire the one