may have Learning enough to use those Four ordinary Words none of them being artificial Law Terms but such honest English as every Gentleman that converses with Persons above the lowest Rank is capable of understanding and using But this candid Gentleman seeing his Cause could not be maintained but by Tricks for this whole turn of Government was nothing but a Trick of Policy disjoyns by his Discourse illiterate from unskill'd in the Law and refers the Four cramp Words to the former and his passing a peremptory Iudgment about our Laws to the latter and when he has done he tells us very sadly one may justly wonder at it and indeed it is very wonderful For to play so many jugling Tricks in so little room wresting almost every Word 'till he has made it crooked and then gracing every Flam he gives us with such a demure Hypocrisie is altogether Monstrous He tells us p. 9. That the Loyal Martyr design'd two Things To assert his Principles and to testifie his Innocency and he sets himself to prove that he did neither As for the former he grants that by the Faith of the Church of England Mr. Ashton meant the Doctrine of Passive Obedience and then confutes him most learnedly by telling us That he suffered not for Passive Obedience but for want of it and that had he regulated his Life by this Principle he had preserved it Did ever any Man's Reason turn tail so aukwardly The constant Doctrine of the Church of England was Passive Obedience to a lawful King and he is the lawful King according to the Constitution of our Government who has Title to it by immediate Succession Now comes this acute Gentleman and pretends without Shame or Wit that the Doctrine of the Church of England is not Passive Obedience to the legal King whom all the World did ever acknowledge for such in their clear unbâ—ass'd and 〈◊〉 in us Thoughts but to anoâ—her who has dispossest this legal King of his Kingdom and whose Title is quite annulled by our English Laws nor own'd by any but some of those who got their Advantages in doing so or who dare not do otherwise And then after he had prevaâ—icated thus eg egiously he teâ—ls us very gravely That certainly there must be some gâ—eaâ— mistakes about the Doctrines and Principles of our Church Whereas if there be any 't is manifestly on his side but to say the plain Truth there is no mistake at all even on his side but an open Prevarication and a wilful shuffling and shifting the whole Subject of the Church of England's Tenet making our Passiâ—e Obedience regard not only a wrong but an opposite Object which is to make the Principles of our Church face abâ—ut with the Times and point as a Weather-cock does to the Wind to a Dispossessour of the true Prince so he gets but Power enough to make himself a strong Party and keep under or Murther by his new Laws and new Judges those who dare be Loyal He pretends that The Doctrines and Principles of our Church are to be found in the Articles and Constitutions of it If he means that only some of them are found there it reaches not home to his purpose But if he means that All the Doctrines of Faith which our Church holds are found there he shews himself to be very weak Sure he cannot forget that God's written Word and it only is our intire and adequate Rule of Faith and that the best Interpreter of it for us to follow is the most unanimous Exposition of it avow'd by the Doctrine of our Church-men and the agreeable and constant Practice of our Church If then he would prove that our Church does not hold Passive Obedience and Indispensable Allegiance to our lawful King upon our Rule of Faith that is does not hold it part of her Faith he should have produced such and so many genuine grave and eminent Members of one Church as are beyond Exception who have unanimously declared themselves to understand the Scripture in an opposite Sense and upon that ground held the contrary I except always from that Number Dr. Sherlock who is so flexible a Complier with every side that I fear he is of no side and ready to be of any as God-Mâ—mmon shall inspire him by proposing a good fat Deanry or some such irresistible Temptation As for the Practice of our Church giving us light to know her Faith it cannot be possibly manifested better than by her Carriage towards King Charles II. in the Protector 's days who had Abdicated twiâ—e if the leaving England to avoid danger to his Person might be called Abdicating and there was another actual supreme Governor who had got all the Power into his Hands and so was Providentially Settled in Dr. Sherlock's Sense yet none of the genuine Sons of our Church flincht from their Allegiance to their King in those happy days when honest Principles as yet unantiquated made our Church shine gloriously even in the midst of Persecution but all adher'd to their legal King though all of them suffered in their Estates and many lost their Lives rather than forego their Duty But as our Author told us formerly that Mr. Ashton died for want of that Passive Obedience which the Church of England holds so he tells us here that he might have believed himself obliged by his Religion to look upon his rightful lawful Prince whatever his Principles were or his Practices might be as God's Vicegerent and accountable to God only from whom he received his Power All this says he he might have done and have been alive still because as he contends King William was his rightful lawful Prince So that it seâ—ms let King William be of what Principles he will even though he were as zealous a Papist as King Iames or let his Practices be what they will even to the Subverting all our Liberties Properties nay the most Fundamental Laws of the Land still we are to believe our selves obliged by our Religion to look upon him as on God's Vicegerent accountable to God only and consequently to obey him as such Which ridiculous Partiality overthrows a good part of his Book and makes all the Deserters and fiâ—st Adherers to the Prince of Orange and the whole Parliament that set him up for their King and the Consent of the Nation he talks of to be Irreligious and Wicked For since King Iames was confessedly at that time their rightful lawful King nor can he be pretended to have worse Principles and Practices than those mentioned which comes within the compass of his whatever his Principles are or his Practices might be and this Man confesses that notwithstanding all this they were obliged by their Religion to submit to him as God's Vicegerent it follows unavoidably that we are to believe they violated the Principles of Religion in the highest Degree who deserted him opposed him turned him out and set up a Stranger in his stead Yet this Action of theirs confest
by the Wheel of Fortune was laid flat and the Vnsteady Authority of our new Governours was bandied most miserably from Post to Pillar and could find no Foundation to fix upon nor any Basis that would fit it None had hitherto been so Hardy to offer to maintain by Reason that they were rightfull and lawfull King and Queen Yet I am credibly informed that a certain Gloomy-look't Divine relying I suppose on some mystick Exposition of the Revelation had preached a Sermon which would insinuate that King William had a Right to England by Conquest which was formerly ready to be published but upon the taking of Mons some sâ—op was put to it at that time If this be as true as it is told me with much assurance we English-men have reason to bless God for that Success of the French King as the most beneficial Event of Providence that has befall'n us this long time for had that Project been heartily encouraged our Countrey-men had been all Slaves and every Farthing in the Nation at the Conquerour's Devotion it being indeed in that Case his own so that when Parliaments would give no more he might by setting up his Title when he pleased take all and this was the Fifth Title which has been set on foot At length comes this Gentleman and seeing all the other Titles to be but impertinent Shifts and not at all likely to take he will needs strain a Note above Ela and settle it on a higher Foundation viz. on the Law of Nations which allows Independent Governments to right themselves by Force or by making War on him that injures them But because he saw no War was made no Army fought nor a Stroke struck â— so that none who was not mad with Revelation could dream of a Conquest giving him Right over England he very politickly twists with it and with the Success of this Iust War p. 11. the Consent of the People too This I must confess is a more extraordinary and more refined Notion than any of the other 't is made of Contradictions and is of a Composition altogether Monstrous We use to instance in Chimeras by a Hirco-cervus a Goat-Stag or some such whimsical Conceit that imports two or more different Natures clapt together But this new fangled Notion of Right he has invented consists not of merely different but opposite Natures War and Force signifie Involuntariness in those they are exercised upon and Consent signifies Voluntariness Again the Effect of War and Force is to subdue Resisters and Consent of the whole Nation signifies no Resisters at all So that to come in by Force of War and at the same time by Consent is to be beaten voluntarily to be forced willingly to resist yieldingly to submit withall our Hearts yet against our Will or whatever Nonsense of this kind this incoherent and self-divided Notion of Right affords us But to say the Truth there was neither a fair War subduing the resisting Nation against their Consent nor a clear free and deliberate Consent of the whole Nation but as will shortly appear a mere Trick manag'd by an Ambitious Invader and his Confederates seconded by a Party of Male-contents and Rebellious Deserters and carried on by a complicated Series of unproved Pretences and Forgeries to bubble and fool the Common People and bring us into the Slavery and Beggary we now groan under We will put this young new-hatcht Kingly-Title its best Cloaths on and then see how finely the Royal Robes become it and how prettily the Baby will look There is besides the Laws of the Land says he p. 11. a Law of Nations by which Sovereign Independent-Governments when injured may Right themselves by a Iust War Here were great and violent presumptions of an injury to the Right of Succession and too great Evidence of a formed Design to subvert the Establisht Religion and Civil Liberties of the Nation and this War had Success therefore the Sovereignty was duely transferred and so there can be no dispute left to whom our Allegiance is due This is the full substance of the Discourse he had put together as he told us p. 10. to clear this whole Matter Let us now take it gently to pieces and lay each part of it down easily lest it fall asunder of it self and shatter into Incoherent Atoms before we come to handle it closely 'T is deny'd then that there were in our Case two Nations or several Independent Governments 'T is deny'd there were great and violent presumptions of the Injury mentioned 'T is deny'd there was too great Evidence of the form'd Design he pretends 'T is deny'd the Prince of Orange acquired his Authority by making War or that he righted himself by Force or came by the Consent of the People and therefore since he has no Right either by fair Means or foul Means 't is deny'd he has any Right at all what he has how he came by it or how he still keeps it shall be declared hereafter First then That there is a Law of Nations distinct from that of particular Kingdoms every Man knew â—efore so that he needed not have been so large in a Point so universally acknowledged but 't is becoming his small Politicks to ampâ—â—fie mightily and carry all before him Victoriously in Things which no Man living denies But to be short and slight or rather perfectly silent in those pâ—rticulâ—rs on which the Decision and the Truth of the whole business depends we grant him then that Independent Governments may when injured have a Right to demand and if it be deny'd them take Satisfaction by force of Arms for 't is no more than every Man knows and yields to but 't is deny'd that this comes home to his Purpose or does his Cause the least service For Secondly 'T is deny'd that there were here Two Independent Governments and so his Discourse falls to the gâ—ound The Sâ—ates of Holland indeed make a Government but those good Men who never told lye in their Lives disclaim'd the Action by their Ambassador and like wise Men lest it should not succeed would not be seen in it but made use of Fâ—ot of Wâ—elp to do their own Jobbs 'till the Six hundred thousand Pound came to be pay'd them and then indeed they so far own'd it heartily and took our Money very readily Besides they were Allies to King Iames which makes it contrary to the Law of Nations to which he recurrs And lastly if they made this War and had Success in it I am sure the Prince of Orange was not such an Independent Governour as to make it without them it would follow by this Discourse that They and not He are our Lords and Masters a Title which the Hollanders do not quâ—t but still assert on due occasions That their State-holder manages England for their behoof as appears by their carriage in the Mogull's Countrey where they seiz'd some of our Merchants Effects by pretending that England was now under Holland and that
Realm who owned to a Person of known Integrity that he believed the Prince of Wales to be as truly born of the Queen's body as his own Son of his Wife 's and that therefore they were resolved to pluck up both Root and Branch which in other words is to change the Government If I say all these Particulars be true as we dare affirm them to be and are ready to pâ—ove by unquestioâ—able Testimonies and as most of them are most notorious then we may safely conclude that the Birth of the Prince of Wales was no just Occasion of a War nor consequently can be derive hence a Right to the Government by the Law of Nations justifying his Invasion as this Gentleman pretends I pity his Weakness in compaâ—ing p. 15. this open Carriage of things in the Birth of that Prince before Multitudes of People of all sorts indifferently to a Juggâ—e between Three the pretended Father and Mother and a Mâ—dwife to suboâ—n a false Chiâ—d He thinks it too of great Weight That the Juâ—y upon hearing the whole Evidence gave Iudgment that tâ—at Child was supposititious What Straws wil Men catch at when their Cause is sinking But why does he not tell us what Evidence the Jury he speaks of proceeded upon Because it would shame his alleadging it 'T is this as I have been informed The Hereford 〈◊〉 Woman was held Incapable of Children which made the next Heir to the Estate suspect no Child was born A crafty Lawyer who undertook to discover it first made Enquiâ—y what poor Women the midwife ' had delivered about that time and found that â—ne of them had her Child missing having discovered this he fâ—ights the Woman by telling her there was a great Rumour that the had murthered her Child and that she should be hanged if she did not produce it alive or dead Hereupon she made known the whole Intrigue of the Midwife and the pâ—etended Parents and the Juggle came to be consist Is this in any Regard like our Case None were sworn there but the two Persons immediately conâ—erned who hoped to enjoy the Estate and a Countrey Midwife who was to have a share in it for her Project at least we may be sure a good lusty Bribe So that here waâ— in really but One Witness the pretended Parents being barred from witnessing in their own Câ—use Counâ— now the Number of our Witnesses and weigh their Worth and how that they were not Persons 〈◊〉 out but came accidentally as they hapt to hear of the Queen's Coâ—â—ition and it will appear impossible they should be capable of a Confederacy or Subornation Again The Queen was never held to be barren She had had formerly divers Daughters and a Son and it was likely and no more but what by the course of Nature is generally expected that She should at another time have a second Male-Child ' Nor did any Mother of the Child appear to own it as the Lying Parts a goâ—d wâ—â—e pretended she would all those kind of Romances serv'd like Buttâ—esses or Scaffolds to raise this new King to his Height and build up our New Governâ—ent and therefore when things were better settled and could stand without them they were taken down again and laid aside as useless In a word let him bring an Evidence in any degree like that which his Herefordshire Jâ—ry had and we shall acknowledge the Wrong done to the Natioâ— and to the Râ—yal Family and grant the War had there been any just Till then let not such Personages lie under such intolerable Slanders let not Christianity and Duty be so wickedly violated nor the People of England deluded and scandalized with such Talk without Proof and sâ—ch heavy Câ—arges laid without the least colourable Shadow of Evidence to juâ—â—ifie that they are so much as in any degree Probable much less as he mouths it great and violent Presumptions and least of all what they ought to have been absolutely certain Truths Thus much of his great and violent Presumptions c. Next follows for though he be a very slender Prover yet he is still a very big Pretender his Too gâ—eat Evidence of a form'd Design to subvert the Establisht Religion and Civil Liberties of the Nation I suppâ—se he calls it Too great Evidence because 't is so great that it dazles the Night as the Sun does at Noon-day so that no Man can see it or bâ—hold it else why is it too great Now when a Man has too much of a thing 't is very unkind and even ill-natur'd and hard-hearted not to spare a Little of it to his Friends to whom he owes it and who both want it and expect it from him But we mistake his Genius he is a Praâ—ing not a Proving Writer Nor does he evidence the Calumny otherwise than by referring us again to his Alcoran the Prince of Orange's Declaration Whatever he finds there he makes account is a First Principle and so bring of too great Evidence it can need no Proof An impartial Narrative of matters of Fact known to most in England will give us a true Light to judge of this Point King Iames his Religion and the hatred which the generality of the Nation had against it made all those who were of a different Persuasion look with a jealous Eye upon his Actions and apt to make the worst Constructions of every thing he did in favour of Papists Nor is it to be thought that he wanted many Enemies of the Old Excluding Faction who stood watching all Opportunities to bâ—eed him Vexation and disaffect his Subjects by malicious Insinuations Those of our Church who were heartily Loyal did grieve exceedingly to see him give his Enemies too fair occasions to work him Mischief They judged that the setting up the High Commission Court over Ecclesiasticks were there nothing in it but the Novelty of it should not have been attempted in such Circumstances if at all The making one of the Iesuits Men more odious to our Nation than Turkish Mâ—sties a Privy-Counsellor could they fear'd have no other likely Effect but to exasperate all England to the highest degree They conceived that the Dispensing with the Test and putting Roman-Catholicks promiscuously into Offices Civil and Military might have been let alone 'till the Test it self were Abrogated which would certainly have been more easily obtained had not this forward Anticipation put our Church of England out of humour and made them more warily stand upon their Guard and resolve unanimously to part with nothing that could any way he likely to advantage them But that which most Startled our Church was the Design of giving Liberty of Conscience to all Dissenters they had sadly experienced in the long Parliament's Time and in Oliver's Days how those Men had trampled the Church of England under Foot and they feared that this setling them by Law on an even level with themselves might in time give those restless Men opportunity to play the same Franks over again In
a Word they apprehended they were to fence with their Enemies on both hands and therefore they combined Veleus Testindine factâ to link themselves unanimously against the universally Dâ—â—pensing Power and in Maintenance of the Test. On the other side King Iames was very earnest to have a general Liberty of Conscience setled by Law It had ever been his Tenet that Persecution purely for Conscience sake was Vnchristian Besides he judged it would enrich the Nation as it had done Holland by inviteing Strangers hither and encouraging Trade the conveniency of our Ports above those of our Neighbours being an efficacious Motive to draw the Traffick from them to us He judged too that this universal Toleration if wisely setled and managed might be a means to compose the Bedlam Animosities here about Religion which had so often distracted the Nation and within our Memory turned the Government topsie-turvy Nor was it one of his least Motives though not the only one as some apprehended to gain those of his own Religion a Toleration among the rest of the Dissenters a thing to speak impartially to which both his Honour and his Conscience could not but exceedingly encline him These Conveniences meeting in one took such full hold of his Judgment that he was exceedingly fond of a Project which did seem to him so hugely Advantageous to the Nation Hereupon he try'd all Sweet means imaginable to bring it about but found all his Caresses ineffectual to induce our Church Party to permit it to be enacted in Parliament which was his main design Wherefore he saw there was no other Expedient but to turn out such Officers as opposed his Intentions and for the present to put in Dissenters to whom he knew it would be grateful and by that means to compass such a Parliament as was likely to establish this Liberty of Conscience by Law He hop'd it would not much displease our Church since he declared he would continue to them the Prerogative above others to be still the State-Religion established by Law to enjoy all the Bishopricks and Benefices and by that means to have vast Priviledges aâ—â— Advantages over any others whatsoever But they were jealous that this was not sufficient to secure them for the future And hence as it happens when both Parties are stiff in their contrary Preâ—ensions mutual Diskindnesses past towards one another which ill meaning Men laid hold on and made use of to disaffect the Nation and so facilitated the way to welcome the Invader Now all this while What had Kâ—ng Iames done to make his Son in Law and his own Nephew nay his own Daughter turn their Father out of his Kingdoms There was nothing taken from our Church but the Power of Persecution our Principles he meddled not with nor intruded Men of Heterodox Tenets into our Bishopricks and Livings whereas now we have Soctnians and Latitudinarians softed into our Chief Cathedrals and ouâ— Parish Churches so that we may expect shortly without God's special and undeserved Mercy our Church will be made an Amsterdam of all Religions Their Swearing Allegiance at a venture attones for all their Heretical Tenets let them be as Dâ—mâ—able as they will or can be Had our Governour for to call him Head of such a dâ—fferent natured Church were to call it a Monster taken away our â—xternal Grandure or our Revenues it had been less pernice us â—o our Church than what it now suffers For not outward Splendor or Râ—bâ—s but True Principles of Faiâ—b are that which make a Church The Câ—â—iâ—tian Church under the Ten Heathen Persecutions was still a most perfect and pure Church hâ— keeping her Principles untainted and admitting none into her Communion that were polluted with False Tenets though it wanted then all these outward Ornaments and Accessaries So that both the very Essence and Being of our Church goes on nâ—w corrupting every Day and her Revenues too in great part are given away to Aliens Whereas King Iames never injured us in the least either in the one of those respects or the other nor have we any more than a suspicion that he ever meant it though he shew'd some Resentments against the personal Opposition or rather uncompliance of some of our great ones which was a trifle in Comparison Whereas the Prince of Orange's declaring he came over to maintain the Protestant Religion was a meer Pretence being so far from maintaining or upholding our Principles of Faith or assisting our Church that as appears by the Event he has taken Care to corrupt the One and is making haste to destroy the Other the War therefore if any cannot be said to be just upon that Account As for what King Iames is pretended to have done in prejudice of our Civil Liberties which required the Prince of Orange's over-charitable vindicating them He was told by his Judges that it was his due Prerogative and suppose he had something extended that why should this oblige a Son and Daughter to invade a Father Had he beggar'd the Nation by Heavy Taxes it had been worse for them when their turn came to enjoy it But to magnifie the Roâ—al Prerogative had been a high Benefit to them especially in a Nation which was in great part of Common-wealâ—hish Principles and ought to have been esteemed meritorions Again The greatest Encroachment upon our Civil Liberties that was objected was the Dispensing universally with the Laws against the Dissenters whence it was inferred he might by the same Reason dispense with any other Law or suspend the Execution of it and then adieu to our Civil Liberties But it ought to be remembred that when he did this he declared his Judgment at the same time what it estimable Common Goods it would being to the Nation which cannot be pretended the Dispensing with any other Law whatsoever and he judged himself to be by his Office as indeed he was Oveâ—seer of the Common Good It may be remembred that it enrich'd not himself but rather impoverished him for he lâ—st the Fines and Forfeitures raised upon Conventicles So that 't is manifeâ—â— he aimed onely at the Common Good of the People and not at his own private Interest and therefore if he had erred it ought to have been very pardonable and not have been made such a heinous Fault as deserv'd an Invasion and the Loss of his Crown Again If King Iames over-reach'd it was in order to get Universal Liberty of Conscience settled by Law which suiting so exactly with the Dutch Methods could not to a Dutch Prince be a just Ground for such an Vnnatural Quarrel especially since it was intended to take the Grievous Yoke of Queen Elizabeth's Laws from off the Necks of those of the Presbyterian Persuasion which being the Religion that Prince had espoused and been bred up in it ought rather to have obliged him than have exasperated him so highly as to draw his Sword at his Father This Preteâ—ce then of maintaining our Civil Liberties and of Justifying the
though it has been our constant Care since Our first Accession to the Crown to govern Our People with that Justice and Moderation as to give if possible no occasion of Complaint yet more particularly upon the late Invasion seeing how the Design was laid and fearing that Our People who could not be destroy'd but by themselves might by little imaginary Grievances be cheated into a certain Ruine To prevent so great Mischief and to take away not only all just Causes but even pretences of Discontent We freely and of Our own accord redressed all those Things that were set forth as the Causes of that Invasion And that We might be informed by the Counsel and Advice of Our Subjects themselves which way We might give them a further and a full Satisfaction We resolved to meet them in a Free Parliament and in order to it We first laid the Foundation of such a Free Parliament in restoring the City of London and the rest of the Corporations to their ancient Charters and Priviledges and afterwards actually appointed the Writs to be issued out for the Parliament's Meeting on the Fifteenth of Ianuary But the Prince of Orange â—eeing all the Ends of his Declaration Answered the People beginning to be undeceiv'd and returning apace to their ancient Duty and Allegiance and well foreseeing that if the Parliament should meet at the time appointed such a Settlement in all probability would he made both in Church and State as would totally defeat his Ambitious and Unjust Designs resolved by all means possible to prevent the Meeting of the Parliament And to do this the most effectual way he thought fit to lay a restraint on Our Royal Person for as it were absurd to call that a Free Parliament where there is any force on either of the Houses so much less can that Parliament be said to act freely whâ—re the Sovereign by whose Authority they meet and sit and from whose Royal Assent all their Acts receive their Life and Sanction is under actual Confinement The hurrying of Us under a Guard from Our City of London whose returning Loyalty We could no longer Trust and the other Indignities We suffered in the Person of the Earl of Feversham when sent to him by Us and in that Barbarous Confinement of Our own Person We shall not here repeat because they are We doubt not by this time very well known and may We hope if enough considered and reflâ—cted upon together with his other Violations and Breaches of the Laws and Liberties of England which by this Invasion he pretended to restore be sufficient to open the Eyes of all Our Subjects and let them plainly see what every one of them may expect and what Treatment they shall find from him if at any time it may serve his Purpose from whose Hands a Sovereing Prince an Uncle and a Father could meet with no better Entertainment However the Sense of these Indignities and the Just Apprehension of further Attempts against Our Person by them who already endeavoured to murder Our Reputation by infamous Calumnies as if We had been capable of supposing a Prince of Wales which was incomparably more Injurious than the Destroying of Our Person it Self together with a serious Reflection on a Saying of Our Royal Father of blessed Memory when he was in the like Circumstances That there is little distance between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes which afterwards proved too true in his Case could not but persuade Us to make use of that which the Law of Nature gives to the meanest of Our Subjects of freeing Our Selves by all means possible from that unjust Coâ—fiâ—â—ment and Restraint And this We did not more for the Security of Our own Person than that thereby We might be in a better Capacity of transacting and providing for every Thing that may contribute to the Peace and Settlement of Our Kingdoms For as on the one hand No Change of Fortune shall make Vs forget Our Selves so far as to cond scâ—nd to any Thing unbecoming that High and Royal Station in which God Almighty by Right of Succession has placed Vs So on the other hand neither the Provocation or Ingratitude of Our own Subjects nor any other Consideration whatsoever shall ever prevail with Us to make the least step contrary to the tâ—â—e lâ—â—erest of the English Nâ—â—ioâ— Which we ever did and ever must loâ—k upon as Our own Our Wall and Pâ—â—â—sure therefore is That You of Our Privy-Council take the most effectual Care to make these Our gracious Intentions known to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about our Cities of London and Westminster to the Lord Mayor and Commons of Our City of London and to all Our Subjects in general And to assure them That We desire nothing more than to return and hold a Free Parliament wherein We may havâ— the best Opportunity of undeceiving Oâ—r People and shewing the Sincerity of those Proteâ—â—ations We have often made of the preserving the Liberties and Properties of Our Subjects and the Protestant Religion more especially the Church of England as by Law established with such Indulgence for those that dâ—ssent from her as We have always thought Our Selves in Justice and Care of the general Wellfare of Our Peopâ—e bound to procure for them And in the mean time You of Our Privy-Council who can Judge better by being upon the Place are to send Us Your Advice what is fit to be done by Us towards Our Returning and Accomplishing those good Ends. And We do require You in Our Name and by Our Authority to endeavour so to suppress all Tumults and Disorders that the Nation in general and every one of Our Subjects in particular may not receive the least Prejudice from the present Distractions that is possible So not doubting of Your Dutiful Obedience to these Our Royal Commands We bid You heartily Farewell Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th of Ianuary 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year By Hiis Majesties Command MELFORT Directed thus To the Lords and others of our Privy-Council of Our Kingdom of England His Majesties Letter to the House of Lords and Commons Writ from St. Germains the Third of February 1688. JAMES R. My Lords WE think Our Selves obliged in Conscience to do all We can to open Our Peoples Eyes that they may see the true Interest of the Nation in this Important Conjuncture and therefore We think fit to let you know that finding We could no longer stay with Safety nor act with Freedom in what concerned Our People We left the Reasons of Our Withdrawing under Our own Hand in the following Terms THe World cannot wonder at My Withdrawing My Self now this Second time I might have expected somewhat better Vsage after what I writ to the Prince of Orange by my Lord Feversham and the Instructions I gave him but instead of an Answer such as I might have hop'd for what was I to expect after the Usage I received by his
making the said Earl a Prisoner against the Practice and Law of Nations The sending his own Guards at Eleven at Night to take Possession of the Posts at White-hall without Advertising Me in the least manner of it The sending to Me at One a Clock after Midnight when I was in Bed a kind of an Order by Three Lords to be gone out of My own Pallace before Twelve the next Morning After all this How could I hope to be Safe so long as I was in the Power of one who had not only done this to Me and Invaded My Kingdoms without any just occasion given him for it but that did by his First Declaration lay the greatest Aspersion on Me that Malice could invent in that Clause of it which concerns My Son I appeal to all that know Me nay even to himself that in their Consciences neither he nor they can believe Me in the least capable of so Vnnatural a Villany nor of so little common Sense to be imposed upon in a Thing of such a nature as that What had I then to expect from one who by all Arts hath taken such pains to make Me appear as black as Hell to My own People as well as to all the World besides What Effect that had at Home all Mankind have seen by so general a Defection in My Army as well as in the Nation amongst all sorts of People I was born Free and desire to continue so and though I have ventured My Life very frankly on several occasions for the Good and Honor of My Countrey and am as free to do it again and which I hope I shall yet do as Old as I am to redeem it from the Slavery it is like to fall under yet I think it not convenient to expose My Self to be Secured as not to be at Liberty to effect it and for that Reason do withdraw but so as to be within Call whensoever the Nations Eyes shall be opened so as to see how they have been Abused and Imposed upon by the specious Pretence of Religion and Property I hope it will please God to touch their Hearts out of his infinite Mercy and to make them sensible of the ill Condition they are in and bring them to such a Temper That a legal Parliament may be called and that amongst other Things which may be necessary to be done they will agree to Liberty of Conscience for all Protestant Dissenters and that those of My own Persuasion may be so far considered and have such a share of it as they may live Peaceably and Quietly as English-men and Christians ought to do and not to be obliged to transplant themselves which would be very grievous especially to such as love their own Countrey And I appeal to all Men who are Considering Men and have had Experience Whether any thing can make this Nation so Great and Flourishing as Liberty of Conscience Some of Our Neighbours dread it I could add much more to confirm all I have said but now is not the proper time Rochester Decemb. 22d 1688. But finding this Letter not to be taken to be Ours by some and that the Prince of Orange and his Adherents did Maliciously Suppress the same We Writ to several of Our Privy-Council and directed Copies thereof to divers of You the Peers of the Realm believing that none durst take upon them to intercept or open any of Your Letters But of all these We have no Account But We wonder not that all Arts are used to hinder You from knowing Our Sentiments since the Prince of Orange rather chose against all Law to imprison the Earl of Feversham and by Force to drive Vs away from Our own Palace than receive Our Invitation of coming to Us or hearing what We had to propose to him well knowing that what We had to offer would content all Honest and Reasonable Men and was what he durst not trust You with the Knowledge of Those False and Wicked Reflections on Vs relating to the French-League and to Our Son the Prince of Wales We require You to examine into and thereby satisfie Your Selves and all other Our Subjects where the Imposture lies We hope God will not permit You to deprive Your Selves of a lawful Prince whose Education shall be such as may give a Prospect of Happiness to all Our Kingdoms hereafter We are Resolved nothing shall be omitted on Our part whenever We can with Safety return that can contribute towards the redâ—ess of all former Errors or present Disorders or add to the Securing the Protestant Religion or the Property of every individual Subject intending to refer the whole to a Parliament Legally Called Freely Elected and held without Constraint wherein We shall not only have a particular Regard to the Support and Security of the Church of England as by Law Established but also give such an Indulgence to Dissenters as Our People shall have no Reason to be jealous of not expecting for the future any other Favour to those of Our own Persuasion than the exercise of their Religion in their own private Families And because many of Our well-meaning Subjects whose unnecessary Fears for the Protestant Religion and the unhappy Mistakes of the Prince of Orange's Ambitious Designs which they did not sufficiently see into time enough have been Fatally led beyond what they first intended viz. the Preservation of their Religion c. to the Breach of all Laws and even to the total Dissolution of the Anâ—ient Government it self and knowing themselves thereby to be Obnoxious may despair of Our Mercy We do therefore declare on the Word of a King That Our Free Pardon shall not only be extended to them but to all Our Subjects to the worst even those that Betrayed Us some few Excepted Resolving in that Parliament by an Act of Oblivion to cover all Faults heal all Divisions and restore Peace and Happiness to all Our Subjects which can never be effectually done by any other Methods or Power Having thus firmly Resolved on Our part whatsoever Crimes are omitted whose Posterity shall come to suffer for these Crimes We shall look upon Our Selves as Justified in the sight both of God and Man and therefore leave it with You expecting You will seriously and speedily consider hereof and so we bid You heartily Farewell Given at St. Germains en Laye the Third of February 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year The Letter to the Commons was Verbatim the same To the Officers and Souldiers of the Army JAMES R. THe Regard We have for you as Gentlemen and Souldiers obliges Us to endeavour to restore you to that Reputation for Courage Loyalty c. which has till now been inseparable from English men which by your late fatal Defection from Us your lawful Prince whose particular Care you ever were is now become Contemptible even to those you joyned with against Us nor can any thing restore you to your former Character but a sudden and hearty return to
this Had the Prince of Orange pursued only the Ends express'd in his Declaration and obliged King Iames as he might easily have done to redress Abuses here and make a lasting League with the Confederates abroad it had in all likelihood by this time reduced the French King to a low Condition For then King Iames had been able to unite all the Force of England Scotland and Ireland and bend them unanimously against the Common Enemy Whereas now our Men and Money too are employ'd in Fighting against one another in Scotland and Ireland nor only so but England it self whose free Consent he so much brags of is so Distracted that we know not how soon we may fall into the same Misfortunes some out of Conscience not daring to hazard their Souls in Swearing Allegiance to one whose Title the most zealous Adherers to him cannot agree on nor themselves are satisfied with and far more of them being disgusted to see our Countrey beggared to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners and enrich our greatest Enemies the Dutch so that this Pretence of pulling down the Heighth of France though I doubt not but it was the Intention of the Confederates was far from being the main Design of the Prince of Orange He could then have no other Motive of Invading England Driving out his Father and Usurping his Throne but mere Ambition seconded by Dutch Policy making use of our Rebelliousness silly Credulity and our addictedness to Lying that they might cheat us of our Money make us defend their Quarrel and impoverish us to that degree that we should not dare to resent it when they get our Trade and câ—zen us of our Plantations as they have done often and then to crown the Dutch Jest laugh at us for a Company of dull-headed block headedly Fools when they have done But I must not forget the Instances he brings to prove this Invasion to be agreeable to the Church of England's Doctrine and vouch'd by the Law of Nations and those are these Three First he Instances in Queen Elizabeth giving Assistance to the Dutch against the King of Spain p. 16. Now this hath been so well answered already in the Defence of the Bishop of Chichester's Dying Declaration that I do not see any Reason to concern my self with it and methinks this Answerer should have first answered what had been alledged there before he ventured on this Instance but some Men have a peculiar Confidence to bring in Things over and over though they have been answered sufficiently and yet never take notice of the Answers However it is sufficient here to observe that this is nothing at all to his purpose he tells us but four lines before That what he is to make out is that the then P. of O by his Relation to the Crown had a just Right to concern himself in the Vindication of our Religion and Liberties and that this is not repugnant to the Doctrines of the Church of England p. 15. And I pray good Sir Had Queen Elizabeth any Relation to the Government of the Low Countries And if not how does this Instance prove that which he is to make out that the Prince of Orange by virtue of his Relation to the Crown had a just Right to concern himself and his Instance proves that any Prince whether they have any such Relation or not have a just Right to concern themselves And what I pray is all this to a Title by Conquest Let it be admitted but not granted and which I suppose will not be easily proved that no Foreign Prince hath a just Right to make War upon another Prince for Invading the Liberty and Religion of his own Subjects hath he therefore a just Right to make a Conquest of these People whose Liberties he pretends to defend and to set himself King over them Or had Queen Elizabeth upon pretence of securing the Dutch Liberties a just Right to make her self Queen over them In my Opinion it is a preâ—ty odd way of rescuing People's Liberties to make a Conquest of them and if this be the Case Princes and their Flatterers may talk of Piety and a Care of the People but all the World will see that the Design is not Religion nor Liberty to the People but a Crown to themselves and it cannot chuse but be very Pious and Religious to gain a Crown His next Instance is in King Iames's time When the Prince Elector was chosen King of Bohemia And how does this prove his Point Why he sent to King James for Advice and he had no mind he should engage in it And therefore the Prince of Orange hath a just Right to concern himself and to make himself King according to the Principles of the Church of England I perceive it is not for every body to make Consequences for who but our Authour could ever have found out how such wonderful Things followed from King Iames's denying his Son to engage in it Well But the Arch bishop wrote a Letter to the Secretary and said that he was satisfied in his Conscience that the Bâ—bemians had a just Cause and that the King's Daughter professed she would not leave her self one Iewel rather than not maintain so Religious and Righteous â— Cause And that may be too but without Reflection on that Princess that is no Evidence of the Righteousness of a Cause for some Kings Daughters will not leave themselves a Jewel rather than not to take away and keep a Kingdom from their Own Father and which is neither a Religious nor a Righteous Cause His Third Instance is in the time of King Charles the First When the King of Denmark had taken Arms to settle the Peace and Liberty of the Germans and was Defeated and King Charles thought himself concerned to assist him and Arch-bishop Laud drew up a Declaration setting forth the Danger and requiring the People's Prayers and Assistance to prevent the growth of Spain c. Now it does not appear whether thâ— King of Denmark's pretence of taking Arms was just or unjust for our Authour has a peculiar faculty of talking of Things at random and never stating them and bringing them down to the matter in Dispute But let that be as it will it makes no difference in the present Dispute for let the Cause of his taking Arms be originally what it will I hope King Charles might assist him to prevent his being over-run thereby securing the Peace and Safety of his own Kingdom And this was plainly the Case The King of Denmark had made War upon the Empire and was defeated and it â— had â—een â—eâ—t without Assiâ—â—ence the Emperour might have wholly subdued him which would not â—â—ely have ruined Denmark but have endangered all the Northern Princes and especially England as the Declaration it self speaks there will be an open way for Spain left to do what they pleased And what is this to our Authour's purpose Is there no difference between Assisting one Prince actually at War
with another to prevent his utter Overthrow and Destruction and in such a case for wise and politick Ends to stop the exorbitant and dangerous Growth of a potent Neighbour and for the same Prince to take away another Prince's Crown because he is uneasie and ungratefull to his Subjects Yet after such fallacious Inferences our Author with his wonted Modesty adds Let those who now with as much Ignorance as Confidence upbraid Men with Renouncing the Doctrines and Principles of the Church of England read and consider these Passages and if any thing will make them more wise and humble this will He contends all along to prove from those Instances which are of several Independent Governours and so relate to the Law of Nations that this Proceeding of the Prince of Orange is not repugnant to the Doctrines and Principles of the Church of England p. 15. and more particularly afterwards from the Homilies p. 21 22. which say we are bound to obey a Heathen Tyrant and to pray for him from the Jews who were commended to pray for the King of Babylon and for obeying Augustus lastly from our Saviour's acknowledging the Roman President 's Power and Authority as given him from God Nay he argues a fortiori p. 21. from the Homilies thus If they and consequently the Church of England declare we are bound by God's Word to obey a Heathen Tyrant much more ought we by the Doctrines and Principles of our Church to pay Allegiance to good and religious Princes c. This is the full force of his Argument why we ought to pay Allegiance to the present Governours But first We cannot think thâ—m good and religious whilst we see they have wilfully broken and obstinately continue to break God's holy Commandments the Observing of which is the best Test of Goodness and Religion Next he leâ—ves the main Point which Dr. Sherlock mentions out of his Convocations that are better Declarers of the Church of England's Doctrine than the Homilies That the Authority of all those Conquerours was to be thoroughly settled so that there was no morâ—l Possibility the former Governour in case he had been alive could evâ—r by himself or his Friends be restored and therefore we seldom or never hear that any of such ejected or subdued Sovereigns did ever struggle for their Kingdoms or went about to recover them Hâ—w this suits with our preseâ—t Câ—se where the former supreme Governour is living did ever and does still claim it pursues the Recovery of it has a most potent Monarch abroad for his Friend who espouses his Quarrel has engaged his Honour he will either restore him to his Crown or lose his own is easie to be discerned But moreover which is nâ—â—ess material in this Business King Iames has great Parties in each of the three Nations who do not acknowledge thâ— present Governours and look upon them as unjust Vsurpers of their Father's Right Besides which alters the Case extremely here was no Conquest or subduing England by Force nay no War at all exercised upon it His bad Cause forces this mercenary Writer to shuffle to and fro and pretend now one Thing now another but all of them when they come to be scann'd and applied equally to no purpose Conquest he dares not call it in down right Terms for fear of disgusting all England by making us all Slaves yet those Instances of Rightfall Power which he brings and would have us think to be parallel to this New Government and proper to aâ—et it were all true Successes in War and by consequence perfect Conquests 'T is easie to discern by these Hints what he would be at and not hard to conjecture what Title though they have agreed of none hitherto they intend at length to pitch upon finally unless the Patriots of the Subjects Liberty do in time restrain such audacious Attempts Thus far in Answer to his settling King William's Title which being shown to be incoherent and ill grounded in every Regard it follows that Mr. Ashton suffered for a Righteous Cause and for his due Allegiance to his true Sovereign which entitles him to the Honour of a glorious Martyr and this in case he had endeavoured to make way for his Master's Restauration It remains to vindicate his Paper from those other petty Exceptions this Gâ—ntleman makes against it He denies p. 24. that King Iames's Usage after the Prince of Orange's Arrival was very hard severe and unjust Let the World judge A Council was held at Windsor upon Notice of the King 's being in hold at Feversham where it was debated whether or no he should be sent to the Tower And 't is well known who they were that voted in the Affirmative But the Prince having laid his Design feared that if the King staid here some Accommodation would be made so he sent Monsieur Zuylisten to tell him he would have him to stay at Rochester which being a Port Town and towards the Sea might afford him opportunity to escape out of England The Message mist him so he returned to White-hall The next Night the Prince of Orange sent three Lords to him at Midnight to tell him he would have him remove by Ten the next Morning to Ham a place very unlikely to be approved of there being as the King objected neither Furniture nor Provisions for him and therefore as he expected he moved for his Return to Rochester which after his sitting an hour in his Barge waiting his Pleasure was granted And thither he was pack'd away in great State with Dutch Myrmidons now to the eternal Shame of English Suâ—jects their King's Gaolers under whom he suffered Hardship enough but he was not allowed out of his own Exchequer one Farthing to bear his Charges The King had before this sent him a Message by the Earl of Feversham offering to settle all things in Parliament to His and the Kingdom 's Satisfaction Now had the Prince of Orange meant sincerely in what he pretended and come onely for the Good of the Nation what could he have wished more But what would have obliged and sweetened another did highly exasperate him for he relish'd this Condescendence of his soâ—ll being indeed unsuitable to the ambitious Aim he proposed to himself that first contrary to the Law of Nations he made his Ambassadour Prisoner and thâ—n sent his Worshipfull Command at Midnight to his Father to be gone out of his own Palace to a Prison for they told him a Guard was appointed for him at Ham-house whither the Prince of Orange ordered him to go the next Morning enough to let the King see what he was to expect He tells the Prince of Orange could have prevented his going away true But then he feared the Nation would only reduce King Iames not depose him much less chuse another their own King being present it was therefore thought more Politick to fright him away and then pretend Abdication and the Necessity of a new Government which he knew well as he and
his Faction would handle it could light on none but himself So that it was out of kindness to himself not to King Iames or the Nation that he let him escape Yet he Magnifies this Indulgence of the Prince of Orange exceedingly but I would ask him in what this Civility differs from that of Robbers who first strip the poor Travellers of all they have and then turn them a Grazing without a Penny in their Purse or as this pretty Gentleman phrases it p. 24. Allow them great Freedom to go where they please I would ask him too what one Thing was done by the Prince which look'd either Generous Civil or in the least degree Respectful towards a King and a Father and not rather most Barbarous and Rude Or what one Action of his gives us Reason to think he intended to accommodate Things with the true King and not rather to set up for himself The Martyr out of Love to his Native Countrey resented that All the new Methods of settling the Nation have hitherto made it more miserable poor and exposed to Foreign Enemies What says he to this Can Impudence it self deny this to be true Is not the Interest of England torn piece-meal and every Nation has a Limb of us Is not the Charge of securing Scotland reducing of Ireland the hiring Souldierâ— from Denmark and other Places the Bribing of Holland the Suiss-Cantons Savoy and other poor Confederates the keeping and paying two great Armies in Flanders and Ireland and the setting out a vast Fleet at Sea gone all out of our Pockets Has not the driving out King Iames and the Protecting our new Governor and his only put us upon such an expensive War that we are upon our last Legs it being absolutely impossible to squeeze Five Millions more out of our drain'd Purses to keep the War on foot another Year which is the least Summ that can now be expected For if Five Millions this Year have done nothing at all 't is to be fear'd that Seven Millions will scarce enable us to do much the next A certain Person employ'd in the Treasury who has the opportunity to know exactly the Incomes and Issues of the Exchequer assured a worthy Friend of mine that this Michaelmas there will have been paid out of it since this Revolution Fifteen Millions and that there is still an Arrear behind to the Army to the Navy and for Stores of Five Millions more And this besides many Thousands perhaps a Hundred of Thousands owing for the Wages of transport Ships and that for want of ready Money the Creditors are paid with Tallies so that those who have them can raise no Money without abating Four or Five Shillings in the Pound until the next Parliament gives Money to pay off all these Back-reckonings The insuperable Difficulty of doing which and withall of raising Seven Millions more to carry on the War the next Campaign not to mention the repaying the Money we have borrowed will make the great Work of Conquering France go but slowly on Every wise Man even of our State-Party clearly seeing and with regret complaining that in all appearance the War is as far from an End as it was at the Beginning Now where is all this Money to be had or whence to be raised Are not our Ships taken in great Multitudes our Traffick decay'd abroad our Trade at home the Tenants unable to pay their Landlords so that sometimes instead of bringing in their Rents they are forc'd to send to them for Money to pay their Taxes or else they must throw up their Farms Are not they already forced in many Places for want of Money to exchange one Commodity for another in the Markets Is not half our Cash gone out of the Nation so that in Holland alone our Guineas and Mâ—ll'd Money have been as frequent as their own Coin Is not Clipp'd Money which is not worth Transporting now in a manner the only currant Coin left in the Nation And to prevent the possibility our good Money should ever return again it is melted down in Holland into the drossie Alloy of their Sebellings and Stuyvers But the Transporting our Coin'd Money is not all They have invented more Expedients than One or Two open ones to impoverish England the Decus Thâ—amen inscribed on the Edges of our new Coin was Judg'd an effâ—ctual Preservative from Clipping and Fyling But now the Clippers who by the Law are to suffer as Felows are become the best Friends to the Trafficking part of the Nation and if they be not conniv'd at and the Melters down of our Mâ—ll'd and Vncircumcised Money into Bullion transported in vast quantities every Year into Holland as appears by the Entries in the Custom-house be not severely punish'd we must in a short time be contented with onely Copper and Tin Farebings or else be forc'd to debase our Money to the Dutch Standard If Captain Guy and several other Masters of Yatches and other Vessels both Dutch and English were strictly 〈◊〉 they could tell them what prodigious Number of Chests of Money in Specie or in Bullion have been transported these Three last Years into Holland and Flanders We have indeed some Returns from thence for they bring us prohibited Goods so that both in Exporting and Importing our English Laws are still Dispensed with without any permission from the Parliament and no Man though our Ruin depends upon it dares complain There is yet another odd Commodity imported which would much encrease the Revenue if it did but pay Custom and that is Shoals of Caterpillars that come over to devour the Fruits of our Labours the Dutch I mean and other Foreigners with their Wives and Children of which scarce a Ship or Hoy comes hither that brings not from Ten to Sixty c. These and the French Hugenots are transported hither to make up several new Colonies and compose a Secret Militia to be ready at a dead lift to enslave our Countrey if our Eyes being at length opened to see our impending Ruine we grow Head-strong and refuse to wear the Yoke which is preparing for us Again Have we felt nothing from the Insolencies of the Dutch Danes and other Foreigners wherever they come Lastly What are all those Losses put together in Comparison to the loss of so many English-men's Lives who have perish'd either by War oâ—â— through want of Necessaries or else by strange Diseases in Ireland and at Sea A Thousand or Two are swept away at a clap in this late prodigious Storm The loss of the Coronation and the other Ships that perish'd and the damage done to all the rest that suffered in their Rigging and otherwise in that Hurricane is not worth the mention by those who are so inur'd to continual losses of sundry kinds as we are though I 'm told by a knowing Person that the Repairing of that one Mâ—sfortune will require some Hundreds of Thousands of Pounds to be added to the former large Audit of the