Knights was framed first the Bâ—rons onely made the Parliament or Commoâ— Council of the Kingdom Polyander By so many strong evidences and prenant proofs which you produce I find it to be a â—â—ridian truth that the Commoners were no part of the High Court of Parliament in ages passed Moreover I find in an ancient Manuscript that the Commons were reduced to a House by the advice of the Bishops to the King in the brunt of the Barons Wars that they might allay and lesson the power of the Peers who bandied so many yeers against the Crown yet to prevent that they should not arrogate too much authority to themselves as Asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum it was done with those cautions thâ—â— they had scarce as much jurisdiction given them as a Pyepowders Court hath for they should neither exhibit an oath nor impose fine or inflict punishment upon any but their own members or be a Court of Record or grant Proxies therefore it may well be a quere how they can appoint Committees considering that those Committee-men whom they choose are no other then their Deputies and act by power and proxy from them But it is as cleer as the Sun that the Conquerour first brought this word Parliament with him being a French Word and made it free Denizon of England being not known before for therein the Normans did imitate the Romans whose practise was that wheresoever they conquered they brought in their language with the Lance as a mark of conquest I say that besides those instances you produce I could furnish you with many in the Saxons times who govern'd by the councel of the Prelates and Peers not admitting the Commons to any communication in affairs of State There are records hereof above a thousand yeer old in the Reign of King I a Offa and Ethelbert and the rest of the seven Kings during the Heptarchy They called their great Councels and Conventions then Michael Smoth Michael Gemote and Witenage Mote wherein the King and Nobles with the Bishops onely met and made laws that famous Convention at Gratley by King Athelstan was compose'd onely of Lords spiritual and temporal such also was that so much celebrated Assembly held by Canutus the Dane who was King of England Denmark and Norway Edward the Confessor established all his Laws thus and he was a great Legislator The British Kings also who retain'd a great while some part of this Island unconquered governed and made laws this way by the sole advice of their Nobles whom they call Arglwyded witnesse the famous Laws of Prince Howel called Howel Dha the good King Howel whereof there are yet extant some Welch records and divers of those Laws were made use of at the compilement of Magna Charea But in your discourse before among other Parliaments in Henry the third's time you make mention of one that was held in 55 of his reign at Marlbourough at which time Braston the great Lawyer was in high request being Lord Chief Justice They that would extenuate the Royal Prerâ—gative insist much upon a speech of his wherein he saith The King hath a Superiour God he hath also the Law by which he is made as also the Court viz. the Earls and Barons but not a word of the Commons But afterwards he doth interpret or rather correct himself when speaking of the King hee resolves thus Nec potest ei necessitatem aliquis imponere quòd injuriam suam corrigat emenâ—et cùm superiorem non habeat nisi Deum satis erit ei ad poenam quòd Dominum expectet ultorem Nor saith he can any man put a necessity upon the King to correct and amend his injury unlesse he wil himself since he hath no Superior but God It will be sufficient punishment for him to expect the Lord for his avenge To preserve the honour of this great Judge the Lawyers found out this distinction That the King is free from the coerâ—ive power of Laws and Councellors but he may be subject to their directive power yet according to his own will and inclination that is God can onely compel or command him but the Law and his Courts may onely advise and direct him but I pray Sir excuse me that I have so much interrupted you in your discourse You may please now to proceed Philanglus To prove my assertion further that the Commons were no part of the high Court and Common Councel of England I will make use of the testimony of Mr. Pryn who was in such high repute most part of the late long Parliament and appeared so eageâ— for the priviledge and power of the lower House In his Book of Treachery and disloyalty he proves that before the Norman Conquest by the Laws of Edward the Confessor the King was to do Justice by the Councel of the Nobles of his Realm he would also prove that the Earls and Barons are above the King and ought to Bridle him when he exorbitates from the law but not a syllable of the Commons He further tels us that the Peers and Prelates have oft translated the Crown from the right Heir whereof out of his great reading he urgeth divers Examples First after King Edgars decease they crowned Edward who was illegitimate and put by Ethelred the right Heir Then they crowned Canutus a meer forraigner in opposition to Edmund the lawful Heir to Ethelred Harold and Hardicanute were both elected Kings successively without just title the Lords putting by Edmund and Alfred the rightful Heirs Upon the death of Herold the English Nobility enacted that none of the Danish blood should raign any more over them Edgar Atheling was rejected by the Lords and though he had the best title yet they elected Harold He goes on further in prejudice of the Commons saying that the beginning of the Charter of Henry the first is observable which runs thus Henry by the Grace of God King of England c. Know ye that by the mercy of God and Common Council of the Barons of the Kingdom I am crowned King Mawd the Empress was the right heir but she was put by the Crown by the Prelates and Barons and Steven Earle of Mortmain who had no good title was heav'd up into the Throne by the Bishops and Peers Lewis of France was Crowned King also by the Barons instead of King John and by the same Barons was uncrowned and sent back to France In all these high transactions and changes Mr. Pryn confesseth the Commoners had nothing to do the despotical and ruling power as well as the consultative being in the Council of Prelates and Peers and if Mr. Pryn could have found halfe so much Antiquity for the Knights Citizens and Bourgesses without question we should have heard from him with a witness but while he converseth with Elder times he meets not with so much as the names of Commoners in any record Polyander How then came the Commoners to sway so much
to the King to make him the best beloved that ever was I thought that before his going to Scotland he had redress'd all grievances by those Acts of Grace you spoke of before Philanglus So he had and he rested not there but complid further with the house by condescending to an Act for putting down the Star Chamber Court the High Commission Court the Court of Honor nay he was contented that his Privy Councel shouâ—d be regulated and his Forests bounded not according to ancient Prerogative but late custom nay further he passed a Bill for the unvoting and utter exclusion of the spiritual Lords from the Parliament for ever Add hereunto that having placed two worthy Gentlemen Lievâ—enants of the Tower he remov'd them one after another to content the House and put in one of their election Lastly he trusted them with his Navy Royal and call'd home at their motion Sir I. Pennington who had then the guard of the narrow Seas Polyander I never remember to have heard or read of such notable Concessions from any King but how came the Bishops to be so tumbled out Philanglus The City rabble were still conniv'd at to be about Westminster Hall where they offered some out-rages to the Bishops as they went into the House hereupon they presented a Petition to the King and Parliament that they might be secur'd to repair thither to discharge their duties according to the Laws of the Land In which Petition there was a protest or Caveat that no Act should passe or be valid without them This Petition both for matter and form was much excepted against and cried up to be high Treason so twelve of the old Bishops were hurried to the Tower but some of the knowingest Lawyers being considered withall whether this was Treason in the Bishops or no they answered that it might be called Adultery as much as Treason so after many moneths imprisonment the charge of Treason being declin'd against them they were releas'd in the morning but coop'd up again in the afternoon then they were restored to a conditional liberty touching their persons but to be eternalâ—y excluded out of the house which made one of them in a kind of Prophetick way to tell one of the Temporalâ—Peers my Lord you see how we are voted out of the House and the next turn will be yours which proved true Polyander I remember when I was at York a Gentleman shewed me a fair old manuscript of some things passed in Henry the eighths time and one passage among the rest sticks in my memory how Cardinal Wolsey being sick at Leicâ—ster the King sent Sir Joâ—n Kingston to comfort him to whom he answered Oh! Sir John 't is too late to receive any earthly comfort but remember my most humble allegeance to the King and tell him this story from a dying man The Bohemians repining at the Hierarchy of the Church put down Bishops but what followed then the Comunalty insulted over the Nobility and afterwards the King himself was depoâ—â—d so the government grew a while to be meerly popular but then it turned from a Successive to be an Elective Kingdom This said he will be the fate of Eng. unless the King bear up the reverence â—ue to the Church and so I pray God that his Majesty may find more mercy at the tribunal of Heaven then I have upon the Earth But pray Sir be pleas'd to proceed Philanglus The Parliament having the Navy at their disposing which they found to be in a good equipage gramercy Ship money and having chosen the Earl of Warwick Commander in Chief notwithstanding the King excepted against him They demand all the Land Souldiers and Military strength of the Kingdom to be managed by them and to be put in what posture and under what Commanders they pleased But the King answered that he would consider of this and it was the first thing that he ever denied them yet at last he was contented to grant them this also for a limitted time but that would not serve the turn Hereupon growing sensible how they inched every day more and more upon the Royal Preroâ—ative He thought 't was high time for him to look to himself And intending with some of his menial servants onely to go to Hull to see a Magazin of ammunition which he had bought with his own treasure he was in a hostile manner kept out the Gates shut Cannons mounted Pistols cocked and levelled at him and there the Kings party said the war first began Polyander A hard destiny it was for a King to lose the love of his subjects in that manner and to fall a clashing with his great Council but under favour that demand of the Militia was somewhat too high for every natural Prince and supream Governour hath an inherent and inalienable right in the common strength of the Country for though the peoples love be a good Cittadel yet there must be a concurrence of some outward visible force besides which no Earthly power may dispose of without his command and for him to transmit this power to any other specially to any that he mistrusts is the onely way to render him inglorious unsafe and despicable both at home and abroad you know in the Fable when the Lion parted with his paws and the Eagle with her talons how contemptible the one grew among all beasts and the other among birds The Scepter and the Crown are but bables without a sword to support them There 's none so simple as to think ther 's meant hereby an ordinary single sword such as every one carrieth at his side no t is the publique Polemical sword of the whole Kingdom 't is an aggregative compound sword and 't is moulded of Bellmettle for 't is made up of all the Ammunition and Arms small and great of all the Military strength both by Land and Sea of all the Forts Castles and tenable places within and without the whole Country The Kings of England have had this sword by vertue of their Royal Signory as the Law faith from all times the Prerogative hath girded it to their sides they have employed it for repelling of forraign force for revenging of all National wrongs or affronts for quelling all intestine tumults The people were never capable of this sword the sundamental constitutions of this Land deny 〈◊〉 them 'T is all one to put a sword in a mad mans hand as in the peoples Now under favor the Supream Governor cannot transfer this sword to any other for that were to desert the protection of his people which is point blank against his oath and office but I crave your pardon again that I have detained you so long from the pursuit of your former discourse Philanglus The King being so shut out of one Town I mean Kingston upon Hull he might suspect that an attempt might be made to shut him in within some other Therefore be made a motion to the York-shire Gentlemen to have a guard for the
Parliament And we ingage our selves further not to obey any Rules Order or Ordinance whatsoever concerning any Militia that hath not the Royall Assent To this was subjoined another We whose naâ—es are under written in obedience to his Majesties desire and ouâ— of the duty we ow to his honour and to truth being here on the place and witnesses of his Majesties frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions of his abhorring all designs of making war upon the Parliament And not finding any Councels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such design We do promise before God and testifie to all the World that we are fully perswaded his Majesty hath no such intention but that all his indeavours tend to the â—â—rm and constant settlement of the true Religion and the just priviledges of Parliament the Libâ—rty of the Subject with the Laws Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom But all this would not serve the turn for neither Parliament nor people would give credit to any thing that drop'd from King or Peers specially the City of London where the Presbyterians played their parts notably by inciting the people to a War for preventing the introduction of Slavery and Supâ—rstition so unusual voluntary collections were made both in Town and Country the Seamstress brought in her silver thimble the Chamber-maid her Bodkin the Cook his silver spoon the Vintner his Bowl into the common Treasury of War and they who contributed to so pious a work were invited more then others in some Churches to come to the Holy Communion in the very time of administration And observed it was that some sorts of Females were freest in those contributions as far as to part with their Rings and earings as if some Golden Calf were to be molten and set up to be idolized which prov'd true for the Covenant a little after was set up which may be said to have been a kind of Idol as I shall make it appear hereafter Thus a fierce funestous civil War was a fomenting in the very bowels of England which broke out into many storms and showers of blood The fatal Cloud wherein this storm lay long ingendring though when it began to condense first it appeared but as big as a hand yet by degrees it did spread to such a vast expansion that it diffused it self through the whole Region and obscur'd that fair face of Heaven which was used to shine upon this part of the Hemisphere The King fell to work then in good earnest and made choice of the Earl of Linzey for General of the Infantry which choice was generally cried up of all Prince Rupert was made General of the Horse but that election did not find such an applause The first incounter that Prince Rupert had with his Godfather the Earl of Essex was near Worcester where he defeated some of the flower of the Parliaments horse The King having remov'd from Nottingham to Derby and so to Strafford his forces increas'd all along but passing by Chartly the Earl of Essex house the Souldiers hop'd to have had some plunder there but a strict command was given by the Kings own mouth that nothing should be touch'd not as much as a Buck whereat their teeth 〈◊〉 water as they march'd through his Park So he came to Shrewsbury where the Coâ— kept above a month at which time the Army multipâ—i'd exceedingly to neer upon â—o Mâ— men and the Welchmen coming so thicâ— down the Mountains did much animate thâ—English From Shrewsbury the King took a resoâ—â—tion to remove to Oxford but after seveâ—â— daiâ—s tiresome march hee understood the Parliaments Army were within six mile of him so he went out so far to find theâ— out and fac'd them on a Sunday morninâ— from Edgâ— Hil as they lay in Kinton fieldâ— where their Colours were displayed A sight of the Royal Army they discharge some peeces of Ordnance in Defiance so both Parties prepared for Battel aâ—â— the Sun had declined above two hours the afternoon before the Cannons aâ— Kings Infantry could get into the bottom Being put there in a fighting posture and having the wind favourable the King gave command to let fly the Cannons to begin Battail Thus a most furious Engagement began which lasted about three houres till night parted them and some old French and German Commanders who were there employed in the Royal Army reported afterwards they never saw such a manful fight in all their lives Prince Rupert springing ore a low hedge lind thick with the enemies Musqueteers pursued their Horse very far and did notable execution upon them all the way and had he not worried them so far and deserted the Infantry or had not his German Souldiers fallen a plundring too soon matters might have gone better with the King Polyander I heard it reported that this Battail was fought just the same day twelve month that the Rebellion and Massacre began in Ireland It was so being the 23. of October a day fatal for blood Now though this Battail of Edg-Hill may be said to be sudden inexpected and unpitched yet for position of ground 't was fought in as indifferent and a fit place for a battail as possibly could be lighted upon for the Combatants had scope enough to fight and the Spectators whereof there were multitudes upon the rising adjacent grounds might behold all as plainly as a Tragedy acted upon a Stage or Cock fighting in a Pit The Parliaments Army had the advantage of the Kings in point of Infantry who were very good Fire-locks most of them having been trained up in London and so left their Wares to follow the Wars They had also the advantage of the King in point of Arms for scarce three parts of four were Armed in his Army But for Cavalry the Royalists had the greater advantage for the flower of most of the English Gentry was there in so much that the life-Guard of the Kings was computed to above one hundred thousand pounds sterling of yearly Revenue About the evening of the day following both parties retired from the field the Parliaments back towards Northampton the Kings to their former road towards Oxford and in the way they took Banbury where there was a strong Garison for the Parliament which sure as the Cavaliers gave out the Earl of Essex had preserved had he been then Master of the field After this battail of Edge-Hill there happened diverse other traverses of war 'twixt King and Parliament for about four years in which revolution of time there were more skirmiges and battails fought then happened in those last thirty years wars of Germany or fourscore years wars 'twixt Spain and Holland Polyander This shews that the English have still the same old innated valour that they had when they made the gray Goose wing fly through the heart of France which made Comines one of their greatest Authors to confeâ—s that no Nation is more greedy of battail and more impatient of delayes that way then the English
certain arduous and urgent affairs concerning us the State and defence of our Kingdom of England and the Anglican Church We have ordained a certain Parliament of ours to be held at our City of the day of next ensuing and there to have conference and to treat with the Prelates Great men and Peers of our said Kingdom We command and strictly enjoyn you that making Proclamation at the next County Court after the receit of this our Writ to be holden the day and place afore said you cause two Knights girt with Swords the most fit and discreet of the County aforesaid and of every City of that County two Citizen of every Borough two Burgesses of the discreetâ—r and most sufficient to be freely and indifferâ—ntly chosen by them who shal be present aâ— such Proclamation according to the tenor of the Staâ—utes in that case made and provided And the â—ames of the said Knights Citizens and Burâ—esses so chosen to be inserted in certain Inâ—entures to be then made between you and those â—hat shall be present at such election whether the parties so elected be present or absent and shall make them to come at the said day and place so that the said Knights for themselves and for the County aâ—oresâ—id and the Citizens and the Burgesses for themselves and the Commonalty of the said Cities and Borâ—ughs may have severally from theâ—â— full and sufficients power to do and to consent to those things which then by the favor of God shal there happen to be ordain'd by the Common Council of our said Kingdom concerning the business aforesaid so that the business may nâ—t by any meanâ—â—â—main undoâ— for want of such power or by reason of the improvident election of the aforesaid Knights Citizens and Burgesses But we wilâ— not in any case that you or any other Sheriff of our said Kingdom shall be elected And at the day and place aforesaid the saiâ— Election being made in a full County Court You shall certifie without delay to us in our Chancery under your Seal and the Seals of them which shall be present at that Election sâ—nding back unto us the other part of the Indenture aforesaid affiled to these presents together with the Writ Witnesse our self at Westminster This Commission or Writ is the foundation whereon the whole Fabrick oâ— the power and duty of both Houses oâ— Parliament is grounded The first Hourâ— is to parly or have conference and to treat with the King the other house is onely to do and consent unto what the other shall ordain by their help and conference so that by this Writ we do not find that the Commons are called to be any part of the great Council of the Kingdom or of the Supream Court of Judicature much less to have any share in the Legislative power or to consult de arduis regni negotiis of the difficult businesses of the Kingdom but onely to consent and Sir Edward Cook to â—rove the Clergy hath no voice in Parliament useth this argument that in their Writ also the words are to come thither adâ—onsentiendum to consent to such things as â—ere ordained by the Common Council of the â—ingdom but the other word ad facienâ—um to do is not in their Writ action being â—ot so proper for them in regard of their â—lerical functions Polyander Then it may be well inferred from what â—ou have produced that the King with the â—elates and Peers is properly the Common â—ouncil of the Kingdom Philanglus Yes without controversie nor until the raign of Henry the first were the Commons called to the Parliament at all or had as much as a consent in the making of Laws Camden in his Britannia teacheth us that in the times of the Saxon Kings and the ensuing ages that the great or Common Council of the land was Praesentia Regiâ— Praelatorum procerumque collectorum the presence of the King with his Prelates and Peers Selden also tells out of an old Cronicle of the Church of Liechfield that Kinâ—Edward by the advice of his Council of Baronâ— revived a Law which hath lain dormaâ— threescore and seven years in the samâ— Chronicle tis said that William the Coâ—â—querer held a Council of his Barons An. 〈◊〉 Regni sui apud Londinias The next yeâ—â— after he had a Council of Earles and Baroâ—â— at Pinendâ—n Heath to decide the great coâ—troversie 'twixt Lanfraâ—t Arch-Bishop 〈◊〉 Canterbury and Odo Earl of Kent In the 21. of Eaward the third there 〈◊〉 mention made of a Parliament held 5. 〈◊〉 questoris wherein all the Bishops of 〈◊〉 land Earâ—s and Barons made an Ordinaâ—â—â— touching the Exception of the Abby of 〈◊〉 from the Bishops of Norwich In the second year of William 〈…〉 there is mention made of a Parliament 〈…〉 cunctis Regni principibus In the 〈…〉 of his raign there was another Parliament at Rockingham Castle Episcopis Abbatibus cunctisque Regni principibus coeuntibus wherin the Prelates Abbots and all the chiefe men convened in Council At the Coronation of Henry the first all the people of England were called and Laws were then made but it was as the story saith per Commune Concilium Baronum In the third year the tenth year and the twenty third year of his reign the same King held a Parliament or great Council of his Barons spiritual and temporal Henry the second in his tenth year had a Parliament at Clarindon consisting of Lords spiritual and secular in his twenty second year he had another at Notingham and a while after another at Winsor then another at Northampton wherein there is mention made onely of Prelates and Peers Richard the first after him held a Parliament at Notingham in his fifth year consisting of Bishops Earles and Barons which lasted but four days during which time there were mighty things transacted Hugh Bardelf was deprived of the Castle and Sheriffswick of York the first day the second day he had judgement against his brother Johu who was afterward King the third day there was granted the King two shilling of every plowd land in England he required also the third part of the service of every Knights fee for his attendance to Normandy and all the Wool of the Cistercian Monks The fourth day was for hearing of grievances so the Parliament broke up but the same year he convokeâ— another Parliament of Nobles at Northampton King John in his first year summoned 〈◊〉 Magnates his great men to a Parliament aâ—Winchester and the words of the Roll 〈◊〉 Commune Concilium Baronum Meorum the Common Council of my Barons at Winchester In the sixth year of Henry the third the Nobles granted the King for every Knight fee two marks in silver at a Convention iâ— Parliament he had afterwards Parliaments at London Westminster Merton Winchester and Marlborough Now these Precedents shew that from the conqust untâ—â— a great part of the reign of Henry the thirâ— in whose dayes 't is thought the Writ 〈◊〉 election of
of all the breaches and violations of those Laws may bee given in charge by the chief Iudges to be presented and punished according to Law 12. That all the Judges and all the Officers placed by approbation of Parliament may hold their places quam diu â—e benè gesserint 13. That the Justice of Parliament may pass upon all Delinquents whether they be within the Kingdom or fled without it And that all persons cited by either Court may appear and abide the censure of Parliament 14. That the General pardon offered by your Majesty may be granted with such exceptions as shall be advised of by the Parliament 15. That the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom be put under the command and custody of such as your Majesty shall appoint with the approbation of your great Council and in the interval with the major part of your Privy Council as formerly 16. That the extraordinary guard and military forces now attending your Majesty be removed and discharged and that for the future that you will raise no such Guards or extraordinary forces but according to the Law in case of actual Rebellion or Invasion 17. That your Majesty will be pleased to enter in a more strict league with the Hollanders and other Neighbour Princes and States of the Reformed Religion for the defence and maintenance thereof against all designes and attempts of the Pope and his adherents to subvert and suppress it whereby your Majesty will obtain a great access of strength and reputation and your Subjects much encoâ—raged and enabled in a Parliamentary way for your aid and assistance in restoring the Queen of Bohemia and her Princely issue to those dignities and dominions that belong to them and relieving the other reformed distressed Princes who have suffered in the same cause 18. That your Majesty will be pleased to clear by a Parliamentary Act those Members you have empeached in such a manner that future Parliaments may be secured from the consequence of ill Presiâ—ents 19. That your Majesty will be graciously pleas'd to pass a Bill for restraiâ—ing Peers made hereafâ—en from sitting 〈◊〉 voting in Parliament unless they be admitted thereunto by consent of both Houses And these our humble desires being granted by your Majesty we shall forthwith apply our selves to regulate your present Revenew in such sort as may be to your best advantage and likewise to settle such aâ— ordinary and constant encrease of it as shall be sufficient to support your Royal dignity in honour and plenty beyond the Proportion of any former grants of the Subjects of this Kingdom to your Majesties Royall Predecessors We shall likewise put the Town of Hul into such hands that your Majesty shall appoint with the consent and approbation of Parliament and deliver up a just account of all the Magazine and cheerfully employ the utmost of our endeavors in the real expression and performance of our dutiful and Loyal affections to the preserving and maintaining of the Royal honour greatness and safety of your Majesty and your posterity Polyander How did these Propositions relish they run in a very high strain though the preamble and conclusion breath a great deal of humility and allegeance Philanglus The King received these proposals with a kind of indignation saying that he was worthy to be a King no longer over them if he should stoop so low some alledged that the very propounding of them was Treason in the highest degree for they struck at the very foundation and root of all Royal authority therefore the condescending to them would render him a King of cloâ—â—s and fit to be hooted at by all his Neighbours Polyander The world was much amazed abroad that the Peers should concur in passing such Proposals considering how their honour must stand and fall with the Royal Prerogative well Siâ— on Philanglus You must think Sir that one part of foure of the Lords were not there the rest were with the King who slighting those nineteen Propositions an unluckie number it made the Pulse of the Parliament to beat higher and to publish to the World a new Declaration the substance whereof was That the Parliament hath an absolute power of declaring the Law and whâ—tsoevâ—r they declare is not to be questioned by â—ing Magistrate or Subject That â—n Pâ—â—cedents can bound or limit their proceedings â—at they may dispose of any thing wherâ—iâ— King of Subject hath any rig'tâ—forth publick good wherefore they may be Judâ—es without Royal Assen That none of their Members â—ught to be molested or medled withal for treason felony or any other crime unlesse the cause â— brought bâ—fore them to judge oâ— the fâ—ct That the Sâ—vâ—raign power resides in them That lâ—vying of Warre against the command of the King though his person be present is no lâ—vying of War against the King but the levying of War against his politick person and Laws that is the onely levying War against the King Polyander It was not the first time that this new kind of Metaphysick was found out to abstract the person of the King from his Office and make him have two capacities private and politick for the same Metaphysick was made use of in Edward the seconds Reign but it was exploded and declar'd by Act of Parliament afterwards to be detestable and damnable Treason This were to make Soveraignty by separating it from the person to be a kind of Platonick Idea hovering in the aer to make a King a strange kind of Amphibium to make at the same instant a King and no King of the same Individuum a power which the Casuists affirm God Almighty never assum'd to himself to do any thing that implies contradiction Philanglus The Parliament or rather the Presbyteriaâ— Army for the Presbyters sate then at the Helm increas'd dayly and things being at such a desperate point there were two choice Earls Southampton and Dorset sent from Nottingham with this Pathetick Letter of the Kings to the Parliament WE have with unspeakâ—bl grief of heart long beheld the distraction of this our Kingdom Our very soul is full of anguish until we may find some reâ—â—dy to prevent the miseries which are ready to overwhelm this whole Nation by a civil War And though all our indeavors tâ—nding to the composing of those unhappy differences 'twixt us and our Parliament though pursued by us with all Zeal and Sincerity have been hitherto without the successe we hoped for yet such is our earnest and constant care to preserve the publick peace that we shall not bee discouraged from using any expedient which by the blessing of the God of mercy may lay a firm foundation of peace and happinesse to all our good Subjects To this end observing that many mistakes have arisen by the Messages Petitions and Answers betwixt us and our great Councel which haply may be prevented by some other way of Treaty wherein the matters in difference may be clearly undâ—rstood and more freely transacted We have thought fit to
propound unto you that some sit persons may bâ—e by you inabled to treat with the like number to be authorized by us in sâ—ch a manner and with such freedoâ—e of dâ—bate as may best tend to that happy coâ—clusion which â—ll good people desire viz. The Peace of the Kingdom wherein as we promise in the 〈◊〉 of a King all saâ—ety and â—ncouragement to them who shall be sent unto uâ— if ye wâ—ll chuse the place we are to meet for the TREATY which we wholly leâ—ve unto you presuming the like care of the safety of those wee shall employ if you shall name another place So we assure you and all our good Subjects that to the best of our understanding nothing shall be wanting on our pâ—rt which may advance the true Reformed Religion oppose Popery and Superstition secure the Law of the Land upon which is built as well our just Prerogative as the propriety and liberty of the Subject confirm all just power and priviledges of Parl and render us a people truly happy by a true understanding 'twixt us and our great Council bring with you as firm a resolution to do your duty and let our people join with us in prayer to Almighty God for his blessing upon this work If this Proposition be rejected by you wâ—e have done our duty so amply that God will absolve us from the guilt of any of that blood which shall be spilt And whatsoever opinion other men may hâ—ve of our power we assure you that nothing but our pious and Christian care to prevent the effusion of bloud hath begot this motion in us Our provisioâ— of men Armies and Money being such as may secure us from violence till it please God â—o open the Eyes of our people Polyâ—ndâ—r What impression did thiâ— Letter make for it promis'd much Philanglus It made little or none at all though it was all written with the Kings own hand for the Parliament was formerly nettled at a Declaration he had sent when having made â— motion to go himselfe in person to suppress the Irish Rebels which attempt the Scots approved of and highly applauded but being not liked by the English Parliament he replied unto them to this effect When we recommended the reductâ—on of Ireland to you we intended not to exclude our Self or not to be concernd in your Councils but that if there were any expedient which in our Conscience and understanding we thought necessary for that great work we might put it in practise We look upon you as our great Council whose advice we always have and will with great regard and deliberation weigh and consider of but we look upon our Self as neither depriv'd of our understanding or devested of any right we had were there no Parliament at all sitting We call'd you together by our our own Royal Writ and authority without which you could not have met to give us faithful Counsel about our great affairs but we resigned not hereby our interest and freedom we never subjected our Self to your absolute determination we have alwayes weighed your Counsel as from a body intrusted by us and when we have dissented from you we have returned you the reasons which had prevailed with ouâ— understanding and conscience and with such candor that a Prince should use towards his Subjects and with that affection a Father should express to his Children What applications have been used to rectifie our understanding by reasons and what motives have been given by you to perswade our affections we leave the world to judge Moreover we must not forget to tell you however a major part may blind you in matter of opinion We hold our selfe and we are sure the Laws and constitutions of the Kingdom hath always held the same as free to dissent till our reason be convinced for the general good as if you delivered no opinion When we summoned you first together we did not intend to put the reins of all Rule and Reason into your hands and by a kind of blind bruitish formality and unprincely simpleness to assent to every thing without examining our own Conscience and judgement which yet never pleased us more then when they concurr'd with yours This were to bring us back to a nonage now that we are come long since to the perfect growth of discretion you must not think to take from us the Mastery and use of our innated reason and the dictates of our own conscience or that we will raise a Tempest at home within our brest to calm a storm abroad In fine we called you together to propound not to give Law to be our Counsellors not our Controllers for Counsel degenerates from the nature of Counsel wâ—en t is coercive Nor shall we ever enfeeble our regal power or suffer it to be invaded so far as to give way that any Ordinance or Omnipotency of Votes shall be able to suspend an Act already in force without our assent To conclude as we firmly resolve to make the Law the measure of our actions so we expect it should be also the Rule of your obedience and deliberations and that the result of all your Counsels be derived from it Polyander This was home and high but what answer did the Parliament make to the former letter from Notingham Philanglus The noble Personages who carried that Letter were looked upon with an ill aspect by the Parliament yet an answer was returned containing this proposal That the King woâ—ld revoke and annul in the first place those Proclamations and oâ—her publique instruments whereby their Adherents were declared Traytors uâ—der which notion 't was neither honourable for his Maâ—esty to tâ—eat with them nor were they capable to treat with Him Polyander This Doctrine I believe they had learnt of the Scot but what did the King reply Philanglus He sent word that he was willing so to do provided that the Parliament would recal likewise their Votes Orders or Ordinances passed against such whom they declared Delinquents for adhering to the King according to the clear known Law of the Land in the reign of Hen. 7. which was that nâ—ne should be molested or questioned for adhering unto or assisting the Royal person of the King This the King desir'd by way of reciprocal correspondence but it being denied those overtures for a Treaty came to nothing so the Parliaments Army begin to advance and the Kings did daily increase Thereupon the Lords that were about the person of the King whereof there were above threescore made this publick Manifesto WE do ingage our selves not to obey any Orders or Commands whatsoever that are not warranted by the known Laws of the Land We ingage our selves and fortunes to defend your Majesties Person Crown and Dignity with your just and legal Prerogatives against all persons and power whatsoever We will defend the Religion established by the Law of the Land the lawfull Liberties of the Subjects of England with the just priviledges of your Majesty and the
simple deniall that one believes there are no such and such things but he must swear positively and point blank there are no such things at all Now though I am not of the same opinion with Copernicus that the Earth moves and the Sun stands still yet I wâ—ld be loth to swear either the one or the other Polyander I observe that this Oath hath a double edg for either it must wronâ— oâ—e's Conscience or ruine his fortunes besides he is condemn'd without either Accuser or Witness the party himself must be both against himself and what can be more repugnant to nature Philanglus It is not only opposit to the Law of Nature but the Common Law of England doth so abhor that any shold accuse and condemn himself that there were extraordinary provisions made against it by our Progenitors Therefore if any had bin cited in the Spirituall Court to accuse himself pro salute animae a Prohibition lay at the Common Law to stop and supersede their proceedings All which is humbly left to the consideration of the present Government Polyander I infer out of this that if the Presbyterian had established himself he had proved the ugliest tyrant that ever was on Gods Earth if you relate to Soul Body or goods in lieu of 26 Bishops we should have had nine thousand and odd Popâ—s who would have delivered us over tâ— Satan ever and anon and puzzeled us with their Parochial Congregational and National Classes But I cannot wonder enough that the House of Commons shold so busy themselves so much and undertake to frame and impose new Oaths when by the Law of the Land they hadâ— or â—ower as much as to administer an old Oath to the meanest Subject And touching that Câ—venaâ—t what could be more opposit unto their former Oath for therein they offered their Souls to preserve that Râ—ligion which was established by the Laws of â—ngland and in the Covenant they bind themâ—elves to conserve that which was established by the Laws of Scotland and to that purpose they may be said to offer to God for their security to Saâ—an Moreover those Demogogs or popular Dagons though they were so forward to constrain all other of their fellow Subjects to take and swallow up any Oaths yet two parts of three among themselves did not take them as I have been often told But Sir now that you have been pleased to inform me of their carriage in Spirituall things how did they comport themselves in Civill matters after they had monopolized unto themselves all power by the Act of Continuance Philâ—nglus First I must tell you that touching that monstrous Act the soundest Lawyers of the Kingdome were of opinion that it was of no validity that it was void in it self in regard that what grants or concessions soever the King makes the Law presupposeth they are alwayes made with these Proviso's Saâ—vo jâ—re Regio salvo jure Coronae now it was impossible that any grant could possibly trench more upon the Right of the King or Crown as that extravagant Act of Continuance therefore it was nâ—l in its own nature at the first nay as some affirmed the very Proposall of it was Treson in a high degree But having hooked the power thus into their hands they strained it up to the highest pitch that could be They made themselves Land-Lords of al the three Kingdoms it was a common thing to take any man house over his head and make use of it for their service They meddled with every thing so far that scarce a Church-warden or Vestry-man could be made without them they would have a hand in making common Counsel men and Constables with other petty Officers Polyander Me thinks that was somewhat derogatory to the supremacy of their power for great Counsels should not descend to every petty object but with their high authority they should enlarge their souls to consider of Universals Philanglus I could produce many Instances how they undervalued themselves this way but let this one suffice It happened one day that a company of ramping wenches who went under the name of Mayds or Holy Sisters came with a Remonstrance to shew their affections to the House and they were headed by Mrs. Ann Stagg who was to deliver the Remonstrance hereupon a choise member was voted to go to Mrs. Ann Staggs lodging to thank her and the râ—st of the maydens for their good affections to the Parliament c. But to be more serious with you touching civill matters whereof you gave a touch before there was nothing so Common in those times as a châ—rgâ— without an Accuser a sentence wâ—thout a Juâ—ge and condâ—mnation without hearing How many were outed of their freeholds liberty and livelihoods before any examination much leâ—se conviction how many appeals were made from solemne tribunalls of Justice to inferior Committes how common a thing was it to make an order of theirs to control aâ—d suspend the very fundamental Laws of the Land Polyander But this was in the brunt of the War which the King did necessitate them unto as he acknowledged in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight Philanglus 'T is true he did so but he did it upon two weighty considerations and as it had reference to two eâ—ds first to smoothen things thereby and pave the way to a happy peace Secondly that it might conduce to the further security of the two Houses of Parliament with their Adherents Besides he did it when the Razor was as it were at his throat when there was an Army of above 30000 effect if Horse and foot that were in â—otion against him Then this Acknowledgment was made with these two proviso's and reservations First that it shold be of no vertu and validity at all till the whole Treaty were totally consummated Secondly that he might when he pleased enlarge and cleer the truth hereof with the reservedness of his meaning by publique Declaration Moreover That Grant or Acknowledgment was but a preambular proposition it was not of the Essence of the Treaty it self Now as the Philosophers and School-men tell us there is no valid proof can be drawn out of Proems Introductions or Corollaries in any Science but out of the positive Assertions and body of the Text which is only argument-proof so in the Constitutions Laws of England as also in all civill accusations and charges fore-running Prefaces which commonly weak causes most want are not pleadable And though they use to be first in place like Gentlemen Ushers yet are they last in dignity and shold also be so in framings Therefore there was too much hast used by the Parliament to draw that Hypâ—thetic Provisional concession to the form of an Act so suddenly before the Treaty it self was fully concluded Polyander But who was the first Aggressor of that ugly War the King or the Parliament Philanglus I will not presume to determin that only I will inform you that the Parliament took the first Military gard