¶ A learned commendation of the politique lawes of Englande vvherin by moste pitthy reasons euident demonstrations they are plainelye proued farre to excell aswell the Ciuile lawes of the Empiere as also all other lawes of the world with a large discourse of the difference betwene the .ii. gouernements of kingdomes whereof the one is onely regall and the other consisteth of regall and polityque administration conioyned Written in latine aboue an hundred yeares past by the learned and right honorable maister Fortescue knight lorde Chauncellour of EnglaÌd in y e time of Kinge Henrye the .vi. And newly translated into Englishe by Robert Mulcaster Pio lectori IStius non minus pij quá eruditi opusculi exemplar nactus quuÌ antiquitatem venerandam vna cum eruditione ac pietate coniunxcrim Non potui optime lector aut patrie tam ingratus aut antiquitatis tam in officiosus cultor esse vt te illius lectione diutius fraudarem Continet enim in se vt cetera taceam politicarum et ciuilium nostre Anglie legum quibus preclara et florentissima hec respublica sub illustrissimo et nuÌquam satis laudato principe nostro Rege Henrico octauo eiusque progenitoribus regibus Anglie hactenus felicissime fuerit erecta instituta gubernata doctissimum encomion Vnde easdem nostras leges non solum romanorum Cesarum sed et omnium aliarum nationum constitutiones multis parasangis prudentia iustitia equitate precellere facile prespiciâs Eme ergo lege et fruere ac labores nostros boni consule Vale. To the right woorshipfull Ihon VValshe Esquier one of the Queene her learned Iusticers of her highnes Court of Commen plees Robert Mulcaster wisheth long lyfe and health IT happened mee of late right woorshipfull syr to light vpon this little Treatise whiche I incontinent desired to renne ouer because yt semed to discourse vpon some poyntes of the lawes of our Countrye wherof I my selfe then was nowe am a Student When I had ouer ronne it my desire to read it became nothing counteruailable with the gladnes that I hadde reade it for my desire to reade it came vpon hope to fynd some profitable lessons for my study but my gladnes after reading sprang of y e excellency of thargumeÌt wheron I did not dreame neither to fynd so riche a Treasure in so simple an habite And because I wished all menne to haue parte of my delight me thought it good to translate it into Englishe forth of Lattine in whiche toung it was fyrste written The aucthour of the book was one maister Fortescue knight Seriaunt at the law and for his Skill and vertues preferred by kinge Henry the .vi. to be Chauncellour of this realme The entrie of the booke it selfe sheweth where and vppon what occasion it was written It was written in Berry in Fraunce where Prince Edwarde sonne to Henry the vi afterward slaine at Tewkesbury by Edward the .iiii. dyd then remayne with his mother Queene Margaret in the house of Renate her father duke of Angeow and king of Cicile during the tyme that Edward the fourth reigned in this Realme and Henry the .vi. was fledd into Scotland The occasyon was this The Chauncellour beiÌg fledde into Fraunce with the yong Prince perceiuing his delight to be all bent to Chyualrye as a thing of greatest neede consydering he ment by force the restitucioÌ of his father and thereby his own to the kingdome of England tooke occasion for that his hope was to see the Prince reigne heare to moue him to a diuision of his affaires as he armed him selfe against y e enemy so to adourne him selfe againste his being kinge with skill of lawes whiche doe preserue eche state so in peace that it maye if neede be warre and so garde it in warre that it may haue peace in eie Th argument is this that the skill of the Countrie lawes is neadefull for the Prince althoughe not so deepe as the purposed professours yet so full as to their honour may ought to fall in Princes And for that the Prince should think y e thing to be a Princely knowledge he taketh occasioÌ by comparing the gouernement of this Realme w t others and the lawes of this lande with the Ciuill with whome it is of all men lightly compared and the betternesse of poyntes wherein they bothe trauayle and prouisions by the one wiselyer foreseene then by the other to proue the singularitie of this state whiche it behoued the Prince to learne seyng hee was lyke to succeade hys father and to vnderstaÌd the lawes whiche maketh the state to bee so singuler The particularies I referre to the booke wherof thus much I doe and no lesse coulde well saye Why I dyd choose your woorship to be protectour of my laboures I shall not neede tedyously to touche it shal be suffycient to saye that in choise of manye I pycked you alone not doubting your lyking in allowynge seeing myne eleccion in dedycatynge and so commyttinge to thalmightye the good preseruacion of your worship I humblye take my leaue this xii of October Robert Mulcaster The introduction into the matter DVring y e cruell rage of y e late mortall warrez w tin the royalme of EnglaÌde wheÌ the most vertuous and godly king Henry the sixt w t Queene Margaret his wife y e kiÌgz daughter of Iherusalem and Scicile their onely sonne Edwarde prince of Wales were forced to fly the land the kiÌg himself afterward in the same ciuil tumult falling into the blody hands of his deadly enemies his own subiectz was of them coÌmitted to prisoÌ wher he a loÌg tyme remained in straite captiuitie the queene y e priÌce her sonne thus banished out of their countrey making their abode in y e duchy of Berry a dominion of y e foresaid kiÌg of Ierus The Prince shortlye after growing to mannes state applied him selfe wholy to the feates of armes muche delytinge to ryde vpon wilde and vnbroken horses not sparing w t spurres to break their fiercenes He practysed also sometymes w t the pyke sometimes w t y e sworde other warlyke weapons after the maner guyse of warriors accordinge to the vse of martial discipline to assaile strike his companioÌs I mean y e yong meÌ y e attended vpoÌ hys êson Which thing wheÌ a certein auÌcieÌt knight being chauÌcellour to y e forsaide kiÌg of EnglaÌd saw who also in y e miserable tyme did there remain in exile hee spake thus to y e priÌce SEuieÌte duduÌ in regno Anglie nephandissima rabie illa qua piissimus ibidem rex H. sextus cum Margareta Regina consorte sua filia regis Iherusalem et Scicilie ac eorum vnigenito Edwardo principe Wallie inde propulsi suÌt sub qua et demum rex ipse H. a subditis suis depreheÌsus carceris diutinuÌ passus est horrorem duÌ regina ipsa cum sobole patria sic extorrens in ducatu BerrenÌ
facinus liberis gaudemus habenis Solum igitur mihi iam superest a te sciscitandum si lex Angliae ad cuius disciplinatum me prouocas bona et efficax est ad regimen regni illius vt lex ciuilis qua sacrum regulatur imperium sufficiens arbitrat â ad orbis regimeÌ vniuersi Si me iÌ hoc demoÌstrationibus congruis indubiuÌ reddideris ad studiuÌ legis illius illico me conferam nec te postulationibus meis super his apliê° fatigabo ¶ That all lawes are the lawe of nature customes or statutes Cap. 15. THe Chauncelour aunswered saiyng You haue well committed to memorie most worthie prince al that I haue hitherto declared vnto you Wherfore you are well worthy to haue this doubt openyd wherupon now you haue mooued youre question You shal therfore vnderstaÌd y t al humayne lawes are either the law of nature or customes or elles statuts which are also called coÌstitutions But customes y e senteÌces of the lawe of nature after that they were once put iÌ writing by y e sufficieÌt autoritie of y e prince published and commaunded to be kept were chauÌged iÌto y e nature of coÌstitutions or statuts and did after that more penally then before binde the subiectes of the prince to the keepinge of theÌ by the seueritye of his commaundemeÌt Of this sorte are the most parte of the Ciuile lawes whiche of the Romain priÌces are digested in great volumes by their auctoritie commauÌded to bee obserued And not theye onelye are called by y e name of y e Ciuile law but also al the other statutes of eÌperours Now then if that among these .iij. welsprings of all lawe I proue the preeminence of the lawe of England to excell aboue y e rest I shal therwith proue the same lawe to be good and effectuall for the gouernemeÌt of y e kingedome And further if I do shewe it to bee as commodious for the wealthe of that Royalme as the Ciuile lawes are for the wealthe of the empire then shall I make euident and plain not onely that this law is of much excellencye but allso that it is an electe and chosen lawe aswell as the Ciuile lawes are whyche is y e thinge y t you require Wherefore to the proofe and declaracion of these .ij. poiÌts thus I êcede CAncellarius memoriae tuae princeps optime commendasti quae tibi hucusque suggessi quare et quae iam interrogas meritus es vt paÌdam Scire te igitur volo qd oiÌa iura humana aut suÌt lex naturae coÌsuetudinÌ vel statuta qÌ et coÌstitutioÌes appellaÌtur Sed coÌsuetudines et legis naturae seÌteÌtiae postquaÌ in scripturaÌ redactae et sufficieÌti auctoritate priÌcipis promulgatae fueriÌt ac custodiri iubeaÌtur in coÌstitutionuÌ siue statutoruÌ naturaÌ mutaÌtur et deinde penalius quaÌ aÌtea subditos priÌcipis ad earuÌ custodiaÌ coÌstrin guÌt seueritate maÌdati illius qualis est leguÌ ciuiliuÌ pars noÌ modica qÌ a RomanoruÌ priÌcipibê° iÌ magnis voluminibê° redigitur et eor â auctoritate obseruari maÌdatur Vnde legis Ciuilis vt cetera ImperatoruÌ statuta iaÌ pars illa nomeÌ sortita eÌ Si igitur in his tribus quasi oÌnis iuris fontibus legis Angliae prestaÌtiam probauerim prefulgere legem illam bonam esse et efficaceÌ ad regni illius regimeÌ etiam comêbaui Deinde si eam ad eiusdem regni vtilitatem vt leges ciuiles ad imperij bonum accomodam esse lucidè osteÌderim neduÌ tuÌc legeÌ illaÌ prestanteÌ sed et vt leges ciuiles electam vt tu optas etiaÌ patefeci Igitur hec duo tibi ostendere satagens sic progredior ¶ The lawe of nature in all countreis is al one Cap. 16 The lawes of England in those thiÌgs whiche they by force of the law of naturÌ do ratify establish are neither better nor worse in their iudgements theÌ y e lawes of al other natioÌs are in y e like cases For as Aristotle in y e fifth boke of his morall philosophie saieth The law of nature is y t which among al people hath like streÌgth power Wherefore hereof to reason any loÌger it shall not auayle But nowe hencefurth we wil searche oute what maner of custoÌes statutz these of EnglaÌd ar And firste the qualytie of those customes wee wyll consider LEges Angliae iÌ his qÌ ipÌae saÌctiuÌt legis naturae ratioÌe non meliores peioresue sunt in iudiciis suis quaÌ in coÌsimilibê° suÌt oÌnes leges ceteraruÌ nationuÌ Quia vt dicit PhuÌs v. EthicoruÌ Iê° naturale est quod apud omnes homines eaÌdeÌ heÌt potentiam quare de ea aÌplius disceptare noÌ expeditur Sed quales suÌt Angliae coÌsuetudines slâer similiter et statuta est amodo êscrutaÌduÌ et primo coÌsuetudinuÌ illaruÌ visitabâmê° qualitates ¶ The customes of Englande are of most auncient aÌtiquitie practised and receaued of v. seuerall nations from one to an other by succession Cap. 17 THe roialme of England was first inhabited of y e BritoÌs Next after theÌ y e Romains had y e rule of y e lande And theÌ again y e BritoÌs possessed it After whoÌ the Saxons inuaded it who chauÌging y e name therof did for Britain call it England After theÌ for a certain tyme the Danes had the dominioÌ of the Roialme theÌ SaxoÌs again But last of al the Normans subdued it whose discent continuethe in y e gouernmeÌt of y e kingdom at this present And in al y e times of these seueral nations of theire kinges this roialme was still ruled withe the selfe same customes that it is nowe gouerned witheall Whiche if theye had not beene right good some of those kynges moued eyther with Iustice or with reason or affection would haue chauÌged them or els altogether abolished theÌ and specially the RomaiÌs who did iudge all the rest of the world by their own lawes Likewise woulde other of the foresaide kinges haue done whiche bye the sworde onelye possessing the royalme of Englande myghte by the lyke power and auctoritye haue extinguisshed the lawes thereof And touchynge the antyquitie of the same neither are the Romaine Ciuile lawes by so longe contynuaunce of auÌcient times confirmed nor yet the lawes of the venetians whiche aboue al other are reported to be of most antiquity forsomuch as their Ilande in the beginninge of the Britones was not then inhabited as Roome then also vnbuilded neyther the lawes of any patnime nation of the world are of so olde and auncyent yeares Wherefore the contrarye is not to be sayde nor thoughte but that the Englyshe customes are verye good yea of all other the verye best REgnuÌ Angliae primo per Britones iÌhabitatum est deinde per Romanos regulatum iteruÌque per Britones ac deiÌde ê Saxones possessuÌ qui nomen eius ex BritaÌnia in Angliam mutaueruÌt ex
discreete and determinate perfectnes deepe vnder staÌdinge of the same beeynge lefte to his iudges So also oughte all princes to bee wel seene in the holye scriptures of god as sayethe vincentius Beluacensis in his booke of the morall institution of princes Forasmuche as the scripture aboue mentioned sayethe that vayne are all theye in whom is not the knowledge of god and for that in the sixteen the chapter of the prouerbes it is thus written Let prophecye or the woorde of god be in the lyppes of the kynge and then hys mouthe shall not go wroÌge in iudgement And yet is not a kinge bounde to haue profounde knowledge and determinate vnderstaÌding in y e holy scriptures as it becommethe a professoure of dyuinitye For it shal be ynoughe for hiÌ suêficially to tast y e senteÌces therof as also of his lawes Thus did Charles the great Lewes his sonne and Robert sometime kinge of Fraunce whoe wrote thys sequence Sancti spiritus adsit nobis gratia and diuers other princes as the foresayde VinceÌcius in the fiftenethe chapter of his booke aforesayd plainly shewethe Wherfore y e doctors of y e lawes do say y t an eÌperour beareth al his lawes in y e box of his brest not for y t he knoweth all y e lawes reallye in deede but for that he vnderstandeth the principles of theÌ lykewise theire fourme theire nature in whiche respect he is iudged to bee skilfull in all hys lawes Whiche also he maye alter chaunge and repeale So that in him are potentiallye all his lawes as Eue was in Adam before she was made Butte now good Chauncellour seeynge I perceaue mye selfe sufficientlye perswaded to the studie of the lawes of England whiche thing in y e beginninge of this worke you promised to perfourme I wil no loÌger trouble you in this behalfe But thus I instaÌtly desire you y t ye wil iÌstruct me in y e priÌciples of y e law as you once began to doe And that you will teache me to knowe and vnderstande the fourm and nature thereof For thys lawe shall bee euermore peculiar to me amonge al other lawes of the worlde amonge the whiche I see it shiene as lucifer amoÌge the starrs And forsomuch as I doubt not but youre intent whereby you were moued to this conference is fully satisfiyd bothe tyme and reason requirethe that we make an ende of our talke yeeldynge therfore laudes and thankes to him whiche beganne furthered and hathe fynished the same Whom we call Alpha et O who also be praysed of euerye lyuinge creature Amen Finis PRiÌceps Leges illas neduÌ bonas sed et optimas esse caÌcellarie ex êsecutioÌe tua in hoc dialogo certissime depÌheÌdi Et si qÌ ex eis meliorari deposcant id citissime fieri posse parliamentoruÌ ibi dem formulae nos erudiunt Quo realiter poteÌtialiterue regnum illud semper prestantissimis legibus gubernatur nec tuas in hac concionatione doctrinas futuris Angliae regibus inutiles fore conijtio duÌ noÌ dilectet regere legibus quae non delectant Fastidet namque artificem ineptio instrumenti et militem ignauum reddit debilitas laÌciae et mucronis Sed sicut ad pugnaÌ animatur miles cuÌ neduÌ sibi ênasiÌt arma sed et magis cuÌ in actibê° bellicis ipÌe sit exêtus dicente Vegetio de re militari qd â sciencia rei bellicae dimicandi audaciam nutrit Quia nemo facere metuit quod se bene di dicisse confidit Sic et rex omnis ad iustitiam animatur dum leges quibus ipsa fiet nedum iustissimas esse agnoscit sed et earum ille expertus sit formam et naturam quas tantum in vniuersali inclusiuè et incoÌfuso principi scire sufficiet remanen te suis iudicibus earum discreta determinataque peritia et scientia altiori Sic equideÌ et scripturarum diuinaruÌ peritiam vt dicit Vincentius Beluacensis in libro de morali institutioÌe priÌcipum Omnis princeps habere deberet cum dicat scriptura superius memorata qd â vanae sunt oeÌs in quibus noÌ est scientia dei et êuerbi .xvi. scribatur Diuinatio id est diuina seÌtentia vel sermo diuinus sit in labiis regis et tunc in iuditio non errabit os eius Non tamen profundè determinatèue intelligere tenetur PriÌceps scripturas sacras vt decet sacrae theologiae êfessor sufficit naÌque ei earuÌ in coÌfusô degusta re sententias qualiter et peritiaÌ legis suae Sic et feceâuÌt Carolus Magâus Lodouicê° filius eiê° et Robertê° quoÌdaÌ rex FraÌciae qui hanc scripsit seqÌntiaÌ SaÌcti spiritê° ad sit nobis gratia et quaÌ plures alij vt iÌ .xv. ca. lib. pÌdicti Vincentius pÌdictê° luculenter docet Vnde et doctores leguÌ dicuÌt qd â imperator gerit oiÌa iura sua in scrinio pectoris sui noÌ qÌa oÌiÌa iura ipÌe noscit realiter et in actu sed duÌ priÌcipia eoruÌ ipÌe êcepit formaÌ similiter et naturaÌ oiÌa iura sua ipse iÌtelliger â ceÌsetur qÌ etiaÌ traÌsformare ille potest mutare et cassare quo iÌ eo poteÌtialiter suÌt oÌnia iura sua vt in AdaÌ erat Eua antequaÌ plasmaretur Sed quia CaÌcellarie ad leguÌ Angliae disciplinatuÌ mihi iaÌ conspicio suffici enter esse suasum quod et in huiê° operis exordio facere êmisisti NoÌ te aÌplius huius pÌtextu solicitare conabor sed obnixê de posco vt in legis huius principijs vt quoÌdam incepisti me erudias doceÌs quodamodo eius agnoscere formaÌ et naturam quia lex ista mihi semê peculiaris erit iÌter ceteras legê orbis inter quas ipsaÌ lucere coÌspicio vt lucifer inter stellas Et duÌ intentioni tuae qua ad collationeÌ hanc concitatus es iaÌ satisfactuÌ esse noÌ aÌbigo tempus postulat et ratio vt nostris colloquiis terminuÌ coÌferamus reddeÌtes ex eis laudes ei et gratias qui ea incepit prosecutê° est et finiuit Alpha et O queÌ dicimê° queÌ et laudet oÌnis spiritus Amen ¶ The table AN Introduction to the matter Fo. 3. The Chanceller moueth the Prince to the knowlege of the lawe Fo. 4. The Princes replie to y e motion 7 The ChauÌcellour fortifieth his assertion 8 The Chauncellour proueth that a Prince by the lawe may bee made happye and blessed 10 Ignorance of the lawe causeth contempte therof 14 The Chauncellour briefly repeteth the effect of his perswasion 17 The Prince yeldoth hym self to the studye of the lawes though he bee yet disquieted w t certein doubtes 19 So muche knowledge as is necessarie for a prince is soone had 20 A kinge whose gouernement is politique cannot chaunge hys lawes 25 The Prince demaundeth a question 27 The aunswere is omitted for that in an other woorke it is handled at large 28 How kingdomes ruled by royaâââouernement onely first beganne 28 Howe kingedoÌes of politique gouernance were first begonne 30 The Prince compendâââsly abridgeth all that the Chauncellour before hath discoursed at large 33 All lawes are the lawe of Nature custoÌs or statutes 36 The lawe of Nature in all Countryes is one 37 The customes of Englande are of moste auncient antiquitie practised and receaued of v. seuerall Nations from one to another by successe 38 With what grauitie statutes are made in Englande 39 A meane to know the diuersitie betweene the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of Englande 41 The first case wherein the Ciuile lawes the lawes of England differ 42 InconuenieÌces that commeth of that law which no otherwise theÌ by witnesses admitteth trials 43 Of the crueltie of Rackinges 46 The Ciuile lawe ofte failethe in doinge of iustice 50 Howe counties are deuided and Sherifes chosen 51 How Iurers ãâ¦ã chosen sworne 54 How Iurers ãâ¦ã to be enformed by euydences and witnesses 57 Howe causes criminall are determined in England 61 The Prince granteth the lawes of England to be more commodious for the subiects then y e Ciuile lawes in the case disputed 63 Why Inquestes are not made by Iuries of .xii. men in other realmes aswel as in Englande 65 The Prince coÌmendeth the lawes of England of theire proceeding by Iuries 69 The Prince doubteth whether this proceding by Iuries be repugnant to Gods lawe or not 70 That the proceeding by a Iurie ãâã not repugnant to the law of God 72 Why certeine kinges of Englande haue had no delyghte in their own lawes 76 The Chaunceller openeth the cause which the Prince demaundeth 77 The commodities that proceede of y e ioynt gouernement politique regall in the realm of England 83 A comparison of y e worthines of both the regiments 86 The prince breaketh thââââuncellour of his tale 89 The second case wherein the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England disagree in theirs iudgements 89 Speciall causes whye base borne children are not legittimate in England by matrimonye ensuynge 93 The prince alloweth the lawe whych doth not legittimate children borne before matrymonye 98 The thirde case wherein the lawes aforesayde disagree 98 The prince approuethe the lawe whereby y e issue foloweth the wombe 102 The fowerthe case wherein y e said lawes varye 104 The prince commendethe the education of noble mens children beinge orphanes 106 Other cases wherin the foresayde lawes differ 108 The prince regardethe not a case rehearsed 109 The Chaunceller sheweth why the lawes of Englande are not taughte in the vniuersities 110 The disposition ãâã general study of the lawes of Englande ãâã that the same in nuÌber passeth certein vniuersities 113 Of the state and degree of a serieaÌt at lawe and howe he is created 116 After what maner a Iustice is created and of his habite and conuersacion 121 The prince fyndethe faute wythe delayes that are made in the kyngs courte 125 That delaies whiche happen in the kyngs courts are necessarie and reasonable 126 That the lawes of Englande are ryghte good the knoweledge thereof expediente for kyngs and that it shal suffice them to haue but a superficial knowledge of the same 129 Imprinted at London in Fletestrete within Temple Barre at the signe of the hand and starre by Rychard Tottill 1567.
predicti Regis Iherusalem dnÌio morabaÌtur Princeps ille mox vt factus est adultus militari totum se contulit disciplinae et sepe ferocibus et quasi indomitis insedens caballis eos calcaribus ⪠vrgens quandoque lancea quandoque mucrone aliis quoque instrumentis bellicis sodales suos iuuenes sibi seruientes bellantiuÌ more inuadere ferireque iuxta martis gimnasij rudimenta delectabatur Quod cernens miles quidam grandaeuus predicti regis Angliae Cancellarius qui etiam ibidem sub hac clade exulabat PrincipeÌ sic affatur ¶ First he moueth the Prince to the knowledge of the lawe Chap. 1 YOur singuler towardenes most gracious priÌce maketh me right gladde when I beholde how ernestlye you dooe embrace martiall feates For it is conuenieÌt for youre grace to be thus delyted not onlye for that you are a souldyour but muche rather for that you shal be a kiÌg For yt is the offyce and duytie of a Kyng to fight the batailes of his people and also rightlye to iudge them as in the viii chapiter of the firste booke of Kinges you are plainelye taught Wherfore I would wish your grace to be w t as ernest zeal geueÌ to y e studie of y e lawz as you ar to y e knowledge of arms because that like as warres by force of chiualrye are ended euen so iudgementes by the lawes are determined which thing Iustinian the Emperour well and wisely and aduisedly pondering in the beginninge of the preface of his book saith thus It behoueth the emperiall maiesty not onli to be garded with armez but also to be armed with lawes to the end y t he mai be able rightly to execute y e gouernemÌt of bothe times aswell of warre as of peace Howbe it for youre more earnest endeuoir to the study of the law the exhortatioÌ of the chiefest lawmaker Moyses sometyme capytaine of the Synagoge ought to be of much more force with you then the woordes of Iustinian wheras in the xvii chapiter of the book of Deuteronomie hee doothe by the auctority of god straitlye charge the kinges of Israell to be readers of y e lawe al the daies of theire lyfe sayeng thus When the kyng shall sitte vppon the princelye seate of hys kingdome hee shall write him out thys lawe in a booke takynge the copye thereof of the priestes the Leuites and he shal haue it with him and hee shall read it al the dayes of hys life that he may learne to feare the lorde his god to keepe his commaundementes and ordinaunces written in this lawe And Helynandus expouÌdyng the same saith thus A Prince therefore must not be ignorant of y e law neither is it tollerable y t hee vnder the pretence of warrefare shoulde be vnskilfull in the lawe And a littel after he is coÌmauÌded sayeth hee to receyue the coppye of the lawe of the priestes the Leuites that is to saye of catholik and learned men Thus muche he For the booke of Deuteronomie is the booke of the lawes wherwith the Kynges of Israell were bounde to rule and gouerne they re Subiectes Thys booke doth Moyses commaunde kinges too reade that they may learne to feare God and keepe his commaundementes which are writen in the lawe Beholde the effecte of the lawe is to feare God Whereunto man cannot attayne onelesse he firste knowe the will of God whiche is written in the lawe For the principall poynte of all seruyce is to knowe the wyll and pleasure of the lord or maister to whome seruyce ys due Howbeit the lawmaker Moyses first iÌ this charge mencioneth the effecte of the lawe that is the feare of God and nexte he allureth vs to the keepinge of the cause thereof that is to saye of Goddes commaundementes For in the mynde and intent of the exhorter the effect goethe before the cause But what feare is thys whyche the lawes do propouÌ to y e obseruerz therof Surely it is not that fear wherof it is written that perfect charitie or loue expellethe feare Yet thys same feare thoughe it bee bond seruile oftentimes prouoketh kinges to the reading of the lawes but it procedeth not out of the law But that feare wherof Moyses here speaketh whiche also procedeth out of the lawes is the selfe same feare that the prophet speaketh of saynge The feare of the lorde is holy endureth for euer euer This is such a louiÌg feare as natural children beare to their deare pareÌtz commenly termed the reuerence of y e child toward his parents Whereunto there is no punishement due as a thinge wrought by loue For this feare proceedeth out of the lawes which teach to do the wil of god so that it deserueth no punishement But the glorye of the Lorde is vppon them that feare hym and he doth glorify them Yea thys feare is eeuen that same feare whereof Iob after that he had dyuerslye searched for wisedome sayeth thus Beeholde the feare of the lord is perfecte wisedome and to forsake euill is vnderstandinge That the forsakinge of euill is the vnderstandinge of the feare of god this do the lawes teache whereby it foloweth that the same fear procedeth out of them Gaudeo vero se renissime Princeps super nobilissima indole tua videns quanta auiditate militares tu amplecteris actus conuenit naÌque tibi taliter delectari nedum quia miles es sed amplius quia rex futurus es Regis neÌpe officiuÌ pugnare est bella populi sui et eos rectissime iudicare vt primo regum cap. viii clarissime tu doceris Quare vt armorum vtinam et legum studiis simili zelo te dedituÌ coÌteÌplarer Cum vt armis bella ita legibus iudicia peragantur que Iustinianus Augustus equissima librans mente in initio prohemii libri sui institutionum ait ImperatoriaÌ magestatem non solum armis decoratam sed et legibus oportet esse armatam vt vtrumque tempus bellorum et pacis recte possit gubernari TuÌ vt ad legum studia seruide tu aÌheles Maximus legis lator ille Moyses olim Synagoge dux multo forcius Cesare te iÌuitat dum regibus Israel diuina autoritate ipse precipiat eorum leges legere omnibus diebus vite sue sic dicens Postquam sederit rex in solio regni sui describet sibi Deuteronomij Leges in volumine accipiens exeÌplar a sacerdotibus Leuitice tribus habebit secuÌ legetque illud omnibus diebus vite sue vt discat timere dnÌm deuÌ suuÌ custodire verba ceremonias eius que in lege scripta suÌt Deutero ca. xvij quod exponens HelynaÌdus dicit Princeps ergo noÌ debet iuris ignarus esse nec pretextu militiae legeÌ permittitur ignorare Et post pauca a sacerdotibus Leuitice tribus assumere iubetur exemplar legis id est a viris catholicis et litteratis Hec ille Liber quippe Deute est
you would muche marueill beecause you knowe not the cause of this lawe Howebeeit the difficultie of this case nothing troubleth him y t is learned in the lawes of England Wherfore it is a commen sayinge that an art hath no foe but the ignoraunt person But god forbid O noble prince that you should be an enemye to the lawes of that royalme whyche you shall by succession inherite or that you should despise them seeing y t y e a fore cited text of scripture instructeth you to the loue of Iustyce Wherefore moste soueraigne Prince I doe with moste earnest affection require you to learne the lawes of youre fathers kingdome whom you shall succeede not onelye to the intent you maye the rather auoyde these inconuenyences but also because mannes mynde which naturally desireth the thing that is good and can desire nothing but in respects that it is good as soone as by learninge it hathe taken holde of that whiche is good it becommeth ioyefull and loueth the same the more that it is afterwarde occupied in the remembrance of the same so much it is more delited therin Whereby you are taughte y t if you once by learning attaine to y e vnderstanding of y e foresaid lawes wherein you are nowe ignoraunt seeinge they bee perfectlye good you must needes loue theÌ And y e more y t you record theÌ in your miÌde so much y e more delyte pleasure shal you haue in them For what soeuer it is y e is loued the same draweth the louer of it into y e nature therof So that as the Phisopher sayeth vse or exercise becommeth an other nature So a slippe of a Peare tree beeynge graffed into the stocke of an appletree after that it hath taken it so draweth the appletree into the nature of the Peartree y e they bothe for euer after are rightly called a peare-tree and doe bring furth the fruite of a pearetree In lyke sorte continuall vse and practyse of vertu causeth a full perfection therof in so muche that the practyser of the same is afterward named therby as a man indued with modestye of the vse therof is named modest Hee that vseth continencye is called continent and one garnished with wisedom is called wise Wherfore you also moste myghtye prince when you are plesantly delyted in Iustice and therewith indued in respect of the perfeccion of the law you shal wortheli be called Iust For which cause it shal be saide vnto you Thou hast loued Iustice hated iniquitie and therfore the lord thy God hath anointed the with y e oyle of gladnes aboue the kings of the earth thy coÌpanions SEd quomoÌ iusticiam diligere poteris sinon primo legum scientiaÌ quibus ipsa cognoscatur vtcuÌque appreheÌderis Dicit namque Philosophus quod nihil amatuÌ nisi cognitum Quare Fabius Orator ait qd â felices essent artes si de illis soli artifices iudicarent Ignotum vero noÌ solum noÌ amari sed sperni solet quô poeta quidaÌ sic ait omnia que nescit dicit sperneÌ da colonus Et noÌ coloni solum vox hec est sed et doctorum peritissimorum quoque viroruÌ NaÌ si ad Philosophum natural â qui in mathe nunquaÌ studuit methaphisicus dicat qd â scientia sua considerat resseperatas ab oÌni materia et motu scdâm secundum esse et secuÌduÌ rationeÌ Vel mathemathecus dicat quod sua scientia considerat res coniunctas materiÌae et motui secundum esse sed seêatas secundum rationem Ambos hos licet phoÌs philosophus ille naturalis qui nuÌquaÌ nouit res aliquas seêatas a materia motu essentia vel ratione spernet eorumquè sciencias licet sua scientia nobili ores ipse deridebit non alia ductê° causa nisi quia eorum scientias ipse penitus ignorat Sic et tu princeps legis Anglie êituÌ miraberis si dicat quod frater fratri sibi nequaquaÌ vterino non succedet in hereditate paterna sed potiê° hereditas illa soro ri integri sanguinis sui descendet Aut capitali domino feodi accidet vt escaeta sua CuÌ causam legis huÃus tu ignores in lege tamen Angliae doctuÌ huius casus difficultas nullatenus perturbat Quare et vulgariterdicitur quod ars non habet inimicum nisi ignorantem Sed absit a te fili Regis vt inimiceris legibus regni quo tu successurus es vel vt eas spernes cum iusticiam diligere predicta sapientiae lectio te erudiat Iterum igitur atque iterum princeps inclitissime te adiuro vt leges regni patris tui cui successurus es addiscas Ne dum vt inconuenieÌtias has tu euites Sed quia mens humana quae naturaliter bonum appetit et nihil potest appetere nisi sub ratione boni mox vt per doctrinam bonum appreheÌderit guadet et illud amat ac quanto deinceps illud plus recordatur tanto amplius delectatur iÌ eodem quo doceris quód si leges predictas quas iam ignoras intellexeris ê doctrinam cum optimae illae sint amabis eas Et quaÌto plus easdem mente pertractaueris tanto eisdem delectabilius tu frueris Nam omne quod amatur vsu trahit amatorem suum in naturani eius Vnde vt dicit Philosophus vsus altera fit natura sic ramunculus piri stipiti pomi insertus postquam coaluerit ita pomum trahit in naturam piri vt ambae deinceps merito pirus appellentur fructusque producant piri Sic et vsitata virtus habitum generat vt vtens ea deinde a virtute illa denominetur quo modestiae preditus vsu modestus nominatur contineÌtiae continens et sapientiae sapiens Quare et tu princeps postquam iustitia delectabiliter functus fueris habitumque legis indutus fueris merito denominaberis iustus cuius gratia tibi dicetur dilexisti iusticiam quo et odisti iniquitatem propterea vnxit te dominus deus tuus oleo letitiae pre consortibus tuis regibus terrae ¶ Here the Chauncellour briefly repeteth the effect of all his perswacion Cap. 6. NOw moste gracious prince is not all thys enoughe to moue youre highnes to the studye of y e lawe Seing that thereby you shal indue your selfe with Iustice whiche shall yelde vnto you the name of a iuste man And shall also eschue the infamy of ignoraunce in the lawe And further by the lawe you enioying felicity shal be blessed in this life And finallye beinge furnished w t a louyng feare whiche is the wisedome of God you shall obtain possesse Charitie whiche is a stedfast loue to godward and by the meane thereof cleanynge to God you shall by the apostles sayenge bee made one Spirite wyth hym But forsomuche as the lawe without grace cannot accoÌplish these thiÌgs it is necessarie and requisite that aboue all things you
non specie tenus induisti et tamen gramatica sufficienter eruditus es ita vt merito gramaticus denominoris Consimiliter quoque denomiÌari legista mereberis si legum priÌcipia et causas vsqÌ ad âlimenta discipuli more indagaueris NoÌ eniÌ expediet tibi êpria sensus indagine legis sacramenta rimarâ sed relinquaÌtur illa iudicibus tuis et aduocatis qui in regno Angliae seruientes ad legem appellaÌtur similiter et aliis iuris êitis quos apprentiÌcios vulgus denominat Melius eniÌ per alios quaÌ per te ipsum iuditia reddes quó proprio ore nullus regum Angliae iudicium proferre visus eÌ et tameÌ sua sunt oÌnia iudicia regni licet per alios ipsa reddaÌtur sicut et Iudicum oiÌm sententias Iosaphat asseruit esse iuditia dei Quare tu priÌceps serenissime paruo tempore parua industria sufficienter eris in legibus regni Angliae eruditus dummodo ad eius apprehentionem tu conferas animum tuuÌ Dicit namque Seneca in epistola ad Lucillum Nil est quod pertinax opera et diligens cura non expugnat Nosco namque ingenii tui êspicacitateÌ quo audact â ênuncio qd in legibus illis licet earuÌ peritia qualis iudicibus necessaria est vix viginti annorum lugubris adquiratur tu doctrinam principi congruaÌ in anno vno sufficienter nancisceris nec iÌterim militarem disciplinaÌ ad quam tam ardeÌt â anhelas negliges sed ea recreationis loco etiam anno illo tu ad libitum perfrueris A Kynge whose gouernement is politique eaÌ not chaunge the lawes of hÃs royalme THe secoÌd poynte most worthy priÌce whereof you staÌde in feare shall iÌ lyke maner and as easeli as the other be confuted For you stande in doubt whether it be bettÌ for you to geue your mynde to y e studie of the lawes of Englande or of the Ciuile lawes because they throughe out y e whole worlde are auaÌced in glorie and renowne aboue all other maÌs lawes Let not this scruple of mynde trouble you O most noble priÌce For y e kynge of EnglaÌde can not alter nor change the lawes of his royalme at his pleasure For why he gouerneth his people by power not onely roial but also politique Yf his power ouer theÌ were royall onely then he myght chaÌge y e lawes of his royalme charg his subiectz w t tallag other burdenz without their coÌseÌt And suche is the dominioÌ that the ciuile lawes purport when they saye The priÌceis pleasure hath y e force of a lawe But from this muche differeth y e power of a kynge whose gouernment ouer his people is politique For he can neither chauÌge lawes with out the consent of his subiectz nor yett charge theÌ with straunge imposicions agaynst their wylles Wherefore his people do frankely freely enioye and occupye their owne goodz beynge rueled by such lawes as y ey theÌ selfz desyer Neither are they pylled either of y eir owne kynge or of any other Lyk pleasur also fredoÌ haue y e subiectes of a KiÌg ruliÌg oÌely by power roial so longe as he falleth not in to tyrannie Of such a kynge speaketh Aristotle in the thirde booke of his Ciuile philosophie saieynge that it is better for a Citie to be gouerned by a good kynge then by a good lawe But forsomuche as a kiÌge is not euer suche a maÌ therefor SaiÌt Thomas iÌ y e booke whiche he wrote to y e kiÌg of Cyprus of the gouernaunce of princeis wisheth y e state of a roialme to be such y t it may not be in the kyngs power too oppresse his people w t tyrannye Whiche thynge is êfourmed onely whyle the power royall is restrayned by power politique Reioyce therefore O souereigne prince and be gladde that the lawe of your royalme whereiÌ you shaâl succede is suche For it shall exhibite and minister to you and your people no small securitie and comforte with suche lawes as saieth the same Saint Thomas should all mankynde haue bene gouerned if in paradise they had not transgressed gods coÌmauÌdemeÌt with such lawes also was the Synnagoge rueled whil it serued vnder god onely as kiÌge who adopted the saÌe to him for a peculiar kyngdoÌe But at the last wheÌ at their request they had a maÌ kynge sett ouer them they were then vnder royall lawes onely brought verie lowe And yett vnder the saÌe lawes while good kyngs were y eir rulers they liued welthely wheÌ wilfull and tyranoê° kynges had the gouernemeÌt of them theÌ they coÌtinued in great discomfort and miserie as the booke of kynges doth more playnely declare But forsomuch as I suppose I haue sufficiently debated this mater in my worke whiche at your request I coÌpiled of y e naturÌ of y e law of NaturÌ therfor at this tiÌe I surceasse to speake therof any more SEcundum vero PriÌceps qd ⪠tu formidas conconsimili nec maiori opera elidetur Dubitas neÌpe an Anglorum legum vel ciuilium studio te conferas duÌ Ciuiles supra humaÌas cuÌctas leges alias faÌa per orbeÌ extollat gloriosa Non te coÌturbet fili regis hec mentis euagatio Nam non potest rex Angliae ad libituÌ suum leges mutare regni sui Principatu naÌ que nedum regali sed et politico ipse suo populo dominatur Si regali tantuÌ ipse pÌesset eis Leges regni sui mutar â ille posset tallagia quoque et cetera onera eis imponere ipsis incoÌsultis quale dominiuÌ denotaÌt leges ciuiles cuÌ dicant quod principi placuit legis habet vigoreÌ Sed loÌge aliter potest rex politicè imperans gèti suae quia nec leges ipse sine subditoruÌ asseÌsu mutare poterit nec subiectum populuÌ reniteÌteÌ onerare impositionibus peregrinis quare populun eius liberê fruitur bonê suis legibus quas cupit regulatus nec per regem suum aut quemuis aliuÌ depilatur coÌsimiliter tamen plaudit populus sub rege regaliter tantuÌ principaÌte duÌmodo ipse in tyrannidem noÌ labatur de quali rege dicit philosophus iii politicoruÌ qd melius eÌ CiuitateÌ regi viro optimo quaÌ lege optima Sed quia noÌ seÌper coÌtiÌgit pÌsideÌteÌ populo huiusmodi esse virum sctuÌs Thomas in libro qeum Regi Cipri scripsit de regimine priÌcipuÌ optar â ceÌsetur regnuÌ sic iÌstitui vt rex non libere valeat populuÌ tiraÌnide gubernare qd soluÌ fit duÌ potest â Regia lege politica cohibetur Gaude igitur priÌceps optime taleÌ esse legeÌ regni in queÌâu successurus es quia et tibi et populo ipsa securitatem prestabit noÌ minimam et solamen Tali lege vt dicit idem saÌctus regulatum fuisset totuÌ genus humanum si in paradiso dei mandatum non preterisset tali etiam lege rege bat
amonge y e saÌe one shal be the rueler and the other shal be rueled wherfore a people that wyll rayse theÌselfs into a kingdome or into any other bodie politique must euer appointe one to be chiefe rueler of the whole bodie which in kiÌgdoÌes is called a kiÌge After this kiÌde of order as out of the embryoÌ rieseth a bodie natural ruled by oÌe head euen so of a multitude of people arieseth a kyngedoÌe whiche is a bodie mistical gouÌned by oÌe maÌ as by an head And like as in a natural body as saieth the Philosopher the hart is y e first y e liueth hauig w tin it bloud which it distributeth among all y e other members whereby they are quickened doe lyue seÌblably in a bodye politik y e inteÌt of y e people is the first liuely thiÌg hauing w tin it bloud y t is to say politike prouision for the vtilitie welth of the same people which it dealeth furth imparteth aswel to the head as to al y e meÌbers of the same body wherby y e body is nourished mainteined Furthermore the lawe vnder the which a multitude of men is made a people representeth the seÌblance of synews iÌ y e body natural Because that lyke as by synewes the ioynyng of the bodie is made sounde so by the lawe which taketh the name a ligando y t is to witte of byndynge suche a misticall bodie is knytt and preserued together And the members bones of the same bodye whereby is represented y e soundenes of the wealth wherby that bodie is susteyned do by the lawes as the naturall bodie by synewes reteyne eueryone their proper fuÌctions And as the head of a bodi natural caÌ not chauÌge his sinewes nor caÌ not denie or witholde from his inferiour meÌbers their peculiar powers seueral nourishmÌtz of bloud no more caÌ a kiÌge which is y e head of a bodie politik chauÌge the lawes of y e bodie nor withdrawe from the same people their proper substaÌce against their wills and consentes in that behalfe Nowe you vnderstande most noble prince the fourme of institucion of a kiÌgdome politique wherebye you maye measure the power whiche the king therof maye exercise ouer the lawe and subiectes of the same For such a kinge ys made and ordeyned for y e defence of the lawe of his subiectes and of theire bodies and goodes whereunto he receaueth power of his people so y t hee can not gouern his people by any other power Wherfore to satisfy your request in y t you desire to be certified how it coÌmeth to pas that in y e powers of kings ther is so great diuersitie suerly in mine opinion the diuersitie of the institutioÌz or first ordinances of those dignities whiche I haue nowe declared is the onelye cause of this foresayde difference as of the premisses by the discourse of reason you maye easelye gather For thus y e kingdome of Englande oute of Brutes retinue of the Troians whiche he brought out of the coastes of Italie and Greece firste grewe to a politique regall dominion Thus also Scotland which somtime was subiect to Englande as a Dukedome thereof was aduauÌced to a politik and roiall kingdome Many other kiÌgdoÌs also had thus their first begiÌninge not onely of regal but also of politique gouernement Wherefore Diodorus Siculus in his seconde boke of olde histories thus writeth of the EgiptiaÌs The Egiptien kings liued first not after y e licentious maner of other rulers whose will pleasure is in steede of law but they kept theÌselfes as priuate persones in subiection of the lawes And this did they willingly beeing perswaded that by obeyinge the laws thei should bee blessed For of suche rulers as folowed theire owne lusts they supposed many thinges to be done whereby they were brought in daunger of diuers harmes and perylles And in his fowerth boke thus he writethe The Ethiopian kinge as sone as hee is created he ordereth his life accordiÌg to y e laws and doth al things after y e maner and custom of hys countrey assigninge neyther rewarde nor punishment to anye man otherthen the law made by his predecessours appointethe He reportethe likewise of the kinge of Saba in Arabia the happie and of certein other kinges whiche in olde time honorablye reigned SAnctus Augustinê° in libro xix de ciuitate dei capitulo xxiii dicit Quod populus eÌcetus hominuÌ iuris consensu et vtilitatis coÌmunione sociatus Nec tameÌ populus huiusmodi dum Acephelê° id est sine capite est corpus vocare meretur Quia vt in naturalibus capite detruncato residuuÌ noÌ corpê° sed truÌcuÌ appellamê° sicet in politicis sine capite coÌmunitas nullatenus corporatur Quo pÌmo politicÌ dicit philosophus quôd quaÌdocuÌque ex pluribê° coÌstituitur vnuÌ inter illa vnuÌ erit regeÌs et alia eruÌt recta Quare populuÌ se in regnum aliudue corpê° politicÌ erigere voleÌteÌ seÌê oport â vnuÌ pÌficere totius corporis illiê° regitiuuÌ queÌ regeÌ noÌinÌ solit â eÌ Hoc ordinÌ sicut ex embrione corpê° surgit phisi cuÌ vno capite regulatum sic ex populo erumpit regnum qd corpus extat misticuÌ vno hoiÌe vt capite gubernatuÌ Et sicut in naturali corêe vt dicit philosophus cor est primum viueÌs habeÌs in se saÌguineÌ queÌ emittit in oiÌa eius meÌbra vnde illa vegetaÌt â et viuuÌt sic iÌ corêe politico inteÌtio populi primuÌ viuiduÌ est habeÌs in se sanguineÌ vz êuisioneÌ politicaÌ vtilit â populi illiê° quaÌ in caput et in oiÌa meÌbra eiusdeÌ corêis ipsa traÌsmittit quo corpus illud alitur vegetatur Lex vero sub qua cetê° hominuÌ populus efficitur neruoruÌ corporis phisici tenet rationÌ qÌa sicut ê neruos coÌpago corporis solidatur sic per legem quae a ligando dicitur corpus huiusmodi misticum ligatur et seruatur in vnuÌ et eius dem corporis meÌbra ac ossa quae veritatis qua coÌmunitas illa sustentatur soliditateÌ denotaÌt per legem vt corpus naturale per neruos propria retinent iura Et vt non potest caput corporis phisici neruos suos coÌmutare neque meÌbris suis êpÌas vires et êpÌa saÌguinis alimÌta denegare nec rex qui caput corpor â politici eÌ mutar â potest leges corpor â illiê° nec eiusdeÌ populi substaÌtias êprias subtrahere reclamantibê° eis aut inuitis HeÌs ex hoc iaÌ priÌceps institutioÌis politici Regni formaÌ ex qua metiri poteris potesta teÌ quaÌ rex eiê° in leges ipsiê° aut subditos valeat exercer â Ad tutelaÌ naÌque legis subditoruÌ ac eoruÌ corpuÌ et bonoruÌ rex hmÌodi erectê° est et ad haÌc potestateÌ a populo effluxaÌ ipse heÌt quô ei noÌ licet potestate alia suo populo dnÌari Quare vt
postulationi tuae quacÌtiorari cupis vnde hoc êuenit qd potestates regum taÌ diuÌsimo dè variaÌtur succinctius satisfacÌ Firme coniector qd â diuÌsitates institutionÌ dignitatuÌ illaruÌ quas êpalaui pre dcÌam discrepantiaÌ soluÌmodo operaÌtur ê ut rationis discursu tu ex pÌmissis poteris exhaurire Sic naÌque regnuÌ Angliae quod ex Bruti comitiua TroianoruÌ quaÌ ex Italiae et grecoruÌ finibê° êduxit in dominiuÌ politicuÌ et regale êrupit Sic et Scotia quod ei quoÌdaÌ vt ducatus obediuit in regnum creuit politicum et regale Alia quoque plurima regna neduÌ regaliter sed et politice regulaâi tali origine iê° sortit â suÌt Vnde Diodorê° Siculus in secundo libro historiaruÌ priÌscaruÌ de Egiptiis sic scribit SuaÌ primuÌ Egiptij reges vitam non alioruÌ regnantiuÌ quibus voluntas pro lege est traducebant licentia sed veluti priuati tenebaÌtur legibus neque id egrè ferebaÌt existimantes parendo legibus se beatos fore Nam ab his qui suis indulgerent cupiditatibus multa censebant fieri quibê° dampna periculaque subirent Et in quarto libro sic scribit AssuÌptê° in RegeÌ EthiopuÌ vitaÌ ducit statutaÌ legibus omniaque agit iuxta patrios mores neque pÌmio neque pena afficiens queÌ quaÌ preter per traditam a superioribus legem Consimiliter loquit â de rege Saba in felici Arabia et alijs quibusdam regibus qui priscis temporibus feliciter regnabant ¶ Here the prince compeÌdiously abbridgeth al that the ChauÌcelour afore hath discoursed at large ca. 14 TO whom the prynce thus aunswered You haue good ChauÌcelloure w t y e cleare light of your declaratioÌ quite driueÌ away y e cloudy mist wherewith the brightnes of my mind was darkned so that I do most euidently see that no nation dyd euer of theire owne voluntarie mind in corporat themselfes into a kingedome for anye other intent but only to the end that therby theye mighte with more safety then before mainteine themselfs and enioye theire goodes from suche misfortunes losses as theye stoode in feare of And of this intent shoulde suche a nation be vtterly defrauded if then their kinge mighte spoyle them of their goods whiche beefore was lawefull for no man to do And yet shoulde such a people bee much more iniured if they shoulde afterward be gouerned bye foreyne and straunge lawes yea and suche as they paradueÌture deadly hated abhorred And most of all if by those lawes theire substaunce should bee diminished for the safegarde whereof as allso for the defence of theire own bodies they of theire owne free will submitted themselfes to the gouernaunce of a kynge No suche power suerlye coulde haue proceeded froÌ them And yet if theye had not beene suche a kynge coulde haue had noe power ouer them Nowe on the other syde I perceaue it to stande muche otherwyse withe a kingedome whyche onely by the auctoritye of a kynge is incorporate For such a nation is no otherwyse subiecte vnto hym but that the same nation whyche by his pleasure is made his kingdome shoulde obeye hys lawes and bee ruled by y e same being nothiÌg els but his like pleasure Neither haue I yet good ChauÌcellour forgoten that whiche in your treatise of the nature of the law of nature you haue with pithie reasons clerklye prooued coÌcerning that the power of these .ij. kinges is equall Howebeit the power of y e one whereby hee is at libertie to deale wroÌgfully is not by suche liberty augmented and increased As to be of habilitie to decaye and die is no hability but in respect of the priuation and feblenes in the thinge it is rather to bee called a dishabilitie Because that as Boetius saieth habilitie and power is not but to good So y â to bee of habilitie or power to do euill as is the kinge that regaly dothe rule that withe muche more libertie then the kiÌg y t hath a politique dominioÌ ouer his people is rather a diminution then an increase of power For the holie spirites whiche are nowe established in glorie and can not siÌne doe in power farre excell and passe vs which haue a delyte and pleasure to runne headlonge into all kinde of wickednes Now therefore I haue but thys one onelye question to demaunde of you whether the lawe of Englande to the studie whereof you exhort me bee as good and effectuall for the gouernement of that kingdom as y e Ciuile lawe wherebye y e holie eÌpire is gouerned is thought sufficient for y e gouernemente of y e whole worlde Yf withe sounde reasons and apparaunte demonstrations you resolue me in this point I wil streighte yeelde me to the studie of the lawe wytheout further troubling you with my questions in this mater CVi princeps Effugasti CaÌcellârie declarationis tuae lumine tenebras quibus obducra erat acies mentis meae quo clarissime iaÌ conspicio quod non aliopacto gens aliqua proprio arbitrio vnquam se in regnum corporauit nisi vt per hoc se et sua quorum dispendia for midabant tutius quam antea possiderent quasi proposito gens huiusmodi frauderet â si ex inde facultates eorum eripere possit rex suus quod antea facere vlli hominum non licebat Et ad huc grauius multo populus talis lederetur si deinde peregrinis legibus etiam ipsis forsan exosis regerentur Et maxime si legibus illis eorum minoraretur substantia pro cuius vitaÌda iactura vt pro suorum tutela corporuÌ ipsi se regis iÌperio arbitrio proprio submiserunt Non potuit reuera potestas hmÌodi ab ipsis erupisse et tamen si non ab ipsis rex huiusmodi super ipsos nullaÌ optineret potestateÌ e regione aliter esse coÌcipio de regno quod regis soluÌ auctoritate et potentia incorporatuÌ est quia non alio pacto gens talis ei subiecta eÌ nisi vt eiê° legibê° qÌ suÌt illiê° placita geÌs ipÌa qÌ eodeÌ placito regnuÌ eius effecta est obteÌperaret et regenet â Neque CaÌcellarie a mea huc usque memoria elapsuÌ est qd â alias in tractatu de natura legis naturae horuÌ duoruÌ reguÌ equaleÌ esse poteÌtiaÌ doctis rationibus osteÌdisti dum potestas qua eoruÌ alter êperaÌ agere liber eÌ libertate huiusmodi noÌ augetur vt posse lauguescere moriue potentia non est sed propter priuationes in adiecto impotentia potius denominandum Quia vt dicit Boetius potentia non est nisi ad bonum qd ⪠posse male agere vt potest rex regaliter regnans liberius quam rex politicè dominans populosuo potius eius potestateÌ minuit quam augmeÌtat Nam sancti spiritus iam confirmati in gloria qui peccare nequeunt potentiores nobis sunt qui ad omne
tuÌc per Danos ideÌ regnuÌ paruÌ ê dnÌatuÌ est et iteruÌ ê Saxones sed finaliter per Normannos quorum propago regnum illud optinet in presenti Et in omnibus nationuÌ harum et regum earuÌ teÌporibus regnuÌ illud eisdeÌ quibus iaÌ regitur consuetudinibus continue regulatuÌ est Quae si optimae noÌ extitissent aliqui reguÌ illoruÌ iustitia ratione vel affectione concitati eas mutassent aut oÌnino deleuisseÌt et maxiÌme Romani qui legibê° suis quasi totuÌ orbis reliquum iudicabant Similiter et alij reguÌ predictorum qui solum gladio regnuÌ Angliae possiderunt quo et poteÌtia simili ipsi leges eius exinanisse valuerunt Neque vero tantorum temporuÌ curriculis leges Ciuiles in quaÌtum Romanorum inueteratae sunt neque venetoruÌ leges quae super alias antiquitate diuulgantur quoruÌtum insula in initio Britonum inhabitata non fuit sicut nec Roma coÌdita nec vllorum mundi regnorum deicolarum leges tanto aeuo inolitae sunt quare non bonas immo non optimas esse anglorum consuetudines sicut non dicere ita nec suspicari fas est ¶ Here he sheweth with what grauitie statuts are made in Englande Cap. 18. NOw whether the statuts of England bee good or not that onely remainethe to be discussed For they procede not onely from the princes pleasure as do the lawes of those kingdomes that are ruled onelye by regal gouernement where sometymes y e statuts do so procure the singular commoditie of the maker that theye redounde to the hinderaunce and dammage of his subiectes Sometymes allso by the neglygence and ouersight of such priÌces their sleighte regard respecting onelye their own coÌmodities thei are so vnaduisedly made that they are more woorthy to haue the name of disorders then of well ordered lawes But statutes cannot thus passe in Englande forsomuch as they are made not onlye by the Princes pleasure but also by the asseÌt of the whole royalme so that of necessitie they must procure the wealth of the people and in noe wise tende to theire hynderaunce And it cannot otherwise bee thoughte but that they are replenished with muche wytte and wysedome seeynge they are ordayned not by the deuyse of one man alone or of a hundrethe wise counsellers onelye but of mo then three hundreth chosen menne much agreeinge with the number of the auncient senatoures of Roome as they that know the fashion of the Parliament of Englande and the order and maner of callyng the same together are hable more distinctly to declare And if it fortune these statutes beeinge deuysed with suche greate solemnitie and witte not to fal out so effectuallye as the intent of the makers dyd wyshe they may be quicklye refourmed but not wythout the assent of the commens and states of the realme by whose autoritie they were first deuysed Thus moste woorthy Prince you do plainlye vnderstande all the kyndes of the lawes of Englande And touching theire qualities as whether they be good or not you shal bee able to measure that aswel by your owne witte as by comparinge them with other lawes And when ye shall finde none in the whole worlde of lyke excellency you must of force grant them to bee not onely good but also on youre behalfe most to bee embraced STatuta tunc Anglorum bona sint nec ne solum restat explorandum Non enim emanant illa a principis solum voluÌtate vt leges in regnis quae tantum regaliter gubernaÌtur vbi quaÌdoque statuta ita coÌstitueÌtis êcuraÌt coÌmoduÌ singulare qd â in eiê° subditoruÌ ipÌa reduÌdaÌt dispeÌdiuÌ et iacturam QuaÌdoque etiaÌ iÌ aduertentia principuÌ huiusmodi et sibi consulentium inertia ipsa tam inconsultè eduÌtur quod corruptelarum nomina potius quam legum illa merentur Sed non sic Angliae statuta oriri possunt dum nedum priÌcipis voluÌtate sed et totius regni assensu ipsa conduÌtur quo populi le suram illa efficere nequeunt vel noÌ eorum comodum procurare Prudentia etiam sapientia necessario ipsa esse referta putandum est duÌnon vnius aut ceÌtum solum consultorum virorum prudentia sed plusquam trecentorum electorum hominum quali numero oliÌ senatus Romano rum regebatur ipsa edita suÌt vt hij qui parliamenti Angliae formaÌ coÌuocationis quoque eius ordinem modum noueruÌt hec distinctius referre noruÌt Et si statuta hec tanta soleÌnitate prudentia edita efficaciae tantae quantae coÌditoruÌ cupiebat intentio non esse coÌtingant coÌcito reformari ipsa possunt et noÌ sine coÌmunitatis proceruÌ regni illius asseÌsu quali ipsa primitus emanarunt pateÌt igitur iaÌ tibi princeps leguÌ angloruÌ species oeÌs earum quoque qualitates vt si bonae ipsae sint metiri tupoteris prudentia tua comparatione etiam aliarum legum cum nullam tantae prestantiae in orbe reperies eas nedum bonas sed tibi optabilissimas fore necessario confiteberis ¶ Heare he deuyseth a meane howe to knowe the diuersitie betwene the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England Chap. 19. ONe only doubt wherw t your mind is troubled remaineth now behiÌde vndiscussed And y t is this Whether as y t ciuile lawz so likwise y e lawz of Englande bee fruytfull and effectuall these for the royalme of England as the other for the Empiere and whether they may worthely bee iudged fytte and meete Comparisons most noble prince as I remember I harde you ones saye are compted odious Wherefore I am lothe to meddle w t them But whether they bee bothe of lyke worthines or that the one deseruethe an higher commendation then the other heareof you may gather a pythier argument out of those pointes wherein theire sentences do differ then by my declaracion For wher both the lawez doo agree the prayse of them ys equall But in cases where they disagree the worthyer lawe is moste prayse-woorthye Wherefore wee will nowe propound some such cases to the intent you maye indifferentlye ponder and weye whether of these doothe moste iustlye and better define the same And first wee will putte furthe exaumples of cases of much weight SOlum iam vnuÌ de his quibus agitatur animus tu us restat explanaÌduÌ vz an vt Ciuiles ita et ang leges frugi sint et efficaces isti Angliae regno vt illae imperio etiam et accomode iudicari me reantur Comparationes vero priÌceps vt te aliquan do dixisse recolo odiosae reputantur quo eas aggredi non delector tu an equalis sint ambae leges meriti vnaue altera celsius preconium mereatur non ex meo iuditio sed ex his in quibus earum differunt sententiae efficatius carpere poteris argumentum Nam vbi coÌueniunt Leges ambae aequalis laudis ipsae sunt sed
most worthie prince thoughe they in maters of doubte do somewhat otherwyse boult out y e trouthe The lawe of the generall couÌcell wheriÌ it is prouided that Cardinalles shall not be coÌuicted of crimiÌal offenses otherwise then by the deposition of xii witnesses is it any hynderaunce to the testimonie of ii men Yf the testimonie of ii men be true of more force must the testimonie of xii men be iudged true acordynge to a rule of the law that sayethe The more euer conteyneth in it that whiche is lesse The iÌholder was promised to be rewarded with an ouerplus if he bestowed vpon the cure of the wounded maÌ more then the ii pense which he receaued A man that laboreth to proue that he was absent at the tyme of the offense wherewith he is charged shal it not be nedefull for him to brynge furthe mo then ii or iii witnesses when his aduersarie hathe proued or is readie to proue the same by ii or iii. wytnesses And so he that trauaylethe to conuince witnesses of periurie must of necessite bringe furthe many mo then they were so that the testimonie of ii or iii. men shall not euer be iudged true But that lawe must thus be vnderstanded that by a lesser number of witnesses then ii the truthe in matters doubtfull ought not to be searched for as appeareth by Bernard assignynge dyuers cases wherin by the lawes mo then iii. wytnesses must needes be produced As in some of them v and in and in some vii Nor yett the lawes of Englande be not against it but that the truethe may be proued by ii witnesses wheÌ it can no otherwyse be tried For if thinges be done vppoÌ the sea without the bodye of any countye of that royalme which afterward be brought in plea before the lord admirall the same thynges by the decrees of y e lawes of england must be proued by wytnesses In lyke maner it hathe bene accustomed to be done before the CoÌstable Marshall of England touchynge a facte that was done in an other royalme so that the heariÌge thereof appertaiÌeth to the Constables courte Moreouer in the courtes of certein liberties in EnglaÌd where matters proceede by lawe merchaunt contractes or bargaynes made amoÌge merchauÌtz in an other royalme are proued by witnesses And this coÌmeth to passe because that in these cases there be no neighbours founde by whose othes Iuries of xii men may be made as in contractes and other cases ariesynge within the royalme of Englande is accustomed to be doÌe Likewyse if a deede wherin witnesses are named be brought into the kynges courte then processe shal be made agaynst those witnesses and they together withe xii Iurers shall by their othes recognise whether the same be his deede or no whose it is supposed to be Wherefore the lawe of EnglaÌd reproueth not that lawe whiche by wytnesses tryeth out the trueth specially wheÌ necessitie so requirethe For so do y e lawes of Englande too not onely in the cases now mencioned but also in certein other cases wherof here to make rehersall it shall not be material Howbeit this lawe neuer determineth a coÌtrouersie by witnesses onely that maie be determined by a Iurie of xii men forsomuche as this waye is muche more aualeable and effectuall for the triall of the trueth then is the fourme of any other lawes of the world and further from the dauÌger of corruption and subornation Nor this fourmÌ of proceedinge caÌnot in any cause faille for wante of witnesses nor the testimonies of witnesses if anye be can not choose but come to their due ende and effect Neither caÌ suche xii men be forsworne but that for their offeÌse they must suffer most sharpe punishement and neuerthelesse the partie by their depositions greeued shall obteie due remedie And these thiÌges shall not be doÌe by y e will saiÌges of straunge or vnknowne men but by the othes of good of worshipfull and of credible meÌ neighbours to the parties in whome the same parties haue no cause of challenge or mistrust touchiÌg their verdit O howe horryble and detestable dauÌgers happen mani times throughe the fourme of proceedinge by wytnesses Yf a maÌ make a priuie contract of matrimonie afterward before wytnesses do betrouthe or assure himself to another woman shall he not in the contentious courte be coÌpelled to marye her also after that in y e penitenciall courte be iudged to lye with the first if he be duely required and to do penauÌce as ofte as by his owne mocioÌ and procurement he liethe with the seconde thoughe in bothe courtes the iudge be one and the selfe same man In this case as it is wryten in Iob are not y e synewes of Leuyathan perplexed and intricat Fie for shame they are iÌtricate in deede For this man can carnally companie with neither of these ii women nor with any other without punishement either by the contentious courte or by the penitenciall courte Such a mischiefe inconuenience or daunger can neuer happen in any case by the waye of proceediÌg by the lawe of England no not though LeuiathaÌ himselfe would labour to procure the same Do ye not now see most noble prince that the more you obiect agaynst the lawes of England the more worthie they appere CAncellarius non his quibê° turbaris princeps contrariantur leges Angliae licet a liter quodamodo ipsae in dubiis eliciant veritatem Quid duoruÌ hominuÌ testimonio obest lex illa generalis coÌsilii qua cauetur vt non nisi duodeceÌ testium depositione cardinales de criminibus conuincantur Si verum est duorum testimonium a fortiori testimoniuÌ duodecim verum iudicari debet diceÌte iuris regula Plus semper in se continet quod est minus Super erogationis meritum promittebatur stabulario si plê° quaÌ duos quos recepit denarios ipse in vulnÌrati cura ero gasset NoÌne plusquaÌ duos aut tres testes producere oportebit queÌpiaÌ qui absenâeÌ se fuisse probare nititur teÌpore criminis sibi impositi quod ê duos aut tres testes aduÌsariê° eiê° êbauit vel probare paratê° eÌ Sic et qui testes de êiurio coÌuiÌcere satagit multo illis plures êducere necesse habet quo noÌ seÌê duoruÌ vel triuÌ hoâm testimoniuÌ veruÌ esse iudicabitur sed intelligeÌda est lex illa qd minore testiuÌ numero quam duoruÌ veritas in dubiis non debet exquiri vt patet per BernarduÌ ex tra de testi ca. licet iÌ glosa or dinaria vbi ipÌe assignat diuÌsos casê° iÌ qÌbê° ê leges plures quaÌtres oportet êducere testes Videlicet iÌ aliqÌbê° eoruÌ quinque et in aliquibê° septeÌ per duos etiam testes veritateÌ êbari posse cuÌ non aliter ipÌa pateret vtique leges Angliae affirmaÌt NaÌ si quae supra altum mare extra corpus cuiuslibet comitatus regni illius fiant quae postmoduÌ in placito
coraÌ admirallo Angliae deducaÌtur ê testes illa iuxta leguÌ Angliae saÌctiones probari debent Consimiliter quoque coraÌ constabulario et mariscallo Angliae fieri solituÌ est de facto qd in regno alio actuÌ eÌ duÌmodo adiurisdictionÌ curiae coÌstabulariae cognitio eius pertineat etiaÌ et in curiis quaruÌdaÌ libertatuÌ iÌ Anglia vbi ê legeÌ mercatoriaÌ proceditur êbant per testes contractus inter mercatores extra regnum factos Quia in casibê° his noÌ reperiuÌtur vicini ê quoruÌ sacramenta iuratae ex duodecim hoiÌbê° fieri possuÌt prout de contractibê° et aliis casibus infraregnuÌ Anglioe emergentibus est fieri consuetuÌ Si militer si carta in qua testes nominaÌtur deducatur in curia regis processus tuÌc fiet erga testes illos ipsi quoque recognosceÌt simul cum duodecim iuratoribus per eorum sacramenta vtrum carta illa sit factuÌ eius cuius supponitur an noÌ Quare legem qua testibus veritas extor quetur lex Angliae non condeÌpnat maxime cum necessit â id deposcat quia et sic faciuÌt ipsae leges Anglioe neduÌ in casibê° iaÌ notatis sed etiaÌ iÌ quibusdaÌ casibus aliis quos noÌ expedit hic notar â Sed ê testes soluÌ lex ipsa nuÌquaÌ liteÌ dirimit qÌ ê iura taÌ duodeceÌ hominuÌ discidi poterit cuÌ sit modê° iste ad veritateÌ eliciendaÌ multo potior et efficatior quaÌ est forma abquarum aliaruÌ leguÌ orbis et remotior a corruptionis et subornationis periculo Nec pot â hec êdecendi forma in causa aliqua ob defectum testium deperire neque testiuÌ si qui fuerint attestationes effectum debitum non sortiri nec êiurari possuÌt duodeciÌ homines huiusmodi quiÌ ê eoruÌ crimine ipsi acerbissimè puniaÌtur et nihilominê° ês ê eoruÌ depositioneÌ grauata remediuÌ debituÌ coÌsequetur ac non fient hec per extraneoruÌ aut igno torum hominum arbitriuÌ aut dictameÌ sed ê proboruÌ nobiliuÌ et fide dignoruÌ vicinoruÌ êtibê° sacrameÌta qÌbê° partes illae nullaÌ habeÌt causaÌ caluÌpniae aut diffideÌcioe de eorum dicto O quaÌ horreÌdum et detestabile discrimeÌ sepe accidit ex forma ê depositioneÌ testium êcedeÌdi NoÌne si quis claÌdestinuÌ coÌtrahat matrimonium et postea coraÌ testibê° muliereÌ aliaÌ ipse affidauerit cuÌ cadeÌ coÌsummare matrimoniuÌ artabitur in foro conteÌcioso et postea iÌ peniteÌciali foro iudicabitur ipse coÌcumbere cum prima si debitè reqÌratur et penitere debet quotieÌs ex actione êpria coÌcubuerit cuÌ secuÌda licet in vtroque foro iudex fuerit homo vnê° et ideÌ NoÌne in hoc casu vt iÌ Iob. scribitur êplexi suÌt testiculi leuiathaÌ Proh pudor verè perplexi sunt naÌ cum neutra mulierum harum neque cuÌ alia contraheÌs iste ex tunc coÌcu mbet sine animaduertione in foro coÌteÌdeÌtium aut peniteÌtium quale maluÌ incoÌuenieÌs aut discrimen per modum et formaÌ processê° legis Anglioe impossibile est in casu aliquo euenire etiam si leuiathan ipse ea generare nitatur NoÌne vides iaÌ priÌceps clarissime leges Anglioe taÌto magis clarescere quaÌto eisdeÌ tu aÌ pliê° reluctaris VVherefore certein Kynges of England haue had âo delite in their owne lawes Cap. 33. I see playnely quod the prince that in the case wherin you haue now trauayled they haue the preeminence aboue all other lawes of the world Yet we haue heard that some of my progenitours kynges of EnglaÌd haue not bee plesed with their owne lawes and haue therefore gone about to bringe in y e Ciuile lawes to the gouernement of England and to abolish y eir owne couÌtrey lawes For what purpose and iÌteÌt they so did I muche marueyll PRinceps Video inquit et eas inter tociê° orbis iura in casu quo tu iaÌ sudasti prefulgere considero tamen progenitorum meoruÌ Angliae reguÌ quosdaÌ audiuimê° in legibus suis minime delectatos satageÌtes proiÌde leges ciuiles ad Anglioe regimen inducere et patri as leges repudiare fuisse conatos horuÌ reuera coÌsiliuÌ vehemeÌter ad miror Here the Chauncellour openeth the cause whiche the prince demaundeth Ca. 34. You woulde nothiÌge marueyll here at quod the Chauncellour if you did deepely consyder withe your selfe y e cause of this inteÌt For you haue hard afore howe that amonge the Ciuile lawes that maxime or rule is a senteÌce most notable which thus syngeth The princes pleasure standeth in force of a lawe quite contrarie to the decrees of the lawes of EnglaÌd whereby the kynge there of ruelethe his people not onely by regall but also by politique gouernmeÌt In somuche that at y e tie of his coronation he is bound by an othe to the obseruaunce and keepiÌg of his owne lawe which thinge soÌe kynges of England not well brooking as thinkynge that thereby they should not freely gouerne their subiects as other kiÌges do whose ruele is onely regall gouernynge their people by the Ciuile lawe and chiefely by that foresaid maxime of the same lawe whereby they at their pleasure chaunge lawes make newe lawes execute punishmentes burden their subiectes withe chargeis and also when they lust do determine controuersies of sueters as pleaseth them Wherfore these your progenitours went about to cast of the yoke politique that âhey also might lykewise âuele or rather rage ouer âhe people their subiectes ân regall wyse onely not âonsyderynge that the power of bothe kynges is âquall as in the foresaid âreatise of the lawe of the âawe of nature is declared and that to ruele the people by gouernement politique is no yoke but libertie and greate securitie not onely to the subiectes but also to y e kinge kynge himself further no small lyghtenynge or easement of his charge And that this may appere more euident vnto you ponder and weighe the experience of bothe regimentes And begynne with the kiÌge of FrauÌce perusiÌge after what sorte he ruelethe his subiectes by regall gouernement alone And then coÌe to y e effect of the ioynte gouernaunce regall and politique examinynge by experience howe and after what maner the kynge of England gouernethe his subiectes CAncellarius Non admireris princeps si causam huius conaminis meÌte solicita pertractares Audisti namque superiuâ quomodo inter leges Ciuiles precipua sententia est maxima siue regula illa qÌ sic cauit qd principi placuit legis habet vigorâm qualiter non sanctiuÌt leges Angliae dum nedum regaliter sed et politice rex eiusdem dominatur in populum suuÌ quó ipse in coronatione sua ad legis suae obseruanciam astringitur sacramento quod reges quidam Angliae egrè ferentes putantes proinde se non libere dominari in subditos vt faciunt reges regaliter
bookes for the instruction of them that shall come after are euer more reported in the Frenche tongue Manye statutes also of that royalme are writen in Frenche Whereof it happeneth that the commeÌ speeche nowe vsed in FrauÌce agreethe not nor is not lyke the Frenche vsed amonge the lawyers of Englande butte is by a certeine rudenes of the coÌmon people corrupte Which corruptioÌ of spech chaunceth not in y e FreÌch that is vsed in England for so much as that spech is there oftener written then spoken Now in the thirde of the saide iii. tongues whiche is the latine tongue are written all writtes originall and iudiciall and likewise all the recordes of plees in the kinges courtes withe certeine statutes also Wherefore while y e lawes of England are lerned in these three tonges they cannot conueniently be taught or studyed in y e vniuersities where onlye y e latine tongue is exercised Notw tstandinge the same lawes are taught learned in a certein place of publique or comen study more coÌuenient apte for attaining to y e knowledge of them then anye other vniuersitie For this place of study is situate nighe to y e kingez courtes where the same lawes are pleaded and argued iudgementes by the same geeuen by iudges menne of grauytie auncient in yeares perfecte and graduate in the same lawes Wherefore euery daye in courte the studentes in those lawes resorte by greate numbers vnto those courtes wherein the same lawes are redde taught as it were in coÌmon scholes This place of study is set betwene y e place of y e said courtz y e Citie of LoÌdoÌ which of al thiÌgs necessarie is y e pleÌtifullest of all y e cities towns of y e realm So y t y e said place of study is not situate w tin y e citie where the confluence of people might disturbe the quietnes of the studentes but somewhat seueral in the suburbes of the same Citie and nigher to the saide courtes that the studentes maye daylye at theire pleasure haue accesse and recourse thether without wearines CAncellariê° In vniuersitatibus Angliae non docentur scientiae nisi in latina lingua et leges terrae illius in triplici lingua addiscuntur videlicet Anglica Gallica et Latina Anglica quia inter Anglos lex illa maxime inoleuit Gallica quia postquam galli duce VVilhelmo Angliae conquestore terraÌ illaÌ optinueruÌt noÌ êmiserunt ipsi eoruÌ aduocatos placitare causas suas nisi in lingua quaÌ ipsi nouerunt qualiter et faciuÌt oÌeÌs aduocati in FraÌcia etiaÌ in curia parliameÌti ibideÌ CoÌsimiliter gallici post eoruÌ adueÌtuÌ in AngliaÌ ratiocinia de eoruÌ prouentibus non receperunt nisi in proprio idiomate ne ipsi inde decipereÌt â Venari etiaÌ et iÌocos alios excercere vt taloruÌ et pilaruÌ ludos noÌ niÌ si in êpria lingua delectabaÌt â Quo et Anglici ex frequeÌti eoruÌ iÌ talibê° comitiua habituÌ taleÌ â contraxeruÌt qd â hucusque ipsi iÌ ludis hmÌodi et coÌpotis linquaÌ loquuntur gallicanaÌ et placitare in eadeÌ liÌgua soliti fueruÌt quousque mos ille vigore cuiusdaÌ statutiÌ quaÌ plurimum restrictê° eÌ tâÌ in toto hucusque abolerânoÌ potuit tuÌ êpter termiÌos quosdaÌ quos plê° êprie placitantes in gallico quaÌ in Anglico exprimuÌt tuÌc qÌa declaratioÌes suê breuiae originalia taÌ coÌuenieÌt â ad naturaÌ breuiuÌ illoruÌ ênuÌciari neqÌuÌt vt iÌ gallicÌ sub quali sermone declarationuÌ huiusmodi formulae addiscuntur ReportaÌtur etiaÌ ea qÌ in curijs regijs placitantur disputantur et iudicantur ac in libros ad futuroruÌâruditioneÌ rediguÌtur in sermone semper gallico QuaÌ plurima etiaÌ statuta regni illius in gallico coÌscribuÌtur Vnde accidit qd â lingua iaÌ in Francia vulgaris non concordat aut consimilis est gallico inter legis peritos Angliae vsitato sed vulgari quadam ruditate corrupta Quod fieri non accidit in sermone gallico infra AngliaÌ vsitato cuÌ sit sermo ille ibideÌ sepius scriptê° quaÌ locutus Sub tertia vero linguaruÌ predictaruÌ vz sub latina oiÌa breuia originalia iudicialia similiter et oiÌa recorda placitoruÌ in curiis reguÌ etiaÌ et qÌdaÌ statuta scribuÌt â Quare duÌ leges Angliae in his tribus addifcuÌt â linguis ipsae in vniuersitatibê° vbi soluÌ latina excercet â lingua coÌuenâeÌter erudiri noÌ poteruÌt aut studeri Leges tnÌ illae iÌ quodaÌ studio publico ê illaruÌ appreheÌsione oiÌ vniuÌsitate coÌuenieÌtiore et êniore doceÌt â et ad discuÌt â StudiuÌ naÌque istud situm est prope curiam regis vbi leges illae placitaÌt â disputaÌtur et iudicia ê easdeÌ redduÌtur ê Iudices viros graues senes iÌ legibê° illis peritos et graduatos quô iÌ cur â illis ad quas oiÌ die placitabili coÌfluuÌt studeÌtes in legibus illis qua si iÌ scolis publicis leges illae leguntur et docent â Situat â etiaÌ studium illud inter locuÌ CuriaruÌ illaruÌ et ciuitateÌ LoÌdonÌ qÌ de oiÌbus necessariis opuleÌtissimÌ est oiÌuÌ ciuitatuÌ et opidoruÌ regni illiê° Nec in ciuitate illa vbi coÌfluentiuÌ turba studentium quieteÌ perturbare possit situm est studium istud sed seorsum parumper in ciuitatis illius suburbio et proprius Curiis predictis vt ad eas sine fagiagionis iÌ coÌmodo studentes indies ad libitum accedere valeant ¶ Here he declareth the disposition of the general study of the lawes of Englande and that the same in nomber of studentes passeth certein vniuersities Cha. 49. BVt to y e intent most excelleÌt prince ye maye conceaue a fourme an ymage of this study as I am able I will discribe it vntoo you For there bee in it tenne lesser housez or ynnes somtimes moe whyche are called ynnes of the Chauncery And to euerie one of them belongeth a C. studients at the least to some of them a muche greater nomber though they bee not euer all together in the same These studentes for the most part of theÌ are yongmen lerning or studying y e originals as it were y e elements of y e law who profiting therein as they growe to rypenes so are they admitted into y e greater ynnes of the same study called ynnes of court Of the whiche greater ynnes there are .iiii. in number And to the lest of them beelongeth in fourme aboue mentioned twooe hundrethe Studentes or theareaboutes For in these greter ynnez there can no studient bee mainteined for lesse expeÌses by the yeare then xx markes And if he haue a seruaunt to waite vppon him as moste of theÌ haue then so muche the greater will his charges be Now be reason of this charges the children onelye of noble menne doo studye the lawes in those ynnes For the
shall vnderstande that though these degrees are not geeuen in the lawes of England yet there is geeuen in them not a degree only but also a state no lesse worshipfull and solempne then the degree of doctours which is called the degree of a Seriant at lawe And it is geuen vnder the manner fourme foâowyng The lorde chiefe Iustice of the commen benche by y e couÌsell and assent of all the Iustices vsethe as ofte as he thinketh good to chose vii or .viii. of the discreetest persones that in the foresaide generall studye haue most profited in the lawes and whiche to the same Iusticez are thought to bee of best disposition and their names hee presenteth to the lord Chancellour of Englande in writtynge Who incontinent by vertue of the kinges write shal charge euery of the êsons elect to be beefore the kinge at a daye by hym assigned too take vppon him the state and degree of a serieaunt at lawe vnder a greate penaltie in euerye of the said writtes limitted On the whiche daye euery one of them appearing shal be sworne vpoÌ the holye gospell of God to be ready at the daye place then to bee appointed to receaue the state and degree aforesaide and that he the same daye shall geeue golde accordynge to the custome in that behalfe vsed Howe bee it howe and after what sorte euerye of the saide chosen persones shall that daye demeane himselfe and also the fourme and maner howe that state degree shal bee geuen receued forsomuche as the same can not so briefelye bee written as to the shortnes of this woorke is requisite therefore at thys tyme I will leaue these pointes vntouched And yet I haue declared the same to you ere nowe by waye of talke But thys you must vnderstande that when the day appoiÌted is come those electe persons among other solemnities must keepe a greate dinner like to the feast of a kinges coronation which shal continue last by y e space of seuen daies And none of those elect êsones shall defraye y e charges growinge to him about y e costes of this solempnitie with lesse expenses then the summe of foure huÌdreth markes So that y e expeÌses whiche viii menne so electe shall then beestowe will surmount the summe of thre thousande and two hundreth maâks Of y e which expenses one parcel shall bee this Euery of them shal geue ringes of golde to y e value of xl poundes sterling at the least And your Chauncellour well remeÌbrethe that at what tyme hee receaued this state and degree y e ringez which he then gaue stode him in fifty poundes For euery suche serieant at the tyme of hys creacion vseth to geeue vntoo euery Prince Duke and archebishop being preseÌt at that solempnitie and to the lord Chauncellour and Lorde Treaseroure of Englande a ringe of the valu of .xxvi. shillings viii d And to euery earle and bishop beeinge likewise present and also to the Lorde priuie seale to both y e lordes chief Iustices to the Lorde chiefe baron of the kinges exchequer a ringe of the value of xx s And to euery lord baron of the parliament to euery abbott notable prelate worshipfull knight being then preseÌt also to y e maister of the roles to euery Iustice a ring of y e value of a mark And likewise to euery baron of y e exchequer to the chaumberlaines and to all the officers and notable menne seruynge in the kinges courtes ringes of a smaller pryce but agreable to theire estates to whome they are geuen Insomuch y t there shall not bee a clerke speciallye in the court of the commen benche but hee shal receaue a ring coÌuenient for his degree And besydes these they geeue dyuers rynges too other of theire fryndes They geue also liueries of cloth of one sute or colour in greate abundaunce not onelye to theire houshold meanye but also to their other fryndes and acquaintaunce whiche durynge the tyme of the foresayde solempnytye shall attende and wayte vppon them Wherefore though in the Vniuersities they that are promoted too the degree of Doctors do sustaiÌ no small charges at the tyme of their coÌmeÌcemeÌt as in geuiÌge of bonnetes and other ryche gyftes yet y ey geue no gold nor do bestowe any other giftes or costes lyke vnto these expenses Neither iÌ any couÌtrey of the world is there any special degre geuen in the lawes of the saÌe laÌde but onely in y e royalme of Englande Neither is there any man oâ lawe throughe out the vniuersall world whiche by reasoÌ of his office or êfession gaynethe somuch as one of these seriaunts No man also be he neuer so connynge skylfull in the lawes of the royalme shal be exalted to y e office and dignitie of a Iustice in the courte of pleas before the kiÌge or iÌ y e courte of the coÌmeÌ bench which are the chiefe ordinarie courtes of the same royalme oneles he be first êmoted to the state and degree of a seriaunt at law Neither shall any man but onely such a seriaunt pleade in the courte of y t commen benche wheare all reall actions are pleaded Wherefore to this state and degree hath no man bene hetherto admitted except he haue first coÌtinued by the space of xvi yeares in the said general studie of y e lawe And in token or signe that all Iustices ar thus graduat euerye of them alwayes whyle he sytteth iÌ y e kiÌges courtes weareth a white quoyfe of silke whiche is the principal and chief in signemet of habite where with seriauntes at lawe in their creation are decked And neither the Iustice nor yet the seriaunt shal euer put of y e quoyfe no not in the kynges presence thoughe he be in talke withe his maiesties highnes wherefore most noble prince you can not hereafter doubt but that these lawes which so singularli aboue the Ciuile lawes yea and aboue the lawes of all other royalmes are honoured and with so solempne a state of such as are learned therein and do professe y e saÌe are worshipped must needes be precioê° noble and hieghe and of greate excellencie and of speciall knowlege and vertue SEd cuÌ tu princeps scire desideres cur iÌ legibê° Angliae noÌ dantur baculariatê° et doctoratus gradus sicut in vtroque iure in vniuersitatibus est dare consuetuÌ Scire te volo qd â licet gradus hmÌoi in legibus Angliae minime coÌferaÌtur datur tamen in illis nedum gradus sed et status quidam gradu doctoratê° noÌ minê° celebris aut soleÌnis qui gradus seruientis ad legeÌ appellatur Et coÌfertur sub hac qÌ subsequitur forma Capitalis Iusticiarius de coÌi banco de coÌsilio et asseÌsu oiÌm iusticiarioruÌ eligere solet quotieÌs sibi videtur oportâmuÌ septeÌ vel octo de maturioribus êsonis qui in pÌdicto genÌali studio maius in legibus proficeruÌt qui eisdeÌ iusticiar â optimae
law euicted from him And yet al these are delayes as you most noble prince by my talke at other times do wel knowe And the like delayes to these do no other lawes admit Neither do the lawes of Englande admyt tryeflinge and vnfruteful delayes And if any suche fonde delayes shoulde be vsed they maye at euerye parliament be cut awaye Yea and other laws vsed in the same royalme wheÌ in any pointe theye beegynnne to haste theye maye at euery parliameÌt be refourmed Wherfore it maye well bee concluded that all the lawes of that royalme are ryghte good either in deede or in possibilitie So that if they bee not presentlye good theye maye easlye be reduced to the present perfection of goodnes To the perfourmaunce wherof as ofte as equytye so requyrethe euerye kynge there is bounde by an othe solempnelye taken at the tyme of hys coronation Cancellariê° In actionibê° personalibê° extra vrbes villas mercatores vbi êceditur secunduÌ coÌsuetudines et libertates earundeÌ processê° sunt ordinarii Et quaÌtas libet dilationes paciuntur non tamen excessiuas In vrbibê° vero et villis illis potissimÌ cuÌ vrgeÌs causa de poscat celeris vt in aliis muÌdi êtibê° fit êcessê° nec tameÌ vt alibi ipsi nimiuÌ aliquando festinaÌt â quo subsequitur êtis lesio Rursê° in realibê° actionibê° in oÌnibê° fere muÌdi êtibê° morosi sunt êcessê° Sed iÌ Anglia quodamodo celeriores SuÌt quippe iÌ regno FraÌciae in curia ibid â supÌma qÌ cur â êliameÌti vocitatur êcessê° quidaÌ qÌ in ea plus quaÌ triginta aÌnis pepeÌderuÌt Et noui ego appellationis causaÌ vnaÌ qÌ in curia illa agitata fuit iam ê deceÌ aÌnos suspeÌsaÌ fuisse et adhuc veri simile noÌ eÌ eaÌ ifra aÌnos decem alios poste discidi osteÌdit et mihi duduÌ duÌ Parisiis morabar hospes meê° êcessuÌ suuÌ in scriptis queÌ iÌ curia pliamÌti ibideÌ ipÌe tuÌc octo aÌnis ê quatuor solidatis redditê° qÌ de pecunia nostr â viii d noÌ ex ceduÌt êsecutê° est nec sperauit se in octo annis aliis iuditium inde opteÌturuÌ Alios quoque noÌnullos nouicasê° ibideÌ his similes sic qd leg Angliae noÌ tantas vt mihi visuÌ eÌ dilationes sortiuÌt â vt faciuÌt leges regionis illiê° Sed reuÌa êne cessariuÌ eÌ dilationÌs fieri iÌ êcessibê° oiÌm actionuÌ duÌmodo nimiuÌ ipsae non fueriÌt excessiuae NaÌ sub illis êtes et maximÌ ês rea quaÌ sepe sibi êuident de defeÌsionibê° vtilibê° similiter et consiliis quibê° alias ipsi carereÌt Nec vnquaÌ iÌ iudiciis taÌtuÌ iÌminet periculuÌ quaÌ tum parit êcessê° festinatê° Vidi neÌpe quoÌdaÌ apud ciuitatem SaruÌ coraÌ iudice quodam ad gaolaÌ ibideÌ de liberaÌdaÌ cum clerico suo assignato mulierem de morte mariti sui infra aÌnum ab iÌterfectione eiê° attinctaÌ similiter et coÌbustaÌ in quo casu licuit iudici illi vsque post aÌnum illum arrettamentuÌ siue disrationÌ mulier â illiê° respectuasse et post annuÌ illuÌ vidi vnuÌ de seruieÌtibus i Ìt erfecti illiê° coraÌ eodeÌ iusticiario de morte eiusdeÌ magistri sui coÌuictuÌ qÌ tuÌc publice fatebatur ipÌmmet solum magistruÌ suuÌ occidisse et magistram suaÌ vxoreÌ eiê° tunc coÌbustaÌ iÌnoceÌteÌ oÌniÌo fuisse de morte eius quare ipse tractê° et suspeÌsê° fuit Sed tnÌ oÌniÌo etiaÌ iÌ ipÌo mortis articulo muliereÌ coÌbustaÌ iÌmuneÌ a crimiÌe illo fuisse ipÌe lugebat O quale putaÌduÌ eÌ ex hoc facto coÌscieÌtiae discrimeÌ et remorsuÌ euenis se iusticÌ illi taÌ pÌcipiti qÌ potuit êcessum illuÌ iuste retardasse Sepiê° êh dolor ipÌe michi fassus est qd â nuÌquaÌ in vita sua animuÌ eius de hoc facto ipse purgaret crebro eteniÌ iÌ deliberationibê° iudicÌ maturescuÌt Sed in accelerato processu nuÌquaÌ Quare leges Angliae essoniuÌ admittunt qualia noÌ faciuÌt leges aliae muÌdi vniuersi NoÌne quaÌ vtil â suÌt vocatioÌes ad warrantuÌ Auxilia de his ad quos spectat reuÌtio tenemeÌtoruÌ qÌ iÌ placituÌ deducuÌt â et q i heÌnt euideÌtias eoruÌdeÌ Auxilia etiaÌ de coêticipibê° qÌ reddeÌt ê rata si tenemeÌt â coÌêticipi allottatuÌ euiÌcatur et tamen hec dilationes suÌt sicut tu priÌceps alias nosti ex doctrina mâa Et dilationes his similes leges aliae noÌ admittuÌt neque leges Angliae friuolas et infructuosas êmittunt inducias Et si qÌ in regno illo dilationes in placitis minê° accomodae fuerint vsitatae in oÌni parliameÌto aÌputari illae possuÌt etiaÌ et oeÌs leges aliae in regno illo vsitatae cuÌ in aliquo claudicauerint in oÌni parliameÌto poterunt reformari Quôrectê coÌcludi potest qd â omnes leges regni illius optimae sunt in actu vel potentia quo faciliter in actum duci poteruÌt et in essentiam realem Ad quod faciendum quotieÌs equitas id poposcerit singuli reges ibidem sacramento astringuntur so lempniter prestito tempore receptionis diadematis sui ¶ The lawes of England are right good the knowledge whereof is expedient for kynges Yet it shall suffice theÌ to haue but a superficiall knowledge of the same Cap. 54. I Haue wel euideÌtly êceaued quod y e prince by y e êcesse of your talke good ChauÌcellour y t those lawz are not onely good but also of most perfecte excelleÌt goodnes And if any of theÌ haue neede to be ameÌded that may quicklye bee done as the fourmes and orders of y e parliamentes there do plainlye prooue Wherfore y e roialme is euer really or potentiallye gouerned by most excelleÌt and most worthie lawes And I doubt not but that your instructions in thys our talke shal bee profitable for the kings of Englande whiche hereafter shall bee so that they haue noe pleasure in gouernynge by vnpleasaunt lawes For the vnhandsomnes of the toole or instrumente werieth the workmanne and a blunte pike or a dulle sweorde makethe a cowardelye souldiour But like as a souldiour is encouraged to fight not onelye when hee hathe handsome and fitte weapons in a readynes but also much more when he is expert and skilfull in warlike actes accordinge to the saying of Vegetius in his boke of chiualrie y e knowledge connyng in martiall feats ministreth boldenes in fightinge for no man feareth to do that whiche he trusteth hee hathe well learned in lyke maner euery kinge hath a ferueÌt zeale earnest desire to y e maintenaunce of Iustice not only knowiÌg y e lawes whereby y e must be don to be most iust but also beinge skilful in the forme nature of y e same Whereof it shal suffice y e prince to haue onely an vniuersall a superficial a confuse knoweledge the
liber legum quibus Reges Israell subditum sibi populum regere tenebantur Hunc librum legere iubet Moyses Reges vt discant timere deuÌ custodire mandata eius quae in lege scripta sunt Ecce timere deuÌ effectus est legis quem non consequi valet homo nisi prius sciat voluntatem dei quae in lege scripta est Nam principium omnis famulatus est scire voluntatem dnÌi cui seruitur Legis tnÌ lator Moyses primô in hoc edicto effectum legis videlicet timorem Dei coÌmemorat Deinde ad custodiaÌ causae eius videlicet mandatorum dei ipse inuitat NaÌ effectus prior est quaÌ causa in animo exhortaÌtis Sed quis est timor iste quem promittunt leges obseruatoribus suis vere non eÌ timor ille de quo scribitur Quod perfecta caritas foras mittit timorem Timor tamen ille licet seruilis sepe ad legendum leges reges concitat sed non est ipse proles legis Timor vero de quo hic loquitur Moises quem et pariunt leges est ille de quo dicit propheta Timor domini sanctus permanet in seculum seculi Hic filialis est et non nouit penam vt ille qui per charitatem expellitur Nam iste a legibus proficiscitur que doceÌt facere voluÌtateÌ dei quo ipse penaÌ noÌ meretur Sed gloria dnÌi est super metuentes euÌ quos et ipse glorificat Timor auteÌ iste timor ille est de quo Iob postquaÌ multifarie sapieÌtiaÌ inuestigat sic ait Ecce timor domini ipsa est sapientia recedere a malo intelligentia Iob ca. xxviij Recedere a malo quôd intelligeÌtia timoris dei est leges docent quo timoreÌ hunc ipse parturiunt ¶ The Princes replie to the Chauncellours motion Chap. 2. THe Prince hearynge this and stedfastly be holding y e old man spake thus to him I know good Chauncelloure that the booke of Deutronomie whereof you speake is a booke of holye scripture The lawes also and ordinances therein contained are holy of the lords makinge and published by Moyses Wherefore the readinge of them is a plesant act of holye contemplacion But that law to the knowledge whereof you counsell me is humayne made by menne and intreating of worldlye matters Wherefore though Moyses bynde the Kinges of Israell to the readynge of goddes law yet that thereby hee forcethe all other Kynges to do the like in their own lawes that standethe by no good reason seeynge that of both the readinges the cause is not like HEc vt audiuit priÌceps erecto in senem vultu sic locutus est Scio Cancellarie quod liber Deut. quem tu commemoras sacrae scripturae volumeÌ est leges quoque cerimoniae in eo coÌscriptae etiam sacrae suÌt a dnÌo editae per Moisen promulgatae quare eas legere saÌctae coÌteÌplacionis dulcedo est Sed lex ad cuius scienciaÌ me inuitas humana est ab hoiÌbus aedita tractans terrena quo licet Moyses ad Deut. lecturam reges Israel astrinxerit euÌ per hoc reges alios ad coÌssiÌlâer facieÌduÌ in suis legibus coÌcitasse oÌneÌ effugit rationeÌ cuÌ vtriusque lectur â noÌ sit eadem causa ¶ Here the Chauncelour Fortifieth his assertion Cap. 3. I perceaue ê the ChauÌcellour by youre aunswere most worthy prince howe earnestly you haue considered weighed the qualitie of my exhortacioÌ So that heareby you doe much encourage me both more plainly more largely also more deepelye to discourse y e same Wherefore you shal vnderstande that not only gods lawes but also mans are holye forsomuche as the lawe is diffined by these woordes The lawe is a holy sanction or decree coÌmauÌding things that be honest and forbiddinge y e contraries Now y e thing must needs be holy which by diffinicioÌ is determined to be holye Right also by description is called the arte of y t whiche is good streight so y t in this cespect a man may wel cal vs Sacerdotes that is to saye geeuers or teachers of holy things for so by interpretacion doothe Sacerdos signifie Forsomuche then as the lawes are holye it foloweth that the ministers and setters furth of theÌ may right wel be called Sacerdotes that iz geuers teachers of holy things Further more all lawes published by men haue also theire auctoritie frome godde For as the Apostell sayethe Al power is from the lord god Wherefore the lawes that are made by maÌ which thereunto hath receaued power from the lorde are also ordeined of god as also appeareth by this saiyng of the auctour of al causes Whatsoeuer the seconde cause doth the saÌe dothe y e first cause by a higher and more excellent meane Wherefore Iosaphat the king of Iuda saiethe to his iudges The iudgements whiche ye execute are the iudgements of god in y e ninetinth chapter of the seconde booke of Chronicles Wherby you are taughte that to learne laws though they be maÌs lawes is toe learne holy lawes and the ordynaÌces of goode so that the studie of them is not with out a pleasant sweetenes of holy coÌsolacioÌ And yet such sweete pleasure was not the cause as you suppose werefore Moyses coÌmaunded the kings of Israel to reade the lawes of Deuteronomie For thys cause moueth not kynges no more to the reading of y e boke of Deuteronomie thenne of anye of the other bookes of Moyses in which aswel as iÌ y e booke of Deuteronomie is plentiful store of godly lessons holy instruccioÌs Wherin to be deuoutly occupied is a holy thing Wherfore that there was non other cause of this commaundement theÌ for that y e lawes whereby the king of Israel is bound to rule his people are more precisely coÌteined in y e booke of Deutronomie theÌ in y e other bokes of y e old testameÌt y e circuÌstances of the same coÌmauÌdement do manifestly infourme vs. For whiche cause you ought moste worthy prince no lesse theÌ the kings of Israell to bee mooued and prouoked to be a diligent trauailer in the studie of those lawes wherebye hereafter yowe shal rule your people For that which was spoken to the kinge of Israell muste be vnderstande to be figuratiuely spoken to euerye kinge hauinge dominion ouer godly people And haue I not then wel and holsomelye propounded vnto you the commaundemeÌt geeuen to the kynges of Israell concernynge the learnynge of theire lawe Forasmuche as not onely his example but also hys like autoritie hath taught yowe and bounde you to the like dooinge in the lawes of the kyngedome whiche god willinge you shall inherit AT CaÌcellariê° Scio inquit ê hec qÌ iaÌ dicis princeps clarissimÌ quaÌta aduÌteÌtia exhortatioÌis mee tu poÌderas qualitat â quo me noÌ infime coÌciÌtas suê inceptis neduÌ clariê° sed et êfuÌdiê° quodamodo tecuÌdisceptare
make earneste intercession for it and also y t you beecome a studious sercher of goddes lawe of the holye scripture For scripture saieth that all men are vaine in whoÌ is not y e knowlege of god in the xiii chapiter of the booke of wisedome Wherefore moste noble prince while you are yet yong while your soule is as it were a smoothe blanke table write in it these thinges lest heereafter you happen to take pleasure in writiÌg lessoÌs of lesse profit therin For as a certeine wyse man sayeth Whereof the vessel newe did first receue the taste Therein when it is olde the sent will euer last What handycrastes maÌ dothe so negligentlye regard y e profite of his child whoÌe while hee is yong he wil not see brought vp in such an occupacion as thereby hee maye afterwarde obtaine to leade a mery life So the carpenter teacheth his sonne to cutt with an axe y e smyth his to stryke w t an hammer and whome he entendethe to make a spirituall minister him he procureth to be trained vp in learning So likewise is it conuenient y t a kinges sonne which shal gouern the people after his father bee in his youthe instructed in the lawes Whiche order if the ruelers of the worlde would obserue then the worlde should be gouerned with muche more Iustice then now it is Vnto whom if you wyll followe myne exhortacion you shall minister no smale example NOnne tunc Princeps se renissime hec te satis concitant ad legis rudimenta cuÌ per ea iustitiaÌ induere valeas quo et appellaberis iustus ignorantiae quoque legis euitare poteris ignominiam ac per legem felicitate fruens beatus esse poteris in hac vita et demum filiali timore indutus qui dei sapientia est charitatem quae amor in deuÌ est imperturbatus consequeris qua deo adherens per Apostoli sententiam fies vnus spiritus cum eo Sed quia ista sine gratia lex operari nequit tibi illam super omnia implorare necesse est legis quoque diuinae et sanctarum scripturarum indagare scientiam Cum dicat scriptura sacra quod vani sunt omnes in quibus non subest scientia dei Sapienciae cap. xiij His igitur princeps dum adolescens es et anima tua velut tabula rasa depinge eam ne in futurum ipsa figuris minoris frugi delectabilius depingatur Quia etiam vt sapiens quidam ait quod noua testa capit inueterata sapit Quis artifex tam negligeÌs profectus suae prolis est vt noÌ eaÌ dum pubescit artibus instruat quibus postea vitae solatia nanciscatur Sic lignarius faber secare dolabro ferrarius ferire malleo filiuÌ instruit et queÌ in spiritualibus ministrar â cupit literis imbui facit Sic et principi filium suum qui post eum populuÌ regulabit legibus instrui duÌ minor est conuenit qualiter si feceriÌt rectores orbis mundus iste ampliori quam iam est iustitia regeretur quibus si tu vt iam hortor facias exemplum non minimum ministrabis ¶ Now the Prince yeldeth himselfe to the studye of the lawes though he be yet disquieted with certeine doubtes Ca. 7. THus when the ChauÌcellour had sayde hee helde hys peace to whom the Prince beganne on this wise to speake You haue ouercome me welbe loued Chauncellour w t your moste plesant talke wherw t you haue iÌflamed my mynde with a ferueÌt desire towarde the knowledge of the lawe Howbee it ii thynges there bee that doe tosse my mynde to and fro and so disquiet it that lyke a shyppe in the raging waues it knoweth not whiche waye to inclyne for ease The one is while it consydereth howe manye yeares the studentes of the lawez bestowe therein before they canne attain to sufficient knowledge of the same Whiche causeth my mynde also to dreade leaste that I shoulde likewyse spende the yeares of my youthe The other is whether I shall applye my selfe to the studye of the lawes of England or of the Ciuile laws which through out the whole worlde are chieflye esteemed For people maye not be gouerned but by righte good lawes and as the Philosophier saithe nature coueteth that which is best Wherfore I would gladlye heare your councell in this behalfe To whome the Chauncellour made thys aunswere These matters O Kynges sonne are not hydde vnder so deepe and darke misteries that they require any greate delyberacyon or aduysement And therefore what I thinke best hearein I wil not hyde SIlente extunc Cancellario Princeps ipse sic exorsus est Vicisti me vir egregie suauissima oratione tua qua et animum meum ardore non minimo legis fecisti sitire documenta Sed tameÌ duobus me huc illucque agitantibus animus ipse affligitur vt tanquam in turbido mari cimba nesciat quorsum dirigere proras VnuÌ est dum recolit quot annoruÌ curriculis leges ad discentes earum studio se conferunt antequam sufficientem earundem peritiam nanciscaÌtur quô timet animus ipse ne consimiliter ego preteream animos iuuentutis meae Alterum est an Angliae Legum vel Ciuilium quae per orbem percelebres sunt studio operam dabo Nam non nisi optimis legibus populum regere licet etiam vt dicit Philosophus natura deprecatur optima quare libenter super his quid tu consulis ascultaremus Cui Cancellarius Non sunt hec fili Regis tantis celata misteriis vt deliberatione ege ant ingenti quare quid in his mihi visum est prodere non differemus ¶ So muche knowledge of the lawe as is necessary for a Prince is soone had Cha. 8. ARistotle in the firste booke of his naturall Philosophy saith y e then we suppose our selues to haue the knowlege of euerye thinge when wee know the causes and beginninges therof euen to the principles vppon the which text the comentatour saieth that the philosopher by beginninges or principles did vnderstaÌde the causes efficient by y e terme Causes he vnderstoode causes finall by Elementes matter and fourme But in the lawe there are no matter and fourme as in thinges natural and compounde How beit ther be in them certeine Elementes out of the which they procede as out of mater fourm These are custoÌs statuts the lawe of nature of y e which all the âawes of the roialme haue their beginning euen as all natural thinges haue of matter fourme and as all things that are written and read do coÌsist of letters which also are called elementes But Principles or beeginninges whiche are as the commentarye saieth causes efficient they are certein vniuersal propositions which they that bee learned in the lawes of England and likewyse y e Mathematicals do terme Maximes the Rethoricians do call the same Paradoxes and the CiuiliaÌs terme theÌ rueles of the law These in dede caÌnot
bee proued by force of argumentes or by demoÌstracions logicall but as it is saide in the seconde booke of PosteriorÌ they are knowen by induction by the waye of sense and memorye Wherefore in the firste booke of hys naturall Philosophye Aristotle sayth that principles are not made of others nor one of them of an other but all other bee made of them And accordinge thereunto in the firste booke of his Topikes hee writeth that euery principle is a sufficient proofe of it selfe And therefore the Philosopher saieth that suche as denye them ought not to bee disputed or reasoned withall because that as hee writeth in the sixthe booke of his morall Philosophie there is no reasoÌ to be geuen for principlez Wherefore whosoeuer they be that couet to profite in y e knowlege of any faculties they must nedez first be furnished w t principles For by them are opened the causes finall vnto the which by the direction of reason through the knowledge of y e principles we doe attaine wherfore these iii. vz priÌciples causes and elemÌtz beinge vnknowen the science whereof they are is altogether vnknowen And the same .iii. beeinge knowen the science also whereof they are is thought to be knoweÌ not determinatly or pÌcisely but suêficially after a coÌfuse vniuersall sorte Thus wee thinke our selues to haue the knowledge of godds lawes when wee vnderstande our selues to knowe faith charitie and hope and also the Sacramentes of the churche and the commaundementes of God leauynge to the prelates of the Churche the other misteries of theologye Wherefore the lord saith vntoo his disciples To you it is geeuen to know the misterie of the kyngdome of God but to other in Parables that seeynge they maye not see And the Apostle sayeth Not to bee wyser then it beehoueth And in another place Not beeinge highe in wisedome In like maner O moste worthy Prince it shall not bee needefull for you with longe study to searche out the secrete misteries of the lawe of Englande It shall suffice for you as you haue profited in grammer so also to profite in lawe Vntoo the perfection of grammer springinge out of Etimologie Orthographie Prosodie Construction as out of .iiii. fountaines you haue not exactlye attayned and yet you are so sufficiently grounded in grammer that you may well be called a Gramarrien Likewise shal you be wel worthy to be called a lawier if you serch out y e priÌciplz causes of y e lawes euen to y e elementz after y e maner of a scholar or a learner For it shal not be needefull or expedieÌt for you by the trauel of your owne wytte to studie out the hydde mysteries of y e lawe But let y e geare be lefte to your iudges meÌ of lawe whiche in the royalme of Englande are called Seriauntz at lawe and to other professours of the lawe commeÌly called apprentices For you shall better execute iudgementes by other then by your self Neither hathe it bene seeÌe that any kynge of Englonde hathe pronounced iudgement with his owne mouthe And yet neuerthelesse all the iudgements of the royalme are his thoughe by other they be vttered and pronouÌced Lyke as also kynge Iosaphat affirmed the sentences of all the iudges to bee the iudgemeÌts of god Wherfore most gracious priÌce you shall in shorte tyme with little labour be sufficiently learned in the lawes of EnglaÌd so that you do applie your mynd to the obteynynge therof For Seneca in an epistle to Lucillus sayethe There is nothiÌge which earnest traueill and diligent care atchieueth not And so wel do I knowe the prompte towardnes of your nature y â I dare be bolde to saye that in those lawes thoughe the exacte knowelege of theÌ suche as is required iÌ iudges can skante be gotten in the space of xx yeares you shall sufficiently in one yeare attayne to somuche vnderstandynge as is coÌuenieÌt for a priÌce Neither in the meaÌe time shall you neglect and omitt the studie of martiall discipline wherevnto you are so feruently geuen but durynge all the same yeare in steade of recreatioÌ you shall vse the practise thereof of at your pleasure Philosophus in primo Phisicorum dicit quod tunc vnumquodque scire arbitramur cum causas et principia eius cognoscamus vsque ad elementa Super quem textum coÌmentator dicit qd â Aristotê° ê principia intellexit causas efficientes ê causas intellexit causas finales et per elemeÌta materiam et formam In legibus vero non sunt materia et forma vt in Phisicis et compositis Sed tamen sunt in eis elemeÌta quaedam vnde ipsae êfluuÌt vt ex materia et forma quae sunt consuetudines statuta et ius naturae ex quibus sunt omnia iura regni vt ex materia et forma sunt quaeque naturalia et vt ex litteris quae etiam elementa appellantur sunt omnia quae leguntur Principia autem quae commentator dicit esse causas efficientes suÌt quaedam vniuersalia quae in legibus Angliae docti similiter et Mathematici maximas vocant Rethorici paradoxas Ciuilistae regulas iuris denominaÌt ipsa reuera non argumeÌtorum vi aut demonstrationibus logicis dinoscuntur Sed vt secundo posteriorum docetur inductione via sensus et memoriae adipiscuntur quare et primo phisicorum philosophus dicit qd â principia non fiunt ex aliis neque ex alterutris sed ex illis alia fiunt quô primo topicorum scribitur quod vnuÌquodque principiorum est sibi ipsi fides Vnde cum negantibus ea dicit philosophus non est disputandum quia vt scribitur vi Ethicorum ad Principia non est ratio Igitur principiis imbuendi sunt quiqui gliscunt aliquas intelligere facultates Ex eis etenim reuelantur causae finales ad quas rationis ductu per principiorum agnitionem peruenitur vnde his tribus videlicet principijs causis et elementis ignoratis scientia de qua ipsa sunt penitus ignoratur Et his cognitis etiam scientiam illam cognitam esse non determinatè sed inconfusô et vniuersaliter arbiÌtratur Sic Legem diuinam nos nosse in dicamus dum fidem charitatem et spem sacrameÌta quoque ecclesiae ac dei mandata nos intelligere seÌtiamus cetera theologiae misteria ecclesiae presidentibus relinquentes Quare dominus discipulis suis ait Vobis datum est nosse misterium regni dei ceteris autem in parabolis vt videntes non videant c. Et Apostolus dixit non plus sapere quam oportet sapere alibi non alta sapieÌtes Sic et tibi priÌceps necesse non erit ãâã misteria legis angliae longo disciplinatu rimare sufficieÌt tibi vt iÌ gramatica tu profecisti etiaÌ in legibus proficias Gramaticae vero perfectionem que ex Ethimologia Ortographia Prosodia et Syntaxi quasi ex quatuor fontibus profluit
in casibus vbi ipsae dissentiunt prestantioris legis preconia digna pensatione refulgent Quare casus huiusmodi aliquos iam in medium proferemus vt quae legum illarum eos iustius meliusque diffiniat equa lance valeas ponderare et primo ex casibê° maximi poÌderis exeÌpla preponamus ¶ The first case wherin the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England do differ Ca. 20 IF they that haue a matter of coÌtrouersie depending before a Iuge coÌe to y e coÌtestation of the suite vpon the matter of y e deed which y e lawyers of England call y e issu of y e plea the truth of such an issue by the ciuile lawes must be tryed by the deposition of witnesses wherein .ii. allowable witnesses are sufficieÌt But by y e lawes of England the truthe of the matter cannot appier euident to the Iuge w tout y e othes of xii men neighbours to the place where such a dede is supposed to be done Nowe therefore the questioÌ is whether of these two so dyuers procedinges ought to be esteemed more reasonable effectual for the opening of the trueth which thus is sought for For the law y t can more certeinly better shewe the truthe is in this behalfe of more excellency than y e other y t is of lesse efficacy force wherfore in the searche of this matter thus we proceede SIcoram Iudice coÌtendeÌtes ad litis êueniant contestationeÌ suê materia facti quaÌ legis Angliae periti exituÌ plâiti appell â Exitus hmÌoi veritas ê leges Ciuiles testiuÌ depositioneÌ êbari debet iÌ qua duo testes idonei sufficiunt Sed per leges Angliae veritas illa noÌ nisi .xij. hominuÌ de vicineto vbi factuÌ huiusmodi suponitur sacrameÌto Iudici constari poterit Queritur igitur quis horuÌ duoruÌ êcessuuÌ taÌ diuersoruÌ rationabilior censeri debeat efficatior ad veritateÌ quae sic queriturreuelaÌdaÌ Quia lex qÌ eaÌ certiê° meliusque osteÌdere potest prestantior in hoc est lege altera quae noÌ taÌtae efficatiae est et virtutis quare in huius rei indagine sic êcedimus ¶ Here are set âurth the inconueniences proceding of the law which no otherwise then by witnesses admitteth trials Cap. 21. BY the Ciuile lawes y e party which in y e issue holdethe the affirmatiue must briÌg furth witnessez which he himselfe at hys own pleasure shall name But the negatiue cannot be proued directli though indirectly it may For the hability of him is thought to be very smal weake and his witte much lesse which among al the men that he knoweth is not able to fynde ii so voide of conscience trueth which for dreade loue or profit will not bee readye to gainesaye all truthe Suche then maye he produce for witnesses on hys syde And if the other partye would obiect any thinge against them or their saienges it chanceth not euer y t they their condicions doinges are knoweÌ to y e contrarie partye so y t by reason of theire foule lifes vicious behauiour such witnesses might bee reprooued And while their saienges coÌteine the affirmatiue it shal be very harde to reproue them by circuÌstances or any other indirect meanz who then shal be hable to liue in suertie of his goodes or of himselfe vnder suche a law y e ministreth such aid to euery busy body y t lusteth to trouble another And what ii wicked men are so vnwarie vncircuÌspect which touching the deede wherof they shal be examined in iudgement will not beefore they are called furth for witnesses secreatly imagine and deuise a fourme fassioÌ therof frame thereunto all circumstances euen suche as must needes haue ben so if y e thing had ben true in dede For y e children of this world saith y e lorde are wiser then y e children of light So y e most wicked Iesabel brought furth ii witnesses of y e children of Beliall in iudgement agaiÌst Nabot wherby he lost his life king Achab her husbande obtayned the possession of y e vyneyarde So the most chaste matrone SusaÌna should haue dyed for aduoutrye by the wytnes of twoe olde dotardes being iudges if the lorde hadde not meruelouslye deliuered her by a wonderfull feate of prudence which of nature the yong child hadde not being yet vnder age And though y e same child by theire altering doubling in their depositions did coÌuict them to be false wretches yet whoe saue only the lord could haue knowen that in their saienges they woulde thus haue disagreed Seeinge there was no lawe y e did moue theÌ to haue in remeÌbrance what kind of tree it was wherunder y e fact was supposed to be done For the witnesses of euerye wicked deede are not thought to consider al circuÌstaunces apperteining to y e same beiÌg such as do nothiÌg help to y e aggrauatioÌ detectioÌ of y e faulte But while those wycked iudges willinglye swearing did alter touching y e kindes of the trees theire owne wordes proued theÌ to be false verlets Wherfore thei worthely suffred the same punishemeÌt theÌselues You also most gratious priÌce do know how y t lately maister I. Fring after y t he had continued three yeares in the order of pristehoode was compelled by the deposition of twoe wicked persones whiche witnessed that he had before he was made prieste betrouthed hymselfe to a certeine yonge woman to forsake the holye order of priestehoode and to marrye the same womanne Wythe whome when hee hadde lyued fourtene yeares and hadde beegotten .vii ⪠children of her at y e laste beeinge conuicted of treason conspired againste your highnes hee confessed before all the people euen at the very point of deathe that those witnesses were hiered and that theire depositions were false And thus manye tymes are iudgemeÌtz peruerted by the meane of false witnesses yea that vnder the verye best Iudges as vnto you it is not vnhearde nor to the worlde vnknowen while this wickednes the more is the pitie is often committed PEr leges ciuiles pars quae in litis contestatione affirmatiuaÌ dicit testes êducere debet quos ipsemet ad libituÌ suuÌ nominabit Negatiua auteÌ êbari noÌ potest vz directè licet possit ê obliquuÌ Exilis quippe credit â esse poteÌtiae minoris quoque industriae qui de omnibus quos noscit hoiÌbê° duos repire nequit ita coÌscieÌtia veritate vacuos vt timore amore vel comod â oiÌ velint coÌtraire verit â Hos potest tuÌc ipse iÌ testimÌ ê ducere iÌ causa sua et ãâã contra eos pars altera dicere velit vel coÌtra eorum dicta noÌ seÌê coÌtinget eos eoruÌ quoque mores aut facta apud coÌtradicere volenteÌ agnosci vt ex eoruÌ feditate et viciis testes illi possiÌt reêbari Et duÌ eoruÌ dicta affirmatiuaÌ coÌtineaÌt noÌ facile poteruÌt
curiaÌ totuÌ recorduÌ et êcessus placiti qd â peÌdet iÌter partes ac delucidè exponetur eis exitus placiti de cuius veritate iuratiâ illi curiaÌ certificabuÌt quibê° êactis vtraque partiuÌ ê se vel consiliarios suos iÌ presentia curiae referet et manifestabit eisdeÌ iuratis oÌnes et singulas materias et euidentias quibus eos docerese posse credit veritatem exitus taliter placitati Et tunc adducere potest vtraque pars coram eisdem iusticiarijs et iuratis oeÌs et singulos testes quos ê parte sua ipÌa producere velit qui suê saÌcta dei euaÌgelia ê iusticiarios onerati testificabuÌt â oâa qÌ cognoscuÌt êbantia veritateÌ facti de quo partes contendunt Et si necessitas exegerit diuidentur testes huiusmodi donec ipsi deposuerint quicquid velint ita qd â dictum vnius noÌ docebit aut concitabit eoruÌ aliuÌ ad consimiliter testificanduÌ Quibus consummatis postquaÌ iuratores illi deinde ad eoruÌ libituÌ suê veritate exitus hmÌodi de liberatione quam tam ipÌi optabunt colloquiuÌ habuerint iÌ custodia ministroruÌ curiae iÌ loco eis ad hoc assignato neiÌteriÌ eos aliq subornare valeaÌt reuenient illi in curiaÌ et certificabuÌt iustitiarios suê veritate exitus sic iuncti in presentia partium si interesse velint et maxime peteÌtis QuoruÌ iuratoruÌ dictuÌ per leges Angliae veredictuÌ nuÌcupatur et tunc secuÌduÌ hmÌodi veredicti qualitatem iustitiarij reddeÌt et formabuÌt iudicÌ suuÌ Tamen si pars altera coÌtra quaÌ veredictuÌ hmÌodi prolatuÌ est conqueratur se ê illud iniuste esse grauatuÌ êfequi tunc potest pars illa versus iuratores illos et versê° parteÌ qÌ optinuit breue de attineta Virtute cuius si coÌpertuÌ fuerit per sacramentuÌ viginti quatuor hominuÌ in forma pÌnoâata retornatoruÌ electorum et iura âorum qui multo maiora habebunt patrimonia quam iuratores primi quod ijdem primi iuratores falsum fecerunt sacrameÌtuÌ corpora eorundem primoruÌ iuratoruÌ prisonae regis coÌmittentur bona eoruÌ coÌfiscabuÌtur ac oeÌs possessiones eorundem in manus regis capieÌtur domus quoque eoruÌ et edificia prosternentur bosci succidentur et prata arabuntur ipsi etiam iuratores primi extunc infames erunt nec alicubi recipientur in testimonium veritatis et pars qÌ succubuit in priori placito restituetur ad omnia que ipÌe per didit occasione eiê° Quis tunc etsi immemor salutiâ animae suae fuerit non formidine tantae penae et verecundia tantae infamiae veritateÌ noÌ diceret sic iuratus et si vnê° forsan taÌtus sui honoris êdigus esse noÌ peêcerit aliqui tamen iuratoruÌ taÌtorum famaÌ suaÌ noÌ necligeÌt neque bona et possessioÌes suas taliter distrahi pacientur propria culpa sua NoÌne iam hic ordo reuelaÌdi veritateÌ potior et efficacior est quaÌ est processus qualeÌ pariunt ciuiles leges Non hic periunt causae aut ius alicuius per morteÌ aut ob defectuÌ testium noÌ hic producuntur testes ignoti conducticij pauperes vagi inconstaÌtes aut quo rum conditiones vel maliciae ignoraÌtur Vicini sunt testes isti de propriis viuere potentes famae integrae et opinionis illesae non per partem incuriam ducti sed ê officiariuÌ nobilem et indiffereÌteÌ electi et coram iudice venire compulsi Isti omnia sciunt qÌ testes deponere noruÌt et isti testium productorum agnoscuÌt constantias incoÌstaÌtiasque et famaÌ Quid vltra vere nihil est quod veritateÌ dubij de quo contendi poterit detegere valebit qd â iura toribê° talibê° latere quomodolibet potest aut ignorari duÌmodo possibile sit illud venire posse in agnitioneÌ humanam ¶ Here he shewethe howe causes criminal are determined in Englande Cap. 27. BVt it is also necessary to discusse how in matters criminal the laws of Englande do fetche oute the truthe that perfectlye vnderstandinge the fourme of bothe the lawes wee maye the more certainelye perceaue know whether of them bothe doth more effectually discouer the hydde truthe Yf anye manne accused of felonye or treason in Englande doe at his arreignemente beefore the Iudges deny the offence furthwithe the sherife of the countie where y e deede was done shal cause to come before the same iudges xxiiij good and lawefull men dwellinge nighe toe y e village where the facte was done suche men as to the party accused be no thing allyed and suche as euery of theÌ hathe C.s. of land and reuenues to certifie the iudges vpon the truthe of the crime Whiche at theire appearaunce the partie accused maye challenge in lyke sorte as in actions reall maye bee done as afore is described And moreouer the same partye in fauoure of hys lyfe maye challenge fiue and thirtie menne suche as hee moste fearethe whyche vppon his challenge shal bee cancelled in the pannel or shal bee noted wyth such markes that theye shall not passe vppon hym thoughe hee bee not hable to shewe anye cause of his exception and challenge Whoe thenne can vniust lye dye in Englande for anye criminall offence seynge hee maye haue so manye helpes for the fauoure of his life and that none maye condempne him but his neighboures good and lawfull menne agaynste whom hee hathe no mater of exception In deede I woulde rather wyshe twentye euill dooers to escape deathe thoroughe pitie thenne one manne to bee vniustlye cândempned And yet it is not to bee suspected that anye offândoure can vnder this fourme escape the punishement of his offence forasmuche as his lyfe and conuersation shal bee afterwarde a terroure to them that haue thus cleared hym of the crime In this kynde of proceedynge there is noe crueltye or extremitie vsed Neither can the innocent and vnguiltye persone be hurt in his bodye or lymmes Wherefore hee shall not stand in feare of the sclauÌder of hys enemies beecause hee shall not be racked or tormenâed at their wyll and pleasure Thus vnder this lawe a manne maye passe his life wythe quietnes and safetie Iudge yow therefore moste noble prince whether of these lawes ye had rather chose if you should liue a priuate life SEd quomodo iÌ criminalibus leges Angliae scrutaÌtur veritatem etiaÌâimare per necessarium est vt et iÌ eis plenariè agnita aÌbarum legum forma quae earum efficacius latentem reuelat veritatem certius agnoscamus Si reus quispi am de felonia aut proditione in Anglia rettatus crimen suum coram iudicibus dedicat mox vicecomes comitatus vbi facinê° illud commissum est venire faciet coram eisdem iudicibus viginti quatuor probos et legales hoeÌs de viceneto villae vbi illud factuÌ eÌ qÌ retato illi nulla affinitate
attingunt et quoruÌ quilibet ceÌtuÌ solidatê° heÌat terrae et redditê° ad certificaÌduÌ Iudices illos suê criminÌ illiê° veritate Quibê° coÌpareÌtibê° rettatê° ille eos caluÌpniare potest eadeÌ forma qua iÌ actionibê° realibus fieri debere suêiê° discribit â Et iÌsup reê° ipÌe iÌ fauoreÌ vitae suae caluÌpniare potest triginta quiÌque hoiÌes quos ipÌe maxime formidat qÌ ad eiê° caluÌpniaÌ caÌcellabuÌt â iÌ panello aut signÌ talibê° notabuÌt â qd â vt verbê legê vtar illi suê euÌ noÌ traÌsibuÌt licet ipÌe nullaÌ causaÌ assignare sciat exceptionis seu caluÌpniae suae Quis tuÌc mori posset in iquè in Anglia pro crimine cuÌ tot iuuamina habere ille poterit ob fauoreÌ vitae suae et noÌ nisi vicini eius êbi et fideles homines versus quos ipse nullaÌ heÌt materiam exceptionis euÌ condeÌnare poteruÌt mallem reuera vigiÌti facino rosos mortem pietate euadere quaÌ iustuÌ vnuÌ iniuste condempari Nec tameÌ reuÌ quempiaÌ sub hac forma reatus sui penam euadere posse suspicaÌdum est dum eius vita et mores timori deâceps eruÌt eis qui euÌ sic purgarunt a crimine In hoc equideÌ processu nihil est crudele nihil inhumanuÌ nec ledi poterit innocens iÌ corpore aut membris suis quare nec formidabit ille caluÌpniam inimicorum eius quia non torquebit â iste ad arbitrium ipsorum Sub hac igitur lege viuere quietum et securum est Iudica ergo princeps optime qÌ legum harum tibi electissima foret si tu priuatam spirares vitam ¶ The prince graunteth the lawes of Englande to be more commodious for the subiectes then the Ciuile lawes in the case nowe disputed Cap. 28. WHereunto the prince aunswered and sayde I see no harde or straunge mater good ChauÌcelour that shoulde make mee doubtefull or daungerous in the election and choyse of the thynge that yee aske For whoe woulde not rather choose to lyue vnder that lawe where-vnder hee myghte lyue in securitye then vnder that lawe whych woulde sette hym naked and succourlesse agaynste the crueltye of hys enemyes Verelye no manne can bee saufe in body or gooddes whom his aduersarye maye conuince in euerye cause withe twoo vnknowen wytnesses of his owne choosynge bryngynge fourthe And thoughe a manne be not compelled by theire sayenges to dye yet is he lyttell relieued that hath escaped deathe beeynge shronke in all his synnews and lymmes cast intoo a perpetuall impotencye of his bodye And truelye into suche daunger maye the crafte of a spytefull person bringe anye manne that lyuethe vnder the lawe whyche herewhile you spake of But suche mischiefe and inconuenience cannot be wroughte by witnesses that make theire depositions in the presence of twelue credyble menne neyghbours to the deede that is presentlye in question and to the circumstaunces of the same which also know the maners and condicions of y e same witnesses specially if they bee nigh dwellers and knowe also whether they bee menne worthye to bee credited or no. And further all those xii caÌnot bee ignoraunt in those thinges that were doone by among theire neighbours For I know more certeinelye the thinges that are doone heare in Barro where I am now remayninge then those thinges that are done in England Neither doe I thynke that thinges can be kepte from the knowledge of a good honest man being done nighe to his house and almost vnder his nose bee they neuer so secretlye doone But yet I maruail much why the foresaide lawe of Englande whiche is so good and commodious is not commen to all the whole worlde CVi princeps ArduuÌ aÌbigu uÌue CaÌcellarie noÌ conspicio qd â morosum me tutubaÌteÌue redderet in electione rei quaÌ interrogas NaÌ quis noÌ sub lege quasecuram ducere posset vitaÌ viuere potius eligeret quaÌ sub lege tali sub qua inermem indefensumque se seÌê redderet seuiciae omniuÌ inimicoruÌ eius Vere tutus quisquaÌ esse noÌ poterit in corêe aut in bonis queÌ inimicus eius in omni causa conuincere poterit testibê° duobus etiam ignotis per ipsummet electis et êductis Et licet quis mortem per dicta eorum subire noÌ cogatur parum tamen releuatur ipse qui mortem euasit coÌtractione neruorum meÌbrorum suorum atque corporis eius languore êpetuo Tali reuera discrimini impellere potest inimici astutia oeÌm homineÌ qui sub lege degit quaÌ tu iam duduÌ explicasti Sed tale maluÌ operari nequeruÌt testes qui depositiones suas faciunt in presentia duo decim fide dignoruÌ vicinor â facto de quo agit â circuÌstantiis eius qui et noscunt eorundem testium mores maxime si vicini ipsi fuerint noscunt etiam et si ipsi sint credulirate digni Omnes etiam duo decim âales latere omnino non poterit quicquid actum est per aut inter vicinos eorum Nosco namque ego certius quae iam aguntur hic in Barro vbi sum modo conuersatus quam quae iÌ Anglia fiuÌt Nec effugere posse puâo noticiam probi viri ea quae aguÌtur licet quo daÌmÌo occultè prope domicilium eius Sed tuÌ cur predicta lex Angliae quae tam frugi et optabilis est noÌ est toti mundo communis vehementer admiror ¶ VVhy inquestes are not made by iuries of .xii. men in other roialmes aswel as in Englande Cap. 29 YOur highnes came very yonge out of EnglaÌd quod the chauncellour so that the disposicion and qualitie of that lande is vnknowen vnto you Whiche if ye know and shoulde compare therewith the commodities and qualities of other countreis you would nothinge maruaile at these thinges whyche nowe do trouble youre mynde In deede Englande is so fertile and fruitfull that comparinge quantitie to quantitie it surmounteth all other landes in fruitfulnes Yea it bringeth furthe fruit of it self skant prouoked by mans industrie and laboure For there the landes the fieldes the groues and the woodes doe so abundauntlye springe that the same vntilled do commonlye yelde to theire owners more profit then tylled thoughe elles they be most fruitfull of corne and graine There also are fildes of pasture inclosed with hedges and dâtches with trees planted and growynge vppon the same whiche are a defence to theire heards of sheepe and cattell aswell agaynst stormes as also againste the heate of the sonne And the pastures are commonly watered so that cattell shutte and closed therein haue no neede of keping neither by daye nor by nighte For there bee noe wolfes nor beares nor Lyons Wherefore theire sheepe lye night by night in the fieldes vnkepte within their foldes wherwith theire lande is manured By y e meane wherof the menne of that countrey are skante troubled with anye painefull labour
reperiuntur possessores agroruÌ alioruÌue immobiliuÌ extra ciuitates muratas villas Nobiles quoque ibidem pasturaruÌ copiam noÌ habeÌt vineas colere aut aratro manê° apponere statui eoruÌ non coÌuenit tnÌ in vineis et terris arabilibê° coÌsistit substantia possessionuÌ eoruÌ exceptis solum pratis quibusdam adiacentibus magnis ripariis et exceptis boscis quoruÌ pasturae coÌmunes sunt tenentibus et vicinis suis Quomodo tuÌc in regionibus talibus iurata fieri poterit ex duodecim probis hominibus de vicineto vbi factum aliquod in iudicio deducitur cuÌ vicini dici non poterunt qui tanta distantia disiun guntur Vere remotos multum a facto duodecim iuratos ibideÌ esse oportebit postquaÌ reus in regionibus illis triginta quinque sine assignata causa de propinquioribê° caluÌpniauÌit quare aut de multum remotis a facto de quo contenditur qui veritatem facti non agnoscunt in regnis illis oportebit facere iuratam aut de pauperibus quibus non est verecundia infamiae nec timor iacturae bonorum suorum cum ipsa non sint ipsi etiam rusticitatis ruditate obcecati veritatis claritatem nequeunt intueri Non igitur mireris princeps silex qua in Anglia veritas inquiritur alias non êuaget â nationes ipsae nanque vt Anglia facere nequeunt sufficieÌtes coÌsimilesque iuratas ¶ Heere the prince commendeth the lawes of Englande of theire proceeding by Iuries Cap. 30 THough we haue said ê the prince that coÌparisons are odious yet the Ciuile lawe in the comparison by you made hath cleared it selfe from all blame For thoughe you haue prooued y e lawe of Englande to bee of more excellencye then it yet it deserueth not therby to bee odious forso much as you haue blamed neither it nor the makers thereof But haue shewed y e couÌtrey wher it ruleth to be the only cause why it doth not in matters of doubte trye out the truth wyth so commendable a kynde of proceedinge as the lawe of Englande dothe But as touchinge that y e law of Englande in the case by you nowe discussed is more fitte and meete for that roialme then the Ciuile lawe hereof we may not doubte Wherefore wee are not desirous to chaunge it for the Ciuile lawe Howbeit this preeminence of the lawe of England proceedeth not of the fault of the other For it is onelye the fertilitie of Englande that hath caused it to bee suche as it is TVnc princeps Comparationes odiosas esse licet dixerimus lex tamen Ciuilis in comparatione per te facta omni se purgauit a crimine quia licet ei Legem Angliae tu pâetuleris odium inde ipsa non meretur dum neque eam neque coÌditores eius increpasti sed soluÌ patriam vbi illa regit causaÌ esse demoÌstrasti quod non tam optabili processu vt lex Angliae ipsa in dubiis elicit veritatem Legem vero Angliae in casu iam per te disputato accomodatiorem esse regno illi quam est lex ciuilis ambigere non sinimur quo eam pro ciuili coÌmutare non appetimus sed tamen hec legis Angliae preeminentia ab alterius crimine non euenit solum enim eam Angliae fertilitas sic causauit ¶ The Prince doubteth whether this proceeding by a Iurye be repugnaunt to godds lawe or not Chap. 31. BVt thoughe wee bee greatly delited in the fourme which the lawes of England vse in sifting out the truthe in matters of contention yet whether the same lawe bee contrarie to holye scripture or not that is to vs somewhat doubtfull For our Lorde saiethe to the Pharasies in the vii Chapiter of Saint Iohnz Ghospell In your lawe it is written that the testimonye of two menne is true And the lorde confirming the same saithe I am one that beare witnesse of my selfe and the father that sent mee beareth wytnes of me Nowe sir the Pharasies were Iewes so that it was all one to saye It is written in your lawe and it is written in Moyses lawe whyche God gaue to the children of Israell by Moyses Wherefore to gaynesaie thys lawe is too denye gods lawe Whereby it folowethe that if the law of England swarue from thys lawe it swaruethe also from Godds lawe whyche in no wise maye bee contraryed It ys wrytten also in y e eyghteenthe Chapiter of Saint Mathues gospell Where the lord speaking of brotherlye admonitioÌ amonge other thinges sayethe thus But if thy brother here shee not then take yet wyth thee one or twooe that in the mouthe of twoe or three witnesses euerye matter maye bee stablished If the Lorde haue appointed euerye matter to be stablyshed in y e mouth of twoe or three witnesses then it is in vaine for to seeke for the verdict of manye menne in maters of doubt For no manne is able to laye any other or better foundation then the Lorde hath layde These are the doubtes good Chauncelloure whyche touchynge the procedynge of the law of Englande in the tryall of maters do soÌewhat trouble me Wherefore what auÌswer maye here vnto be made I would gladly learne of you SEd licet non in fimè Canceltarie nos delectet forma qua leges Angliae in contentionibus reuelant veritatem tamen an modus ille sacrae repugnet scripturae vel non paululum agitamur Ait namque dominus phariseis Ioh. viii In lege vestra scriptum est quia duorum hominum testimonium verum est et huic applaudeÌs dominus inquit ego sum qui testimonium perhibeo de me ipso et testimonium perhibet de me qui misit me pater Pharisei quippe iudei erant vnde idem erat dicere in Lege vestra scriptum est et in Lege Mosayââ quae a domino ê Moysen filiis Israell prolata fuit scriptum est Quare huic legi coÌtraire legi eÌ diuinÌ refragari quô sequit â qd â lex Angliae si ab hac lege discedat a lege diuina cui reluctari noÌ licet ipsa discedÃt Scribitur etiam Math .xviij. Quod dominus loquens de correctione fraterna inter alia sic ait Si autem non te audierit frater tuus adhibe tecum adhuc vnum aut duos vt in ore duorum vel trium stet omne verbum Si in ore duorum vel trium dominus omne verbum statuerit frustra plurimum hominum queritur in dubiis veredictum Nemo enim potest melius aut aliud fundamentum ponere quam posuit dominus Hec sunt Cancellarie quae me de legis angliae processu in probationibus aliquantulum conturbant Quare qÌd his respondendum est a te doceri deposco Here is shewed that the procedinge by a Iurie is not repugnaunt to the lawe of god Cap. 32. THe lawes of EnglaÌd quod the CauÌcellour are nothiÌge at all repugnaunt to these thynges that trouble you
tantum priÌcipantes qÌ lege ciuili et poâissimè predicta legis illius maxima regulant plebem suam quó ipsi ad eorum libitum iura mutant noua condunt penas in fligunt et onera imponunt subditis suis êpriis quoque arbitriis conteÌdeÌt ium cum velint dirimunt lites Quare moliti suÌt ipsi progânitores tui hoc iugum politicum abiicer â vt consimiliter et ipsi in subiectum populum regaliter tantum dominari sed potius debachari queant noÌ atteÌdentes quod equalis est vtriusque regis potencia vt in predicto tractatu de natura legis naturoe docetur et qd noÌ iugum sed libertas est politicê regere populum securitas quoque maxima neduÌ plebi sed et ipsi regi alleuiacio etiaÌ non minima solicitudinis suae quae vt tibi apertius pateaÌt vtriusque regiminis experientiam per cunctare a regimine tantuÌ regali qualiter rex Franciae principatur in subditos suos exordium sumerrito deiÌde a regalis ât politicae regiminis effectu qualiter rex Angliae dominatur in sibi subiectos populos experientiam quere The inconueniences that happen in the royalme âf FrauÌce throughe regall gouernement alone Cap. 35. CAll to remeÌbrauÌce most worthye prince after what sorte you saw y e wealthie villages and townes as touchynge ââore of corne in the royalme of Fraunce while you were there a so iourner pestered with the kynges men at armes their horses so that skant in any of y e great townes there you could gett any lodgynge Wheare of y e inhabiters you learned y t those men thoughe they continue in one village a monethe or ii do not nor will paye any thynge at all either for their owne charges or for the charges of their horses But which is worse y ây coÌpelled y e iÌhabitz of y e vilages and town dwellers whether they caÌe to prouide of their owne proper costes out of the villages adioyninge wyne flesh for them and other thiÌgs y t thei needed at dearer prices then they might haue bought the same at home And if any refused thus to do they were anoÌ by plaine stafford lawe forced to do it And when they had spent all the victualies fewell and horse meat in one towne then those men went to an other towne wastynge the same in lyke maner not payeyng one pennye for any necessaries either for themselfs or ells for their coÌcubines and harlottes whereof they euer carryed caried aboute withe them great abundaunce nor for hoseÌ or shewes and other lyke euen to the least poiÌt or lace but they compelled the townesmen wheare theye carried to beare all theire expenses And thus were al the villages and vnwalled townes of that lande vsed so that there is not the least village there free from this miserable calamitie but that it is once or twyse euery yeare beggered by this kynde of pilling Furthermore the kyng suffereth no man to eate salte within his kingdome excepte he buy it of the kinge at suche price as pleaseth him to assesse And if any pore man had rather eate his meate freshe then to buy salt so excessiuely deare hee is imiÌmediatly coÌpelled to buy so much of y e kinges salte at the kings price as shall suffice so many persones as he keepeth in his house Moreouer all the inhabyters of that royalme geeue yearelye to the kynge the fowerthe parte of all the wynes y t theire grouÌdes bearethe and euerye vintener the fowerth penney of the price of the wine that hee sellethe And beesides all this euery village and borroughe payethe yearelye to the kyng great summes of moneye assessed vppon them for the wages of men at armes so that the charges of the kings army which is euer verye great is mainteyned by the poore people of y e villages boroughes towns of y e roialme And yet moreouer euerye village findethe continuallye twoo Crossebowes at the leaste and some mo wythe all furnyture and habyliments requisite for the kynges seruyce in hys warres as ofte as it pleasethe hym to muster them whyche hee dothe verye ofte And these thynges not considered other exceedynge greate talleges are yearelye assessed vppon euerye vyllage of the same royalme to the kynges vse whereof theye are no yeare released The people beeinge wyth these and diuers other calamities plagued and oppressed do liue in greate mysery driÌkiÌg water daily Neyther do y e inferiour sort tast any other licor sauiÌg only at soleÌpne feasts Theire shamewes are made of hempe muche lyke to sacke clothe Woollen clothe theye weare none excepte it bee verye course and that onelye in theire coates vnder theire sayde vpper garmentes Neyther vse they anye hosen butte from the knee vpwarde the residue of theire legges go naked Theire women go barefoote sauing on holye dayes Neyther menne nor women eate anye fleshe there but onelye larde of bacon wythe a small quantity whereof they fatten theire potage and brothes As for rosted or sodden meate of fleshe they tast none except it be of y e inwards sometimes heads of beastes y e be killed for geÌtlemeÌ merchaÌtz But the menne at armes they deuour and consume al their pullein so y e theye haue skant the egges left to eate for speciall deintiez And if theye fortune at anye time to growe somewhat wealthie in substaÌce so that any of them be compted ryche hee is by by charged to the kinges subsidie more deepely theÌ any of his neighboures so that within short time he is made equall in pouertie with the rest of his beggerlye neighboures And this as I suppose is the state of the common and rascall people of that nation But gentlemen and nobles are not so oppressed and ouercharched wyth exaccions Butte yf anye of them chauÌce to bee accused of anye cryme thoughe it be by hys enemies hee is not euer wonte to bee cyted or called beefore an ordynarye iudge But manye tymes it hathe beene seene that hee hathe in that beehalfe been talked wythe in the kynges chamber or elswhere in some priuate place and sometymes onelye bye a pourseuaunte or messenger And immedyatlye as soone as the princes conscience hathe throughe the reporte of others iudged him guiltie he is witheout anye fassion of iudgement put in a sacke and in the night season by the Marshals seruaÌts hurled iÌto a riuer so drowned After which sort you haue harde of manye mo put to deathe then that haue bene by ordinary processe of the lawe condempned Howe be it the princes plesure as saye the Ciuile lawes hathe the force of a lawe Also whyle yowe weare abydynge in FrauÌce and nighe to the same kyngedome you heard of other greate enormityes lyke vnto these and some much worse then these detestable damnable done no otherwise but vnder y e colour of that lawe whiche here to rehearse woulde continue oure talke too longe a time Now therefore let vs se what
y e effect of the lawe politique and regal which some of your progenitours would haue chaunged into this Ciuile hathe wrought in the royalme of Englande that yowe beeynge instructed wythe the experience of bothe lawes may the better by theire effectes iudge whether of theÌ ye oughte rather to choose Seeynge the philosopher as afore is rehearsed dothe saye y e contraries layde together do more êfectly appeare REminiscer â priÌceps diuine qualiter villas et opida regni FraÌcioe frugum opuleÌtissima dum ibidem peregrinabaris coÌspexisti Regis terroe illiê° hominibê° ad arma et eoruÌ equis ita onustâ vt vix in eoruÌ aliquibê° quaÌ magnis opidis tu hospitari valebas Vbi ab incolis didicisti hoiÌes illos licet in villa vna per menseÌ aut duos perhend inaueriÌt nihil prorsus prosuis aut equorum suoruÌ expeÌsis soluisse aut soluere velle sed quod peius est artabant incolas villarum et opidorum in qÌ desceÌderat sibi devinis carnibê° et aliis qÌbê° indigebaÌt etiaÌ carioribê° necessariis quaÌ ibi reperiebaÌtur a circumuicinis villatis suis êpriis sum tibê° êuidere Et si qui sic facere renuebaÌt coÌcito fustibê° cesi propere hoc agere coÌpellebaÌtur ac demuÌ coÌsumptis in villa vna victualibê° focalibus et equoruÌ pÌbeÌdis ad villaÌ ali aÌ homines illi properabaÌt eaÌ coÌsimiliter deuastando nec denarium vnum ê aliquibus necessariis suis etiam aut concubiâârum suaruÌ quaâân magna copia secum semê vehebant vel pro sotularibus caligis et aliis hmÌodi vsque ad minimaÌ earuÌ ligulaÌ solueruÌt sed singulassuas qualescuÌque expeÌsas hiÌtator â villaruÌ vbi moras feceruÌt soluere coegeruÌt Sicque et factuÌ est iÌ oiÌbus villis et opidis noÌ muratis totiê° regionÌilliê° vt noÌ sit ibi villula vna exês de calamitate ista qÌ noÌ semel aut bis in aÌno hac nephaÌda pÌssura depilet â Pretere a noÌ patit â Rex qÌn quaÌ regnÌsui saleÌ edere queÌ noÌ emat ab ipÌo Rege pÌcio eiê° soluÌ arbitrio assesso Et si iÌsulsum pauê qÌuis mauult edere quaÌ saleÌ excessiuo precio coÌparare mox coÌpellitur ille taÌtuÌ de sale regê ad eiê° pÌciuÌ emere quaÌtuÌ congruet tot êsonis quot ipÌe in domo sua fouet Insuê oÌnes regni illiê° iÌcolae daÌt oÌni aÌno regi suo quartaÌ parteÌ oÌniuÌ vinoruÌ qÌ sibi accrescuÌt et oiÌs caupo quartuÌ denariuÌ pÌcij vinoruÌ qÌ ipÌe vendit et vltra hec oÌeÌs villae et burgi soluuÌt Regi aÌnuatim ingentes suÌmas sup eos assessas ê stipeÌdijs hominuÌ ad arma sic qd â armata regê qÌ quaÌ magna seÌê est pascat â aÌnuatiÌ de stipeÌdijs suis ê pauperes villaruÌ burgoruÌ et ciuitatum regni Et vltra hec quelât villa seÌê sustinet sagittarios duos ad minê° et aliqÌ plures in oÌni apparatu abilimentis sufficieÌtibê° ad seruienduÌ regi in guerris suis quotiens sibi libet eos suÌmonire qd â et crebro facit ac hijs noÌ poÌderatis maxima tallagia alia suÌt oÌni áno assessa ad opus regis suê quaÌlibet villaÌ eiusdeÌ regni de quibê° non vno anno ipsi alleuiantur Hijs et noÌnullis alijs calamitatibê° plebs illa lacessita iÌ miseria noÌ minima viuit aquaÌco tidie bibit nec alium nisi in solemniÌbus festis plebei gustant liquorem· Froccis siue collobitis de canabo ad moduÌ paÌni saccoruÌ teguÌtur PaÌno de lana pÌterquaÌde vilissima et hoc soluÌ in tunicis suis subtê° froccas illas non vtuntur neque caligis nisi ad genua discooperto residuo tibiarum Mulieres eoruÌ nudipedes suÌt exceptis diebê° festis carnes noÌ comedunt mares aut feminae ibideÌ preter larduÌ baconis quo iÌpinguaÌt pulmeÌtaria sua iÌ minima quaÌtitate Carnes assatas coctasue alias ipsi noÌ gustant preterquaÌ interduÌ de iÌtestinis et capitibê° animaliuÌ pro nobilibê° et mercatoribus occisorum sed gentes ad arma comedunt alitilia sua ita vt vix oua eorum ipsis relinquantur pro summis vescenda delicijs Et si quid in opibus eis aliquando accreuerit quolocuples eorum aliquis reputetur concito ipse ad regis subsidium plus vicinis suis ceterisoneratur quo extunc conuicinis ceteris ipse equabitur paupertate Hec ni fallor forma est status gentis plebanae regionis illius Nobiles tamen non sic exactionibus opprimuntur Sed si eorum aliquis calumpniatus fuerit de crimine licet ê inimicos suos non semper coram iudice ordinario ipse conuocari solet Sed quam sepe in regis camera et alibi in priuato loco quandoque vero solum per iÌternuntios ipse inde aloqui visus est et mox vt criminosuÌ eum principis conscientia relatu aliorum iudicauerit in sacco positê° absque figura iudicij perprepositi maris calorum ministros noctanter in flumine proiectus submergitur qualiter et mori audiuisti maioreÌ multo numeruÌ hominuÌ quaÌ qÌ legittimo êcessu iuris coÌuicti extiteruÌt Sed tamÌ quod principi placuit iuxta leges ciuiles legis heÌt vigoreÌ EtiaÌ et alia enormia hijs similia ac quedaÌ hijsde teriora duÌ in FraÌcia et êpe regnuÌ illud conuersatê° es audisti noÌ alioquaÌ legis illius colore detestabiliter daÌna biliterque êpetrata qÌ hic inserere nostruÌ nimiuÌ dialoguÌ protelaret quare quid effectus legis politicae et regalis quaÌ quidam progenitoruÌ tuorum pro lege hac ciuili coÌmutare nisi sùt operatus est iÌ regno Angliae amodo visitemê° vt vtraque legum experiencia doctê° qÌ earuÌ tibi eligibilior sit ex earuÌ effectibus elicere valeas cuÌ vt supÌ memoratur dicat philosophus quod opposita iuxta se posita magis appareÌt ¶ The commodities that proceede of the iointe gouernement politique and regall in the royalme of Englande Cap. 36 WIthein the roialme of England no man soiourneth in an other maÌs house w tout y e loue y e leaue of y e good maÌ of y e same house sauiÌg in coÌmen ynnes wher before his deêture thence he shal fullye sattsfie paye for all his charges there Neyther shal he escape vnpunished whosoeuer he bee that taketh another mans goods wytheoute the good wyll of the owner therof Neyther is it vnlawefull for anye manne in that royalme to prouide and store hymselfe of salte and other marchaundyses or wares at his owne wyl and pleasure of any man that selleth y e same Howbe it the kinge thoughe y e owners woulde saye nay maye by his officers take necessaries for his house at a reasonable price to be assessed by the discrecions of the constables of the towns Neuertheles
iniuries of others Truelye suche a kynge maye well bee called not onelye feeble but eeuen verye feblenes it selfe nor is not to bee iudged free beeinge tyed with so manye bandes of feeblenes On the other syde that kynge is free and of myghte that is hable to defende his subiectes aswell agaynste straungers as agaynste his owne people and also theire gooddes and possessions not onelye from the violente and vnlawefull inuasionz of theire owne countreymenne and neighbours butte allso from his own oppression and extortion though such wilful lusts and necessities doe moue him to the contrarie For who can be more mighty or more free then he that is hable to conquere and subdue not onely others but also himselfe Whiche thinge a kynge whose gouernaunce is politike can doo and euer dothe Thus most woorthy prince it appearethe vnto you by the effecte of experience that your progenitours whyche were thus mynded to renounce theire politique gouernement coulde not thereby not onely not obtaine the might and power whiche they wished that is to saye increase therof but rather they shoulde haue endaungered and greatlye hasarded the wealthe aswell of themselues as also of theire kingdome Notwithstandinge these thinges nowe practised which as touchiÌg theffect of experience do seeme to blemishe the power of a king ruling all alone regally neuer proceeded of the default of their law but of y e carelesse demeanour and negligent lousenes of suche a ruler Wherefore that dignitie is not heareby in power imbased vnder the dignitie of a politique gouernour whiche bothe in my foresaid treatise of the nature of the law of nature I haue plainlye proued to bee in power equall But the premisses dooe moste euidentlye declare it to be a matter of much more difficultie for a king whose rule is onely regal to exercise his power and that bothe hee and hys people stande in muche lesse securitie And therefore it were not to bee wished of a wise kynge to chaunge a politike regiment intoo that gouernement whiche is onelye regall And accordinge to thys the foresaide Sainte Thomas wishethe that all the kingdomes of the worlde were ruled by politike gouernaunce SAnctê° Thomas in libro queÌ Regi Cipri de regimine priÌcipuÌ scripsit dicit qd â rex datur êpter regnuÌ etnoÌ regnuÌ êpter regeÌ quoÌ oÌnis potestas regia referri debet ad bonuÌ regni sui quod effectiuè coÌsistit in defencione eiusdem ab exteroruÌ incursibê° et in tuicione regnicolarum et bonorum suorum ab indigenarum iniurijs et rapinis Quare rex quihec peragere nequit impotens est necessario iudicandus Sed si ipse passionibus proprijs aut penuria ita oppressus est quod manus suas cohibere nequit a depilatione subditorum suoruÌ quô ipsemet eos depauperat nec viuere sinit et sustentari proprijs substantijs suis quanto tunc impotencior ille iudicaÌdus est quam si eos defendere ipse non sufficerent erga aliorum iniurias Reuera rex talis nedum impotens sed et ipsa impotentia dicendus est et non liber iudicari potest tantis iÌpotentiae nexubus vinculatus E regione rex liber et potens est qui incolas suos erga exteros et indigenas eoruÌ quo que bona et facultates nedum erga vicinorum et conciuium rapinas defendere sufficit sed erga proprium oppressionem et rapinam licet sibi passiones necessitatesque huiusmodi reluctentur Quis enim potentior liberiorue esse potest quam qui non solum alios sed et se ipsuÌ sufficit debellare quod potest et seÌper facit rex politicê regens populum suum quare experientiae effectu tibi constat priÌceps progenitores tuos qui sic politicum regimen abicere satagerunt non solum in hoc non potuisse nancisci potentiaÌ quaÌ optabant videlicet ampliorem sed et sui bonum similiter et bonum Regni sui per hoc ipsi discrimini exposuissent et êiculo graÌdiori Tamen hec quae iaÌ de experienciae effectu practicata potentiaÌ regis regaliter tantuÌ presidentis exprobrare videntur noÌ ex legis suae defectu êcesseruÌt sed ex incuria negligeÌtiaque taliter principaÌtis quare ipsa dignitateÌ illaÌ potentia noÌ minuuÌt a dignitate regis politicè regulaÌt â quos paris esse potentiae in predicto tractatu de natura legis naturae luculenter ostendi Sed poteÌciaÌ regis regaliter tantuÌ principantis difficilioris esse ex cercij ac minoris securitatis sibi populo suo illa clarissimè iam demonstrant quô optabile non foret regi prudenti regimen politicuÌ pro tantûm regali commutare vnde et sanctus Thomas supradictus optare censetur vt omniuÌ muÌdi regna politice regerentur ¶ The Prince breaketh the Chauncellour of his tale Cha. 38 BEare with mee I beseche you good Chancellour quod the Prince in that with my questioÌs I haue draweÌ you so farr from youre purpose For the thynges whiche by this occasion you haue discussed are to me righte profitable thoughe they haue soomewhate staied you and pulled you back from the ende of your intent Whereunto I pray you now make haste and first as you promised and as you haue begonne open vnto mee some other cases wherin the sentences of the lawes of Englande and of the Ciuile lawes do disagree TVnc priÌceps Parce obsecro Cancellarie quod te ad tantam a proposito tuo digressionem compuli questionibus meis michi nanque perutilia sunt quae hac occasionÌ exarasti licet te parumper retardauerint a meta intentionis tuae ad quam vt tu iaÌ celerius properes flagito et primo vt aliquos alios casus in quibus legum Angliae et Ciuilium discrepant sentenciae vt promisisti et cepisti mihi enarres ¶ The seconde case wherin the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England disagree in theire iudgementes Chap. 39. ACcording to your request most noble priÌce quod y e Chancellour I will open vntoo you certeine other cases wherein the saide lawes disagree Howbeit whether of the same lawes in their iugements excelleth y e other y t will I leaue to your own determination The Ciuile law doth legittimate the childe borne beefore matrimonie aswell as y t which is borne after and geueth vntoo it succession in y e parents inheritance But to the childe borne out of matrimonye the lawe of Englande alloweth no succession affirmynge it to bee naturall onelye and not lawfull The CiuiliaÌs in this case auaunce theire law-alleginge that by meane thereof the sacrament or state of matrimonie comminge in place extinguishethe the former sinne whereby eles the sowles of twoe persones shoulde haue perished And it is to bee presumed say they that they were at they re first copulation bothe so mynded as the sacrameÌt ensuynge afterward declareth The churche also accepteth suche chyldren for legittimate These I trowe are
the iii. strongest reasons whereby they maintaine and defende they re law Which are thus aunswered by the lawyers of England Firste they saye that the sinne of the firste carnal accion in y e case propounded is not purged by the matrimonie ensuynge thoughe by the woorthynes thereof the synners punishement is somwhat abated They saye also that they whiche thus do sinne are somuche y e lesse repentaunt therefore in asmuche as they perceaue the lawes to fauour and beare with suche traÌsgressours And vppon thys consideration they are made the redyer to committe the sinne thereby breakinge the commaundement bothe of god and of the churche Wherefore this lawe dooth not onelye participate w t the offeÌce of sinners but also swarueth froÌ the nature of a good lawe Forasmuch as a law is a holye stablishement coÌmaÌding thynges honest and forbiddynge the contrarye Whiche this lawe dothe not but rather allureth y e myndes of synners to dishonestye Neither can it bee anye defence to thys lawe that the churche accepteth suche children for legittimate For that louynge mother dispenseth in many thinges whiche shee licenceth to be doone And it was by waye of dispensacion that the Apostle set virgins at libertie whereunto he would not counsel them rather wyshinge all to continue virgines like himselfe And god forbyd that so greate a mother shoulde in thys case wythdrawe her tender loue from her chyldren whiche by the inticement of this lawe dooe manye times fall into sinne And by the matrimonye ensuynge the church is infourmed that the partyes so marrieng are penitent sory for the offence passed and are willinge in time to come through matrimonie to lyue contineÌt But the law of EnglaÌde in this case woorketh a much contrarie effecte For it prouokethe not to sinne nor cherishethe or mainteineth sinners but putteth them in feare to keepe them from sinne threatneth punishement For the wantonnesse of the fleshe hath no neede of allurement but rather of discouragement because the lustes of the fleshe are wanton and almoste vntamable And forasmuch as it is impossible for maÌ to liue euer in hymselfe he naturallye coueteth to lyue euer in his like beecause euery liuing thing desyreth to be lyke y e first and chiefe cause which is perpetuall euerlasting And hereof it commethe that man hath more delyte and pleasurâ in the sence of feeling whereby his kind is preserued thaÌ in the sence of tast which preserueth onely the particuler man Wherefore Noe executinge vengeance vpoÌ his sonne which vncouered his priuities dyd curse his nephewe the offendors childe that thereby the offendoure might bee more grieued then with his owne mishappe Wherefore y e law that punisheth the offendours issue doth more penallye prohibite sinne then that whiche plageth but the offendour alone Whereby it may easelye bee considered with what zeale the lawe of EnglaÌd abhorreth vnlawfull coniuÌctions whiche doth not onelye iudge the childe so gotten to be illegittimate but also prohibiteth it to succede in the parents inheritaÌce Is not this lawe then chast and pure And dooth it not more forceably and more earnestlye suppresse sinne then the foresaide Ciuile lawe whiche winketh at the sinne of lecherie and leueth it vnpunished CAncellarius QuosdaÌ casus alios in quibus dissentiunt leges predictae vt petis princeps detegere conabor Sed tamen quae leguÌ earuÌ prestantior sit in iudiciis suis noÌ meo sed arbitratui tuo relinquaÌ Prolem ante matrimoniuÌ natam ita vt post legittimuÌ lex ciuilis et succedere facit in hereditate pareÌtuÌ sed proleÌ quaÌ matrimoniuÌ noÌ parit succedere noÌ smit lex angloruÌ naturaleÌ taÌtuÌ eaÌ esse noÌ legittimaÌ proclamans Ciuilistae in casu hoc legem eorum extollunt quia incitameÌtum eaÌ esse dicuÌt quo matrimonij sacrameÌto cesset peccatuÌ ê qd â alias duo rum animae interirent presumenduÌ quoque esse dicuÌt tales fuisse coÌtrahen tiuÌ animos in primo eoruÌ coÌcubitu quales esse demoÌstrat subsequeÌs sacramentuÌ Ecclesia etiaÌ fetus hmÌôi habet pro legittimis hec ni fallor tria fulcimeÌta suÌt maiora quibus ipsi appodiaÌt defeÌduntque legeÌ suam Ad quae sic respoÌdent leges Angliae periti primo dicuÌt quod peccatum primi concubitus in casu proposito non purgatur per subsequens matrimoniuÌ licet eius merito deliÌqueÌtiuÌ quodamodo minuatur pena DicuÌt etiaÌ quod peccati illius conscii tanto minus inde peniteÌt quo leges traÌgressoribus illis fauere coÌsiderant quali etiaÌ coÌsideratione procliuiores ipsi redduntur ad coÌmitteÌduÌ peccatuÌ per quod neduÌ dei sed ecclesiae precepta necliguÌt Vnde lex illa neduÌ delinquentiuÌ êticipat culpaÌ sed et legis bonÌ naturaÌ ipsa declinat cuÌ lex sit saÌctio saÌcta iubens honesta êphibeÌs coÌtrar â qualia ipsa non prohibet sed potiê° ad inhonesta animos labentium inuitat Nec vallari potest lex ista per hoc quod ecclesia fetus huiusmodi pro legittimis habet Pia nanque mater illa in quaÌplurimis diÌspeÌsat quae fieri ipsa noÌ coÌcedit dispensatiua enim laxauit apostolus virginitatis frena qd â coÌsulere noluit cuÌ oeÌs ipse voluerit vt se virgines permansisse Et absit vt mater tanta a filiis suis in casu isto pietatem suaÌ cohiberet duÌ sepe ipsi etiaÌ legis huiê° ciuilis fomeÌto coÌcitati inciduÌt in peccatum peccatum Et per matrimoniuÌ subsequens docetur ecclesia contraheÌtes penitere de preterito et de futuro per matrimonium se velle cohibere Sed longe alium in hoc casu lex angliae effectum operatur dum ipsa non concitat ad peccatum neque peccaÌtes fouet sed terret eos et ne peccent minatur penas carnis etenim illecebrae fomento noÌ egent egeÌt vero frenis quia irritamenta carnis lasciua quasi infatigabilia suÌt Et homo quuÌ indiuiduo êpetuari nequit êpetuari naturaliter appetit in specie sua quia omne quod viuit assimilari cupit causae primae quae perpetua est et eterna Vnde fit quod plus delectatur homo in sensu tactus quo seruatur species eius quam in sensu gustus quo conseruatur iÌdiuiduuÌ Quare Noe vlciscens in filium qui eius pudenda reuelauit nepoti suo filio delinqueÌtis maledixit vt inde plus cruciaretur reus quaÌ êprio possit incomodo quare lex quae vindicat in ê geniem delinqueÌtis penalius prohibet peccatum quam quae solum delinquentem flagellat Ex quibus considerare licet quanto zelo lex Angliae illicitos prosequitur concubitus dum ex eis editam prolem ipsa nedum iudicat non esse legittimam sed et succedere prohibet iÌ patrimonio parentuÌ Nunquid tunc lex ista casta non est et non fortius firmiusque repellit peccatum
quam facit lex predicta ciuilis quae cito et quasi iÌultuÌ luxuriae crimeÌ remittit ¶ Speciall causes why base borne children are not legittimate in England by matrimony ensuing Chap. 40. MOre ouer the Ciuile lawes say y t your natural or bastard sonne is y e soÌne of y e people Wherof a certein metriciaÌ writeth in this wise To whom the people father is to hiÌ is father none all To whom the people father is wel fatherles we may him call And while suche a chylde had no father at y e tyme of his birthe surelye nature knoweth not howe he could afterward come by a father For if one woman shoulde beare two children of twoe fornicatours and the one of them shoulde afterward marrye her Whether of these twooe children shoulde by this marriage bee legittimat OppinioÌ may somewhat êswade but reason cannot fynde seeing the time was once when bothe those chyldren beeinge iudged the children of the people did not knowe theire fathers It were therefore vnreasonable that a child afterwarde borne in the same wedlocke whose generation cannot be vnknoweÌ shoulde be disherited and that a childe whiche knoweth no father should be heire to the father mother of the other specially in y e roialme of England where the eldest sonne only enioieth the fathers inheritance And an indifferent iudge would think it no lesse vnreasonable that a base borne childe shoulde bee equally matched with a lawful begotten childe in y e inheritaÌce whiche by the Ciuile lawes can bee deuyded but onelye among male children For saint Augustine in the xvi booke de Ciuitate dei wrytethe thus Abraham gaue all his substance to his sonne Isaac and to the sonnes of his concubines he gaue gyftes Whereuppon semeth to bee ment that to bastarde children there is noe inheritaunce due but onelye a necessary lyuinge Thus saieth hee And vnder the name of a bastard child saint AusteÌ vnderstaÌdeth all vnlawful yssues so doth holye scripture also iÌ diuers places callinge none by the name of a bastard Lo Saint Austen thinkethe no small difference to be so thinketh AbrahaÌ to betwene the succession of a bastarde and of a sonne lawfullye begotten Yea holye scripture reprehendeth all vnlawful childreÌ vnder this metaphore sayeng Bastarde slippes shall take no deepe roote nor lay any fast foundation in the iiii chapiter of the booke of wisedome The churche also reproueth the same in that it admitteth them not to holye orders And if it so bee that the churche doe dyspense withe suche a one yet it permitteth not him to haue anye dignitye or preeminence in y e church Wherefore it is conuenyent that mannes lawe in the benefite of successioÌ shoulde cutte theÌ shorte whome the Churche iudgeth vnworthy to bee receaued into holye orders and reiecteth from all prelacie yea whome holye scripture iudgeth as touchinge their birthe much inferiour to them that be lawfullye begotten We reade that Gedeon the puissaunt begate lxx sonnes in wedlocke and but one onelye out of wedlocke Yet thys misbegotten chylde wyckedlye slewe all those lawfullye beegotten children one onelye excepted Iudges .ix. Whereby it ys perceaued that there was more wyckednesse in one bastarde chylde then in .lxix. lawfull sonnes For it is a commen sayenge If a bastard bee good y t coÌmeth to him by chauÌce that is to wytte by speciall grace but if he be euil that commeth to him by nature For it is thought that the base child draweth a certeyn corruption and stayne from y e synne of his parentes without his owne fault as all we haue receaued of y e synne of oure first pareÌts much infection thoughe not somuche Howebeit the blemishe which bastardes by their generation do receaue muche differeth froÌ that werein lawfull children are borne For their conception is wrought by the mutuall synnefull lust of both pareÌts which in the laufull chast copulations of marryed couples taketh no place The synne of suche fornicatours is committed by y e mutuall consent of them bothe Wherefore it is likened to the first synne cleaueth more cruelly to the chylde then the synne of suche as do otherwise offende alone so that the chylde so begotten deserueth to be called the child of synne rather then the chylde of synners wherefore the boke of wysedoÌ makynge a difference betweene these ii genÌatioÌs of y e laufull genÌatioÌ it sayethe thus O howe faire is a chaste generacioÌ w t vertue The memoriall thereof is immortall for it is knowen with god with men But the other is not knowen with men so that the children there of borne are called y e children of the people Of whiche base generation the same booke thus speaketh All the chyldreÌ that are borne of wycked pareÌtz are witnesses of wyckednes agaiÌst their pareÌtz when they be asked For beiÌge demauÌded of their parentz they open theyr synne euen as the wycked sonne of Noe vncouered his fathers priuities It is therefore beleued touchiÌge the bliÌde borne of whom the pharasiez in the ix chapter of Saint Iohns ghospell said Thou art altogether borne in siÌne y t he was a bastarde who wholly is borne of synne And where it folowethe doest not thou teache vs. It seemeth that thereby maye be vnderstanded y t a bastard hathe no lyke naturall disposition to knowlege and learnyng as a lawfull chylde hath Wherefore that lawe maketh no good diuision whiche in the fathers inheritance makethe equal bastard children and laufull childreÌ whoÌ y e church in gods inheritaunce maketh vnequall Betwene whom also scripture putteth a differeÌce in fourme aboue mentioned whoÌ nature in her gyftes seuereth markynge the naturall or bastard chyldren as it were with a certein priue mark iÌ their soules Whether therefore of y e ii lawes Englishe or ciuile do you now imbrace most noble prince iudge to haue the preeminence in this case PReterea Leges ciuiles dicuÌt filium naturaleÌ tuuÌ esse filiuÌ populi de quo metricus quidaÌ sic ait Cui pater est populê° pater est sibi nullê° et oiÌs Cui pat â est populê° noÌ habet ipse patreÌ Et duÌ êles talis patreÌ noÌ habuit teÌêe natiuitat â suae quo modo ex post facto ipse patreÌ nancisci poterit natura nouit quo si ex fornicatoribê° duobus mulier vna filios peperit duos quaÌ postea vnê° ex concubinariis illis ducat in vxorem quis ex filiis hiis duobus ê matrimonium illud legittimatur oppinio suader â potest sed ratio reperire nequit duÌ ambo filij illi populi fetus iudicati semel pareÌtes ignorabaÌt IncoÌsonuÌ propterea videret â qd â in matrimonio illo extuÌc ab eadeÌ muliere natus cuius generatio ignorari noÌ poterit exês esset hereditatis et filius nescius genitoris sui succederet patri et matriÌ eius maxime iÌfra regnuÌ Angliae vbi filiê° senior solê° succedit in hereditate paterna et non minus
incongruuÌ esse seÌtiret arbiter equus si filius ex stupro equaliter êticiparet cuÌ filio ex legittimÌ thoro hereditatem quae iure Ciuili inter masculos diuidenda est Nam saÌctus Augustinus xvi li. de Ciui dei sic scribit Abraham oeÌm censum suuÌ dedit Isaac filio suo filiis auteÌ coÌcubinarum dedit dationes ex quo videtur innui qd â spuriis non debetur hereditas sed victus necessitas hec ille Sub noiÌe vero spurii denotat Augustinus omnem fetum illegittimuÌ qualiter et sepiê° facit scriptura sacra quae nemineÌ vocat bastar duÌ Ecce differentiaÌ noÌ minimaÌ sentit Augustinus seÌtit et Abraham inter successioneÌ spurij et filij ex legittimo concubitu Ceterum omnes filios illegittimos reprehendit scriptura sacra sub methaphora hec dicens spuria vitulamina noÌ dabunt radices altas nec stabile fuÌdameÌtuÌ collocabuÌt Sapientiae iiii Reprehendit ecclesia quae eos a sacris repellit ordinibus et si cuÌ tali dispeÌsauerit noÌ euÌ tnÌ êmittit dignita te preesse in ecclesia dei coÌgruit idcirco legi hominuÌ in successionis bnÌficio minuere quos ecclesia indignos iudicat sacro ordinÌ et quos ipsa repellit ab oiÌ prelatia ipsos etiaÌ quos scriptura sacra in natalibê° minoratos iudicat a legittime procreatis Gedeon auteÌ viroruÌ fortissimê° lxx filios in matrimonio legitur procreasse non nisi vnuÌ soluÌ habu isse ex coÌcubina filius tnÌ ipse coÌcubinae oeÌs filios illos legittimos nequit â peremit excepto vno solo IudicuÌ ix quô in notho vno plus maliciae fuisse depreheÌdit â quaÌ in filiis legittimis lxix TrituÌ etenim êuerbiuÌ est si bonê° eÌ bastardê° hoc ei venit a casu videlicet gracia speciali si auteÌ malus ipse fuerit hoc sibi accidit a natura CorruptioneÌ naÌque et maculaÌ quaÌdaÌ censetur illegittimus partê° coÌtrahere a peccato genitoruÌ suoruÌ sine culpa eius vt maximaÌ nos coÌtraximê° oÌes a crimine primoruÌ parentuÌ licet noÌ taÌtaÌ aliam tnÌ nothi quaÌ legittimi contrahuÌt maculaÌ ex genitura sua eoruÌ naÌque generationeÌ mutua vtriusque pareÌtis libido culpa bilis operatur qua liter in legittimis castisque aÌplexibus coniugatoruÌ ipsa noÌ solet debacchari mutuuÌ sane et coÌmune eÌ peccatuÌ taliter fornicaÌtiuÌ quo primo similatum peccato magis seuit in fetuÌ quaÌ peccatuÌ aliter solitariêque peccaÌtiuÌ vt ex iÌdenatus potius peccati filiê° dici mereatur quaÌ filius peccatoruÌ Quare sapientiae liber generationes has du as distingueÌs de generatione legittima sic affatur O quam pulchra est casta genÌacio cuÌ claritate iÌmortalis est eniÌ memoria illius qmÌ apud deuÌ not â eÌ et apud homines Altera vero non est nota apud homines quo filii ex eanati filii populiÌ nominaÌtur De generatione vtique illa atlera liber ille sic dicit ex iniquis oÌnes filii qui nascuntur testes sunt nequitiae aduersus pareÌtes suos in interrogatione sua SapieÌtioe eodeÌ iiii capi interrogati eteniÌ de pareÌtibus suis eoruÌ ipsi reuelaÌt peccatuÌ vt filiê° Noe nequaÌ reuelauit pudenda prâis patris sui Creditur idcirco cecuÌ illum natuÌ de quo Pharisei Ioh .ix. dixeruÌt tu in peccatis natus es totê° fuisse bastarduÌ qÌ nascit â totaliter ex peccato et dum subditur et tu doces nos videtur eos intellexisse bastarduÌ noÌ vt legitimuÌ in naturalibê° esse disposituÌ ad scieÌtiaÌ et doctrinaÌ NoÌ igitur bene diuidit lex illa qÌ bastardos a natiuitate et legittimos parificat in hereditate paterna cuÌ eos dispares iudicet ecclesia in hereditate dei similiter et distinguat sacra scriptura in forma pÌnotata diuidatque natura in donis suis signans naturales taÌtuÌ neuo quasi naturali quodam licet latente in animis suis QuaÌ igitur leguÌ istaruÌ AnglicaruÌ videlicet et CiuiliuÌ in casu hoc tu princeps illustrissime aÌplecâeris et iudicas pÌfeâeÌdaÌ The prince alloweth the lawe whiche doth not legittimat chyldren borne bifore matrimonie Cap. 41. Surely euen to that law do I geeue the preferment quod the prince which is of more force to abandoÌ synne out of the royalme and to auaunce vertue Those also in the benefites of mans lawe do I suppose abiect and base whom the lawe of god consydereth vnworthye and whoÌ the church in her benefits reiecteth and nature also iudgeth more prone vnto synne I thiÌke you do not iudge amysse quod the ChauÌcellour wherefore I wyl reherse yet other cases wherein the said lawes disagree PRinceps Reuera eam que fortiê° a regno peccatum eliminat et firmiê° in eo virtutem conseruat Arbitror etiaÌ illos in legis humanoe bnÌficiis minorandos quos lex diuina indigniores coÌsiderat et quos postponit ecclesia in beneficiis suis natura quoque êcliuiores iudicat ad peccandum Cancellarius Recte estimo te seÌtire quare et casus alios memorabor iÌ quibê° discrepant hec leges duae The third case wherein the lawes aforesaide disagree Cap. 42. The Ciuile lawes decre that the yssue euer foloweth the woÌbe that is to saye the mother As for example yf a boÌd woman be marryed to a freman theyr issue shal be bond And contrarywise if a bonde man marrie a free woman he begetteth none but free children But the lawe of EnglaÌd neuer iudgeth the issu to folowe the mothers condicion but alwaye the fathers So that a free man begetteth free children aswell of a bonde woman as of a free woman and a boÌde maÌ in wedlock caÌ beget noÌe other but boÌd childreÌ Whether of these lawes is better thynke you in theier sentences It is a cruell lawe which without offeÌce subdueth the free mans chylde to boÌdage And no lesse crueltie is to be thought in y e lawe whiche without anye deserte oppresseth the free womaÌs chylde with boÌdage Yet the CiuiliaÌs saye that y e Ciuile lawes in these their iudgemeÌts do excell For an euil tree saye they can not brynge furthe good fruites nor a good tree beare euyll fruites And by the coÌseÌt of all lawes it is agreed that euery plante yeldeth to the nature of y e grouÌde wherein it is planted the chylde also hath muche more certeiÌ sure knowlege of y e mother theÌ of y e father Whereunto the lawyers of Englande auÌswer on this wyse That a child laufully begotten hathe no more certein and sure knowlege of y e mother then of the father For bothe these laws thê° disagreeynge agree yet in this poynte that he is the father whoÌ wedlock declareth And is it not then more conuenient y t the condicion of the childe should haue relation rather to
the fathers condicion then to the mothers Seynge that Adam speakiÌge of marryed couples sayde ⪠They shal be ii in one fleshe which our lord expoundynge in the ghospell sayethe Nowe are they not ii but one fleshe And forsomuch as y e mal â as more worthi coÌteineth the female then the whole flesh so vnited must haue relation to the male as to the worthyer wherefore the lorde called Adam Eue not by the name of Eue but because they were bothe one fleshe he called them bothe in the name of Adam the man as it apeareth in y e fifthe chapter of genesis The Ciuile lawes also holde that women do euer glister with the shyenynge beames of their husbaÌds Wherefore in the title begynnynge withe these wordes Qui se prosessione excusant in y e nynth boke L. fi the text sayeth thus we auaunce women w t the honoure of their husbandes and with the kiÌred of their husbaÌdes we worshippe theÌ in y e court we decree matters to passe in the name of their husbandes into y e house and surname of their husbandes do we translate them But if afterward a woman marrye with a man of baser degree theÌ leseth she her former dignitie and foloweth the coÌdicioÌ of her latter husbaÌd And forsomuche as all children specially male children bear the fathers name not the mothers whereof then shoulde it coÌe that y e sonne by reasoÌ of the mother should lese the honour or chaunge the condicioÌ of the father whose naÌe neuerthelesse he shall styll keepe Specially seeynge the mother herself receaueth of the same father honour worshippe dignitie which honour worshippe and dignitie of the husbande caÌ neuer be disteined or iÌpeached through y e fault of the wyfe Truely that lawe may well bee demed cruell which with out any cause coÌmittethe to bondage the free maÌs sonne and which disheritinge the innocent sonne of the iÌnocent free father adiudgeth his laÌde to an vnworthie straunger whiche also withe y e base state of boÌdage in y e soÌne defaceth the name of the free father Cruell also of necessite must that lawe be compted which augmenteth thraldom and diminisheth libertie or freedom For libertie is y e thinge that maÌs nature euer coueteth For by maÌ for synne did bondage first enter But freedome is graffed in mans nature of god whereof if men be depriued he is euer disierous to recouer y e same agayne lyke as all other thinges do that are spoiled of their naturall libertie wherefore wycked and cruell is he to be deemed that fauoureth not libertie which thiÌges the lawes of England duely consydering do in all respectes shew fauour to libertie And thoughe the same lawes iudge hiÌ thrall whom a boundeman iÌ wedlock begetteth of a free womaÌ yet here by caÌ not these lawes be reputed seuere and cruel For a woman which by mariage hath submitted herself to a boundeman is made one fleshe withe him wherefore as y e forsaid lawes determine she foloweth the state of his conditioÌ and of her owne free wyll hathe made her selfe a bonde womaÌ not forced thereto by the law muche lyke to such as in kynges courtes become bondemen or sell theÌselfs into bondage without any compulsioÌ at all And howe then can the lawe determine that childe to be free whom suche a mother hathe thus borne For the husband can neuer be in so much subiection to his wyfe thoughe she be a right greate ladye as this womaÌ is subiect to the bondeman whom she hathe made her lorde insomuche as y e lorde sayeth to al wifes Thou shalt be vnder the power of thy husbonde he shall haue dominion ouer thee And what is it that these Ciuilians saye of the fruite of a good or euyll tree Is not euerye wyfe of a fre or thral condition accordynge to y â state of her husbaÌd And in whose ground hathe y t husbande planted while his wyfe is one fleshe w t him Not in his owne And what theÌ if he haue graffed a slyppe of a swete nature iÌ a stock of a sower tree So y t y e tre be his owne shall not the fruites thoughe they euÌ sauer of the stocke be his owne fruites So the childe which the wyfe bareth is the husbandes issue whether the wyfe be free or thrall Howbeit y e lawes of England decree that if a bonde woman without the coÌseÌt of her lorde bee maryed to a free man though they can not be deuorced beecause the ghospell saieth whom god hathe conioyned let not man seperate yet shal her lorde recouer agaynst the same free man all the dammages that hee hathe susteyned by reason of the losse of his vassall or bond woman This nowe as I suppose is the somme and fourm of the law of Englande in the case nowe declared What therefore is your opinion most excelleÌt prince in the same case And whether of these two lawes doe you esteeme to be of more worthinesse excellencye Leges ciuiles sÌactiuÌt qd êtê° seÌper sequitur veÌtrem vt si mulier seruilis coÌdicionis nubat viro coÌdicionis liberae Proles eoruÌ seruê° erit et ecoÌuÌso seruê° maritatê° liberae noÌ nisi liberos gignit Sed lex Anglioe nunquaÌ matris sed seÌper patris condicioneÌ imitari partuÌ iudicat Vt ex libera etiaÌ ex natiua non nisi liberuÌ liber generet et non nisi seruuÌ in matrimonio ê creare potest seruê° Que putas leguÌ haruÌ melior eÌ in seÌteÌtiis suis crudelis eÌ lex qÌ liberi proleÌ sine culpa subdit seruituti Nec minê° crudelis ceÌsetur quae liberae soboleÌ sine merito redigit in seruituteÌ Legistae vero diÌcuÌt leges Ciuiles pÌualere in his iudiciis suis NaÌ dicuÌt qd non potest arbor malafructê° bonos facere Neque arbor bona fructus malos facere Ac oÌniâ legis seÌteÌtia est qd plaÌtatio qÌlibet cedit solo quo iÌseritur Certior quoque multo eÌ êtê° qÌ euÌ fuderuÌt viscer â quam quis eum pater procreauit Ad hec legis Angliae coÌsulti dicuÌt qd êtê° ex legittimo thoro noÌ certiê° noscit matrem quaÌ genitoreÌ suuÌ NaÌ am bae leges qÌ iam contendunt vniformiter dicuÌt qd ipse est pater quem nuptiae demoÌstraÌt Nunquid tunc magis est coÌueniens vt filii coÌditio ad patris potiê° quaÌ ad matris conditionem referatur cum de coÌiugatis dixerat AdaÌ erunt ipsi duo in carne vna qd dominê° exponeÌs in euangelio ait Iam non suÌt duo sed vna caro et cum masculinum concipiat femininum ad masculinuÌ qd dignius est referri debet tota caro sic facta vna Quare Adam et Euam vocauit dominus non EuaÌ sed quia caro vna ipsi erant ambos eos vocauit ipse nomine viri vide licet Adam vt patet Genesis quinto capit â Ipsae quoque
ciuiles leges dicunt qd mulieres semper coruscaÌt radiis maritorum suorum Vnde C qui professione se excusant libro no no .l. fi textê° sic loquitur Mulieres honore maritorum erigimus et genere nobilitamê° et foruÌ ex eorum êsona statuimus et domiciliuÌ mutamê° Sin auteÌ minoris ordinis viruÌ postea sortitae priore dignitate priuatae posterioris mariti consequantur coÌditioneÌ et domiciliuÌ et cuÌ nomeÌ patris et noÌ matris gerat êles oÌnis et maximè masculinÌ Vnde tuÌc êuenir â poterit qd filiê° ratione matris amitteret honoreÌ coÌdicionemue patris sui mutaret cuius tameÌ nomeÌ ipÌe retinebit pÌsertiÌ duÌ honor â patris eiusdeÌ ac conditione resplendeat mater eiê° et duÌ viri honor vel conditio nunquaÌ ê vxoris vitiuÌ denigratur Crudelis neÌpe ceÌseretur lex que sine causa filiuÌ liberi seruituti coÌmittit et terraÌ ê qua liber ille iÌnoceÌs a crimine innoceÌtis filii sui titulo non sudanti tradet extraneo possideÌdaÌ ac patris nomeÌ etiaÌ filii seruitutis nota coÌmaculat Crudelis etiaÌ necessario iudicabitur lex qÌ seruituteÌ augmentat et minuit libertateÌ Nam pro ea natura semper implorat humana Quia ab hoÌine et ê vicio iÌtroduct â eÌ seruitus Sed libertas a deo hominis est iÌdita naturae Quare ipsa ab homine sublata seÌper redire gliscit vt facit oÌne qd libertate naturali priuatur Quo iÌpius et crudelis iudicandus eÌ qui libertati noÌ fauet Hec considerantia Angliae iura in omni casu libertati dant fauoreÌ Et licet iura illa iudicent eum seruuÌ queÌ seruus in coniugio ex libera procreauit non per hoc iura illa rigida crudeliaue sentire poterunt Nam mulier qÌ coÌiugio seruo se subiecit facta ei caro vna quo ipsa vt dicuÌt leges suprascriptae eius coÌseqÌtur coÌditionem et êprio arbitrio se fecit ancillaÌ sed potiê° seruaÌ nullatenus a lege coacta qualiter et faciunt qÌ se seruos reddunt in curiis reguÌ vel in seruituteÌ se veÌdunt nullatenus ad hoc compulsi Quomodo tunc liberuÌ saÌcire possuÌt leges filium illum quem mater talis taliter est enixa nuÌquaÌ eniÌ sic subiectus eÌ vir vxori licet maxima domina ipsa fuerit vt subiecta est libera hec seruo queÌ ipsa fecit dominum eius dicente domino vxori omni Eris sub potestate viri et ipse dominabitur tuiÌ Et quid est qd dicunt legistoe illi de fructu arboris boÌae vel maloe noÌne coÌditionis liberoe vel seruilis est vxor omnis qualis est maritus eiê° et in cuiê° solo plaÌtauit maritê° dum vxor eius est sibi caro vna Nonne in êprio quid si surculuÌ dulcis naturae inseruerit ipse stipiti arboris acerbae DuÌmodo arbor illa eius est noÌne fructê° licet ex stipite redoleÌt seÌê sint fructê° eiê° Sic ex muliere genita êles mariti eÌ progenies fuerit mater libera vel aÌcilla SaÌctiuÌt tnÌ leges Angliae qd dominê° natiuae a libero iÌ matrimonÌ suÌptae ipÌo iÌcoÌsulto cum eam repudiare nequeat dicente euaÌgelio quos deus coniunxit homo noÌ seperet re cuperabit versus liberum illum omne damnum quod ipse sustinuit ratione deperditi seruicij et amissoe ancillae suae Hec iam vt estimo est summa et forma legis Angliae in casu iam enarrato Quid igitur iam tibi videtur priÌceps in casu isto et quae legum predictarum pÌstantior aut eligibiliora te iudicatur The prince approueth the lawe whereby the yssue folowethe not the vvombe Cap. 43. REasoÌ suffereth vs not to doubte quod y e priÌce but that in this case the lawe of Englande surmounteth the Romaine lawe And that lawe is to me more alloweable which vnto children sheweth fauour rather then rigour For I remeÌber a rule of the lawe that sayeth It is behouable that cruell hate be repressed and fauour auauÌced And good reasoÌ quod y e ChauÌcellour Yy et wyl I expÌsse vnto you an other case wherein thes lawes are repugnaunt And shortly after I wyll make an ende least it be tedioê° to you to be troubled w t so manie disagreiÌgs least you happeÌ to be weried withe mye ouer longe talke PRinceps Anglorum legeÌ iÌ hoc casu Roma noruÌ lege prestare dubitar â nos racio non permittit Et optior mihi seÌ per est lex quae fauoreÌ potiê° quam rigoreÌ êtibus ad ministrat Recolo namque illius iuris regulaÌ que sic dicit Odia pestriÌgi et fauores coÌuenit aÌpliari CaÌcellarius Et bene qÌdem AliuÌ adhuc casuÌ tibi referam princeps in quo coÌcertant leges istae et non multuÌ postea tuÌc desistaÌne onerosuÌ tibi sittaÌtis soliciter scisma tibê° etiam ne infas tidiuÌ tibi veniat desceptacio mea diutius protelata ¶ The fowerth case wherein the saide lawes vary Cap. 44. THe Ciuile lawes commit the tuition of orphanes to the next of their bloud whether the kinred grow on the fathers syde or on the mothers syde that is to saye to euerye man accordynge to the degree and order wherein his tourne is nexte to succeede the pupille in his inhertiauÌce And the reason of this lawe is that that no man will beehaue him selfe more tenderly or more fauourably in the carefull education of the infaunte thenne hee that is nexte of hys bloude Neuertheles the lawes of England touching the custodie of orphanes do determine muche otherwise For there if an inheritauÌce beeinge holden in sorage descend to an orphane from anye of the kynred of his fathers side the same orphane shall not be vnder the keeping of any of that kynred but he shal be gouerned by his cosins or kynesfolke of his mothers side And if the inheritaunce come to him froÌ anye kinesman of his mothers side then the pupill with his inheritauÌce shall bee in the custodie till hee come to lawefull age of hym that is nexte of hys kynne of hys fathers side and not of anye kynesman of the mothers syde For our lawes saye that to commit y e tuition of an iÌfaÌt to him y t shal next succede him ys lyke as if one shoulde beetake a lambe vnto a woulfe to bee deuoured Butte if the inheritaunce bee not holden in socage but by knightes feruyce thenne by the lawes of the same lande the childe wythe his inheritaunce shall bee in the keepinge of none of hys kynred of neyther syde but in the custodie of the lorde of the fee vntill hee come to y e age of one and twenty years And think you that anye man can or will better instructe and trayne vp the childe in feates of armes whyche bye
cum in pueritiadum orphani fuerint ipsi in domo regia nutriuntur Quare non iÌnmo domus regiae opulentiaÌ magnitudineÌque collaudo duÌ in ea ginpnasiuÌ supremuÌ sit nobilitatê regnÌ Scholaquo que strenuitatis êbitatis et moruÌ quibus regnum honoratur et florebit ac contra irruentes securatur etiaÌ formido ipsa erit inimicis et amicis regni Hoc reuera bonuÌ accidisse noÌ potuisset regno illi si nobilium filij orphani et pupilli per pauperes amicos parentum suorum nutrirentur Nec regni bono officere potest licet burgeÌtium filij et alioruÌ libere tenentium qÌ in socagio teneÌt tenemeÌta sua quo ipÌi ad militiaÌ non astringuÌtur in domo consimiliuÌ amicoruÌ suoruÌ educantur vt êspicuè consideraÌti lucidè apparere potest ¶ Yet he rehearseth other caseâ wherein the forsaid lawes differ Cap. 46 THere bee yette diuers other cases quod the Chaunceloure wherin the lawes aforesayde do varye As in that the Ciuile lawes do iudge open thefte to bee satisfied by the recompence of fower folde priuye thefte by the recompence of double Butte the lawes of Englande suffer neither of those offences to be more fauorablye punished then wyth the offendours deathe so that the value of the thynge stolen bee aboue the value of twelue peÌce Also a libertine that is to saye a free man that sometyme was bonde yf hee beecome vnkynde or churlishe the Ciuile lawes reduce hym into hys former state of seruitude againe But by the lawes of Englande he that is once made free be hee grate or ingrate is aiudged to enioye his freedome styll There be other like cases allso not a fewe whyche at thys tyme for breuities sake I ouerpasse Neither in these twoo cases doe I dispute the excellencye of the foresayde lawes seeynge the qualities of theÌ requier no great searche And I doubte not but the quicknes of your witte is suche y t it can sufficieÌtly discusse the same TVnc CaÌcellariê° SuÌt et alij casus noÌnulli iÌ quibus differuÌt leges antedictae Vt q ia legê Ciuiles iudicaÌt furtuÌ manifestuÌ ê reddicioÌeÌ quadrupli et furtuÌ noÌ manifestuÌ ê dupli recoÌpensationeÌ expiari Sed leges Angliae neutrum facinorum illoruÌ mitius quam committentis morte puniri permittunt dummodo ablati valor duodecim denarioruÌ valoreÌ excedat IteÌ libertinum ingratum leges ciuiles in pristinaÌ rediguÌt seruitutem sed leges Angliae semel manumissuÌ semper liberum iudicant gratum et ingratum Alij quoque sunt casus huiusce modi non pauci quos iam studio breuitatis pretereo Et neque in hijs duobus casibus predictarum legum prestancias ego iaÌ describo cum noÌ maguÌ sit iÌdaginis eorum qualitates nec diffido ingenij tui solerciam eas sufficieÌter posse rimari ¶ The prince regardethe not the cases nowe rehearsed Cap. 47. NO nor it booteth not good Chauncelloure herein muche to tarye quod the prince For though in Englande aswell open as pryuy theeues are commenlye putte to deathe yette ceasse they not there from stealynge as thoughe theye hadde no feare of so greate a punishemente Howe much lesse then would they w tholde their haÌds froÌ thefte if thei foresaw once y t y e punishmeÌt were mitigated And godde forbid that hee whyche once hathe escaped miserable seruitude should euer after tremble and quake at the threatnynges of bondage speciallye vnder the coloure of ingratitude or vnkindnes seeynge the kyndes of ingratitude are so manye that they can skante well be numbred and mans nature in the cause of liberty or freedome more then in other causes requireth fauour Wherefore at thys tyme good Chauncellour I beseeche you hartelye medle no more withe the examination of any suche cases But now explane opeÌ vnto me why y e laws of England being so good so fruitefull and so commodious are not taughte in the vniuersities as the Ciuile and Cannon lawes are and whye in the same none are commenced bachelers and doctors as in other faculties and sciences it is accustomed PRinceps Nec expedit Cancellarie in hijs multum suadere quia licet in Anglia fures clandestini et manifesti passim morti plectantur non cessant ipsi ibidem omnino pÌdari ac si penam tantam illiminime formidarent QuaÌto tunc minus se abstinereÌt a crimiÌe si penam preuiderent mitiorem Et absit a seruitute semel euasum semper deinde sub minis tremere seruitutis maxime ingratitudinis colore cum ingratitudinum species vix poterint pre multitudine numerari et humana natura in libertatis causa fauorem semper magis quam in causis alijs deprecetur Sed iam Cancellarie obnixè te imploro vt amodo amissó plurium casuum huiusmodi examine michi edicas quare leges Angliae tam bonae frugi et optabiles in vniuersitatibus noÌ doceÌtur vt Ciuiles similiter et canonuÌ leges et quare in eisdeÌ noÌ dantur baccalariatus et doctoratus gradus vt in alijs facultatibê° et scieÌtijs est dari coÌsuetum ¶ Here the Chauncelour sheweth why the lawes of Englande are not taughte in the vniuersities Cap. 48. In the vniuersities of Englande quod the Chauncellour scieÌces are not taughte butte in the latine tonge And the lawes of that land are to be learned in three seuerall tonges to wytte in the English tongue y e french toÌgue y e latine tongue In the Englishe tongue because that law is moste vsed and longest continued amongest the English men In the Frenche tongue beecause that after the French menne vnder William the conquerer of Englande hadde obteyned the lande they suffred not theire men of lawe to pleade their causes but in the tongue whiâhe theye knewe and so doe all the men of lawe in Fraunce yea in the course of parliament there Lykewise the Frenchemen after theire coÌmyng into EnglaÌd receaued not the accoÌptes of their reuenues but iÌ their own language least theye should be deceaued therin Neither had they delyte to hunte to excercise other sportes pastimes as diceplaye and the hand balle but in their owne proper tonge Wherfore y e Englishe meÌ by much vsing of their coÌpanie grewe in suche a êfectnes of the same language y e at this day in suche playes accomptes they vse the Frenche tongue And theye weare wonte to pleade in Frenche tyll by force of a certeine statute that manner was muche restreyned But it could neuer hether to be whollye abolished aswel by reason of certein termes whiche pleaders do more properly expresse in Frenche then in Englishe as allso for that declarations âppon originall wryttes can not bee pronounced so agreably to the nature of those writtes as in Frenche And vnder the same speeche the fourmes of suche declaracions are learned Moreouer all pleas argueynges and iudgementes passed in the kings courts and entred into
poore and commen sorte of the people are not hable to beare so greate charges for the exhibition of theire children And marchaunt menne can seeledoome fynde in theire heartes to hynder theire marchandise with so greate yerly expenses And thus it falleth out y t there is scant any manne founde within y e roialme skilfull and connynge in the lawes excepte hee bee a gentleman borne and come of a noble stocke Wherefore they more then anye other kinde of menne haue a special regarde to theire nobilitie and too the preseruation of theire honour fame And to speake vprightly there is in these greater ynnes yea and in the lesser too besyde the study of the lawes as it were an vniuersitie or schole of all commendable qualities requisite for noble men There they learne to singe and to exercise themselfes in all kinde of armony There also they practise daunsing and other noble mennes pastimes as they vse to doe which are brought vppe in the kinges house On the woorkyedayes the moste parte of them applye themselues to the studye of the lawe And on the holyedayes to the studie of holye scripture and out of the tyme of diuine seruice to the readynge of chronicles For there in deed are vertues studyed and all vices exiled So that for the endowement of vertue and abandoning of vice Knightes and Barons with other states and noble menne of the roialme place theire children in those ynnes though they desire not to haue them learned in the lawes nor to lyue by the practise therof but only vpoÌ their fathers allowaunce Skante at anye tyme ys there harde among them any sedition chydynge or grudginge And yet the offendours are punished with none other paine but onelye to be amoued from the coÌpany of their felowshippe Whiche punishement they doe more feare then other criminal offenders doe feare imprisonment and yrons For hee that is ones expelled froÌ any of those felowships is neuer receaued to be a fellow in any of the other felowshippes And so by this meanes there is coÌtinual peace theire demeanour is like the behauiour of suche as are coupled together in êfect amitie But after what manner sorte the lawes are learned iÌ those ynnes thereof heere too make rehersall it is not needeful forsomuche as it is not for your estat most noble Prince to putte the same in vre Yet knowe ye this that it is pleasant and delectable and in any wise expedient for the learninge of the law and worthy with all affection to bee embraced But one thiÌg ther is that I would haue you to knowe that neyther at Orleaunce where aswel the Canon as the Ciuyle lawes are taughte and whether out of manye Countreys scholars doe repayre nor at Angeo or at Cane or any vniuersity of France Paris onelye excepted are founde so many studentes past chyldhoode as in this place of studye notw tstanding y t al y e studeÌtes there are Englishe borne SEd vt tibi constet princeps huius studii forma ymago illaÌ vt valeo iaÌ discribaÌ SuÌt naÌque iÌ eo deceÌ hos picÌ minor â et quaÌdoque vero plura quae nominantur hospitia CaÌcellar â ad quoruÌ quodlibet êtineÌt centum studentes ad minê° et ad aliqua eoruÌ maior iÌ multo numerus licet noÌ oeÌs semê in eis simul coÌueniaÌt studeÌtes etenim isti ê eoruÌ parte maiori iuuenes suÌt originalia et quasi legis elemeÌta addiscentes qui in illis êficientes vt ipsi maturescunt ad maiora hospitia studij illiê° quae hospitia curiae appellantur assumuÌtur QuoruÌ ma ioruÌ quatuor sunt in numero adminimuÌ eorum êtineÌt in forma pre notata duceÌti studeÌtes aut prope ⪠In his enim maioribus hospiciis nequaquaÌ potest studens aliquis susteÌtari minoribus expeÌsis in anno quaÌ octoginta scutoruÌ et si seruienteÌ sibi ipse ibideÌ habuerit vt eoruÌ habet pluralitas tanto tunc maiores ipse sustinebit expeÌsas Occasione vero suÌptuuÌ huiusmodi tmÌ ipsi nobilium filij in hospitiis illis leges addiscuÌt Cum pauperes et vulgares pro filio ruÌ suoruÌ exhibitione taÌtos suÌptê° neqÌant sufferre Et mercatores raro cupiaÌt taÌtis onÌibê° annuis attenuare mercaÌdisas suas Quo fit vt vix doctus in legibus illis reperiatur in regno qui non sit nobilis et de nobilium genere egressus Vnde magis aliis consimilis status hominibê° ipsi nobilitatem curant et conseruationeÌ honoris famae suae In his reuera hospiciis maioribus etiam et minoribus vltra studium legum est quasi gimnasium omnium morum qui nobiles decent Ibi caÌtare ipsi addiscunt similiter et se excercent in omni genere harmoniae Ibi etiam tripudiare ac iocos singulos nobilibus coÌuenientes qualiter in domo regia excercere soleÌt enutriti in feri alibus diebê° eoruÌ pars maior legalis disciplinae studio et in festiualibus sacrae scripturae et cronicaruÌ lectioni post diuina obsequia se coÌfert Ibi quippe disciplina virtutuÌ est et vicioruÌ oiÌm relegatio Ita vt êpter virtutis adquisitioneÌ vicij etiaÌ fugaÌ milites barones alii quoque magnates et nobiles regni iÌ hospiciis illis ponuÌt filios suos quaÌuis noÌ gliscaÌt eos leguÌimbui disciplina nec eiê° exercitio viuere sed soluÌ ex patrociniis suis Ibi vix vnquam seditio iurgium aut murmur resonat et tamen delinquentes non alia pena quam solum a communione societatis suae amoci one plectuntur quia penam hanc ipsi plus formidaÌt quaÌ criminosi alibi carcerem timeÌt aut vincula nam semel ab vna societatuÌ illaruÌ expulsus nuÌquaÌ ab aliqua ceterar â societatum earundeÌ recipit â in socium quo ibi pax est continua et quasi amicitia coniunctorum est eorum omnium conuersatio Formam vero qua leges illae in his discuntur hospiciis hic exprimere non expedit cum tibi princeps eam experiri non liceat Scito tamen quod delectabilis ipsa est et omni modo expediens legis illius disciplinae omni quoque affectione digna Vnum tamen te scire desidero quod neque durelianis vbi tam Canones addiscuntur quam Ciuiles leges et quô a quam pluribê° regionibê° coÌfluunt scolares neque An daganis aut iÌ Cadamo aliaue vniuersitate Franciae preterquaÌ solum Parisiis reperiunt â tot studentes infantiam euasi sicut iÌ hoc studio licet ibi addisceÌtes oeÌs solum ab Anglia sint oriuÌdi ¶ Of the estate and degree af a Seriant at lawe howe he is ereated Cap. 50. BVt forsomuch as you desier to knowe most gracious PriÌce for what cause the degrees of bachelars and doctours are not geeuen in the lawes of Englande as they are accustomablye geeuen in bothe lawes within vniuersities youre maiestie
agninis semper al bis implicatur qualeÌ habituÌ te plê° ornare optareÌ cuÌ potestas tibi fuerit ad decoreÌ status legis et honorem regni tui Scire te etiam cupio qd â iusticiarii angliae noÌ sedeÌtiÌ curiis regis nisi pertres horas in die s. ab hora viii ante meridieÌ vsque horaÌ xi coÌpletam quia post meridieÌ curiae illae non tenentur Sed placitaÌtes tuÌc se diuertunt ad êuisuÌ et alibi coÌsuleÌtes cuÌ seruientibus ad legeÌ et aliis coÌsiliar â suis Quare iusticiarij postquaÌ se refecerint totuÌ diei residuuÌ êtraÌseuÌt studeÌdo in legibus sacram legeÌdo scripturaÌ et aliter ad eoruÌ libituÌ coÌteÌplaÌdo vt vita ipsoruÌ plê° coÌtemplatiua videatur quaÌ actiua Sicque quietaÌ illi vitaÌ aguÌt ab oiÌ solicitudine et mundi turbinibê° semotam nec vnquaÌ coÌêtuÌ eÌ eoruÌ aliqueÌ donis aut muneribê° fuisse corupt â Vnde et hoc genus gratiae vidimê° subsecutuÌ qd vix eoruÌ aliq is sine exitu decedat qd iustis magnÌ et quasi apêpriatae benedictionis dei est mihi quoque noÌ minimi muneris diuini censetur esse peÌsaÌd qd ex iudicuÌ sobole plures de proceribus et magnatibê° regni hucusque êdieruÌt quaÌ dealiquo alio statu hoiÌm regni q i se prudeÌtia et industria êpria opuleÌtos inclitos nobilesque fecerunt QuaÌquaÌ mercatoruÌ statê° quoruÌ aliqui suÌt q i oiÌbê° iusticiariis regni pÌstaÌt iÌ diuitiis iudicuÌ numeruÌ in milibê° hoiÌm excedat NaÌ fortunae qÌ nihil est istud ascribi noÌ poterit sed diuinae soluÌ benedictioni fore arbitror tribueÌd CuÌ ipse ê êphetaÌ dicat qd generatio rectoruÌ benedicetur Et alibi de iustis loqueÌs êpheta ait qd filii eorum in benedictione eruÌt Dilige igitur fili regis iusticiaÌ quae sic ditat colit et êpetuat fâtê° colentium eaÌ Et zelator esto legis que iustitiam parit vt a te dicatur qd a iustis scribitur et semen eorum ineternuÌ manebit The prince findeth fault with delayes that are made in the kinges courtes Cap. 52. THere remayneth now but one thynge good Chauncellour quod the priÌce to be declared wherwith my mynde soÌewhat yet wauereth and is disquieted wheriÌ if you stay and satisfie me I wyll trowble you with no mo questions The lawes of England as the reporte goeth suffer great delaes in their processes more then the lawes of other nations which vnto suters is not onely a hinderaunce of their right but also many tymes an importable burden of charges chiefly in those actions wheriÌ damages are not alowed Princeps Vnum iaÌ solum super est CaÌcellarie declaraÌdum quo parumê adhuc fluctuat inqÌetat â quoque mens mea In quo si eaÌ solidaueris noÌ aÌpliê° te qÌstionibê° fatigabo Dilationes ingentes vt asseritur patiuntur leges Angliae in êcessibus suis plusquaÌ leges aliaruÌ nationum qd peteÌtibê° neduÌ iuris sui êgatio eÌ sed et sumptuum quaÌdoquidem importabile onê° et maxime in actionibê° illis in quibê° damna peteÌtibê° noÌ redduntur Delaies that happen in the kynges courtes are neacessarie and reasonable Ca. 53. IN actions personall quod the ChauÌcellour out of Cities townes of merchandise where the maner of proceedynge is acordynge to the customz and liberties of the same there the procedinges are ordinarie And thoughe they suffer great delaies yet they be not excessiue But in the same Cities and townes chiefeli wheÌ any vrgent cause so requireth there is quicke dispatche made lyke as in other partes of the world and yet not w t suche hote hast as in some other places that the êtye be there by endammaged AgaiÌe in accions reall the procedynges are verie slowe almost in all partes of the worlde For within the royalme of Fraunce in y e hieghest court ther which is called the court of parliameÌt there be certeiÌ processes y t haue haÌged there aboue xxx yeares And I knowe that a cause of appeale which in that court betweene Richard HeroÌ an Englishe merchaunt other merchaunt meÌ for a trasgression made hath ben debated withiÌ the iurisdiction of that courte hathe alredy haÌged by y e space of x. yeares And it is not yet lyke that it can be decided within other x. yearesâ ⪠whyle I was lately abydynge iÌ Paris myne hoste shewed me his processe in writynge which in the court of parliament there he had theÌ folowed full viii yeares for iiii.s. reÌte which iÌ our monei maketh not aboue viii d and yet he was iÌ no hope to obteyne iudgmeÌt in .viii. yeares more And I knowe other cases ther lyke vnto these So that the lawes of EnglaÌd as seemeth to me cause not so greât delayes as do y e lawes of that countrey But to speake vpprightly it is necessarie that delayes be had in the processes of all actions so that the same be not to muche excessiue For by reasoÌ thereof the parties and chiefely the partie defeÌdant do often tymes êuide themselfes of good defenses and also of couÌsels which els y ey should lacke And in iudgemeÌts there is neuer so greate daunger toward as wheÌ processe goeth foreward with ouer muche haste For I sawe ones in the Citie of Salisburi before a certein iudge at a gaole delyuerie there with the clerk of the assyfes a womaÌ attaiÌted burned for the death of her husband within a yeare aâter he was slaine In the which case it was in the iudges power to haue reprieued or respected that womaÌs arraygnement til the end of that yeare And about a yeare after that I saw one of y e seruants of the slaine man coÌuict before y e same Iustice of the death of the same his maister Whoe then openlye confessed y t he himselfe alone slew his master and that his maistres hys wyfe whiche before was burned was altogether innocent of hys deathe And he for y e same was drawen and hanged And still euen at y e pointe of death he lamented the womaÌ burned as one cleare from that offence O what perplexitie remorse of cânscience it is to bee thought that this so hasty a Iustice hadde of thys deede which might iustly haue stayed the processe He himselfe alas often confessed vnto me that hee should neuer durynge his lyfe be hable to cleare hys conscience of this fact For manye times in deliberatioÌs iudgemeÌts growe to riepenes but in ouer hasty processe neuer Wherfore the laws of England admit essoyne and so do noe other laws of al y e worlde Are not vouchinges to warrant right profitable Are not the aydes of them profitable to whom the reuersion of tenementes brought in plea belongethe and whiche haue the euidences of the same Are not also the aydes of coperteners êfitable whiche shall paye accordinge to the rate of a tenemente allotted to their coêtener by force of the