certain arduous and urgent affairs concerning us the State and defence of our Kingdom of England and the Anglican Church We have ordained a certain Parliament of ours to be held at our City of the day of next ensuing and there to have conference and to treat with the Prelates Great men and Peers of our said Kingdom We command and strictly enjoyn you that making Proclamation at the next County Court after the receit of this our Writ to be holden the day and place afore said you cause two Knights girt with Swords the most fit and discreet of the County aforesaid and of every City of that County two Citizen of every Borough two Burgesses of the discreetâ—r and most sufficient to be freely and indifferâ—ntly chosen by them who shal be present aâ— such Proclamation according to the tenor of the Staâ—utes in that case made and provided And the â—ames of the said Knights Citizens and Burâ—esses so chosen to be inserted in certain Inâ—entures to be then made between you and those â—hat shall be present at such election whether the parties so elected be present or absent and shall make them to come at the said day and place so that the said Knights for themselves and for the County aâ—oresâ—id and the Citizens and the Burgesses for themselves and the Commonalty of the said Cities and Borâ—ughs may have severally from theâ—â— full and sufficients power to do and to consent to those things which then by the favor of God shal there happen to be ordain'd by the Common Council of our said Kingdom concerning the business aforesaid so that the business may nâ—t by any meanâ—â—â—main undoâ— for want of such power or by reason of the improvident election of the aforesaid Knights Citizens and Burgesses But we wilâ— not in any case that you or any other Sheriff of our said Kingdom shall be elected And at the day and place aforesaid the saiâ— Election being made in a full County Court You shall certifie without delay to us in our Chancery under your Seal and the Seals of them which shall be present at that Election sâ—nding back unto us the other part of the Indenture aforesaid affiled to these presents together with the Writ Witnesse our self at Westminster This Commission or Writ is the foundation whereon the whole Fabrick oâ— the power and duty of both Houses oâ— Parliament is grounded The first Hourâ— is to parly or have conference and to treat with the King the other house is onely to do and consent unto what the other shall ordain by their help and conference so that by this Writ we do not find that the Commons are called to be any part of the great Council of the Kingdom or of the Supream Court of Judicature much less to have any share in the Legislative power or to consult de arduis regni negotiis of the difficult businesses of the Kingdom but onely to consent and Sir Edward Cook to â—rove the Clergy hath no voice in Parliament useth this argument that in their Writ also the words are to come thither adâ—onsentiendum to consent to such things as â—ere ordained by the Common Council of the â—ingdom but the other word ad facienâ—um to do is not in their Writ action being â—ot so proper for them in regard of their â—lerical functions Polyander Then it may be well inferred from what â—ou have produced that the King with the â—elates and Peers is properly the Common â—ouncil of the Kingdom Philanglus Yes without controversie nor until the raign of Henry the first were the Commons called to the Parliament at all or had as much as a consent in the making of Laws Camden in his Britannia teacheth us that in the times of the Saxon Kings and the ensuing ages that the great or Common Council of the land was Praesentia Regiâ— Praelatorum procerumque collectorum the presence of the King with his Prelates and Peers Selden also tells out of an old Cronicle of the Church of Liechfield that Kinâ—Edward by the advice of his Council of Baronâ— revived a Law which hath lain dormaâ— threescore and seven years in the samâ— Chronicle tis said that William the Coâ—â—querer held a Council of his Barons An. 〈◊〉 Regni sui apud Londinias The next yeâ—â— after he had a Council of Earles and Baroâ—â— at Pinendâ—n Heath to decide the great coâ—troversie 'twixt Lanfraâ—t Arch-Bishop 〈◊〉 Canterbury and Odo Earl of Kent In the 21. of Eaward the third there 〈◊〉 mention made of a Parliament held 5. 〈◊〉 questoris wherein all the Bishops of 〈◊〉 land Earâ—s and Barons made an Ordinaâ—â—â— touching the Exception of the Abby of 〈◊〉 from the Bishops of Norwich In the second year of William 〈…〉 there is mention made of a Parliament 〈…〉 cunctis Regni principibus In the 〈…〉 of his raign there was another Parliament at Rockingham Castle Episcopis Abbatibus cunctisque Regni principibus coeuntibus wherin the Prelates Abbots and all the chiefe men convened in Council At the Coronation of Henry the first all the people of England were called and Laws were then made but it was as the story saith per Commune Concilium Baronum In the third year the tenth year and the twenty third year of his reign the same King held a Parliament or great Council of his Barons spiritual and temporal Henry the second in his tenth year had a Parliament at Clarindon consisting of Lords spiritual and secular in his twenty second year he had another at Notingham and a while after another at Winsor then another at Northampton wherein there is mention made onely of Prelates and Peers Richard the first after him held a Parliament at Notingham in his fifth year consisting of Bishops Earles and Barons which lasted but four days during which time there were mighty things transacted Hugh Bardelf was deprived of the Castle and Sheriffswick of York the first day the second day he had judgement against his brother Johu who was afterward King the third day there was granted the King two shilling of every plowd land in England he required also the third part of the service of every Knights fee for his attendance to Normandy and all the Wool of the Cistercian Monks The fourth day was for hearing of grievances so the Parliament broke up but the same year he convokeâ— another Parliament of Nobles at Northampton King John in his first year summoned 〈◊〉 Magnates his great men to a Parliament aâ—Winchester and the words of the Roll 〈◊〉 Commune Concilium Baronum Meorum the Common Council of my Barons at Winchester In the sixth year of Henry the third the Nobles granted the King for every Knight fee two marks in silver at a Convention iâ— Parliament he had afterwards Parliaments at London Westminster Merton Winchester and Marlborough Now these Precedents shew that from the conqust untâ—â— a great part of the reign of Henry the thirâ— in whose dayes 't is thought the Writ 〈◊〉 election of
Now for further proof that the legislative power is in the King or Suprâ—am Magistrate it is to be observed that as Sir Edward Cook saith All Acts of Parliament in former times were in form of Petitions how if the Petitions were from Parliament and the answer from the King 't is easie to judge who makes the Acts Moreover Sir John Glaâ—vil affirms that in former times the way of Petitioning the King was this The Lords and Speaker either by words or writing preferr'd their Petition to the King which was afterwards called a bill which Petition being receiv'd by the King he received part and part he put out and part he ratified and as it came from him it was drawn to a law Furthermore it appears that Ordimances Provisions and Proclamations made heretofore out of Parliament have been alwayes acknowledged for Laws and Statutes The Statute call'd the Statute of Ireland dated at Westminster 9. Feb. 14. Hen. the third was nothing else but a Letter of the Kings 〈◊〉 Gerard son of Maurice Justicer of Ireland 'T is hard to distinguish among the old Statutes what Laws were made by Kings in Parliament what out of Parliament when Kings called the Peers only to Parliament and of those as many and whom they pleased it was no easie matter to put a difference 'twixt a Proclamation and a Statute or 'twixt the Kings Privy Counsel and his Common Counsel of the Kingdom In the Statute of Westminster 't is said These are the Acts of King Edward the first made at his first Parliament by his Council c. The Statute of Burnel hath these words the King for himselfe and by his Councel hath ordained and established When Magna Charta was confirmed there are found these two provisions in articules super chartas First nevertheless the King and his Council do not intend by reason of this Statute to diminish the Regal right The second notwithstanding all these things before mentioned or any part of them both the King and his Council and all they who are present will and intend that the right and Prerogative of his Crown shall be saved to him in all things The Statute of Escheators hath this title At the Parliament of our Soveraign Lord the King by his Council it was agreed and also by the King himself commanded The Statute made at York 9 Edward the third goeth thus The King by the advice of his Council hath ordained Now touching the Kings Council I mean his Privy Council it hath been alwayes of great authority and extreamly useful in the publick government of the Common-wealth and all Kings have acted most by it King Edward the first finding that Bogo de Clare was discharged of an accusation brought against him in Parliament yet he commanded him nevertheless to appear before him his Privy Council ad facienduÌ„ recipienduÌ„ quod per Regem ejus Concilium faciendum and so proceeded to a re-examination of the whole business Edward the third in the Star-chamber which was the ancient Councel Table of the Kings upon the complaint of Elizabeth Audley commanded James Audley to appear before him and his Councel where a controversie was determin'd between them touching land contained in her joynture Henry the fifth in a sute before him and his Councel for the titles of the Mannors of Serre and Saint Laurence in the I le of Thanet in Kent sent order for the profits to be sequestred till the right were tryed Henry the sixt commanded the Justices of the Bench to stay the arraignment of one Varney in London till they had commandement from Him and his Councel Edward the fourth and his Privy Councel heard and determined the cause of the Master and poor brethren of St. Leonards in York complaining that Sir Hugh Hastings and others withdrew from them a great â—art of their living which consisted chiefly upon the having of a thrave of corn upon every plowland within the Counties of York Cumberland c. Henry the seventh and his Privy Councel commanded that Margery and Florence Becket should suâ— no further in the cause against Alice Radley widow for lands in Woolwich and Plumstead in Kent In Henry the thirds time an order or provision was made by the Kings Council and it was pleaded at the common Law in baâ— to a Writ of dower We find also that it hath been very usual for the Judges before they would resolve or give judgements in some cases to consuâ—â— with the Kings Privy Council In the case of Adam Brabson who was assaulted in the presence of the Justices of Assise at Westminster the Judges would not proceed without the advice of the Kings Privy Council Green and Thorp were sent by the Judges to the Kings Privy Council to demand of them whether by the Statute of Edward the third a word may be amended in a Writ In the 39. of Edward the third in the case of Sir Thomas Ogthred who brought a formedon against a poor man and his wife the Judges said Sue to the Kings Council and as they will have us to do we will do and no otherwise Thus we find that the Court-Council did guide and check the Judges oftentimes yet the Judges have guided the great Common Council or high court of Parliament Polyander I find that you have studied the point of King and Parliament to very good purpose by these choice instances you have produced but I find that though the Parliament hath been held the Great Councel of the Kingdom yet the ordinary way of government was by the King or Soveraign Magistrate and his Councel of State for the great Councel without disparagement may be called the production of the Privy Councel witnesse the words of the Writ of Summons But since you have proceeded so far I desire to know whether by an implicit faith we are to obey what the Parliament determines or whether it may err or no and what are those priviledges it hath Philanglus I shall do my indeavour to satisfie you in all touching the first no doubt but we are to acquiesce in what a true Parliament ordains for it is generally binding and requires an universal obedience because it bears the stamp of Royal Authority and of the Supream Magistrate who is the head of the Parliament who is to consult with his Judges and Privy Council must be satisfied in conscience of the justnesse of such bils that he is to passe for Laws because afterward he is to protect them and his soul lyes by oth at the stake for the defence and Safeguard of them he is also to consult with his learned and Privy Councel whether they trench upon his Royal Prerogative and then his answer is you know it le Roy s' avisera the King will consider of it which though in civil terms is equivolent to a flat denyal Touching the second point Sir Edward Coke tels us that Parlements have been utterly deceived and that in cases of greatest moment specially in
Knights was framed first the Bâ—rons onely made the Parliament or Commoâ— Council of the Kingdom Polyander By so many strong evidences and prenant proofs which you produce I find it to be a â—â—ridian truth that the Commoners were no part of the High Court of Parliament in ages passed Moreover I find in an ancient Manuscript that the Commons were reduced to a House by the advice of the Bishops to the King in the brunt of the Barons Wars that they might allay and lesson the power of the Peers who bandied so many yeers against the Crown yet to prevent that they should not arrogate too much authority to themselves as Asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum it was done with those cautions thâ—â— they had scarce as much jurisdiction given them as a Pyepowders Court hath for they should neither exhibit an oath nor impose fine or inflict punishment upon any but their own members or be a Court of Record or grant Proxies therefore it may well be a quere how they can appoint Committees considering that those Committee-men whom they choose are no other then their Deputies and act by power and proxy from them But it is as cleer as the Sun that the Conquerour first brought this word Parliament with him being a French Word and made it free Denizon of England being not known before for therein the Normans did imitate the Romans whose practise was that wheresoever they conquered they brought in their language with the Lance as a mark of conquest I say that besides those instances you produce I could furnish you with many in the Saxons times who govern'd by the councel of the Prelates and Peers not admitting the Commons to any communication in affairs of State There are records hereof above a thousand yeer old in the Reign of King I a Offa and Ethelbert and the rest of the seven Kings during the Heptarchy They called their great Councels and Conventions then Michael Smoth Michael Gemote and Witenage Mote wherein the King and Nobles with the Bishops onely met and made laws that famous Convention at Gratley by King Athelstan was compose'd onely of Lords spiritual and temporal such also was that so much celebrated Assembly held by Canutus the Dane who was King of England Denmark and Norway Edward the Confessor established all his Laws thus and he was a great Legislator The British Kings also who retain'd a great while some part of this Island unconquered governed and made laws this way by the sole advice of their Nobles whom they call Arglwyded witnesse the famous Laws of Prince Howel called Howel Dha the good King Howel whereof there are yet extant some Welch records and divers of those Laws were made use of at the compilement of Magna Charea But in your discourse before among other Parliaments in Henry the third's time you make mention of one that was held in 55 of his reign at Marlbourough at which time Braston the great Lawyer was in high request being Lord Chief Justice They that would extenuate the Royal Prerâ—gative insist much upon a speech of his wherein he saith The King hath a Superiour God he hath also the Law by which he is made as also the Court viz. the Earls and Barons but not a word of the Commons But afterwards he doth interpret or rather correct himself when speaking of the King hee resolves thus Nec potest ei necessitatem aliquis imponere quòd injuriam suam corrigat emenâ—et cùm superiorem non habeat nisi Deum satis erit ei ad poenam quòd Dominum expectet ultorem Nor saith he can any man put a necessity upon the King to correct and amend his injury unlesse he wil himself since he hath no Superior but God It will be sufficient punishment for him to expect the Lord for his avenge To preserve the honour of this great Judge the Lawyers found out this distinction That the King is free from the coerâ—ive power of Laws and Councellors but he may be subject to their directive power yet according to his own will and inclination that is God can onely compel or command him but the Law and his Courts may onely advise and direct him but I pray Sir excuse me that I have so much interrupted you in your discourse You may please now to proceed Philanglus To prove my assertion further that the Commons were no part of the high Court and Common Councel of England I will make use of the testimony of Mr. Pryn who was in such high repute most part of the late long Parliament and appeared so eageâ— for the priviledge and power of the lower House In his Book of Treachery and disloyalty he proves that before the Norman Conquest by the Laws of Edward the Confessor the King was to do Justice by the Councel of the Nobles of his Realm he would also prove that the Earls and Barons are above the King and ought to Bridle him when he exorbitates from the law but not a syllable of the Commons He further tels us that the Peers and Prelates have oft translated the Crown from the right Heir whereof out of his great reading he urgeth divers Examples First after King Edgars decease they crowned Edward who was illegitimate and put by Ethelred the right Heir Then they crowned Canutus a meer forraigner in opposition to Edmund the lawful Heir to Ethelred Harold and Hardicanute were both elected Kings successively without just title the Lords putting by Edmund and Alfred the rightful Heirs Upon the death of Herold the English Nobility enacted that none of the Danish blood should raign any more over them Edgar Atheling was rejected by the Lords and though he had the best title yet they elected Harold He goes on further in prejudice of the Commons saying that the beginning of the Charter of Henry the first is observable which runs thus Henry by the Grace of God King of England c. Know ye that by the mercy of God and Common Council of the Barons of the Kingdom I am crowned King Mawd the Empress was the right heir but she was put by the Crown by the Prelates and Barons and Steven Earle of Mortmain who had no good title was heav'd up into the Throne by the Bishops and Peers Lewis of France was Crowned King also by the Barons instead of King John and by the same Barons was uncrowned and sent back to France In all these high transactions and changes Mr. Pryn confesseth the Commoners had nothing to do the despotical and ruling power as well as the consultative being in the Council of Prelates and Peers and if Mr. Pryn could have found halfe so much Antiquity for the Knights Citizens and Bourgesses without question we should have heard from him with a witness but while he converseth with Elder times he meets not with so much as the names of Commoners in any record Polyander How then came the Commoners to sway so much
he willeth to be observed of all his subjects high and low 3. Edwardi primi the title of the Statute is These are the Acts of King Edward and after it it follows The King hath ordained these Acts the first chapter begins The King forbiddeth and commandeth that none do hurt damage or grievance to any religious man or person of the Church and in the 13. chapter The King prohibitetâ—s that none do ravish or take away by force any Maid within age 6. Edward the first it is said our Soveraign Lord the King hath Established the Acts commanding they be observed within this Realm and in the 14. chap. the words are The King of his special grace granteth that the Citizens of London shall recover in an Assize damage with the land The Statute of Westmin 2. saith Our Lord the King hath ordained that the Will of the Giver be observed and in the 3. chapter Our Lord the King hath ordained that a woman after the death of her husband shal recover by writ of Entry The Statute of Quo Warranto saith Our Lord the King at his Parliament of his special grace and for affection which he beareth to his Prelates Earls and Barons and others hath granted that they who have liberties by prescription shall enjoy them In the Statute De finibus lâ—vatis the Kings words are We intending to provide remedy in our Parliament have ordained c. 28. Edward the first The King wills that the Chancellour and the Justices of the Bench shall follow him so that he may at all time have some neer unto him that be learned in the Laws And in the 24. chapter the words are our Lord the King after full conference and debate had with his Earles Barons and Nobles by that consent hath ordâ—ined The Statâ—â—e de Tallagio speaks in the Kings person no Officer of ours no â—allage shall be taken by us We will and 〈◊〉 1. Edward the second begins thus Our Lord the King willeth and commandeth The Statute of the 9. of the same King saith Our Lord the King by the assent of the Prelates Earls and other great States hath ordained The Statute of Carlile saith We have sent our command in writing firmly to be observed 1. Edwardâ— 3. begins thus King Edward the third At the request of the Comminalty by their Petition before him and his Council in Parliament hath granted c. And in the 5. chapter The King willeth that no man be charged to arm himself otherwise then he was wont 5. Edward the third Our Lord the King at the request of his people hath establâ—shâ—d these things which he wills to be kept 9. Of the same King there is this title Our Lord the King by the assent and advice of his Councel being there hath ordain'd c. In the 10 year of the same King it is said Because our Lord the King hath receiv'd by the complaints of the Earls Barons also at the shewing of the Knights of the Shires and the Commons bytheir Petition in his Parliament c. hath ordain'd by the assent and at the request of the said Knights and Commons c. But very remarkable is that of 22 of Edward the third where it is said The King makes the laws by the assent of Peers and Commons and not the Peers and Commons The Statute of â—Ric â— hath this beginning Richard the second by the assent of the Prelates Dukes Earls and Barons and at the instance and special request of the Commons hath Ordained As for the Parliaments in Henry the fourth Henry the fifth Henry the sixth Edward the fourth and Richard the thirds Reign most of them do all agree in this one title Our Lord the King by the advice and assent of his Lords and at the special instance and request of the Commons Hath Ordained The Statutes in Henry the seventh days do for the most part agree both in the Titles and Bodies of the Acts in these words The King by the assent of the Lords spiritual and Temporal and the Commons 〈◊〉 Parliament assembled hath Ordained But very remarkable it is That the House of Commons was never Petitioned unto till Henry the sevenths reign and 〈◊〉 was about the middle thereof which Petition is inserted among the Statutes but though the Petition be directed to the House of Commons in point of Title yet the Prayer of the Petition is turn'd to the King and not to the Commons The Petition begins thus To the right Worshipful Commons in this present Parliament assembled shews to your discreet wisdoms the Wardens of the Fellowship of the Craft of Upholsters within London c But the conclusion is Therefore it may please the Kings Highnesse by the advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and his Common iâ—â— Parliament c. Thus it appears that in our fore-fathers days it was punctually expressed in all laws that the Statutes and Ordinances were made by the King And withall it is visible by what degrees the stiles and titles of Acts of Parliament have been varied and to whose advantage The higher we look the more absolute we find the power of Kings in ordaininâ— laws nor do we meet with at first so much as the assent or advice of the Lords mentioned Nay if one cast hiâ— eye upon many Statutes of those that be of most antiquity they will appear to be no other things but the Kings pleasure to whom the punishments of most offences were left The punitive part which is the chiefest vigour of the Law we find committed by the Statutes themselves to the Kings meer wil and pleasure as if there were no other law at all witnesse these precedents 3. Edward the first the ninth Chapter saith That Sheriffs Coronets and Bayliffs for concealing of Felonies shall make grierous fines at the Kings pleasure Such as shall be found culpable of ravishing of women shall fine at the Kings pleasure The penalty for detaining a Prisoner that is mainpernable is a fine at the Kings pleasure Offenders in Parks or Ponds shall make fines at the Kings pleasure Committers of Champarty and Extortioners are to be punished at the Kings pleasure Purveyors not paying for what they take shall be grievously punished at the Kings pleasure The King shall punish grievously the Sheriff and him who maintains quarrels Taker away of Nuns from Religious houses to be fined at the Kings Will If a Goldsmith be attainted for not assaying touching and working vessels of Gold he shall be punished at the Kings pleasure There is a notable saying declar'd in the 8. yeer of Henry the fourth viz. potestas principâ—s non est inclusa legibus the Power of the Prince is not curb'd by law In the 2. yeer of Henry the fifth there was a Law made wherein there is a clause that it is the Kings Regality to grant or deny such Petitions as he please 6. Henry the sixth an Ordinance was made to induâ—e as long as it should please the King
the interpretation of Laws and in that point the twelve Judges who are called the Sages and Oracles of the Law are to be beleeved before the Parliament whose office is more to make new Laws then to expound the old Parliamentâ— being composed of men may erre Mr. Pryn as I alledged before tels us how many usurpers they have preferred before the rightful Heirs How often did Henry the eight make Parliaments the panders of his lust in whose time there are three acts observable 1. That Proclamations shold be equivalent to laws 2. That Queen Elizabeth was illegitimat 3. That the King in his will might name whom he pleas'd to be his successor Besides in lesse then four yeers Religion was changed twelve times in his raign by Parliament Polyander Touching the last Act of naming a successor I have seen a manuscript which makes mention that Henry the eight som 2. yeers before his death summoned a Parliament wherein he intimated unto them that one of the main designs of convoking that Parliament was that they should declare a successor to the Crown But the Parliament with much modesty answered that touching that point it belonged to his Majesty to consider of it and consult with his learned and Privy Councel about it And whomsoever his Majesty would please to nominat in his last Will they would confirm and ratifie Whereupon old Harry made a formal Will which was enrolled in the Chancery wherein remembring the perfidious carriage of James the fourth his brother in law he declared the issue of his eldest sister the Queen of Scotts being forreners incapable to inherit and the issue of Charles Brandon after the progeny of his own body to succeed next This Will continued in the Chancery all Edward the sixts time till Queen Mary who about the midst of her reign did cancel it But now Sir be pleas'd to pardon this Parenthesis and resume the thread of your former discourse in displaying what are the priviledges of Parliament which were so much insisted upon and cried up in the late long Parliament till they swell'd so high that they swallowed up and devour'd the Prerogative Philanglus If we will give credit to Sir Ed. Coke who was a great Champion of the House of Commons and no friend to Prerogative which he was us'd to call that Great Monster the priviledge of freedom from Arrests is the onely priviledge of Parliament He cannot or at least he doth not so much as name any other in his Section of the priviledge of Parliament neither is this priviledge so unquestionable and cleer as some do imagine as divers examples may be produced in the reign of Queen Elizabeth who was so great a darling of the Commons In the 39. of her reign Sir Ed. Hobby and Mr. Brograve Attorney of the Dutchy were sent by the House to the Lord Keeper to require his Lordship to revoke two writs of Subpoena's which were serv'd upon Mr. Tho. Kâ—â—vet a Member of the House the Lord Keeper demanded of them whether they were appointed by any advised consultation of the House to deliver this message unto him with the word require they answered yes he replyed as he thought reverently and honourably of the House and of their liberties and privileges so to revoke the said Subpoenas in that sort was to restrain her Majesty in her greatest power which is in the publick administration of Justice in the place wherein he serves her Therefore he concluded that as they had required him to revoke his Writ so he did require farther deliberation 18 Eliz. report was made by the Attorney of the Dutchy upon the Committee for the delivering of one Mr. Halls man that the Committee found no precedent for setting at large by the Mace any person in arrest but onely by Writ and that by divers precedents of records perus'd by the said Committee it appeared that every Knight Citizen or Burgesse which doth desire privilege hath used in that case to take a corporal oath before the Lord Chancellor or Keeper for the time being that the party for whom such writ is prayed came up with him and was his servant at the time of the arrest made Thereupon Mr. Hall was directed by the house to repair to the Lord Keeper and make oath and then to take a warrant for a writ of privilege for his servant 270 Eliz. Richard Coke a Parliament member being served with a subpoena of Chancery The Lord Keeper boldly answered that he thought the House had 〈◊〉 such privilege against subpoenas as they pretended Neither could he allow of any precedents of the House used in that behalf unlesse the House of Commons could also prove the same to have been likewise allowed and ratified by precedents in the high Court of Chancery Now the Original writ for Election which is the foundation of the whole business makes mention of no such privilege and 't is a rule that to vary from the meaning of the Writ makes a nullity of the cause and the proceedings thereupon For where a Commissioner exerciseth more power then is warranted by his Commission the act is not only invalid but punishable Now the end and scope of privileges of Parlement is not to give power to do any publick act not warranted by the writ but they are intended as helps only to enable the members towards the performance of their duties and so are subservient to the power comprized in the Writ For instance the freedom from Arrests doth not give any power at all to the House of Commons to do any extraordinary act thereby but the Members are made the more capable to attend the publick service by being free from the trouble of arrests so that this privilege giveth no further power at all but only helps to the execution of the power derived from the Royal writ Nor can the Freeholders by their Elections give any such privilege of exemption from arrests but it is the meer gift and grace of the Soveraign Prince yet in point of treson felony or breach of the Kings peace this privilege extends not Now privileges are things contrary to law or at least they serve as a dispensation against law intended originally for the better expediting of the Kings businesse or som publik service Nor could the House of Commons punish any for breach of this their privilege till they had conferr'd with the Lords and till the punishment had been referred by them to the Commons there is a notable example hereof in the 33. of Henry the eight George Ferrers the Kings servant and Burgesse of Plymouth going to Parliament was arrested by process out of the Kings Bench for debt which being signified to Sir Thomas Moyl then Speaker the Sargeant that attended the House was sent to the Counter to demand Ferres the Officers of the Counter refuse to deliver him anâ— giving the Sergeant ill language a scuâ—â—â— happened the Sheriff of London being sent for took part with the Counteâ—â— and so the Sergeant
of all the breaches and violations of those Laws may bee given in charge by the chief Iudges to be presented and punished according to Law 12. That all the Judges and all the Officers placed by approbation of Parliament may hold their places quam diu â—e benè gesserint 13. That the Justice of Parliament may pass upon all Delinquents whether they be within the Kingdom or fled without it And that all persons cited by either Court may appear and abide the censure of Parliament 14. That the General pardon offered by your Majesty may be granted with such exceptions as shall be advised of by the Parliament 15. That the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom be put under the command and custody of such as your Majesty shall appoint with the approbation of your great Council and in the interval with the major part of your Privy Council as formerly 16. That the extraordinary guard and military forces now attending your Majesty be removed and discharged and that for the future that you will raise no such Guards or extraordinary forces but according to the Law in case of actual Rebellion or Invasion 17. That your Majesty will be pleased to enter in a more strict league with the Hollanders and other Neighbour Princes and States of the Reformed Religion for the defence and maintenance thereof against all designes and attempts of the Pope and his adherents to subvert and suppress it whereby your Majesty will obtain a great access of strength and reputation and your Subjects much encoâ—raged and enabled in a Parliamentary way for your aid and assistance in restoring the Queen of Bohemia and her Princely issue to those dignities and dominions that belong to them and relieving the other reformed distressed Princes who have suffered in the same cause 18. That your Majesty will be pleased to clear by a Parliamentary Act those Members you have empeached in such a manner that future Parliaments may be secured from the consequence of ill Presiâ—ents 19. That your Majesty will be graciously pleas'd to pass a Bill for restraiâ—ing Peers made hereafâ—en from sitting 〈◊〉 voting in Parliament unless they be admitted thereunto by consent of both Houses And these our humble desires being granted by your Majesty we shall forthwith apply our selves to regulate your present Revenew in such sort as may be to your best advantage and likewise to settle such aâ— ordinary and constant encrease of it as shall be sufficient to support your Royal dignity in honour and plenty beyond the Proportion of any former grants of the Subjects of this Kingdom to your Majesties Royall Predecessors We shall likewise put the Town of Hul into such hands that your Majesty shall appoint with the consent and approbation of Parliament and deliver up a just account of all the Magazine and cheerfully employ the utmost of our endeavors in the real expression and performance of our dutiful and Loyal affections to the preserving and maintaining of the Royal honour greatness and safety of your Majesty and your posterity Polyander How did these Propositions relish they run in a very high strain though the preamble and conclusion breath a great deal of humility and allegeance Philanglus The King received these proposals with a kind of indignation saying that he was worthy to be a King no longer over them if he should stoop so low some alledged that the very propounding of them was Treason in the highest degree for they struck at the very foundation and root of all Royal authority therefore the condescending to them would render him a King of cloâ—â—s and fit to be hooted at by all his Neighbours Polyander The world was much amazed abroad that the Peers should concur in passing such Proposals considering how their honour must stand and fall with the Royal Prerogative well Siâ— on Philanglus You must think Sir that one part of foure of the Lords were not there the rest were with the King who slighting those nineteen Propositions an unluckie number it made the Pulse of the Parliament to beat higher and to publish to the World a new Declaration the substance whereof was That the Parliament hath an absolute power of declaring the Law and whâ—tsoevâ—r they declare is not to be questioned by â—ing Magistrate or Subject That â—n Pâ—â—cedents can bound or limit their proceedings â—at they may dispose of any thing wherâ—iâ— King of Subject hath any rig'tâ—forth publick good wherefore they may be Judâ—es without Royal Assen That none of their Members â—ught to be molested or medled withal for treason felony or any other crime unlesse the cause â— brought bâ—fore them to judge oâ— the fâ—ct That the Sâ—vâ—raign power resides in them That lâ—vying of Warre against the command of the King though his person be present is no lâ—vying of War against the King but the levying of War against his politick person and Laws that is the onely levying War against the King Polyander It was not the first time that this new kind of Metaphysick was found out to abstract the person of the King from his Office and make him have two capacities private and politick for the same Metaphysick was made use of in Edward the seconds Reign but it was exploded and declar'd by Act of Parliament afterwards to be detestable and damnable Treason This were to make Soveraignty by separating it from the person to be a kind of Platonick Idea hovering in the aer to make a King a strange kind of Amphibium to make at the same instant a King and no King of the same Individuum a power which the Casuists affirm God Almighty never assum'd to himself to do any thing that implies contradiction Philanglus The Parliament or rather the Presbyteriaâ— Army for the Presbyters sate then at the Helm increas'd dayly and things being at such a desperate point there were two choice Earls Southampton and Dorset sent from Nottingham with this Pathetick Letter of the Kings to the Parliament WE have with unspeakâ—bl grief of heart long beheld the distraction of this our Kingdom Our very soul is full of anguish until we may find some reâ—â—dy to prevent the miseries which are ready to overwhelm this whole Nation by a civil War And though all our indeavors tâ—nding to the composing of those unhappy differences 'twixt us and our Parliament though pursued by us with all Zeal and Sincerity have been hitherto without the successe we hoped for yet such is our earnest and constant care to preserve the publick peace that we shall not bee discouraged from using any expedient which by the blessing of the God of mercy may lay a firm foundation of peace and happinesse to all our good Subjects To this end observing that many mistakes have arisen by the Messages Petitions and Answers betwixt us and our great Councel which haply may be prevented by some other way of Treaty wherein the matters in difference may be clearly undâ—rstood and more freely transacted We have thought fit to
could England but be in apparent danger considering how all her Neighbours about her were in actual hostility which made huge Fleets of men of War both French Dunkerkers Haâ—burgers and Hollanders to appear ever and anon in her channel and hard before her Royal Chambers He declared further that not one peny of that publique contribution came to his private Coffers or was given to any favorite but he added much of his own treasure for the maintenance of a Royal Fleet abroad every Summer yet he was ready to passe any Bill for the abolishing of the said Ship-money and redressing of any grievance besides provided his Parliament would enable him to suppress and chastse the Scot Some say the House was inclinable to comply with the King but as the ill spirit would have it that Parliament was suddenly broke up and it had been better for him that they who gave him that counsel had been then in Arabia or beyond the Line in their way to Madagascar yet those men were of high request in the Long Parliament afterwards being The King reduced to such streights and resenting still the insolence of the Scot proposed the business to his Privy Council who suddenly made a considerable sum for his supply whereunto divers of his domestick servâ—nâ—s did contribute Among others who were active herein the Earl of Strafford bestirred himselfe notably who having got a Parliament to be called in Ireland went over and with incredible celerity raised 8000. men and procured money of the Parliament there to maintain them An Army was also levied here which marched to the North and there fed upon the Kings pay a whole Summer The Scot was not idle all this while but having punctual intelligence of every thing that passed at Court as far as what was debated in the Cabinet Council or spoken of in the Bed-chamber where of the six grooms five were Scots which was a great advantage unto him He armed also and preferring to make England the Stage of the War rather then his own Country and to invade rather then to be invaded he got ore the Tweed where he found the passage open and as it were made for him all the way till he come to the River of Tine And though there was a considerable English army of horse and foot at Newcastle yet they never offered to face the Scot all the while At Newburg there was indeed a small skirmish but the English foot would not fight so Newcastle Gates flew open to the Scot without any resistance at all where 't is thought he had more friends then foes for all Presbyterians were his confederates The King being advanc'd as far as York summon'd all his Nobles to appear and advise with in this Exigence Commissioners were appointed on both sides who met at Rippon and how the hearts and courage of some English Barons did boil within their breasts to be brought to so disadvantagious Treaty with the Scot you may well imagine So the Treaty began which the Scot would not conform himself unto unlesse he were first made Rectus in Curâ—a and the Proclamation wherein he was call'd Traitor revoked alledging how dishonourable it would be for his Majesty to treat with Rebels This Treaty was then adjourn'd to Londoâ— where the late long Parliament was summon'd Polyander Truly Sir I must tell you that to my knowledge those unhappy traverses with the Scots made the English suffer much abroad in point of National repute But in this last expedition of the Scot England may be said to have been bought and sold considering what a party he had here in Court and country specially in the City of London Therefore his coming in then may be call'd rather as Invitation then an Invasion Philanglus The Scot having thus got quietly into a Town he never took and nested himself in Newcastle Our late long long Parliament began at Westminster Being conven'd the King told them that he was resolved to cast himself and his affairs wholly upon the affection and dâ—lity of his people whereof they were the Representatives Therefore he wished them to go roundly on to close up the Ruptures that werâ— made by that infortunate War and that the two Armies one English the other forraign which were gnawing the very bowels of the Kingdom might be both dismissed Touching grievances of al natures he was ready to redress them concerning the Shipmony he was willing to passe a law for the utter abolition of it and to cancâ—l all the enrollments therefore he wish'd them not to spend much time about that For Monopolies he desired to have a List of them and he would damn them all in one Proclamation Touching ill Counsellours either in White-Hall or Westminster-Hall either in Church or State hee was resolved to protect none Therefore he desired that all jealousies and misunderstandings might vanish and so concluded with this caution That they would be carefull how they shook and dâ—â—jointed the frame of an old setled Government too much in regard 't was like a Watch which being put asunder can never be made up again if the least pin be left out Thus at the beginning of the Parliament there were great hopes of Fair weather after that cold Northern storm and that we should be rid of the Scot but that was least intended till some designs were brought about The Earl of Strafford the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Judges and divers other are clapp'd up and the Lord Keeper Finch took a timely flight t'other side of the Sea And in lieu of these the Bishop of Lincoln is inlarged Bastwâ—ck Burton and Pryn who were strong Presbyterians were brought into London with a kind of Hosanna Polyander It is possible that the lenity of the King should be such as to yeeld to all this Philanglus Yes and to comply further with them he took as it were into his bosom I mean he admitted to his Privy Council such Parliament Lords who were held the greatest Zealots among them The Lord Say was made Master of the Court of Wards the Earl of Essex Lord Chamberlain Moreover to give a further evidence how firmly he was rooted in his Religion and how much he desired the strengthning of it abroad the Treaty of marriage went on 'twixt his eldest daughter and the Prince of Orange Hereunto may be added as a special Argument of compliance the passing of the Bill for a Triennial Parliament and lastly he was brought to passe the Act of Continuance which prov'd so fatal unto him Polyander Touching the Triennial Parliament I heard of a Prophetick mistake that came from a Lady of honour who sending news that time to the Country did write that the King had passed a Bill for a Tyrannical Parliament whereas she should have said Triennial And touching the Act of Continuance or perpetual Parliament I heard a tale of Archy the fool who being asked whether the King did well in passing that Bill answered that he knew not whether the King
was the greater Fool to grant it or they the greater knaves to ask it But the saying of the late Earl of Dorset is remarkable who saluted the King the next morning with the stile of fellow Subject in regard that by that grant he had transferred both Crown Sword and Scepter to the Parliament for now we may say that England hath four hundred and odd Kings in her But t is observed that Princes of a hard destiny do follow the worst Councils But Sir in lieu of these monstrous Acts of Grace and trust what did the Parliament all this while for the King Philanglus They promised specially upon the passing of the last Act that they would make him the most glorious the best beloved and richest King that ever reigned in England which promise they voted and confirmed with the deepest protests and asseverations that could be Adde hereunto that the Earl of Strafford was passed over unto them who after a long costly tryal was condemned to the Scaffold and so made a Sacrifice to the Scot and them who stayed chiefly for his head Polyander Touching the Earl of Strafford 't is true he was full of ability courage and Elocution yet I heard his wisdom questioned beyond Sea in divers things First that having a charge ready against his chiefest Accusers yet he suffered them to take the start of him and have priority of suit which if he had got he had thereby made them parties and so incapable to proceed against him Secondly that during the time of his tryal he applyed not himselfe with that compliance to his Jury as well as to his Judges for he was observed to comply only with the Lords and slight the House of Commons Lastly that knowing he had both Parliament and Scot his enemies as also the Irish he would not go aside a while and get beyond Sea which he might have easily done from York in lieu of coming up to London Philanglus I beleeve his death was resolved upon before his comming from York if not by ordinary way of justice yet by way of publique expedience which appears in regard the proceedings against him was by a clause in the Act not to be produced for a leading case for example to future ages and other inferior Courts Good Lord how the rabble of the City thirsted after his death who were connived at and countenanced by the Parliament it selfe to strut up and down both before White Hall and Westminster Hall where they cryed out that if the Common Law failed Club Law should knock him down nay their insolency was permitted to swell so high that they demanded the names of those Lords who would not doom Strafford to death Polyander Is it possible that the grave and solemne high Court of Parliament should permit such popular insolencies to be committed before their faces Philanglus Yes and notwithstanding that the Lords did often solicit the House of Commons to take a course for suppressing them yet 't was not hearkened unto nay when the King had commanded a double guard of Constables and Watch-men which is the usual way by law to attend at Westminster Hall for suppression of such disorders the Commons cryed out that it was a breach of the privileges of the House and a trenching upon their liberties so they took afterwards a band of Souldiers to guard them of their own election which was never known before Polyander Me thinks that the Earl of Strafford being gone fair weather should have followed he was the cause of the tempest being thus thrown over board Philanglus 'T is true the Scots were dismissed a little after having Fidlers fare Meat Drink and Money for eleven Months together in England with Straffords head to boot So the King prepared to go for Scotland according to Articles to hold a Parliament there This fill'd the house of Commons with odd kind of jealousie therefore they cast about how to prevent the journey so they did beat their brains night and day about it so far that they sate upon Sunday in debate but with another proviso that it should not be made a Precident for future ages as the other Caveat was for their proceedings against the Earl of Strafford Well the King went to his Scots Parliament where he fill'd every blank for they did but ask and have He granted them what possibly they could propone in point of governing both for Kirk and State many received new honors they made havock and divided all the Bishops Lands amongst them for all which unparallel'd Concessions and Acts of grace as an argument of gratitude they caused an Act though already in force to be publish'd and reviv'd That it should be detestable and damnable treason in the highest degree that could be for any of the Scots Nation conjunctly or singly to levy Arms or any Military forces upon any pretext whatsoever without the Kings royal Commission but how the Scot observed this solemn Act afterwards the World knows too well During the Kings being in Scotland that formidable hideous Rebellion in Ireland broke out which the Irish impute to the English Parl. First in regard that one of their accusations against Strafford was that he used the Papists in that Kingdom too favourably Secondly for the rigorous proceedings intended by the said Parliament against the English Catholicks Thirdly for design the English Parliament had to bring the â—utch and the Scot to plant in Ireland the last of whom the Irish do hate in perfection above all other Nation and Lastly the stopping of that Irish Regiment of cashiered Souldiers which the King promised by Royal Word and Letter to the King of Spain who relying upon that imploiment which was denied them by order from the English Parliament rather then to begg steal or starve they turned Rebels Polyander Indeed I heard that Act of staying the Irish forces much censur'd abroad to the dishonour of the King of England and reproach of the Parliament considering hoâ— the Marquis de Velada and Malvezzi and Don Alonzo de Cardenas who were all three Ambassadours here for the King of Spain at that time having by dependance upon the sacred word and Letter of a King imprested money and provided shipping for their transport which came to a great charge but I pray be pleased to proceed Philanglus The King having setled Scotland was his return to London received with much joy but though he was brought with a kind of Hosanna into one end of the Town he found a Crucifige at the other for at Westminster there was a Remonstrance fram'd a work of many weeks and voted in the dead of night when most of the moderate and well-minded members were retir'd to their rest in which remonstrance with as much industry and artifice as could be all the old moats in government were expos'd to publick view from the first day of the Kings inauguration to that very hour Polyander How could this agree with the Protestation the House did make formerly
to the King to make him the best beloved that ever was I thought that before his going to Scotland he had redress'd all grievances by those Acts of Grace you spoke of before Philanglus So he had and he rested not there but complid further with the house by condescending to an Act for putting down the Star Chamber Court the High Commission Court the Court of Honor nay he was contented that his Privy Councel shouâ—d be regulated and his Forests bounded not according to ancient Prerogative but late custom nay further he passed a Bill for the unvoting and utter exclusion of the spiritual Lords from the Parliament for ever Add hereunto that having placed two worthy Gentlemen Lievâ—enants of the Tower he remov'd them one after another to content the House and put in one of their election Lastly he trusted them with his Navy Royal and call'd home at their motion Sir I. Pennington who had then the guard of the narrow Seas Polyander I never remember to have heard or read of such notable Concessions from any King but how came the Bishops to be so tumbled out Philanglus The City rabble were still conniv'd at to be about Westminster Hall where they offered some out-rages to the Bishops as they went into the House hereupon they presented a Petition to the King and Parliament that they might be secur'd to repair thither to discharge their duties according to the Laws of the Land In which Petition there was a protest or Caveat that no Act should passe or be valid without them This Petition both for matter and form was much excepted against and cried up to be high Treason so twelve of the old Bishops were hurried to the Tower but some of the knowingest Lawyers being considered withall whether this was Treason in the Bishops or no they answered that it might be called Adultery as much as Treason so after many moneths imprisonment the charge of Treason being declin'd against them they were releas'd in the morning but coop'd up again in the afternoon then they were restored to a conditional liberty touching their persons but to be eternalâ—y excluded out of the house which made one of them in a kind of Prophetick way to tell one of the Temporalâ—Peers my Lord you see how we are voted out of the House and the next turn will be yours which proved true Polyander I remember when I was at York a Gentleman shewed me a fair old manuscript of some things passed in Henry the eighths time and one passage among the rest sticks in my memory how Cardinal Wolsey being sick at Leicâ—ster the King sent Sir Joâ—n Kingston to comfort him to whom he answered Oh! Sir John 't is too late to receive any earthly comfort but remember my most humble allegeance to the King and tell him this story from a dying man The Bohemians repining at the Hierarchy of the Church put down Bishops but what followed then the Comunalty insulted over the Nobility and afterwards the King himself was depoâ—â—d so the government grew a while to be meerly popular but then it turned from a Successive to be an Elective Kingdom This said he will be the fate of Eng. unless the King bear up the reverence â—ue to the Church and so I pray God that his Majesty may find more mercy at the tribunal of Heaven then I have upon the Earth But pray Sir be pleas'd to proceed Philanglus The Parliament having the Navy at their disposing which they found to be in a good equipage gramercy Ship money and having chosen the Earl of Warwick Commander in Chief notwithstanding the King excepted against him They demand all the Land Souldiers and Military strength of the Kingdom to be managed by them and to be put in what posture and under what Commanders they pleased But the King answered that he would consider of this and it was the first thing that he ever denied them yet at last he was contented to grant them this also for a limitted time but that would not serve the turn Hereupon growing sensible how they inched every day more and more upon the Royal Preroâ—ative He thought 't was high time for him to look to himself And intending with some of his menial servants onely to go to Hull to see a Magazin of ammunition which he had bought with his own treasure he was in a hostile manner kept out the Gates shut Cannons mounted Pistols cocked and levelled at him and there the Kings party said the war first began Polyander A hard destiny it was for a King to lose the love of his subjects in that manner and to fall a clashing with his great Council but under favour that demand of the Militia was somewhat too high for every natural Prince and supream Governour hath an inherent and inalienable right in the common strength of the Country for though the peoples love be a good Cittadel yet there must be a concurrence of some outward visible force besides which no Earthly power may dispose of without his command and for him to transmit this power to any other specially to any that he mistrusts is the onely way to render him inglorious unsafe and despicable both at home and abroad you know in the Fable when the Lion parted with his paws and the Eagle with her talons how contemptible the one grew among all beasts and the other among birds The Scepter and the Crown are but bables without a sword to support them There 's none so simple as to think ther 's meant hereby an ordinary single sword such as every one carrieth at his side no t is the publique Polemical sword of the whole Kingdom 't is an aggregative compound sword and 't is moulded of Bellmettle for 't is made up of all the Ammunition and Arms small and great of all the Military strength both by Land and Sea of all the Forts Castles and tenable places within and without the whole Country The Kings of England have had this sword by vertue of their Royal Signory as the Law faith from all times the Prerogative hath girded it to their sides they have employed it for repelling of forraign force for revenging of all National wrongs or affronts for quelling all intestine tumults The people were never capable of this sword the sundamental constitutions of this Land deny 〈◊〉 them 'T is all one to put a sword in a mad mans hand as in the peoples Now under favor the Supream Governor cannot transfer this sword to any other for that were to desert the protection of his people which is point blank against his oath and office but I crave your pardon again that I have detained you so long from the pursuit of your former discourse Philanglus The King being so shut out of one Town I mean Kingston upon Hull he might suspect that an attempt might be made to shut him in within some other Therefore be made a motion to the York-shire Gentlemen to have a guard for the
simple deniall that one believes there are no such and such things but he must swear positively and point blank there are no such things at all Now though I am not of the same opinion with Copernicus that the Earth moves and the Sun stands still yet I wâ—ld be loth to swear either the one or the other Polyander I observe that this Oath hath a double edg for either it must wronâ— oâ—e's Conscience or ruine his fortunes besides he is condemn'd without either Accuser or Witness the party himself must be both against himself and what can be more repugnant to nature Philanglus It is not only opposit to the Law of Nature but the Common Law of England doth so abhor that any shold accuse and condemn himself that there were extraordinary provisions made against it by our Progenitors Therefore if any had bin cited in the Spirituall Court to accuse himself pro salute animae a Prohibition lay at the Common Law to stop and supersede their proceedings All which is humbly left to the consideration of the present Government Polyander I infer out of this that if the Presbyterian had established himself he had proved the ugliest tyrant that ever was on Gods Earth if you relate to Soul Body or goods in lieu of 26 Bishops we should have had nine thousand and odd Popâ—s who would have delivered us over tâ— Satan ever and anon and puzzeled us with their Parochial Congregational and National Classes But I cannot wonder enough that the House of Commons shold so busy themselves so much and undertake to frame and impose new Oaths when by the Law of the Land they hadâ— or â—ower as much as to administer an old Oath to the meanest Subject And touching that Câ—venaâ—t what could be more opposit unto their former Oath for therein they offered their Souls to preserve that Râ—ligion which was established by the Laws of â—ngland and in the Covenant they bind themâ—elves to conserve that which was established by the Laws of Scotland and to that purpose they may be said to offer to God for their security to Saâ—an Moreover those Demogogs or popular Dagons though they were so forward to constrain all other of their fellow Subjects to take and swallow up any Oaths yet two parts of three among themselves did not take them as I have been often told But Sir now that you have been pleased to inform me of their carriage in Spirituall things how did they comport themselves in Civill matters after they had monopolized unto themselves all power by the Act of Continuance Philâ—nglus First I must tell you that touching that monstrous Act the soundest Lawyers of the Kingdome were of opinion that it was of no validity that it was void in it self in regard that what grants or concessions soever the King makes the Law presupposeth they are alwayes made with these Proviso's Saâ—vo jâ—re Regio salvo jure Coronae now it was impossible that any grant could possibly trench more upon the Right of the King or Crown as that extravagant Act of Continuance therefore it was nâ—l in its own nature at the first nay as some affirmed the very Proposall of it was Treson in a high degree But having hooked the power thus into their hands they strained it up to the highest pitch that could be They made themselves Land-Lords of al the three Kingdoms it was a common thing to take any man house over his head and make use of it for their service They meddled with every thing so far that scarce a Church-warden or Vestry-man could be made without them they would have a hand in making common Counsel men and Constables with other petty Officers Polyander Me thinks that was somewhat derogatory to the supremacy of their power for great Counsels should not descend to every petty object but with their high authority they should enlarge their souls to consider of Universals Philanglus I could produce many Instances how they undervalued themselves this way but let this one suffice It happened one day that a company of ramping wenches who went under the name of Mayds or Holy Sisters came with a Remonstrance to shew their affections to the House and they were headed by Mrs. Ann Stagg who was to deliver the Remonstrance hereupon a choise member was voted to go to Mrs. Ann Staggs lodging to thank her and the râ—st of the maydens for their good affections to the Parliament c. But to be more serious with you touching civill matters whereof you gave a touch before there was nothing so Common in those times as a châ—rgâ— without an Accuser a sentence wâ—thout a Juâ—ge and condâ—mnation without hearing How many were outed of their freeholds liberty and livelihoods before any examination much leâ—se conviction how many appeals were made from solemne tribunalls of Justice to inferior Committes how common a thing was it to make an order of theirs to control aâ—d suspend the very fundamental Laws of the Land Polyander But this was in the brunt of the War which the King did necessitate them unto as he acknowledged in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight Philanglus 'T is true he did so but he did it upon two weighty considerations and as it had reference to two eâ—ds first to smoothen things thereby and pave the way to a happy peace Secondly that it might conduce to the further security of the two Houses of Parliament with their Adherents Besides he did it when the Razor was as it were at his throat when there was an Army of above 30000 effect if Horse and foot that were in â—otion against him Then this Acknowledgment was made with these two proviso's and reservations First that it shold be of no vertu and validity at all till the whole Treaty were totally consummated Secondly that he might when he pleased enlarge and cleer the truth hereof with the reservedness of his meaning by publique Declaration Moreover That Grant or Acknowledgment was but a preambular proposition it was not of the Essence of the Treaty it self Now as the Philosophers and School-men tell us there is no valid proof can be drawn out of Proems Introductions or Corollaries in any Science but out of the positive Assertions and body of the Text which is only argument-proof so in the Constitutions Laws of England as also in all civill accusations and charges fore-running Prefaces which commonly weak causes most want are not pleadable And though they use to be first in place like Gentlemen Ushers yet are they last in dignity and shold also be so in framings Therefore there was too much hast used by the Parliament to draw that Hypâ—thetic Provisional concession to the form of an Act so suddenly before the Treaty it self was fully concluded Polyander But who was the first Aggressor of that ugly War the King or the Parliament Philanglus I will not presume to determin that only I will inform you that the Parliament took the first Military gard