and to such forraign examples of this nature cited in the Appendix will abundantly cleare the Parliaments right and Kingdoms interest in nominating placing and displacing the great Officers of the Kingdom and in regulating the Kings own meniall servants in some cases when they either corrupt or mis-counsell him And thus much touching the unhappy differences between the King and Parliament concerning matters of his own royall Prerogative The Parliaments Right and Iurisdiction to impose Taxes and Contributions on the Subjects for the necessary defence of the Realm Laws Liberties without the King in case of the Kings wilfull absence from and taking up Arms against the Parliament and Kingdom briefly vindicated from the calumnies against it THe severall grand Objections of consequence made by the King and others against the Parliaments pretended usurpations upon the just Rights and Prerogatives of the Crowne being fully examined and refuted in the Premises so far I hope as to satisfie all ingenuous men in point of Divinity Policy Law Reason Conscience I shall next proceed to the remaining materiall Accusations which concerne the Subjects onely in regard of Property and Liberty wherein I will contract my Discourse into a narrow compasse partly because the debate of the fore-going Differences between the Kings Prerogative and the Parliaments Soveraigne Jurisdiction hath in some sort over-ruled the Controversies betwixt the Subjects and both Houses representing them party because these accusations are not so universally insisted on as the former which concerne the King the justnesse of them being generally acknowledged willingly submitted to by most except such who calumniate and traduce them either out of covetousnesse onely to save their Purses or from a groundlesse Malignity against the Parliament or out of a consciousnesse of their owne Delinquencies subjecting them to the Parliaments impartiall Justice or out of some particular interests which concern them in their gains honours preferments or such who by their restraints for not paying Parliamentary Assessements hope to save their purses for the present or to gaine favour and preferment by it for the future If these private sinister ends were once laid by this second sort of accusations would speedily vanish especially with men of publike spirits who prefer the Common-weale before their owne particular interests The first of these Cavillatory Objections against the Parliaments proceedings is That both Houses without the Kings Royall Assent have contrary to Magna Charta the Petition of Right the Statues De Tallagio non concedendo and other Acts by their Ordinances onely imposed late Taxes on the Subjects amounting to the twentieth part of their estates and since that monethly or weekly Assessements to maintaine a war against the King a grand incroachment on the peoples Properties contrary to all Law and justice This Objection seems very plausible and cordiall to covetous Earth-worms being politikely contrived to Court the close-handed niggardly party by those who are guiltiest in themselves of that they thus object against others But it will easily receive an answer as to the Parliament and recoyle with infinite disadvantage on those that make it First then I answer That the Parliament is the absolute Soveraigne power within the Realme not subject to or obliged by the letter or intendment of any Laws being in truth the sole Law-maker and having an absolute Soveraignty over the Laws themselves yea over Magna Charta and all other objected Acts to repeale alter determine and suspend them when there is cause as is undeniable by its altering the very common Law in many cases by repealing changing many old Statute Lawes and enacting new ones every Sessions as there is occasion for the publike safety and defence This the practice of all Parliaments in all ages yea the constant course of all Parliaments and Assemblies of the Estates in all forraigne Kingdoms too abundantly manifests The Parliament therefore never intended by all or any of these objected Acts to binde its owne hands but onely the Kings and his Ministers with inferiour Courts of Justice neither is the Parliament within the letter words or meaning of them therefore not obliged by them 2. The King with his Officers Judges and inferiour Courts of Justice only are included and the Parliament is directly excluded out of the very letter and meaning of all these Acts as is apparent First in generall from the occasion of enacting all these Laws which was not any complaints made to the King of any illegall taxes imprisonments or proceedings of our Parliaments to the oppression of the people but onely the great complaints of the people and Parliament against the illegall taxes impositions imprisonments and oppressions of the Subject by the King his Officers Judges and inferiour Courts of Justice as all our Histories with the Prefaces and words of the Acts themselves attest to redresse which grievances alone these Lawes were made by the Parliaments and peoples earnest solicitations much against the Kings good will The Parliament then who would never solicit the making of a Law against or to restrain it selfe being cleare out of the originall ground and mischiefe of enacting these Lawes and the King with his Ministers and inferiour Courts only within them they can no way extend to the Parliament but to them alone 3. The Parliament ever since the making of these Acts hath alwayes constantly enjoyed an absolute right and power without the least dispute of granting and imposing on the Subjects whatsoever Taxes Subsidies Aids Confiscations of Goods or restraint of Liberty by temporall or perpetuall imprisonment it thought meet and necessary for the publike defence safety and tranquility of the Realm as the severall Taxes Subsidies and Poll-monies granted by them in all ages the many Statutes enjoyning confiscation of Lands Goods corporall punishments banishments temporary or perpetuall imprisonments for divers things not punishable nor criminall by the Common Law or when Magna Charta and the ancient Statutes in pursuance of it were first enacted abundantly evidence past all contradiction none of all which the King himselfe his Officers Judges or inferiour Courts of Justice can doe being restrained by the objected Acts. Therefore it is altogether irrefragable that the Parliament and Houses are neither within the words or intentions of these Acts nor any wayes limited or restrained by them but left as free in these particulars in order to the publike good and safety as if those Acts had never beene made though the King with all other Courts Officers Subjects remaine obliged by them 4. This is evident by examination of the particular Statutes objected The first and principall of all the rest is Magna Charta cap. 29. But the very words of this Law Nor We shall not passe upon him nor condemne him but by the lawfull judgement of his Peeres or by the Law of the Land We shall deny nor deferre to no man either Justice or Right compared with the Preface to and first Chapter of it Henry c. know ye
was good to binde all the Inhabitants there because it was for the publike good Mich. 31. and 32. Eliz. in the Kings Bench William Jefferies Case and Pasch 41. Eliz. Pagets Case it was resolved That the Church-Wardens with the greater part of the Parishioners assents may lay a Taxe upon all the Parishioners according to the quantitie of their Lands and Estates or the number of Acres of Land they hold the Taxe there was four pence an Acre for Marsh-Land and two pence for Earable for the necessary reparation of the Church and that this shall binde all the Inhabitants so as they may be Libelled against in the Spirituall Court for non-payment thereof and no prohibition lieth The like hath been resolved in sundry other Cases And by the Common-Law of England where by the breach of Sea-Walls the Country is or may be surrounded every one who hath Lands within the levell or danger which may have benefit or losse by the inundation may and shall be enforced to contribute towards the repair and making up of the Sea-walls and a reasonable Tax assessed by a Jury or the Major-part shall binde all the rest because it is both for their own private and the common good If the Law be thus unquestionably adjudged in all these Cases without the Kings assent then much more must this Assessement imposed by both Houses be obligatory in point of Law and Justice though the King consented not thereto since the Houses and whole Kingdom consented to it for their own defence and preservation Sixthly This is a dutie inseparably incident by the Fundamentall Law and originall compact of every Kingdom Citie Corporation Company or Fraternitie of men in the World that every Member of them should contribute proportionably upon all occasions especially in Cases of imminent danger toward the necessary charges defence and preservation of that Kingdom Citie Corporation Company or Fraternitie of which he is a Member without which contribution they could be neither a Kingdom Citie Corporation Company Fraternitie or have any continuance or subsistence at all Which Contributions are assessed by Parliaments in Kingdoms by the Aldermen or Common-Councell in Cities by the Master and Assistants in Fraternities and what the Major part concludes still bindes the Residue and the dissent of some though the Major or Master of the Company be one shall be no obstacle to the rest This all our Acts concerning Subsidies Aydes Tonnage and Poundage the daily practice and constant experience of every Kingdom Citie Corporation Company Fraternitie in the World manifests past all contradictions which being an indubitable veritie I think no reasonable man can produce the least shadow of Law or Reason why the Parliament representing the whole Body of the Kingdom and being the supream Power Counsell in the Realm bound both in Dutie and Conscience to provide for its securitie may not in this Case of extremitie legally impose this necessary Tax for their own the Kingdoms Subjects Laws Religions preservations of which they are the proper Judges Gardians and should not rather be credited herein then a private Cabinet Court-Counsell of persons disaffected to the Republike who impose now farre greater Taxes on the Subjects and plunder spoyl destroy them every where directly against the Law of purpose to ruine both Parliament Kingdom Religion Laws Liberties and Posteritie Seventhly It is confessed by all That if the King be an Infant Non-Compos absent in Forraign remote parts or detained prisoner by an Enemy that the Kingdom or Parliament in all such Cases may without the Kings actuall personall assent create a Protector or Regent of their own Election and not onely make Laws but grant Subsidies impose Taxes and raise Forces for the Kingdoms necessary defence as sundry domestick and forraign Presidents in the preceding Parts and Appendix evidence And Hugo Grotius Junius Brutus with other Lawyers acknowledge as a thing beyond all dispute Nay if the King be of full age and within the Realm if a forraign enemy come to invade it and the King neglect or refuse to set out a Navy or raise any Forces to resist them The Lords and Commons in such a Case of extremitie may and are bound in Law and Conscience so to do for their own and the Kingdoms preservation not onely in and by Parliament but without any Parliament at all if it cannot be conveniently summoned lawfully raise forces by Sea and Land to encounter the Enemies and impose Taxes and Contributions to this purpose on all the Subjects by common consent with clauses of distresse and imprisonment in case of refusall as I have elsewhere proved And if in Case of invasion even by the common-Common-Law of the Realm any Captains or Souldiers may lawfully enter into another mans ground and there encamp muster or build Forts to resist the Enemy or pull down the Suburbs of a Citie to preserve the Citie it self when in danger to be fired or assaulted by an Enemy without the speciall consent of King Parliament or the Owners of the Lands or Houses without Trespasse or offence because it is for the publike safetie as our Law Books resolve Then much more may both Houses of Parliament when the King hath through the advice of ill Councellors wilfully deserted them refused to return to them and raised an Army of Papists and Malignants against them and the Realm now miserably sacked and wasted by them as bad as by any forraign Enemies both take up Arms raise an Army and impose Assessements and Contributions by Ordinances unanimously voted by them against which no Lover of his Country or Religion no nor yet the greatest Royallist or Malignant can with the least shadow of Law or Reason justly except Eightly If they shall now demand what Presidents there are for this I Answer First That the Parliament being the Soveraign Power and Counsell in the Realm is not tyed to any Presidents but hath power to make new Presidents as well as new Laws in new Cases and mischiefs where there are no old Presidents or vary from them though there be ancient ones if better and fitter Presidents may be made as every Court of Justice likewise hath Power to give new Judgements and make new Presidents in new Cases and may sometimes swerve from old Presidents where there were no ancient Presidents to guide them even as Physitians invent new Medicines Chyrurgions new Emplaisters for new Diseases Ulcers or where old Medicines and Balsomes are inconvenient or not so proper as new ones And as men and women daily invent and use new Fashions at their pleasure Tradesmen new Manifactures without licence of King or Parliament because they deem them better or more comely then the old Secondly I might demand of them by what old domestick lawfull Presidents His Majesties departure from the Parliament His Levying Warre against it His proclaiming many Members of it Traytors and now all of them Traytors and no Parliament His unvoting of their Votes
suddenly and conquered the Tyrant who being betrayed into King Henry his hands as hee was taking his flight by night King Henry stabbed him with dagger in the face and at last getting him under him slew him with his dagger for his excesse and tyranny Anno 1368. and raigned quietly in his steed I might prosecute and draw down the Histories of all the Spanish Kings and Kingdomes from his dayes till this present which are full fraught with presidents of this nature to prove all the Kings of Spaine inferiour to their Kingdomes Assemblies of the Estates Lawes resistible deprivable for their Tyrannyes but because those who desire satisfaction in this kinde may read the Histories themselves more largely in the generall History of Spain in Joannis Pistorius his Hispaniae Illustratae where all their chiefe Historians are collected into severall volumnes and in Meteranus and Grimstons Histories of the Netherlands I shall for brevity sake pretermit them altogether concluding with one or two briefe observations more touching the Gothish and Arragonian Kings in Spaine which will give great light and confirmation to the premises First for the Antient Kings of the Gothes in Spain Aimoinius and Hugo Grotius out of him confesse that they received the Kingdom from the people revocable by them at any time and that the people might depose them as often as they displeased them and therefore their acts might be rescinded and nulled by the people who gave them only a revocable power which the premised Histories experimentally evidence such likewise were the Kings of the Vandales removable at the peoples pleasure as Procopius writes such the Kings of the Heruli Quadi Iazyges Lombardes Burgundians Moldavians Africans the l Moores in Spaine the two annuall Kings of Carthage the antient Germane Kings the Kings of Sparta and most other Kings of Greece as Historians and Authors of best credite relate Secondly for the Kings of Arragon and originall constitution of the Kingdom I find this memorable passage in Hieronymus Blanca his Rerum Arragonensium Commentarius pag. 586. 587. 590. 72â— 724. in the third Tom of Ioannis Pistorius his Hispaniae illustratae Sancho the fourth King of Arragon dying without issue the Estates and people advising together what course they should take for their security and future good administration of the Common-weale about the year of our Lord 842. elected twelve principall men to whom they committed the care and government of the Republike during the Inter-regnum These because they were very ancient men were called Elders from whence those who by birth are stiled Rici-men drew their originall And this manner of governing the Common-wealth continued long But the great incursions of the Arabians pressing them they imagined it would not continue firme and stable Yet notwithstanding taken with the sweetnesse of Liberty they feared to subject themselves to the Empire of one man because verily they beleeved that servitude would proceed from thence Therefore having considered and rightly pondered all things and reasons they made this the result of all their Counsels that they should consult with Pope Adrian the second and the Lombards what course they should take by their advise which should be most meet for the perpetuating of the Empire to whom as reports goe they returned this answer That preordaining certaine Rights and Lawes ratified with the previous religion of a cautionary oath they should set up one King over them but yet should reject a forraign Dominion and that they should take heed that he whom they adopted to be King should be neither of the superiours nor inferiours lest if superiour he should oppresse inferiours or lest if inferiour hee should be derided by superiours To which counsell and sentence they submitting founded that ancient Suprarbian Court For according to the answer given all decreed That they ought to elect one man excelling in vertue for their King But yet lest the pleasure of Kings like as in other Princes should likewise even among us become Lawes they first of all enacted some Lawes by which they might heale this inconvenience These Lawes they afterward called the Suprarbian Court which we should largely prosecute but through the injury of time the knowledge of them is buried and some fragments of them only are extant observed by Prince Charles himselfe and some other Writers which we shall verily remember because they are as the first elements of our Republike and containe in them the institution of the Magistrate of the Iustice of Arragon which is the chiefe thing of our institution therefore in the beginning of that Court it was provided that the King which should be since the Kingdom lately taken from the Moores was freely and voluntarily conferred on him should be bound both by the Religion of an Oath as likewise by the force and power of Lawes to observe the Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdom Now the Lawes were these Governe thou the Kingdome in peace and righteousnesse and give us better Courts of justice The things which shall bee gained from the Moores let them be devided not only between the Rich-men but likewise between the souldiers and infantry but let a stranger receive nothing from thence Let it bee unlawfull or a wicked act for the King to enact Lawes unlesse it be by the advice of his Subjects first given Let the King beware that he begin no Warre that he enter into no Peace conclude no Truce or handle any other thing of great moment without the concurring assent of the Elders Now lest that our Lawes or Liberties should suffer any detriment Let there be a certain middle Judge at hand to whom it may be lawfull to appeal from the King if he shall wrong any one and who may repell injuries if peradventure he shall offer any to the Common-weale With these Lawes therefore and sanctions those our Ancestors confirmed the enterprise of new moulding and reforming the Common-wealth But verily this was the chiefest garison for to retaine their liberty whereby they ordained the Presidentship of a middle Iudge placing the power in such sort in the King that the temperating of it should be in the middle Iudge out of which things the moderate and musicall state of the Common-weale which we enjoy is moulded and made up For from the very beginning of things even to these later times wee see by force of this intermediate Magistrate and by the goodnesse and clemency of most peaceable Kings that both our pristine liberty and ancient Priviledge hath been alwayes retained and due loyalty and reverence to the Kings Majesty observed Neither hath the Kingdome onely emplored the help of this Magistrate against Kings but the Kings themselves oft-times against the Kingdome by which meanes many intestine evils have been appeased without any tumult which unlesse they had been civilly suppressed seemed verily to have been likely to have broken out to the common destruction of all men so as we may rightly
crown their King in the Assembly of the Estates or Parliament of Arragon to put the King in mind that the Lawes the Iustice of Arragon and Assembly of Estates are above him act a kind of Play that he may remember it the better they bring in a man on whom they impose the name of the Iustice of Arragon whom by the common Decree of the people they enact to be greater and more powerfull then the King to whom sitting in an higher place they make the King doe homage and then having created the King upon certain Lawes and conditions they speake unto him in these words which shew the Excellent and singular fortitude of that Nation in bridling their Kings NOS QVI VALEMOS TANTO COME VOS Y PODEMOS MAS QVE VOS VOS ELEGIMOS REY CON EST AS Y EST AS CONDITIONES INTRA VOS Y NOS VN QVE MANDA MAS QVE VOS that is We who are as great as you and are able to doe more then you have chosen you King upon these and these conditions Between you and us there is one greater in command then you to wit the Iustice of Arragon Which Ceremony lest the King should forget it is every three yeares repeated in the Generall Assembly of the States of Arragon which Assembly the King is bound by Law to assemble it being a part of the very Law of Nations which sacred Liberty of Parliaments and Assemblies if any Kings by evill arts restrain or suppresse as violaters of the Law of Nations and void of humane Society they are no more to be reputed Kings but Tyrants as Hotoman hence determines I have now given you some what an over large account of the two greatest and most absolute hereditary Kings in Christendom France and Spain and proved them to be inferiour to the Lawes Parliaments Kingdomes People out of their owne Authors and Historians in which points if any desire further satisfaction I shall advise them to read but Junius Brutus his Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos De jure Magistratus in â—ubditos and Francisci Hotomani his Franco-Gallia and Controvers Illust for France Ioannis Mariana de Rege Regum Instit l. 1. with his History of Spain Hieronimus Blanca Rerum Arragonensium Commentarius Ioannis 〈◊〉 Laet Hispaniae descrip c. 5. Vasquius Contr. illust for Spain at their leisure and then both their judgements and consciences will be abundantly satisfied herein I shall now very cursorily run over other forraigne Kings and Kingdoms of lesse power and Soveraignty with as much brevity as may be For the Kings of Hungary Bohemia Poland Denmarke Sweden as they have been usually and are at this day for the most part not hereditary but meerly ellective by the Nobles and people so their Lawes which they take an Oath inviolably to observe and their Parliaments Nobles people are in Soveraigne power and jurisdiction paramount them as much almost if not altogether as the State of Venice is above their Duke or the States of the Low Countries superiour to the Prince of Orange and may upon just occasion not onely forcibly resist them with Arms but likewise depose if not adjudge them unto death for their Tyranny as Iohn Bodin the Histories of Hungary Poland Bohemia Denmarke Sweden Iunius Brutus De Iure Magistratus in Subditos Munster in his Cosmography and those who have compiled the Republikes of these Realmes attest who further evidence that most of these Realms have sometimes elected them Kings other times onely Dukes and made their republikes Principalitis Dukedoms or Kingdomes at their pleasure To give onely some briefe touches concerning these Realmes and their Kings Hungary THe Kings of Hungary are meerly elective by the States and Senators in their Parliaments or assemblies of the Estates without whom they can neither make Lawes impose Taxes leavie Warre nor conclude Peace and the grand Officer of the Realme to wit the great Palatine of Hungary who hath the chiefe Command both in Peace and Warre and power to judge the King Himselfe in some cases is elected onely in and by their Parliaments as the Marginall Writers manifest at large For their Realms and peoples deportment towards their ill Kings since they became Christians when they have degenerated into Tyrants and otherwise misdemeaned themselves take this briefe Epitome Peter the second Christian King of Hungary growing very insolent Tyrannicall and lascivious ravishing maids matrons in the third year of his reign all the Nobles and people thereupon conspiring together deposed and banished him the Realme electing Alba in his place who growing more insolent and Tyrannicall then Peter was in the third year of his reign slaine in warre and Peter restored to the Crown who proceeding in his tyrannies sacriledge and cruelty he was the third year after his restitution taken prisoner by his subjects his eyes put out and imprisoned till he dyâ—d Solomon the fift King of Hungary was twice deposed and thrust out of his Kingdom first by King Bela next by King Gysa elected Kings by the peoples generall consent and acclamation after whose death the Hungarians refused to restore Solomon and elected Ladislaus for their King whereupon Solomon became an Hermite and so dyed Ladislaus dying left two sons Almus the younger whom they elected King and Coloman the eldest to whom Almus out of simplicity surrendred the Crown because he was the elder brother whom he would not deprive of his primogeniture but repenting afterwards by the instigation of some of his friends he raised warre against his brother But the Hungarians to prevent a civill warre and effusion of blood DECREED that these two brethren should fight it out between them in a single duell and he who conquered in the duell they would repute their King Which Combate Coloman being purblinde lame and crookback'd refused after which Coloman treacherously surprising his brother Almus contrary to agreement put out his and Bela his sonnes eyes and thrust them into a Monastery King Stephen the second sonne of Coloman refusing to marry a wife and following Harlots the Barons and Nobles grieving at the desolation of the Kingdome provided him a wife of a Noble family and caused him to marry her After which making a war to aid Duk-Bezen without his Nobles consent in which Bezen was slaine the Nobles of Hungary assembling themselves together in Councell sayd Why and wherefore dye we if we shall claime the Dukedome which of us will the King make Duke therefore let it be decreed that none of us will assault the Castle and so let us tell the King Because he doth all this without the Councell of his Nobles They did so and added further that if he would assault the Castle he should doe it alone but we say they will returne unto Hungary and chuse another King Whereupon By the Command of the Princes the Heraulds proclaimed in the Tents That all the Hungarians should speedily returne into Hungary wherefore the King when he saw
Lord will not hear you in that day Verse 17 18. Certainly the people neither would nor ought to crie to god against the proceedings of a just upright King but onely of a Tyrant and Oppressour therefore this Text must needs be meant of such a one who should be a scourge and punishment to them as Tyrants are not a blessing as good Kings alwayes be Fifthly consult we with all Polititians whatsoever this description suites onely with a Tyrant not with any lawfull King and that it is meant of such a one we have the testimony of Iosephus the generall concurring suffrage of all Commentators and Expositors one the place see Lyra Hugo de Sancto Victore Carthusian Angelomus Lexoviensis Calvin Brentius Bugenhagius Beda Bertorius Martin Borrhaeus Peter Martyr Zanchius Piscator Serrarius Strigelius Doctor Willet Deodate the English Bibles notes with others and of sundry who descant on this Text in other writings by name of M. Iohn Calvin Instit l. 4. c. 20. sect 26. Bishop Ponet his Politicall Government p. 44. Iunius Brutus Vindiciae contra Tyrannos qu. 3. p. 121. 122. 134. 135. 153. 154. 155. 159. De Iure Magistratus in Subditos p 270. 271. Bucholceri Chronichon p. 208. Petrus Cunaeus de Repub. Hebraeor l. 1. c. 14. Bertrami Politia Iudâ—ic p. 53. Shickardus jus Regium Iudae p. 64. Albericus Gentilis de jure Belli l. 3. c. 15. p. 613. Hugo Grotius de jure Belli Pacis l. 1. c. 3. Adnotata p. 72. Governado Christiano p. 87. Georgius Bucanus de jure Regni apud Scotos p. 44. Dole-man p. 68 70. Haenon disp polit p 432. Weemse 2 Vol 2. Part. p. 14. Hotomani Franco Gallia c. 10. Amesius de Casibus Conscienciae p. 306. and to name no more in so plain a case of Doctor Ferne himself in his Resolving of Conscience sect 2. p. 10. where hee writes That Samuel here tels the people how they should be oppressed under Kings yet all that violence and injustice done unto them is no cause of resistance c. This Text then being cleerly meant of their Kings Oppression violence injustice against Law right and a clear description of a Tyrant not a King I may safely conclude from all the premises that even among the Israelites and Iews themselves their Kings were subject to the Lawes and that the whole Congregation Kingdom Senate Sanhedrin not their Kings were the Supreme Soveraign power and Paramount their Kings themselves whom they did thus freely elect constitute and might in some cases justly censure resist depose if not put to death by common consent for notorious grosse Idolatries and publike multiplied crimes as the forecited authors averre All which considered eternally refutes subverts confounds the erronious false Positions and Paradoxes which Doctor Ferne Griffith Williams Bishop of Ossery the Authour of The necessitie of Subjection with other late ignorant Pamphletters have broached to the contrary without either ground or presidents to warrant what they affirm touching the absolute Soveraignty Monarchy irresistibilitie incorrigibility of the Kings of Iudah and Israel by their whole States Congregations Kingdoms generall assents and utterly takes away those sandy fabulous foundations upon which their impertinent Pamphlets against the Soveraign Power of Parliaments Kingdoms and the illegality of Subjects taking up defensive Arms against Tyrannicall Princes bent to subvert Religion Laws Liberties the Republike are founded which must now needs vanish into nothing before this Catholike irrefragable clear-shining verity abundantly ratifyed by innumerable presidents in all eminent Kingdoms States Nations that either have been in any former ages or are yet extant in the world which must and will infinitely over-sway swallow up the inconsiderable contrary opinions of some few privadoes who either out of flattery hopes of getting or keeping undemerited preferments fear of displeasing greatnesse or inconsiderates following of other reputed learned mens mistakes without due examination of their erronious Tenents have engaged themselves in a Polemicall blinde Combate against these infragable transparent Verities whose defence I have here made good against all their misprisions and bootlesse assaults Having now Historically ran over the most eminent Empires Kingdoms of ancient and present times in a kinde of confused method their copious vastnesse and varietie being so boundlesse and my time to collect them so small that I could hardly marshall them into any comely distinct Regiments or reduce them to the particular Heads debated in the premises I shall therefore for a conclusion deduce these distinct Conclusions from them to which the substance of all the recited Histories may be aptly reduced and are in truth abundantly confirmed by them beyond all contradiction annexing some new punctuall Authorities of note to ratifie and confirme them First it is undeniably evident from all the premises That all Monarchies Empires Kingdoms Emperours Kings Princes in the world were originally created instituted ordained continued limited and received all their jurisdiction power Authoritie both from by and for the people whose Creatures Ministers Servants they are and ought to be If we survey all the severall Lawfull Monarchies Empires Principalities Emperours and Kings that either have been or yet are extant in the world we finde all sacred and prophane Histories concurre in this that they had their originall erections creations from by and for the People Yea we read the very times when the most Monarchies of note were instituted the Names of those on whom the first Monarchies were conferred by the peoples free election onely yet extant on record in most Histories and withall expresse relations of many different kinds of Kingdoms Kings in respect of succession continuance Power jurisdiction scarce any two kingdoms or their Kings being alike in all things in regard of Prerogatives jurisdictions all Histories Polititians concurring resolving with Peter that Kings are humane Creatures or Ordinances instituted diversified thus by men and the people alone out of Gods generall or speciall providence not one of them all being immediately or directly ordained by God as the onely efficient cause without the free concurrence consent and institution of the people This truth is not onely ratified by Lex Regia whereby the Roman Emperours were created yea invested with all their power registred by Iustus Eccardus de Lege Regia Marius Salamonius de Principatu l. 6. formerly transcribed by Plato Aristotle Xenophon Berosus Polybius Cicero Livy Iustin Plinie Strabo Plutarch Dionysius Hallicarnassaeus Diodorus Siculus Pausanias Solinus Alexander ab Alexandro Hermannus Schedell Herodotus Boëmus Pomponius Mela forecited and generally by all Historians Chronologers Antiquaries Lawyers Politians whatsoever but directly averred and proved by Franciscus Hotomanus a famous Lawyer in his Franco-Gallia c. 1. 6. 10 13. the Author of De Iure Magistratus insubditos Quaest 5. p. 239. 240 c. Thomas Garzonius Emporij Emporiorum Pars 1. Discursus 1. de Dom. p. 13. Vasquius Controvers Illustrium 12. n. 133. 59. n. 8. 61. n.
made this wholesome sanction admonishing all the Iudges of his whole Republike that they should suffer no Rescript no pragmaticall sanction no sacred adnotation which should seem repugnant to the generall all Law or the publike profit to be produced in the pleading of any suite or controversie enough eternally to shame and silence those flattering Courtiers Lawyers Divines who dare impudently yea impiously suggest the contrary into Princes Ears to excite them to Tyrannize and oppresse their subjects against their expresse Oathes inviolably to observe and keep the Laws their Duties the very Lawes of God and man of which more in the seventh and eigth Observation Fourthly That Kings and Emperours can neither anull nor change the Laws of their Realms nor yet impose any new Laws Taxes or Impositions on them without the consent of their People and Parliaments This I have largely manifested in the first Part of this Discourse and the premised Histories with the Authors here quoted in the three precedent Observations attest and prove it fully for if the whole Kingdom Parliament and Laws themselves be above the King or Emperour and they receive their Soveraign Authority from the People as their publike servants It thence infallibly follows that they cannot alter the old Laws which are above them nor impose new Lawes or Taxes to binde the whole Kingdom people without their assents they being the Soveraigne Power This point being so clear in it self so plentifully proved in the premises I shall onely adde this passage out of Iunius Brutus to ratifie it If Kings cannot by Law change or extenuate Laws once approved without the consent of the Republike much lesse can they make and create new Laws therefore in the German Empire if the Emperour think any Law necessary he first desires it in the generall assemblies if it be approved the Princes Barons and Deputies of Cities subsigne it and then it is wont to be a firme Law Yea he swears that he will keep the Laws Enacted and that he will make no news Laws but by common consent In the Kingdom of Poland there is a Law renewed An. 1454 and 1538. That no new Laws or Constitutions shall be made but onely by publike consent or in any place but in Parliament In the Realm of France where yet commonly the authority of Kings is thought most ample Laws were heretofore enacted in the Assembly of the three Estates or in the Kings ambulatory Councell but since there hath been a standing Parliament all the Kings Edicts are void unlesse the Senate approve them when as yet the Arrests of that Senate or Parliament if the law be wanting even obtain the force of a Law So in the Kingdoms of England Spain Hungarie and the rest there is and of old hath been the same Law For if Kingdoms depend upon the conservation of their Laws and the Laws themselves should depend upon the lust of one Homuncio would it not be certain that the Estate of no Kingdom should ever be stable Would not the Kingdom necessarily stumble and fall to ruine presently or in a short space But if as we have shewed the Lawes be better and greater than Kings if Kings be bound to obey the Laws as servants are to obey their Lords who would not obey the Law rather then the King who would obey the King violating the Law who will or can refuse to give ayd to the Law thus infringed Fiftly that all publike great Officers Judges Magistrates and Ministers of all Realms are more the Officers and Ministers of the Kingdom than the Kings and anciently were and now ought to be of right elected onely by the Kingdom Parliament people and not removable but by them which is largely proved by Iunius Brutus Vindiciae contr Tyrannos qu. 1 2 â— De Jure Magistratus in Subditos qu. 5 6 7 8 9. with others the Histories forecited and Hotomani Francogallia c. 6 11 12 13 14. 6. That Kings and Emperors have no absolute power over the lives liberties goods estates of their subjects to dispose of them murther imprison or strip them of their possessions at their pleasure but ought to proceed against them in case of Delinquency according to the known Lawes and Statutes of their Realmes This truth is abundantly evidenced by all the premises by Magna Charta c. 29. and all Statutes Law-Books in affirmance of it by resolution of the Judges in Henry 8. his reigne Brook Corone 29. That it is Felony to slay a man in justing and the like notwithstanding it be done By command of the King for the command is against the Law and of Judge Fortescue 19. H. 6. 63. That if the King grant to me that if I kill such a man I shall not be impeached for it this grant is void and against Law By Junius Brutus Vindiciae contra Tyrannos Quast 3. p. 136 to 137. and the Treatise De Jure Magistratus in subditos in sundry places where this undeniable verity is largely proved confirmed and by others forecited Seventhly That Emperours Kings Princes are not the true Proprietory Lords or Owners of the Lands Revenues Forts Castles Shipps Iewels Ammunition Treasure of their Empires Kingdoms to alienate or dispose of them at their pleasures But onely the Guardians Trustees Stewards or Supervisors of them for their Kingdoms use and benefit from whom they cannot alien them nor may without their consents or privities lawfully dispose of them or any of them to the publike prjudice which if they doe their grants are void and revocable This proposition formerly ratified by many reasons authorities sundry Historicall Passages in this Appendix is not only evident by the Metropolitans usuall speech to all elected Kings prescribed by the Roman Pontificall ratified by the Bull of Pope Clement the eight where the Metropolitan when any King is presented to him to be Crowned first demands of the Bishops who present him Do you know him to be worthy of and profitable to this dignitie to which they answer We know and beleeve him to be worthy and profitable to the Church of God and for the Government of this Realme After which the Metropolitan among other things useth this Speech unto him Thou shalt undeniably administer Iustice without which no society can continue towards all men by rendring rewards to the good punishment to the evill c. and shalt so carry thy self that thou maist be seen to reign not to thine own but to all she peoples profit and to expect a reward of thy good deeds not in earth but in heaven which he immediately professeth with a solemn Oath to perform to the uttermost of his power and knowledge but likewise professedly maintained by Iustus Eccardus de Lege Regia Marius Salamonius de Principatu Hugo Grotius de Iure Belli Pacis l. 1. c. 4 sect 10. Lib 2. c. 13. 14. Hotomani Franco-Gallia c. 6. 10. 14. Ruibingius l. 2. Class 11. c. 8. n.
that We c. out of meere and free will have given and granted to all Archbishops Bishops Eâ—rles Barons and to all free men of this our Realm of England and by this our present Charter have confirmed FOR US AND OUR HEIRS FOR EVERMORE these liberties underwritten to have and to hold to them and their Heirs OF US AND OUR HEIRS FOR EVERMORE c. together with the whole tenour and title of this Charter and the two last Chapters of it All those customs and liberties aforesaid which we have granted to be holden within our Realme as much AS APPERTAINETH TO US AND OUR HEIRS WE SHALL OBSERVE And for this our gift and grant of those Liberties c. our Subjects have given us the fifteenth part of all their moveables And We have granted to them on the other part that NEITHER WE NOR OUR HEIRS shall procure or doe any thing whereby the Liberties in this Charter contained shall be infringed or broken We confirme and make strong all the same FOR US AND OUR HEIRS PERPETUALLY not the Parliament All these I say infallibly demonstrate that this Statute of Magna Charta did never extend unto the Parliament to restraine its hands or power but onely to the King his Heirs Officers Courts of Justice and particular subjects So that the Parliaments imprisoning of Malignants imposing Taxes for the necessary defence of the Realm and seizing mens goods or imprisoning their persons for non-payment of it is no wayes within the words or intent of Magna Charta as Royallists and Malignants ignorantly clamour but the Kings his Officers Councellours and Cavalliers proceedings of this nature are cleerly most direct violations of this Law And that which puts this past dispute are the severall Statutes of 25. Edward 3. cap. 4. Statute 5. 37. Edward 3. cap. 18. 38 Edward 3. cap. 9. 42. Edward 3. cap. 3. 17. Richard 2. cap. 6. and the Petition of right it self all which expresly resolve that this very objected Law of Magna Charta extends onely to the King himselfe his Privy Councell Judges Justices Officers and inferiour Courts of Justice but not unto the supream Court of Parliament which no man for ought I finde ever yet held to be absolutely obliged by it before the Kings late recesse from Parliament The next Statute is that of 34. Edward 1. cap. 1. No tallage nor aid shall be taken or leavied BY US AND OUR HEIRS not the Parliament in our Realme without the good will and assent of the Archbishops Bishops Earls Barons Knights Burgesses and other free men of the Land which the Statute of * 25. Edward 1. thus explains But by the common consent of the Realme The Statute of 14. Edward 3. cap. 21. and Statute 2. cap 1. thus If it be not by common consent of the Prelatos Earles Barons and other great men and Commons of our said Realme of England AND THAT IN PARLIAMENT The Statute of 25. Edward the third cap. 8. thus If it be not BY COMMON CONSENT AND GRANT IN PARLIAMENT The Statute of 36. Edward the third cap. 11. thus That no Subsidie nor other charge be set nor granted upon the Woolls by the Merchants nor by NONE OTHER from henceforth WITHOUT THE ASSENT OF THE PARLIAMENT The Statute of 45. Edward 3. cap. 4. thus It is accorded and stablished That no imposition or charge shall be put upon Woolls Woollfels or Leather othâ—r then the custome and subsidie granted to the King WITHOUT THE ASSENT OF THE PARLIAMENT and if any be it shall be repealed and holden for none And the Petition of Right 3. Caroli thus By which Statutes and other good Statutes of this Realm your Subjects have inherited this freedom that they should not be compelled to contribute any Taxe Tallage Custome Aide or other like charge not set BY COMMON CONSENT IN PARLIAMENT Now it is as evident as the noonday sunshine that these Acts onely extend to the King his Heirs Councell Officers inferiour Courts and private Subjects onely and that the Parliament is precisely excepted out of the very intent and letter of them all having free power to impose on the Subjects what Aids Taxes Tallages Customes and Subsidies they shall deem meet by the expresse provision of all these Laws concerning the granting and imposing of Subsidies Therefore by the direct resolution of these Acts the Kings his Councellors present contributions assessements and ransoms imposed on the Subjects are illegall against the letter and provision of all these Acts but the Parliaments and Houses lawfull approved and confirmed by them True will Royallists and Malignants answer who have no other evasion left but this If the King were present in Parliament and consenting to these contributions and taxes of the twentieth part there were no doubt of what you alleage but because the King is absent and not only disassents to but prohibits the payment of this or any Parliamentary Assessments by his Proclamations therefore they are illegall and against these Laws 1 To which I answer First that the King by his Oath duty the ancient custom and Law of the land ought of right to be alwayes present with his Parliament as he is now in point of Law and not to depart from it but in cases of urgent necessity with the Houses free consents and then must leave Commissoners or a Deputy to supply his absence This is not onely confessed but proved by a Booke lately printed at Oxford 1642. with the Kings approbation or permission intituled No Parliament without a King pag. 5. to 16. where by sundry presidents in all Kings Reignes it is manifested That Kings were and ought to be present in their Parliaments which I have formerly cleared If then the King contrary to these Presidents his Oath Duty the Laws and Customs of the Realme the practice of all his Progenitors the rules of nature which prohibit the head to separate it selfe from the body and will through the advice of malignant Councellours withdraw himselfe from his Parliament yea from such a Parliament as himselfe by a speciall Act hath made in some sort perpetuall at the Houses pleasure and raise an Army of Papists Delinquents Malignants and such like against it and that purposely to dissolve it contrary to this very Law of his for its continuance why this illegall tortious act of his paralleld in no age should nullifie the Parliament or any way invalid its Impositions or Proceedings for their own the Kingdoms Peoples and Religions preservation all now indangered transcends any reasonable mans capacity to apprehend 2. The right and power of granting imposing assenting unto Assessements Taxes Subsidies and such like publique charges in Parliament for the publique safety rests wholly in the Commons and Lords not King and is their owne free act alone depending no waies on the Kings assent nor necessarily requiring his personall presence in Parliament This is evident First by the expresse letter of the forecited Acts No Subsidy Tax Ayde
they will maintain to the utter impoverishing and ruining of the Country yea they have burned sacked plundered many whole Towns Cities Counties and spoiled thousands of all they have contrary to their very Promises Articles Agreements which they never faithfully observe to any in the least degree and all this to ruine the Kingdom People Parliament and Religion yet they justifie these their actions and the Parliament People must not controule nor deem them Traytors to their Country for it And may not the Parliament then more justly impose a moderate in-destructive necessary taxe without the King for the Kingdoms Religions and Peoples defence and preservations against their barbarous Taxes Plunderings and Devastations then the King or his Commanders Souldiers play such Rex and use such barbarous oppressions without yea against the Parliaments Votes and consents Let them therefore first cease their own most detestable unnaturall inhumane practises and extortions of this nature and condemn themselves or else for ever clear the Parliament from this unjust Aspersion The last Objection against the Parliament is That they have Illegally imprisoned restrained plundered some Malignants and removed them from their habitations against Magna Charta the Fundamentall Laws forenamed and the Liberty of the Subject contrary to all Presidents in former Ages To which I answer First That the Objectors and Kings party are farre more guilty of this crime then the Parliament or their Partisans and therefore have no reason to object it unlesse themselves were more innocent then they are Secondly For the Parliaments imprisoning of men pretended to be against Magna Charta I answer first That the Parliament is not with in that or any other Law against imprisonments as I have formerly cleered Therefore is not obliged by it nor can offend against it Secondly That it hath power to imprison restrain the greatest Members of their own Houses though priviledged men exmept from all other arrests and publike persons representing those that sent them thither Therefore much more may they imprison or restrain any other private persons notwithstanding Magna Charta And the Parliament being the supreamest Judicaturo paramount all other Courts their commitments can not be Legally questioned determined nor their prisoners released by Habcas Corpus in or by any other inferior Court or Judicature whatsoever 3. The Parliament hath power to make new Laws for the temporall and perpetuall imprisonment of men in mischievous cases where they could not be imprisoned by the Common Law or any other Act before or since Magna Charta and so against the seeming letter of that Law w ch extends not to the Parliament and what persons they may restrain imprison by a new enacted Law though not restrainable before by Magna Charta or the Common Law without breach of either they may whiles they sit in case of publike danger restrain imprison by their own Authoritie without or before a new Law enacted In how many new Cases by new Statutes made since Magna Charta the Subjects may be lawfully imprisoned both by Judges Justices Majors Constable and Inferiour Courts or Officers whereas they could not be imprisoned by them by the Common Law before these Acts without breach of Magna Charta and violating the Subjects Liberties you may read in the Table of Rastals Abridgements of Statutes and in Ashes Tables Title Imprisonment and False-Imprisonment Yea by the Statutes of 23. H. 8. cap. 1. 31. H. 8. cap. 13. 33. H. 8. cap. 12. 5. Eliz. cap. 14. 1. and 2. Phil. Mary cap. 3. 5. and 6. E. 6. cap. 1. 1. Eliz. cap. 2. with other Acts perpetuall imprisonment during life is inflicted in some cases for which no imprisonment at all could be prescribed before these Acts and for crimes for which the parties were not formerly punishable yet for the publike weale peace safety and prevention of private mischiefs even against the Letter as it were of the great Charter the Parliament hath quite taken away all liberty the benefit of the Common Law and of Magna Charta it self from parties convicted of such offences during their naturall lives and if they bring an Habeas Corpus in such cases pretending their perpetuall imprisonment and these latter Laws to be against Magna Charta they shall notwithstanding be remanded and remain prisoners all their dayes because the Parliament is above all Laws Statutes yea Magna Charta and may deprive any Delinquents of the benefit of them yea alter or repeal them for the common good so farre as they see just cause Though neither the King nor his Counsell nor Judges nor any Inferiour Officers or Courts of Justice have any such transcendent power but the Parliament alone to which all men are parties really present and allowing all they do and what all assent to decree for the common good and safetie must be submitted to by all particular persons though never so mischievous to them this being a Fundamentall Rule even in Law it self That the Law will rather suffer a private mischief then a generall inconvenience Seeing then the Parliament to prevent publike uproars sedition treachery in or against the Kingdom Cities Houses or Counties where factious persons live hath thought meet to restrain the most seditious Malignants especially these about London and Westminster where they sit and to commit them to safe custody till they receive some good assurance of their peaceable behaviour they must patiently suffer their private restraints for the common safety tranquility till the danger be past or themselves reformed who if they reform not their own malignity not the Parliaments cautelous severity themselves must be blamed since they detain themselves prisoners only by not conforming when as the Parliament desires rather to release then restrain them if they would be regular and so they must blame themselves alone not clamour against the Houses All Leprous persons by the Leviticall and Common Law were to be sequestred and shut up from others least they should infect them and so all persons visited with the Plague by late Statute Laws may be shut up without breach of Magna Charta Why then not Malignant seditious ill affected persons who infect others in these times of Commotion and Civill Warres as well as Leapers and Plague sick persons removed into Pest-houses for fear of spreading the Infection upon the self-same grounds by the Houses Authority The Parliament by an Ordinance Act or Sentence hath Power to banish men out of the Kingdom in some cases which no other Court nor the King himself can lawfully dâ— as was expresly reâ—olved in Parliament upon the making of the Sâ—atute of 35. Eliz. cap. 1. as is evident by the case of Thomas of Weyland An. 19. E. 1 Of Pâ—irce Gavaston and the two Spencers in King Haward the second his raign Of the Lord Maltravâ—rs in Edward the third his raign Of Bâ—lknap and divers over Judges in the 10 and 11 yâ—ers of Richard 2. his
Kingdom which if they contemned to do thy would with force of Arms and Banners disslayed MARCH AGAINST THEM AS PUBLIKE ENEMIES SUBVERT THEIR CASTLES BURN THEIR HOUSES AND EDIFICES AND NOT CEASE TO DESTROY THEIR PONDS PARKES AND ORCHARDS Whereupon all the Lords Knights and People dâ—serting the King who had scarce seven Knights in all left with him confederated themselves to the Barons in the Common Cause wherein to be a Neuter was to be an enemy and no member of the politicke body in which all were equally engaged Whereupon the King thus deserted by all condescended speedily to their demands and confirmed the great Charter much against his will A very apt President for these times which would make the people more unanimous faithfull and couragious for the Common Cause if but imitated in the commination onely though never put into actuall execution he being unworthy once to enjoy any priviledge of a free-born Subject in the Kingdom who will not joyn with the Parliament and Kingdom to defend his Libertie and the Kingdoms priviledges in which he hath as great a common share as those who stand pay and fight most for them It is a good Cause of disfranchising any man out of any Citie Corporation or Company and to deprive him of the Priviledges of them if he refuse to contribute towards the common support defence or maintenance of them or joyn in open hostilitie contributions or suites against them There is the same and greater reason of the generall Citie and Corporation of the whole Realm to which we are all most engaged and therefore those who refuse to contribute towards the defence and preservation of it if able or by their persons purses intelligence or counsell give any assistance to the common enemy against it deserve to be disfranchised out of it to have no priviledge or protection by it and to be proceeded against as utter enemies to it Christs rule being here most true He that is not with me is against me and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad The Common-wealth of which we are members hath by way of originall contract for mutuall assistance and defence seconded by the late Protestation and Covenant a greater interest in our Persons and Estates then we our selves or the King and if we refuse to ayd the republike of which we are members in times of common danger with our Persons Abilities Goods or assist the common enemy with either of them we thereby betray our trust and fidelitie violate our Covenants to the Republike and expose our bodies to restraint our estates to consiscation for this most unnaturall treachery and sordid nigguardlinesse as well as for Treason Fellony or other more petty injuries against the State or humane societie made capitall by the Laws most justly for the publike service of the State which hath a generall Soveraign Interest in them in all times of need paramount our private Rights which must alwayes submit to the publike and lose all our formerly enjoyed Priviledges either of Laws Liberties or free-born Subjects if we refuse to defend or endeavour to betray them as the Laws and common practise of all Nations evidence In the Barons warres against King John Henry the third and Edward the second in defence of their Liberties and Laws they seised upon the Castles Forts and Revenues of the Crown and upon the Moneyes and Goods of the Priors aliens and malignant Poictovines which they imployed in the Kingdoms service Eodem tempore Castellanus de Dovera Richardus de Gray vir fidelis strenuus qui ex parte Baronum ibidem constituebatur omnes transeuntes transituros diligenter considerabat cuncta prudâ—nter perscrutando invenit NON MODICUM THESAURUM paratum dictis Pictaviensibus clanculo deferendum qui TOTUS CAPTUS EST IN CASTRO RESERUANDUS Similiter Londini apud novum Templum THESAURUS MAXIMUS de cujus quantitate audientes mirabantur quem reposureunt Pictavienses memorati licet contradicentes reniterenter Hospitelarii CAPTUS est AD ARBITRIUM REGIS ET BARONUM IN UTILES REGNI USUS UTILITER EXPONENDUS writes Rishanger the continuer of Matthew Paris a good President for the present times After which the Barons banished all the Poictovine Malignants who miscounselled and adhered to the King out of England Anno 1260 who Anno 1261. were all baâ—ished out of London and other Cities and Forts An. 1234. The Earl Marshall having routed John of Monmouth his forces which assisted King Henry the third against the Barons in Wales he wasted all the said Johns Villages and Edifices and all things that were his with sword and fire and so of a rich man made him poor and indigent In the very Christmas holy-dayes there was a grievous warre kindled against the King and his evill Counsellors For Richard Suard conjoyning other Exiles to him entred the Lands of Richard Earl of Cornwall the Kings brother lying not farre from Behull and burned them together with the Houses and the Corne the Oxen in the Ox-stalls the Horses in the Stables the Sheep in the Sheep-cots they likewise burned Segrave the native soyl of Stephen Justiciar of England with very sumptuous Houses Oxen and Corne and likewise brought away many horses of great price returning thence with spoils and other things They likewise burned down a certain village of the Bishop of Winchesters not farre from thence and took away the spoils with other things there found But the foresaid Warriers had constituted this laudable generall rule among themselves that they would do no harme to any one nor hurt any one BUT THE WICKED COUNSELLERS OF THE KING by whom they were banished and those things that were theirs they burnt with fire extirpating their Woods Orchards and such like by the very Roots This they did then de facto de Jure I dare not approve it though in Cases of Attaint and Felony the very Common Law to terrifie others gives sentence against perjured Juries Traytors and Felons in some Cases that their houses shall be raced to the ground their Woods Parkes Orchards Ponds cut down and destroyed their Meadowes and Pastures plowed up and defaced though not so great Enemies to the State as evill Counsellors Anno 1264. the forty eight yeers of Henry the third his raign The King keeping his Christmas with the Queen Richard King of Romans and many others at London Simon Montford the Captain of the Barons at the same time preyed upon the Goods of these who adheared to the King and especially those of the Queens retinue brought by her into England whom they called Aliens Among others some of the Barons forces took Peter a Burgundian Bishop of Hereford in his Cathedrall Church and led him prisoner to the Castle of Ordeley and divided his treasure between themselves and took divers others of the Kings partie prisoners Who thereupon fearing least he should be besieged in the Tower by the Barons army by
the mediation of timorous men he made peace with the Barons for a time promising inviolably to observe the Provisions of Oxford that all the Kings Castles thoroughout England should be delivered into the custody of the Barons that all Aliens within a certain time should void the Realm except those who should be thought faithfull thereunto by the unanimous consent of the Kingdom and that faithfull and profitable natives of the Realm should thenceforth dispose of the affairs of the Kingdoms under the King But THE QUEEN instigated with foeminine malice contradicted it all she could which made the people revile and cast dirt and stones at her as she was going to Windsore enforcing her to retire again to the Tower How William Longshamp Bishop of Ely Lord Chancellour of England Earl John and others when they disturbed the peace of the Realm and turned Malignants were apprehended besieged imprisoned excommunicated and their Goods and Castles seised on by the Lords and Commons one of Parliament yea during the time of King Richard the first his absence and captivitie you may read at large in Roger de Hovedon Holinshed Daniel and others Why then the Lords and Commons in Parliament may not now much more do the like for their own and the whole Kingdoms safety I can yet discern no shadow of reason I will not trouble you with Histories shewing what violent unlawfull courses Kings and People have sometimes used to raise moneyes in times of warre by sacriledge rapine and all manner of indirect means I rather wish those Presidents and their occasions buried in eternall silence then reduced into practise and verily perswade my self that every ingenuous true born Englishman who bears a reall naturall affection to his Countrey or a Christian love to his Brethren the Parliament and Religion will according to his bounden duety the Protestation and Covenant which he hath taken rather freely contribute his whole estate if need so require towards the just defence of his Countrey Libertie Religion and the Parliament against the treacherous Conspiracies of the Pope Jesuites forraign Catholikes Irish Rebels English Papists and Malignants who have plotted their subvertions then repine at or neglect to pay any moderate Taxes which the Parliament shall impose or inforce the Houses to any extraordinary wayes of Levying Moneyes for want of ordinary voluntary supplyes to maintain these necessary defensive warres I shall close up all in a few words The Parliament hath much against their wills been inforced to this present defensive warre which they have a most just and lawfull power to wage and manage as I have elsewhere evidenced by the Fundamentall Laws of the Realm yea by the Law of God of Nature of Nations This warre cannot be maintained without Moneyes the sinews of it wherefore when voluntary contributions fail the Houses may by the same Laws which enabled them to raise an Army without the King impose necessary Taxes for the maintaining of it during the warres continuance else their Legall power to raise an Army for the Kingdoms defence would be fruitlesse if they might not Levy Moneyes to recrute and maintain their Army when raised which Taxes if any refuse to pay they may for this contempt be justly imprisoned as in cases of other Sudsidies and if any unnaturally warre against their Countrey or by way of intelligence advise or contribution assist the common Enemy or seduce or withdraw others by factious slanderous speeches against the Power and Proceedings of the Parliament from assisting the Parliament in this kinde they may for such misdemeanours upon conviction be justly censured confined secured and their estates sequestred rather then the Republike Parliament Religion or whole Kingdom should miscarry It is better that one should perish then all the Nation being the voyce of God Nature and resolution of all Laws Nations Republikes whatsoever If any hereticall scismaticall or vitious persons which may poyson others with their pernicious false doctrines or vitious wicked lives appear in the Church they may after admonition if they repent not yea and de facto are or ought to be excommunited the Church and societie of all faithfull Christians so as none may or ought to converse with them till their repentance If this be good Law and Divinitie in the Church the banishing and confining of pestilent Malignants in times of warre and danger must by the self-same reason be good Law and Divinitie in the State I have now by Gods assistance notwithstanding all distracting Interruptions Avocations Remoraes incountring me in this service ran through all Objections of moment which the King or any opposites to this Parliament have hitherto made against their proceedings or jurisdictions and given such full answers to them as shall I trust in the generall abundantly clear the Parliaments Authoritie Invocency Integritie against all their clamarous malignant Calumnies convince their Judgements satisfie their consciences and put them to everlasting silence if they will without prejudice or partialitie seriously ponder all the premises and ensuing Appendix which I have added for their further satisfaction information conviction and the confirmation of all forecited domestick Laws Presidents by forraign examples and authorities of all sorts And if any shall yet continue obstinate and unresolved after so many convincing Reasons Presidents Authorities or still retain an ill opinion of the Parliaments proceedings I shall desire them onely seriously to consider the most execrable conspiracy of the Pope Jesuites and Popish party in all His Majesties three Realms to extirpate the Protestant Religion subvert the Government Parliament and poyson the King himself if he condescend not to their desires or crosse them in their purposes whom they have purposely engaged in these warres still continued by them for this very end to enforce the King to side with them and so gain possession of his person to accomplish this designe of theirs as is cleerly evidenced to all the world by Romes Master-Peece the English Pope the Declaration of the Lords and Commons concerning the Rise and Progresse of the Irish Rebellion and then advisedly to consider in what great present danger the Kingdom King Parliament and Religion are when the Popish Partie and forces now in Arms have gained the Kings Princes and Duke of Yorkâ—s persons into their custodie the Cities of Chester and of late Bristoll the Keyes of England with other Ports to let in all the Irish Rebels upon us to cut our throats in England as they have cut above an hundred and fortie thousand of our Protestant brethrens throats already in Ireland it being one part of their designe now presently to be executed as appears by sundry Examinations in the Irish Remonstrance for which end some thousands of Irish Rebels who have all embrued their hands there in English bloud are already landed here and are in great favour and command about the King To which if they adde the omnipotent over-ruling power of the Queen the Head of that partie with the
Empire in the Greek and German Empires derived out of it in the old Graecian Indian Aegytian Realmes in the Kingdomes of France Spaine Italy Hungary Bohemia Denmarke Poland Sweden Scotland yea of Judah Israel and others mentioned in the Scripture the Supreame Soveraignty and Power resided not in the Emperours and Kings themselves but in their Kingdomes Senates Parliaments People who had not only a power to restrain but censure and remove their Emperours and Princes for their Tyranny and misgovernment With an Answer to the Principal Arguments to prove Kings above their whole Kingdomes and Parliaments and not questionable nor accountable to them nor censurable by them for any exorbitant Actions HAving finished the preceding Treatise which asserts The Supreame Authority and Soveraigne Power in the Realme of England legally and really to reside in the whole Kingdome and Parliament which represents it not in the Kings Person who is inferiour to the Parliament A Doctrine quite contrary to what Court Prelates and Chaplaines have for sundry yeeres inculcated into our Kings and People who preach little else but Tyranny to the one and Slavery to the other to support their owne Lordly Prelacy and hinder an exact Church Reformation and directly opposite to the resolutions of many malignant Courtiers Lawyers and Counsellours about His Majesty who have either out of ignorance or malice created him a new Utopian absolute Royall Prerogative unknowne to our Ancestors not bottomed on the Lawes of God or the Realm for maintenance of each Punctilio whereof against the Parliaments pretended Encroachments the whole Kingdome must be engaged in a destructive civill Warre now like to ruine it I could not but conjecture how in all probability these Clergy men Courtiers and Lawyers out of their unskilfulnesse in true Divinity History Law and Policy would upon the first tydings of this strange Doctrine passe a sentence of Excommunication and death against it as guilty not onely of Heresie but High Treason and judge it such a monstrous Antimonarchicall Paradox as was never heard of in much lesse claimed or practised by any Kingdome Realm or Monarchy whatsoever To anticipate which rash censures and undeceive both Kings and Subjects whom these grosse Parasites have over-long seduced in this point to their prejudices convince the consciences of all gainsaying Malignants irradiate this long obscured verity whose seasonable discovery may through Gods blessing conduce very much to period the present Differences between King and Parliament touching matters of Prerogatives and Priviledges claimed by either I conceived it not only expedient but necessary to back theforecited presidents of our own Kingdom with paralelled examples in most forraign Realmes and Monarchies in which it is not mannerly to be overbusie without just cause which I have faithfully though sudenly collected out of the best approved Authors and Historians whereby I shall infallibly prove that in the Roman State and Empire at the first in the Greek Empire since in the German Empire heretofore and now in the ancient Kingdomes of Greece Egypt India and elsewhere in the Kingdomes of France Spaine Hungary Bohemia Denmarke Sweden Poland Scotland and most other Kingdomes in the world yea in the Kingdomes of Judah and Israel and others mentioned in Scripture the Highest Soveraigne Authority both to elect continue limit correct depose their Emperours and Kings to bound their royall power and prerogatives to enact Lawes create new Offices and formes of Government resided alwayes in these or Princes persons I shall begin with whole Kingdomes Senates Dyets Parliaments People not in the Emperors Kings the Roman State as having much affinity with curs which was long under their command heretofore After the building of Rome by Romulus and Remus Romulus being elected King divided the people into two Rankes those of the highest quality he stiled Senators making them a Court of Counsell and Justice much like our House of Peeres the other he termed The People being the body of the State and representing our House of Commons In this distinction made by the Peoples consent the Soveraigne Authority to elect Succeeding Kings to enact binding Lawes to make warre or peace and the like rested not in the Kings person but in the Senate and people joyntly if they accorded yet principally in the people in case either of assent or dissent between them their very Kings and Lawes having their greatest power and efficacy chiefly from the peoples election and assent To begin first with their Kings Election and Authority when Romulus their first King deceased there arose a great controversie in Rome about the Election of a new King for though they all agreed to have a King yet who should chuse him and out of what Nation he should be elected was then controverted In the Interim to avoid confusion the Senators being 150. divided the Regall power between them so as every one in his turne in Royall Robes should doe Sacrifice to the Gods and execute Justice six houres in the night time and six houres in the day which tended to preserve an equality among the Senators and to diminish the envie of the people when in the space of one night and day they should see one and the same man both a King and a private person But the people disliking this Interregnum as tending to put off the Election of a King that the Senators might keep the principallity and divide it among themselves cried out that their bondage was multiplyed having an hundred Lords made instead of one neither would they suffer it any longer unlesse they would admit a King created by themselves Hereupon the Senate thinking it best to offer the people that which they were like to lose to gaine their favour Summa potestate populo permissa permitted to the people the chiefe power of Electing a King but yet that they might not give away more right then they deteined they decreed That when the people had commanded and elected a King it should be ratified if the Senators should approve it or be reputed the authors of it Then the Interex assembling the people spake thus unto them O Romans REGEM ELIGITE chuse yea King so the Senators thinke fit and if he be one worthy to succeed Romulus they will approve him This was so gratefull to the people that lest they should be overcome with the benefit they commanded that the Senate should decree who should reigne at Rome At last Numa Pompilius was named and none of the people or Senate daring to preferre any before him all of them joyntly decreed that the Kingdome should be conferred upon him Whence Canubius the Tribune of the people in his Speech against the Consuls long after used these words Numa Pompilius POPULI JUSSU Patres autoribus Romae Regnavit Reges exacti JUSSU POPULI which manifests the chiefe power to be in the people Numa departing Tullus Hostilius by the people command consent and approbation was made King which Livy thus expresseth Tullum
Hostilium REGEM POPULUS JUSSIT patres auctores facti After him the people created Ancus Martius King Regem POPULUS CREAVIT patres fuêre auctores After him ingenti consensu Populus Romanus Tarquinium REGNARE JUSSIT The People of Rome with great consent commanded Tarquin to reigne But hedying Servins having a strong Guard to defend him primus injussupopuli voluntate Patrum Regnavit was the first that reigned without the command of the people by the Senates consent yet doubting his title for want of the peoples votes and young Tarquin his Competitour giving out speeches se injussupopuli regnare that he reigned without the peoples command he thereupon so courted the Commons by dividing the Lands he had taken from the enemies among them that at last he appealed to the people Vellent nolerintve se regnare whether they would or would not have him reigne tantoque consensu quanto hand quisquam alius ante rex est declaratus But Tarquin the Proud affecting the Kingdome slew Servius and Non Commitiis habitis non per suffragium populi non auctoribus Patribus without the Election of the people or Senate usurped the Crowne neque enim ad jus regni quicquam praeter vim habebat ut qui neque populi jussu neque Patribus auctoribus regnaret writes Livy Whereupon reposing no hope in the love of the people he endeavoured to defend his usurped Soveraignty by force to which purpose he of himselfe without the Senate or Counsell tooke upon him the conusance of Capitall offences and by colour hereof not onely to slay banish and plunder those whom bee suspected or hated but even those from whom hee could expect nothing but prey Then he lesseneth the number of the Senate to diminish their esteeme and power and at last to subvert it Hee was the first of Kings who dissolved the Custome used by all his Predecessours De omnibus Senatum consulendi of consulting with the Senate about all affaires and administred the Common-wealth by his domesticke Counsels making Warre Peace Truces Leagues with whom he would injussu populi Senatus without the peoples and Senates command which Tyrannicall Usurpations of his with his ravishing of Lucretia caused Brutus and the incensed Romanes to rise up in Armes against him deprive him of His Crowne banish him his Wife and Children utterly to abolish the Kingly Government by a Decree and to take a solemne Oath lest afterward they might bee overcome by Royall intreaties or Gifts That they would never suffer any King to Reigne in Rome Which act of Brutus and the People is highly magnified by Livie and Tully This done the people created two annuall Consuls who had the Power but not the name and continuance of Kings Annuum imperium consulare factum est Brutus the first Consull was slaine whilest hee was Consull and Valerius his Companion being suspected by the People to affect the Kingdome because hee demanded no new Companion Valerius heereupon calls the people together layes downe his Fasces the badges of his Soveraignty before them which was a gratefull spectacle to the people confessionemque factam Populi quam Consulis Majestatem vimque majorem esse and a confession made that the People had greater Soveraignty and Power then the Consul who yet had regall Jurisdiction And then there were Lawes enacted of appealing from the Consul or Magistrate to the people and that hee should lose both his head and goods who should but consult to usurp the Kingdome In briefe it is clearly agreed by Dionysius Halicarnasseus Polibius Livy Alexander ab Alexandro Bodin and most who have written of the Roman Republike that the Soveraigne Authority among the Romans during their Kings Consuls Dictators and other Magistrates was originally vested not in the Kings Senate Consuls or other Magistrates but in the whole body of the Senate and People the People had the chiefe Soveraigne Power of enacting and confirming Lawes the Senates Decrees and Lawes being of no validity unlesse the People ratified them of creating and electing Kings Dictators Tribunes and all other great publike Officers of denouncing warre and making Peace these Tribunes and Dictators might restrain curb imprison censure depose the Roman Consuls who had Regall Power yea the Roman Kings Senators and highest Officers and to them the last appeale from King Senate or other Magistrate might be made as to the highest Tribunall they having power likewise to change or annull the very frame of their publike Government which they oft times did as these Authors prove at large to whom for brevity I referre the Reader Yea after the Roman Empire the greatest largest Soveraignty in the world was erected the Supream Power still rested in the Senate and People not in the Emperors themselves which Bodin grants and proves This is clearly evident by these ensuing particulars First the Senate and People had sole right and lawfull power both to elect and confirme their Emperors and to decree them new Honours Titles Triumphs which power of election though some Emperors in a sort usurped by adopting their Successors and the Roman Souldiers too by presuming sometimes to elect Emperours without the Senate yet these adoptions and elections were not held valid unlesse the Senate approved and confirmed them who usually elected all their Emperors as of right according to that of the Panegyrist Imperaturum omnibus ex omnibus elegi debere Plinius Panegyr Trajano dictus and Jacobus Valdesius c. 18. This appeares by the election and confirmation of most Emperors from Octavius to Leo the first and more particularly by the Senates and Peoples election and confirmation of Nerva Pertinax Severus Gordianus Maximus Pupienus Clodius Balbinus Philip Decius Trebonianus Galienus Claudius the second Taâ—itus Probus Iovinianus Aurelius and others This right of the Senate was so cleare that after the death of Aurelianus the Army sent word to the Senate that as reason was they should chuse and name an Emperor and that they would obey him After six months space during which time the Empire was governed by the Senate the Senate made choice of Tacitus who earnestly refused the same at first but in the end accepted thereof to the great joy of the Senate and Roman people After whose decease Prebus being chosen Emperor by the Legions and Army he presently wrote a letter to the Senate excusing himselfe for having accepted the Empire without their knowledge and confirmation whereupon the Senate confirmed his election with many blessings gave him the name of Augustus Father of the Countrey made him High Priest and gave him Tribunall Power and Authority Secondly This is manifest by the confessions and Actions of the best Roman Emperours Volateranus writes of Trajan the best heathen Emperor that Rome enjoyed that he used to call the Senate Father but himselfe their Minister or Servant of their labour And that standing he
Agis and Pausanias Agis the last of the Lacedemonean kings as Plutarch records being apprehended and condemned by the Ephori without an Indictment and then hanged in a halter Finally Aristotle himself and Xenophon informe us that the Kingdom of the Lacedemonians flourished very long yea longer then any other forme of Government because their Kings power was but small and their Kings never desired greater things then the Lawes would beare by which they had received their Kingdome in the beginning for in the beginning that Kingdome was divided between two joynt Kings After which Theopompus left it more moderated to his successours and constituted the Magistracie of the Ephori who had power even to depose and execute their kings if they offended and rose not up out of their seates unto them to retain that moderation By which meanes he verily weakned the power of the Kingdome but yet certainely setled it more lasting and stable whence Theopompus gave this answer to his complaining and upbraiding wife whether he was not ashamed to leave the Kingdoms lesse to his Children then he had received it from his Father No truly saith he for by this means I leave it more stable and lasting A Speech well worthy the consideration of the very greatest hereditary kings These Lacedemonian kings whose honours writes Xenophon were not much better then those of private men Etenim neque Regibus animos 〈◊〉 Tyrannicos voluit Lycurgus neque civibus eorum potestatem invisam reddere tooke an Oath every month to governe the Kingdome according to the Lawes enacted I finde that the Cumaeans had a Magistrate whom they called Phylactus whose office was to come into the full Senate and hold the Kings hands who stood in judgement before them untill by the Senators decree their reward or punishment was appointed By which it is apparent that the Cumaean Senate was above their kings and did usually arraigne and punish them iudicially if they saw cause as they rose up in Armes against Aristodomus their king who tyrannized over them by Zenocrita her instigation slew him and so recovered their Liberties The ancient Carthaginians had two kings whom they stiled Suffites who were but annuall removed every yeares Yea the Ibersans and Parthians had two joynt kings in ancient times the one to judge the other to governe the people In Meroe where they elected their kings by their beauty stregth or wealth their Priests had the chiefe power who had so great authority that sometimes like the Pope and his Nuncioes they would send a Messenger and command the king to be put to death and make another in his steed Which custome was after abolished by one of the kings who violently assaulted and slew all the Priests and in Meroe if the king offended after the Priests power was abolished they inflicted no corporall punishment on him but all withdrew themselves from him and avoided his company till he was killed with griefe and consumption The Indians will not permit their king to sleep in the day time and if he be drunken at any time if any woman of whom he hath a guard kill him whiles he is drunke she is so farre from being guilty of Treason that for a reward she shall be married to his Successour much like the ancient publike institution of the Selavonians recorded by Saxo Grammaticus that the assassinate of evill Kings should succeed them in their kingdomes a thing frequently practised in many kingdomes and Empires though very ill enacted in any The Sabaeans confined their Kings to their Palaces and used to stone them if they went forth of their bounds The Mosseriaes whose kings were elective used to punish them when they offended by keeping them fasting a whole dayes space Among some of the Indians if the king dyes having male children of his owne or cosen-germans or brothers children they shall not succeed him in the kingdome but his sister sonne if there be any if not then his next alliance and that ex gentis instituto by the institution of the Nation the reason is because their Priests used to defloure the Queene whose issue is held to be illegitimate In Thraciae the people elect a king who is well qualified mercifull grave for his age and one who hath no children For no Father though never so well qualified is admitted to raigne and if he fortune to have issue while he reignes he is deprived and so kept lest the kingdome should become hereditary Yea though the king be never so just yet they will not that he should have the whole power but appoint him 40. Governours lest hee alone should judge in capitall causes And if he be convicted of any offence be is punished with death yet not by laying violent hands on him but by publike consent all food is kept from him so as at last he perisheth with famine The Taprobani had this custome that no man who had any children should be chosen king lest he should claime the kingdome as hereditary and make it so The Athenians Ionians Milesians Marchomanni Quadi Persians Sicilians Corinthians Parthians Meroes Gordii Medes Paphii Cathians Aetheopians Sydonians Germans Swedes Danes and other Nations had severall Customes Lawes Rules over-tedious to recite by which they elected and inaugurated their kings of which you may read in Alexander ab Alexandro Strabo Boemus Peter Martyr Purchas and others and different degrees of power and government derived from their kingdomes and people the soveraigne Authority still residing in them to prescribe both Laws and limits to their kings and call them to publike account for their grosse offences and misgovernment The ancient Aethiopiant elected the most fanatique Priest for their king whom though they adored and honoured for a God yet Vitam agere STATVTAM LEGIBVS DEBET iuxta patrios mores he ought to live such a life as the Laws appointed him according to the manners of the Countey neither ought he to reward or punish any man himselfe though chiefe parts of Royalty The old German kings had no free nor infinite but a restrained and bounded power by the Lawes Diodorus Siculus writes that the first Egyptian Kings lived not like other Monarchs to rule all things according to their wills Nullis obnoxii censuris as ob noxious to no censures but all things not only their publike actions but even the regiment of their daily life were conformed to the rule of the Lawes as he there manifests in sundry particulars both in respect of their attendants dispatches devotions recreations moderate spare dyet and the like neither was it lawfull for them to judge nor doe any thing nor punish any man out of petulancy or anger or any other unjust cause contrary to what the established Lawes required concerning every of them Whiles they observed these things customarily it was so farre that they tooke it ill
or were offended in minde that on the contrary they thought they lived a most blessed life For other men rashly giuing indulgence to the affections of nature acted many things accompanied with losses and dangers yea some men ofttimes although they foreknew they should sinne did notwithstanding perpetrate evill things being led away with love or hatred or some other perturbation of minde but they imbracing the rule of life approved by the most prudent men resolved not to erre from their duty in the least degree Whiles Kings used this Iustice towards their Subjects they had their Subjects bound unto them in greater benevolence and love then their very kindred For not only the Colledge of Priests but the whole Nation of the Aegyptians and likewise every one of them were not so carefull of their wives and children and private goods as of the safety of their Kings Wherefore they preserved the estate of the Republike intire for a long time under the mentioned kings spending their life in greatest felicity as long as this constitution of Lawes flourished And when these kings dyed all the Aegyptians generally mourned for them in an extraordinary manner divers wayes made solemne Orations in their praise buried them with great pompe and solemnity and erected Pyramides to their eternall honour all which funerall pompous solemnities many ill kings wanted after their deaths ob plebis refragationem because the people gain-sayed it who together with the Priests and Senates who were ever present with the kings to assist counsell and direct them were superiour to their kings since they could thus decree or deny them these funerall honours which made many of their following kings to addict themselves to just actions too for feare of contumelious handling and sempiternall ignominy after their decease So this Author To which I shall adde Xenophons definition of a Kingdome and Tyranny A kingdome is an Empire over men by their free assents according to the Lawes of the City And a Tyranny is an unlawfull Empire over men against their wills which depends upon the will of the Prince And this observation of Polybius That Kings in ancient times did give themselves wholly to doe that which was honest and just and to suppresse the contrary the very beginning of all true kingdomes and the end for which kings were first instituted by the people Whiles they thus demeaned themselves they were subject to no envy because they differed not much from others neither in apparell nor in meat and drinke but observed a conversation of life conformable to other men and lived perpetually like to others But afterwards when those who obtained the principality of succession and the prerogative of their blood had those things already provided which made them able to secure themselves and to support their state following their lusts by reason of their abundance they then thought it belonged to Princes to be better clad then subjects to exceed them in costlinesse and variety of meats and to use venery with whom they pleased Hence envy and offence was begotten and implacable hatred and anger kindled and a kingdome by this meanes changed into a Tyranny Hence men most generous and magnanimous bold spirits unable to beare such affronts and insolences of Princes seditiously conspire against them and the people having got such Captaines to make resistance joyne with them for the foresaid causes that the Princes may be repressed And thus the forme of a Kingdome and Monarchy is utterly taken away by the roots and the beginning of an Aristocracy again laid the people refusing to set any more a King over them yet not daring to commit the Republike to many fearing as yet the iujustice of Superiours and therefore most esteeme equality and liberty So that the Soveraigne power of setling of changing the Kingdome and forme of government resides principally in the people who as hee there largely proves by the Lacedemonian and Roman state ought to enjoy the Supreame authority and to be above their Kings as it seems the Aegyptian did who deposed and expelled Evergetes their King for his cruelty and after him their King Ptolomaeus Auletes setting up Cleopatra his eldest child in his Threne and as the Romane Senate did who had power to dispose of the common Treasury and revenue one of the greatest points of Soveraignty to appoint Lieutenants and Governours of Provinces to grant Triumphes to dispose of Religion for which cause Fertullian saith that never any God was received in Rome without the decree of the Senate and to receive answer and dismisse the Ambassadours of Kings and Nations which none else did but the Senate whose Soveraigne power was such that Tiberius the Emperour in the beginning of his Reigne called the Senators assembled altogether in the Senate Indulgentissimos DOMINOS his most loving LORDS and moved the Senate to divide the Empire not to commit it all to one man as we read in Tacitus though they were his Subjects and inferiours when divided and severally considered And such Soveraigne power had the Panaetolium or generall assembly of Parliament among the Aetolians who received and answered all Embassadours determined all affaires of warre and peace it being provided by the Lawes of the Aetolians that nothing should be intreated of concerning peace or war but in their Panaetolium or Pelaicon Councell as Livy and Bodin record But to leave these ancient and come neerer our present neighbor Kings and Kingdomes of greatest eminencie and power which may parallell our owne The Kings of France to whom Caessanaeus in his Catalogus Gloriae mundi gives precedency before all others and to the Emperour himselfe while but elect before his Coronation have in ancient times been inferiour to their Kingdomes Parliaments and subject to their censures even to deposition if not more though some cry them up for absoluts Monarchs and make them little better then Tyrants now Iohn Bodin a learned French Lawyer and Statesman writes That in ancient times the Kings of the Cities of the Gaules were subject to their States whom Caesar for this cause oftentimes calleth Reguli little Kings being themselves subjects and justifiable to the Nobility who had all the Soveraignty causing them even to be put to death if they had so deserved And that is it for which Amphiorix the Captaine Generall whom they called the King of the Lingeois said Our commands are such as that the people hath no lesse power over us then we over the people Wherein he shewed evidently that he was no soveraigne Prince howbeit that it was not possible for him to have equall power with the people as we have before shewed Wherefore these sort of Princes if they polluted with wickednesse and villany cannot be chastised by the Authority and severity of the Magistrate but shall abuse their wealth and power unto the hurt and destruction of good men IT ALWAYES HATH AND SHALL BE LAWFVLL not for strangers onely but
divided the Land of France betweene them so that either of them should under the King Rule and Governe such proportion as then there was to them appointed Charlemayne soone after renounced his Government and turned Monke and Pipin as onely Ruler tooke upon him the charge of the whole Realme Pipin then considering in his minde in what danger and trouble before him his Father and he now had ruled the Land and that the King to whom belonged all the charge kept his Palaces and followed all his delights and pleasures without taking any paine for reformation of the same sent an ambassage to Pope Zachary asking his advice in point of conscience Whether it were more necessary or wealfull for the Realme of France that he should be admitted for King that did nothing but apply his minde to all bodily pleasures without care and charge takeâ— upon him for the guarding of the Land and the People of the same or he that tooke upon him all the charge and paine in defence of the Land and keeping of the people in the due subjection To this the Pope answered and wrote back to Pipin that he was best worthy and most profitable for the Realme to be admitted for King that ruled well the Commonalty by justice and prudence and the enemies thereof defended and subdued by his policie and manhood Aventine relates his answer more largely in these words I finde saith Zachary in the Story of Divine Scripture that the people fell away from their wretchlesse and lascivious king that despised the counsell of the wise men of the Realme and created a sufficient man one of themselves King God himselfe allowing their doings All Power and Rule belongs to God Princes are his Ministers in their Kingdomes And Rulers are therefore chosen for the people that they should follow the will of God the chiefe Ruler in all thing and not do what they list He is a true King that guideth the people committed to his charge according to the Prescript and Line of Gods Law all that he hath as power glory riches favour and dignitie HE RECEIVETH OF THE PEOPLE and the people MAY WHEN THE CAVSE REQVIRETH FORSAKE THEIR KING It is therefore LAVFVLL for the Franks and Germanes refusing this unkindly Monster Childericke to chuse some such as shall be able in warre and peace by his wisdome to protect and keep in safetie their Wives Children Parents Goods and Lives Which answer of the Pope recited and approved in our owne King Edward the Confessors Lawes and Childerickes deposition likewise Chap. 17. being declared to the Lords Barons and Commons of the Realme whom this Pope likewise wholly absolved from their allegiance to Childericke soone after they of one assent and minde proceeded and deposed and put downe their King and Governour Childericke being a Sott a foole a beast and one unfit to governe and closed him in a Monastery after he had reigned ten yeares in the Kings room by name onely which done they unanimously elected and crowned Pipin for their King By meanes whereof the Royall Line of Moroveus after 17 discents ended and the Crown was translated to Pipins blood Which act in point of policie is determined lawfull by Polybius who Writes That the reason why some Kingdomes became hereditary was onely this because their first Kings being vertuous and worthy men they were perswaded their Children would prove like them but if at any time they degenerat and prove otherwise and the posteritie of the first Kings displease the subjects they thenceforth make the Kingdome elective chusing Kings not according to their strength of body and mindes attempting great things but according to the difference of their will and reason manifested by their actions And by Aristotle who informes us That in Kingdomes confirmed in succession of blood this is to be numbred among the causes of their ruine that the Kingdomes descend to many contemptible and slothfull persons who although they obtaine no tyrannicall but Royall dignitie yet they live lustfully and proudly and so the Kingdome easily falls to ground and becomes a tyrannie the people being unwilling that such should rule over them and so either wholly alter the forme of government or make choice of a fitter King for the necessary preservation of the State yea this election in point of Police and Divinity too is justified and proved lawfull by Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotos by Iohn Mariana de Rege Regis Instit l. 1. c. 3 5. by Pope Zachary in his forceited Epistle by King Edward the Confessor in his Laws c. 17. by a generall Councell of all the Peers and Prelates of France Convocato enim Principum et Senatorum Concilio de COMMVNI SENSV ET VOLVNTATE OMNIVN Childericum solo nomine Regem à regni fastigio deponunt c. ac OMNIBVS GAVDENTIBVS ET VOLENTIBVS Pipinum super Francos REGNARE FACIVNT writes Antoninus and in a word our Bishop Bilson himselfe an Anti-Puritane and great Royalist affirmes That if the King be a naturall foole distracted and altogether unable to governe as Childericke was any Realme by publicke consent and advice may choose another to govern them of which more before Pipin deceasing Charlemain and Charles the great his sons reigned joyntly over the Frenchmen by their â—oyous admittance Having now two Kings instead of one Lewes sirnamed the godly sonne of Charles the great a pious yet unfortunate Prince by meanes of his sonne Lothair was first imprisoned and then by a Councell and Parliament held at Compaygne by authority of the spirituall and temporall Lords and of that Parliament discharged of all rule and dominion as well of the Empire as of the Realme of France after that shorne a Monke and thrust into the Monastery of Saint Marke where he was strictly guarded and when some of the Nobles and people afterwards desired Lothair to release and restore him to his former dignity he answered them That the deposing of him was done by the whole Authority of the Land wherefore if he should be againe restored it must be by the same Authority and not by him onely After which by the Lords assents hee was restored Lewes and Charles after Lewes Balbus their fathers death were joynt Kings of France and being very young by a Parliament held at Meaux Lewes the Emperour their Vncle was declared to be more apt to rule the Kingdome of France then these Infants or Barnard their Guardian and these Children held by some illegitimate Whereupon by the greater number of voyces an Ambassadour was sent to the Emperour to come and take upon him the Rule of middle France which he comming to doe his Nephewes friends compounded with him and then caused these Infants to be crowned and proclaimed Kings Charles the simple at his Fathers death Anno 895. being too yong to take upon him the charge of the Realme the Lords of France
made by the Court of Parliament declared and did declare the Queen his Mother Regent in France and to have the care of bringing up his Person and the Government of the affairs of his Kingdome during his minoritie commanding the Edict to be enrolled and published in all the Bayliweeks Senescaushes and other jurisdictions depending upon the said Court of Parliament and in all other Parliaments of the Realme so that the Queene Mother was setled in the Regency by the Parliament and whole State of France After which Pasquier Counsellor and Master of Requests writ her a large Letter touching the Government of the State wherein he informed her That she must not forbear to assemble the Estates for the reason that some would suggest unto her that they will be some blemish to her greatnesse it is quite contrary The Estates having confirmed it by publike authoritie will settle it fully Commonly the Estates assemble to provide for the present and future complaints of the generall of this Monarchy and to reduce things to their ancient course the people being the foundation whereon this Realm is built and the which being ruined it is impossible it should subsist take away these new Edicts Impositions and Subsidies it is better to gratifie a people than to intreat them roughly Above all things beware that you follow not your own opinion alone in managing the affaires of the Realme Hereupon four and fifty Edicts and Commissions were revoked wherewith the Subjects had been oppressed When the King was to be Crowned the Prelates made this request to him at the Altar before his Coronation We pray and require that you would grant unto every one of us and the Churches whereof we have the charge the Canonicall priviledges good lawes and justice and that you will defend us as a king ought all his Bishops and their Churches Whereunto the king answered I promise to preserve you in your Canonicall priviledges as also your Churches and that I WILL GIVE YOV in the future GOOD LAWS and do you Iustice and will defend you by the help of God according to my power as a king in his Realm OVGHT TO DO IN RIGHT AND REASON to his Bishops and their Churches After which having been acknowledged their lawfull Prince BY A GENERALL CONSENT OF ALL THE ORDERS the Cardinall of Ioyeuse presented unto him the Oath of the Kingdome the sacred Bond of the fundamentall Lawes of the State the which he took publikely in these words with invocation of the Name of God having his hand upon the Gospell which he kissed with great reverence I promise in the Name of Iesus Christ these things to the Christians subject unto me First I will endeavour that the Christian people shall live peaceably within the Church of God Moreover I will provide that in all vocations theft and all iniquitie shall cease Besides I will command that in all judgements equitie and mercy shall take place to the end that God who is gentle and mercifull may have mercy both on you and me Furthermore I will seek by all means in good saith to chase out of my Iurisdiction and the Lands of my subjection all Hereticks denounced by the Church promising by Oath to observe all that hath been said So help me God and this holy Evangell After this Bellarmines Book of the Popes power in temporall causes Becanus and Scoppius Books Marianaes Book de Rege Regis instatutione Suarez his Book with others which taught That the Pope was above Kings in temporall things and that it was lawfull for private subjects by the Popes authoritie to murther kings that were Heretikes and that the murthers of Henry the third and fourth by Chastle and Ravillac were lawfull and commendable were prohibited and condemned to be burnt by Edicts of Parliament Anno 1611. the Reformed Churches of France at their generall Assembly at Samure by the Kings permission made a generall Vnion which they did swear to keep inviolably for the good quiet and advancement of the said Churches the service of the King and Queen Regent and preservation of the Estate and appointed six Deputies therein for the dispatch of all their affaires Anno 1614. the Prince of Conde with divers other Princes Dukes Peer Noblemen and Officers of the Crowne retinued from the Court in discontent and meeting at Meziers writ severall Letters to the Queen Parliament and others complaining therein of divers grievances and disorders in the government which they desired might be redressed by summoning a generall Assembly of the three Estates to be free and safe to be held within three moneths at the furthest protesting that they desired nothing but peace and the good of the Realme that they would not attempt any thing to the contrary unlesse by the rash resolution of their enemies who covered themselves with the Cloke of State under the Queene Regents authority they should be provoked to repell the injuries done unto the King and State BY A NATVRALL IVST AND NECESSARY DEFENCE After which with much adoe Articles of Peace were concluded on at Saint Manehold between the King Queen Regent and these Nobles wherein it was among other things accorded That the generall Estates of the Realme should be assembled at Sens by the four and 20. day of August in which the Deputies of the three Estates may with all libertie propound what soever they shall think in their consciences to be for the good of the Realme and case of the subject that thereby the King with the advice of the Princes Estates might make some good Laws and Ordinances to contain every man in his dutie to fortifie the Lawes and Edicts made for the preservation of the publike tranquilitie and to reforme the disorders which may give just occasion of complaint and discontent to his good subjects That the Kings Mariage with Spaine formerly concluded on should be respited and not proceeded in during his minority that all Garisons put into any places of the Realme by reason of the present motions should be discharged that Letters Patents be directed to all Courts of Parliament to be verefied by which his Majestie shall declare that the said Princes Nobles and others of what quality and condition soever which have followed and assisted them in these alterations had no bad intentions against his service with all clauses necessary for their safeties and discharges that they may not be called in question hereafter and that they shall be restored to their Offices Estates and Dignities to enjoy them as they had formerly done And in like manner his Majestie shall write to all Princes Estates and Common-wealths allied to the Crowne and men of qualitie shall be sent expresly to them to let them understand what he had found concerning the innocency and good intention of the said Princes Officers and Nobles After which the three Estates were published Deputies elected and the King by his Councel and Parliament of Paris was declared of full age
according to a fundamentall Law made by Charles the fift ratified by the Court of Parliament That the Kings of France having attained the full age of thirteene years and entring into the fourteenth they should take upon them the Soveraigne Government of the Estate Whereupon the Queen Mother in the Parliament resignes the Regency and reignes of the Empire into his hands After which the three Estates assembling abolished the sale of all offices of judicature and others which tend to the oppression and ruine of the People suppresse Duels the Commons and Deputies of the three Estates present a Petition of all their grievances to the King consisting of severall natures and pray redresse And for the securing of the Kings Crowne and person against the Popes usurpations and attempts they desired that it should be declared by the said Estates and set down as a fundamentall Law That the King did not hold his Realme of any but God and his sword and that he is not subject to any superiour power upon earth for his temporall estates and that no Book should be printed containing any Doctrine against the person of Kings touching the question too much debated by presumptuous men whether it be lawfull to kill Kings The Clergy of France except against this Article as a point of doctrine and conscience not of State policie as the Commons pretended fit onely for the Clergies determination not the Commons or three Estates as a means to ingender a schisme and offend the Pope and after much debate prevail and suppresse it In fine after many debates the three Estates brake up without any great redresse of their grievances or full answer to their Petitions which was defaced hereupon the Parliament at Paris the seven and twentieth day of March 1615. decreed under the Kings good pleasure That the Princes Dukes Peers and Officers of the Crowne having place and deliberate voyce therein being then in the Citie should be invited to come into the Court there with the Chancellour and all the Chambers assembled to advise upon the propositions which should be made for the kings service the ease of his subjects and good of his estate and to draw up a Remonstrance to this affect Some Court Parasites presently acquaint the King and Queen Mother with this Decree as if it were an apparent enterprize against the Kings Authoritie and did touch the Queens Regency which they would controll and objections are made against it in Councell whereupon the Parliament are sent for to the Court severall times and ordered to revoke this Decree they excuse and justifie it then draw up a Remonstrance to the king consisting of many Heads wherein among others they affirme That the Parliament of Paris was borne with the State of France and holds place in Councell with Princes and Barons which in all ages was near to the Kings person That it had alwayes dealt in publike affairs that some Kings which had not liked of the Remonstrances of the Parliament at Paris did afterwards witnesse their griefe That Popes Emperours Kings and Princes had voluntarily submitted their controversies to the judgement of the Parliament of Paris c. To which I shall adde some passages out of Andrew Favine in his Theater of Honour touching the dignitie power and honour of the Parliaments of France In the Register of the Acts of Parliament beginning 1368. there is one dated the twenty seventh of Iune 1369. for matter of murder and assassinate committed on the person of Master Emery Doll Councellor of the said Parliament whereby it was approved That it was a crime of High Treason to kill a Councellor of Parliament And in Anno 1475. on the eleventh day of November Mounseir the Chancellor came to advertise the Court for going to hear the confession of the Constable of Saint Paul to whom for his rebellions and disobediences king Lewes the eleventh directed his Processe And the said Parliament declared That there was not a Lord in the Kingdome so great except the King and Mounsiour le Daulphine but ought to come and appear at the said Parliament in person when it was ordained for him And this is witnessed by a Lyon abasing his tail between his Legs exalted over the gate and entrance of the great Chamber by the Parquet des Huisiers thereof So that by this illustrious and Soveraigne Parliament are ordered and determined the principall affairs of the kingdom And in Anno 1482. the second day of Aprill king Lewes the eleventh sent unto the Parliament the Oath which he took at his sacring exhorting the said Parliament to performe good justice according as the King had promised to doe by his said Oath which he purposed to keep and the Oath is there Registred downe The Parliaments of France are Oaks with exalted Heads under whose Branches the people are covered from the very strongest violencies which constraineth them to yeeld obedience to their Prince But when Princes by bad councell misprize the authoritie of them whereof they ought to be zealous defenders as being exalted to the Royall dignity to rule and governe their Subjects by justice they cut off the right hand from the left If they refuse the holy Remonstrances of their Parliaments under color that they are not to meddle with affairs of State but onely with the Act of justice and lend a deaf ear when they are advertised of evill Government it is an assured Pronostick forewarning of the entire decadence of the Kingdome Strange and forraigne Princes have sought and submitted themselves to the judgement of their Parliament even in their affairs of greatest importance The Chronicle of Laureshime under the year 803. followed by the Monk Aimonius in the fourth Book of his History of France reporteth that king Lewes the Debonnaire holding his Parliament in May there came thither from strange Provinces two Brethren kings ofVvilses who with frank and free good will submitted themselves to the judgement of the said Parliament to which of them the Kingdom should belong Now albeit the custom of the said kingdom adjudged the Crown to the eldest according to the right of Prerogative allowed and practised by the Law of Nature and of late memory in the person of the last dead king Liubus father commune to these two contendants yet notwithstanding in regard of the subjects universall consent of the Kingdom who for the cowardise and want of government in the Elder had given the Crowne to the Younger for valliancie and discreet carriage by sentence the Kingdom was adjudged to him and the Eldest did him homage with Oath of allegiance in the said Parliament Under the third Ligne in the reign of Philip Augustus Pope Innocent the third and the Emperour Otho the fourth being in variance for the forme and tearms of the Oath of fidelity with the said Emperour should make to the Pope they referred it to the judgement of king Philip in his Parliament furnished with Peers Otho made some exception concerning the forme
of their Kingdom and Estates assembled as some falsly averre they are because our Royalists and Court Doctors parallell England with France making both of them absolute Monarchies and our greatest malignant Councellors chiefe Designe hath been to reduce the Government of England to the late modell and new arbitrary proceedings of France which how pernicious they have proved to that unfortunate Realm what infinite distructive civill warres and combustions they have produced and to what unhappy tragicall deaths they have brought divers of their Kings Princes Nobles and thousands of their people the premisses other Storyes will so far discover as to cause all prudent Kings and Statesmen to steer the Helme of our own and other Kingdoms by a more safe steddy and fortunate compasse Thus I have done with France and shall recompence any prolixity in it with greater brevity in other Kingdoms when I have overpassed Spain From France I shall next steer my course to the Kingdomes and Kings of Spaine whom Iacobus Valdesius Chancellor to the King of Spain in a large Book de Dignitate Regum Regnorumque Hispaniae printed at Granado 1602. professedly under takes to prove to be of greater dignity and to have the Precedency of the Kings and Kingdoms of France which Cassanaeus and all French Advocates peremptorily deny The first Kings of Spain over-run by the Goths and Wisigoths are those their Writers call the Gothish Kings who as Michael Ritius de Regibus Hispaniae L. 1 2. Iohannis Mariana de rebus Hispaniae L. 2 3. the Generall History of Spain and othes affirme were elected by and had their authority from the people You may reade their lives and successions at large in these Authors and finde some of there dis-inherited and deposed by their subjects others of them in ward during their minorities to such as the State appointed others murdered but all of them subject to the Lawes of their Realms as it is evident by the expresse ancient Law of the Wisigoths having this Title Quod tam Regia potestas quam populorum universitas Legum reverentiae sit subjecta by other lawes thereto annexed by Iohannis Mariana De Rege Regis institutione L. 1. c. 9. Those whom they properly call Kings of Spain had their royall authority derived to them conferred on them by the people upon this occasion Spain being a Provincesubject to the Roman Empire was spoyled over-runne and possessed by the barbarous Moors for many years in which time the Spanyards oft solicited the Roman Emperours for ayde to expell the Moors but could gain none Whereupon to free themselves and their Countrey from slavery they chose one Pelagius for their Captain by whose valour they conquered the Moors and thereupon by unanimous consent Elected and Crowned Pelagius King of Oviedo whom the Spanish Writers mention as the first King of Spain And this their desertion by the Emperours the Spanish Writers generally hold and g Iacobus Valdesius proves it largely to be a sufficient lawfull ground for the Spanyards even by the generall law of Nations to cast off their subjection to the Roman Empire and to elect a King erect a Kingdom of their own exempt from all subjection to the Emperor since they purchased their own libertie and Countrey from the Gothes by conquest of themselves alone without any aide or assistance from the Roman Emperours to whom for this reason they hold themselves and their Kingdom no wayes subject yet for all this they deem their Kings inferiour to their whole Kingdoms and censurable yea deposable by them as is cleer by the forecited passage of the Bishop of Burgen Ambassadour to the King of Spain in the Councell of Basill and by Johannis Mariana the Jesuites Book de Rege Regis Institution dedicated to Philip the third King of Spain printed at Madrit in Spain by this Kings own speciall priviledge Dated at Madrit January 25. 1599. and after this reprinted at Mentz in Germany Anno 1605. Cum privilegio sacrae Caesariae Majestatis to wit of the Emperour Radulph the second permissu Superiorum who certainly would not thus specially approve authorize this Book for the Presse had it maintained any Positions contrary to the Laws or derogatory to the Prerogative Royall of the Crownes and Kingdoms of Spain though other States cannot so well digest it In this very Book the Authour who hath likewise written a large History of the affaires and Kings of Spain professedly maintains in a speciall Chapter wherein he debates this Question Whether the power of the Republike or King be greater That the whole Kingdom State and People in every lawfull Kingdom and in Spain it selfe are of greater power and authority then the King His reasons which I have for brevity digested into number in his own words are these First because all Royall Power that is lawfull hath its originall from the People by whose grant the first Kings in every Republike were placed in their Royall Authoritie which they circumscribed with certain laws and sanctions lest it should too much exalt it selfe to the distruction of the Subjects and degenerate into a Tyrannie This appears in the Lacedaemonians long since who committed onely the care of Warre and procuration of holy things to the King as Aristotle Writes Also by a later example of the Aragonians in Spain who being incited with an earnest endeavour of defending their libertie and not ignorant how the hights of Libertie are much diminished from small beginnings created a middle Magistrate like the Tribunall power commonly called at this time Aragoniae Iustitia the Justice of Aragon who armed with the lawes authoritie and endeavours of the people hath hitherto held the Royall Power included within certain bounds and it was specially given to the Nobles that there might be no collusion if at any time having communicated their counsell among themselves they should keep assemblies without the Kings privity to defend their Lawes and Liberties In these Nations and those who are like them no man will doubt but that the authoritie of the Republike is greater then the Kings Secondly because in other Provinces where the people have lesser and the Kings more power and all grant the King to be the Rector and supream Head of the Commonwealth and to have supream authoritie in managing things in times of warre or peace yet there the whole Commonwealth and those who represent it being chosen out of all Estates and meeting together in one place or Parliament are of greater power to command and deny than the King which is proved by experience in Spain where the King can impose no Taxes nor enact no Laws if the people dissent or approve them not Yea let the King use art propound rewards to the Citizens sometimes speak by threats to draw others to consent to him solicite with words hopes and promises which whether it may be well done we dispute not yet if they shall resist their judgement shall be
within their Dominions which was not a Catholike the which their kings should solemnly sweare before they were crowned and if any king should goe against that Law which he had thus sworn he should be excommunicate and accursed in sight of the eternall God and made the fuell of eternall fire which Canon was made not only by the assent of this king his Bishops 〈…〉 with the consent deliberation of his Nobles and great men In the 5. Councel or Toledo under this king it was decreed Gen. 2 3 4 5 6 7 That the kings children and faithfull servants after their deaths should not be deprived of the lands honours and just rewards by the â—ucceeaing kings which had been conferred on them in their lives That no man should aspire to the crowne licentiously under pain of excommunication and a divine Anathema whom neither THE ELECTION OF ALL nor the Nobility of the Gothish Nation had no advanced to this top of honour That none should auring the kings life endeavour or use meanes to succeed him after his death nor yet revile the Prince under paine of excommunication All which particulars were ratified by new Canons in the 6. Councell of Toledo under this king Can. 14 15 15 17 18. with this addition That the king being dead none should usurp the kingdome by tyrannicall presumption that none who had been shâ—â—ven a Monke or dishonestly bald or descended from a servile stocke or a man of a forraign Nation unlesse worthy both in respect of his Pedigree and manners should be promoted to the Throne of the Kingdome nor no man attempt the Princes destruction life or usurp his Crowne tyrannically under pain of being 〈◊〉 with a perpetuall Anathema and eternall condemnation for breach of any the premises These Councels as Mariana observes were in truth Generall Assemblies of the Estates where they handled not only matters of Religion but likewise of the Common-weale by common consent of all Bamba the 26. king of the Goths after Lewes de Mayern Turquets computation which I follow but 3â— after Roderick Sancho was elected king by the Goths as he was plowing with his Oxen in the field being a plain countrey man Some say that he would never have received this honour and charge but by constraint and that refusing absolutely a Noble man of the Goths drew his sword and threatned to kill him if he did not yeeld to the Gothes intreaties and that his Goad wherewith he drove his Oxen did suddenly in his hand bring forth leaves fruit and roots whereupon he took this dignity upon him more for fear than for any desire to reign Anno 672. After which Eruinge ambitious of command poisoned king Bamba so as he became madde for curing whereof many naturall and superstitious medicines were applyed but to small effect so as Bamba coming a little to himself again and finding his disabilitie to govern willingly quit the Crown and retired himselfe into a Monastery at Pampliga where he lived seven years and one moneth and Eruinge was chosen king in his place whose Election was confirmed and allowed lawfull in the 12 Councill of Toledo Can. 1. as Elected thereto by God and ALL THE PEOPLES DESIRES whom this Councell absolved from their Oath of allegiance formerly made to King Bamba whiles he held the Kingdom In the thirteenth Councell of Toledo under this King Eruinge Anno 684. it was decreed That neither the King nor any other should marry the Widow of the deceased King upon pain of excommunication and to be damned to Hell fire Vitiza the nine and twentieth King of the Gothes at his first coming to the Crown shewed himself milde liberall and religious but soon after became the infamy and dishonour of Kings being full of all excesse of lust impiety hypocrisie and dissimulation and exceeding in all vices without shame he filled his Palace with many Wives which he married and Concubines too he publikely allowed to all men Nobles Commons Priests and Clergy to marry as many wives and keep as many Whores as they pleased he used great crueltie to many flattered the Clergy lest by their censures they should draw the people from obeying so filthy and unchaste a king To prevent all rebellions under the colour of peace which Spain did then injoy he caused all the Towns of Spain to be dismantled except Leon Toledo and Asturica he disarmed the people disanulled all the immunities of the Church he recalled the banished the Jews and granted them great priviledges he advanced a most wicked wretch to great honours execrable to all the people that so he might not say himself was the worst of men Finally as a presage of his future miseries he shewed in all sorts of excesse and violence contrary to the Laws of God and men what Princes ill instructed and ignorant of true pietie could do A Buffone asking him meâ—rily Why do you being a King the son of a King do thus you may lose your Kingdom Hereplyed like another Dionysius My Father left me his kingdoms not fortune In fine Rodorick obtained the Corwn who soone after exceeded Vitiza in all manner of vices cruelty and tyrannie and ravished the daughter of Iulian Earl of Cava whiles he was in embassage in Affrick for the affairs of the kingdom Who to revenge this indignity and cast out this wicked Monster Anno 713. called the Mores into Spain who over-ran and conquered the Kingdom destroyed Rodorick and put a Period to the Gothes kingdom in Spain Thus Tyrannicall vitious Princes ruine at last both themselves and their Realms Among the Lawes of the Wisigothes Lib. 2. c. 2. 6. I finde not onely an Act declaring their Kings to be subject to their Lawes as well as subjects but likewise a Law restraining their Kings excesses and dis-inabling them to alien their Crown lands or revenues to their own Children or others but onely the Lands which themselves shall purchase which was likewise decreed in the eighth Councill of Toledâ— under king Recâ—â—niâ—thus where in there was this complaint made Quosdam conspeximus Reges post quam fuâ—rint regni gloriam assequuti exâ—â—nuatis viribus populorum rei propriae congereâ—e lucrum 〈◊〉 quod reges sunt vocati defensionem in vastationem conversunt qui vastationem desensione pelle â— debuerunt illud gravius innâ—ctentes quod ea quae videntur acquirere non regni deputant honori vel gloriae sed ita malunt in suo jure confundi ut voluti ex debito descernant haec in liberorum posteritatem transmitti Resolving that non personae sed 〈…〉 subdi debere non habenda parentali successione sed possidenda regali congressione regem terrenum jura faciunt non persona c. I likewise finde another Law nullifying all unjust judgements and sentences given by Iudges through fear or command of the King And another Law giving the King power over all offenders against himself but denying him
power to pardon any Delinquâ—rts against the Nation or Countrey All which considered prove the whole State Kingdom and Councels among the Spanish Gothes to be about their kings who were lyable to their restraints excommunications Laws Censures Depositions for their male-administrations vicious lives and not successive but elected by them Pâ—lagius the first king of Oviedo was elected king and that kingdom erected by the generall consent of the people oppressed by the Moors about the year 618. during whose reign there were severall Vice-royes of the Moors in Spain as Alcazazin and Alhatan and others His sonne king Fasila was slain by a Bear which he pursued in the mountains I doubt his Subjects would have resisted him as well as the Bear had he made war upon them Froila the fourth king of Ovedo treacherously slew his own brother Vtmaran a gallant Knight generally beloved out of jealousie lest he should usurpe the Crown in revenge of whose death he was soon after slain by his own brother Aurelius Anno 767. who succeeded Froila in the Realm notwithstanding he leâ—t a son called D Alphonso the chaste but the hatred that the Noblemen did bear unto his father was the cause of his rejection being then also very young whereby it appears that the right of succession was not in those dayes practised in Spain Sâ—llâ— his brother-in-Law succeeded him after whose death by generall consent the kingdom was given to Alphonso Ramir the tenth king of Oviedo did that which all other Princes abhor for he received his son to be companion with him in his kingdom and caused his brother Garcia to reign with him so as there were now two kings and Courts in Oviedo both agreeing well together Anno 894 Froila dying without issue because his children were too young to reign the Nobles conferred the Kingdom on Alphonso the fourth who after five years turned Monke Ramir the third twentieth king of Leon abandoning himself to a voluptuous life contemned all good counsell so as the Earls and Noblemen of Gallicia seeing his folly and discontented with his vices scorned him and would no more acknowledge him to be their king electing Bermund for their Soveraigne and intituled him king of Gallicia which title he enjoyed ten years About which time the Moors in Spain which had one king reigning at Cordova after the death of king Mahomet made so many petty kings as there was scarce any good town in Spain but had a particular King which made strict alliances among themselves for the preservation of their estates Anno â—07â— Garcia king in Gallicia growing a tyrant spoiled and ill intreated his Subiects governing himself after the appetite or a base woman who put the Nobilitie and Gentry in favour or disgrace with the king as she pleased so as in the end growing insupportable certain Knights slew her in the kings presence His brother Sancho taking advantage of the peoples hatred entred his Realm with a great Army who thereupon being deserted generally by his people fled to the Moors for ayd and fell to spoil his own Countrey after which he was defeated taken prisoner and so kept in the Castle of Lune with a good Guard till his death I read in Iohn Mariana that in the Councill of Florence under Pope Victor the second Anno 1055. Hildebrand a Cardinall Deacon Embassadour to Henry the second Emperour of Germany complained in the Councill against Ferdinand king of Spain in the Emperors Name That against the Custom of his Ancestors and prescript of Laws he did with incredible arrogancy and levity hold himself exempt from the power of the Roman Empire which iniury himselfe could gladly suffer if there were no other losse but of his own honour But since the estate of Christendom could not well subsist and the Popes Authority would likewise be impaired unlesse all Christian kingdoms were united and knit together under one temporall head the Emperour whom they should obey they ought to suppresse the springing temerity in the Wombe lest by their neglect spreading it self into other Provinces animated with the sweet and oft-times deceitfull name of libertie the sacred Majestie of the Empire and Popedom should be reduced to an empty title wherefore he desired them to interdict all Spain and excommuniate the King which if they did he would be assistant to the Churches honour and Republiks safety then indangered But if they refused it out of fear he would not be wanting to the honour of the Empire would certainly look to himself in private The Pope after some deliberation approved this motion as just thereupon sends Legats to Ferdinand in his own and the Councils name to satisfie the Emperors demands forthwith under pain of present excommunication The King doubtfull and fearfull whether to obey or not summons a generall Assembly of the Estates of the Realme The Clergy and religious sort of men perswaded submission for fear of the Popes excommunication the fearfuller sort concurring with them by reason of the Emperours power and their own weaknesse and distraction and the Kings desires of peace inclined most to their opinion But some heroick spirits thought that a most grievous yoke should thereby be laid on the liberty of Spain which being once admitted on their necks they should hardly shake off again that it was better to die fighting then that the Republike should be involved in so great a mischief and indignitie Rodoricus Diacius a noble Spanyards opinion then absent from the assembly being required by the king and it answered That this was no matter of Counsell that what was gotten with Arms was to be defended with Arms that it seemed most unjust that the fruit of others valour should return to those who in their lost condition had not communicated in the labour and danger which recovered it that it was better to die valiantly than to lose the liberty gained by their Ancestors to become a mocking-stock to a barbarous and cruell nation who contemned all men but themselves whose ears were proud whose speeches contumelious whose accesse difficult riotings new cruelty inhumane Shall we who have yet hardly escaped the servitude of Moors undergo a new bondage prepared from the Christians They will deride both us and ours Doth the whole world as farre as Christianity extends it selfe obey the German Emperours Shall all the grace power honour riches gained by ours and our Ancestors blood give place to the Germans Shall they leave dangers repulses iudgemen want to us Shall Germany again lay on us the yoke of the Roman Empire which our Ancestors have shaken off Shall we be a vulgar people without grace without Empire without authority obnoxious to those to whom if we had vigorous mindes if we were men we might be a terrour But it is difficult to resist the Emperous endeavours not to obey the Roman Pontifs commands verily it a basnesse of spirit for an uncertain fear of war to involve the Commonwealth in most
affirm that in this alone the summe of preserving civill concord both to Kings and the Kingdome hath consisted This Magistrate was at first called THE IUSTICE MAIOR afterwards assuming the name of the Kingdome it selfe it was called THE IUSTICE OF ARAGON By these formentioned prescribed Lawes the will of him who desired to be King of Aragon was wholy to bee directed and formed and unlesse he would first suffer his faith to bee obliged in most strick bonds for keeping of them any future soliciting was to be preposterous Having therefore laid the foundations of their Countreys liberty all of them began to dispute among themselves about electing a King to which end they all assembled together at Arahvest to chuse a King where they were suddenly besieged by the Arabians which Junicus Arista King of the Pompelonians hearing of came with an Army and rescued them whereupon they elected him for their King with unanimous consent and calling him unto them shewed him the Lawes they had pre-established one whereof concerning the middle Magistrate seemed most hard unto him But having more deligently considered the matter and that they voluntarily offered him the Kingdome gained from the enemies Hee not only ratified the Lawes themselves but likewise added this new Law or priviledge to them That if the Kingdome should happen hereafter to bee oppressed by him against the LAWES Iustice or Liberties the Kingdome it selfe should have free liberty to elect another King whether a Christian or an Infidell which clause of an Infidell King they refused to have bestowed on them because they judged it shamefull and dishonourable After which Iunicus taking an oath to observe the former Lawes was advanced to the Throne and made King of Aragon about the year 868. Moreover to establish all these Lawes and Constitutions our Ancestors themselves adjoyned the accession of a publike Vnion ordaining that it should be lawfull and just for them to meet all together ET RE 〈◊〉 OBSISTERE ARMIS ET VI and to resist the King with armes and force as oft as there should be need to propulse any assault of him or his made against the Lawes which form of assembling together for the common cause of liberty they called a Vnion or Association Neither did they anciently lesse think all their Liberties to be preserved by this Vnion then humane bodies themselves are by nervs and bones And although it were not prescribed in that Suprarbian Forum yet they thought it deduced from the very beginnings of things and deeply fixed and impressed in the sense of all men and to be established by our common Law as by another Law of Nature and that its force was enough and more then sufficiently known and discerned by use and reason For they said it would be but a thing of little profit for them to have good Lawes enacted and the very Iudiciary Presidentship of a middle Iudge if when there should be need AD EARVM DEFENSIONEM ARMA CAPERE NON LICERET cum jam tunc satis non esset pugnare consilliis it should not be lawfull for them to take up Armes in their defence when as then it would not be sufficient in such a case to fight with Counsells Neither verily did that seem altogether impertinent from the matter for if it should be so all things long ere this had been in the power of Kings themselves Whence our people reputed these two priviledges of the Union obtained from Alphonso the 3. to wit That it shal be lawfull for the Estates of the Realm if the King shall violate the Lawes of the Countrey To create a new King in his place and without the crime of Treason to make confederacies among themselves and with Neighbour Princes To defend their Liberty which King Ferdinand upon the petition of the Castilians refused to revoke because he had taken a solemn Oath to observe them not as new favours or benefits but as things done out of Office c. Therefore in those ancient Rulers of which we treat the Liberty of our Country was hedged about by our Ancestors with three most strong fences namely with the Prefecture of this middle Iudge with the most ample power of the Rici-men or Palatines and with this most fierce force of the Vnion of which the first seemed to be Legal and civill the other domesticall and of greatest moment the last warlike and popular Neither ought it then to be inclosed with a lesser hedge that so we might rejoyce that it hath therby come safe sound to us now But of these garrisons or fences the ancient inventers of them and those who next succeeded them conferred more assistance and labour upon the two last namely the domestick and popular then on that Court presidentship For they would alwayes retain in themselves a power of moderating and governing the most loose reines of the Royall Dignity which they might restrain or enlarges as there was need The fore they assigned those 12 elders to him elected out of the greatest men by whose Counsels the Kings ought to be hedged in on every side the place of which Elders the Rici-men afterwards possessed who were the chiefe of our Nobles who in times past were second to the Kings in such sort that they might seem to be their Peers and Companions These called that publike union to the ayde of Liberty and out of them were chosen those who should alwayes be the prime and principall conservators of it for thus they called the presidents of the Vnion Finally they sustained on their necks all the Offices and burdens of peace and warre if not with the same power as the Kings yet I may truly say with very little lesse for the Rici-men as long as they flourished relying on the Forces of the Vnion did alwayes hover over the Royall Empire and by the intire power of their offices if the violence or assaults of Kings were unjust did from inordinate reduce them into order and as it were into a circle of Law and Iustice In which thing verily their grave censorious and domesticall authority had sufficient tight and moment with our ancient Kings who were well mannered but if peradventure they could not with their fitting counsels bridle the exulting royall Forces they did constantly repell them from their necks with the force of the raised Vnion Thus and much more this Spanish Author in whom you may read at large the Power and Authority of the Iustice of Arragon of the Generall Assembly of the Estates or Parliaments of that Kingdom of their Rici men Peeres Magistrates Councellors and in Ioannis de Laet. his Descriptio Hispaniae cap. 5. cite Ioannis Mari. and De Rebus Hisp l. 8. c. 1. Gen. hist of Spain l. 17. p. 618. To which I shall onely adde this most notable custome and ceremony used at the Coronation of the Kings of Arragon recorded r by Iunius Brutus r Franciscus Hotomanus and others The Arrogonians when as they create and
himselfe justly deserted of his subjects ayde returned into Hungary Stephen the third comming to the Crowne did nothing without the Authoritie and advise of the Senate Stephen the fourth sonne of Bela usurping the Crowne was soone after expelled the Kingdome Emericus being elected King was very likely to be depriued by the Nobles and people for his sloathfulnesse but that he appeased them with good words and promises King Andrew going to Jerusalem his Queene Elizabeth in the meane time delivered the Wife of Bauchan a Nobleman being very beautifull to her brother who doated on her to be abused which Bauchan hearing of slew the Queene the King upon his returne examining this businesse acquitted Bauchan and judged her murther just being for so lewd a fact Ladislaus the fourth giving himselfe to all effaeminacy luxury and Harlots became odious to his Barons Nobles People for which he was excommunicated by Firmanus the Popes Legat that he might live Christianly and Chastly but he reforming not was soone after in the yeere 1â—90 slaine by the Cumans and his Kingdome infested with civill warres Mary the daughter of K. Lewes being received as Queene by the Hungarians for her fathers merits after his decease being yet young was married to Sigismond who was admitted into partnership in the government of the Realme and being governed by her mother and Nicholas de Gara who perswaded them to carry a strict hand over the Nobles of the Realme which they did thereupon the Nobles seeing themselves despised sent for Charles King of Naples into Hungary forced Mary and her Mother to resigne their rights to the Crowne and crowned Charles King at Alba Regalis When he was crowned the Bishop of Strigonium according to the custome demanded of the people thrice with alowd voyce Whether it were their pleasure that Charles should be crowned King who answered Yes which done he was crowned and soone after murthered by the two Queenes treachery Who were shortly after taken prisoners by Iohn de Horrach governour of Croatia the Queen Mother Elizabeth drowned Queen Mary kept prisoner and at last released upon oath given not to revenge her Mothers death who contrary to her oath caused Hornach and 32. Nobles more to be beheaded by Sigismond her husband whose kindred and children thereupon conspired against King Sigismond tooke and detained him prisoner Anno. 1401. till they should proceede further against him and in the meane time the Nobles of Hungary elected Ladislaus King of Apulia for their King and at last deposed Sigismond for his misgovernment cruelty love of women After Sigismonds death the Nobles and people were divided in the choise of their King one part electing and crowning Vladislaus King of Poland the other party Ladislaus an infant for their King but Vladislaus his party prevailing he was not long after slaine in a battle against the Turkes and the government of the Realme committed to that Noble Souldier Huniades during the Minority of Ladislaus who at his ripe age was received and declared King by all the Hungarians Ladislaus deceasing the Hungarians elected the Emperour Frederick King who delaying to come and take the election they thereupon chose Mathias King who enjoyed the dignity notwithstanding the Emperours opposition Anno. 1608. Mathias King of Hungary denyed the Protestants in Austria free exercise of their Religion they thereupon were forced to take up Armes and assembling together at Horne made a Protestation and sent to the States of Hungary requiring them to assist them with the succours that were promised by the offensive and defensive league after which they obtained a peace and part of what they demanded Anno 1613. In an Assembly of the Estates of Hungary the differences concerning the defence and Militia in the borders of Hungary against the Turke were ordered and setled And An. 1618. After many slow proceedings they elected Ferdinand of Bohemia for their King of Hungary but with these conditions That he should Religiously observe and cause to be immovably observed all the Liberties Immunities Priviledges Statutes Rights and Customes of the Kingdome with the Conclusions and Freaties of Vienna and all the Articles comprehended therein and all other concluded both before and after the Coronation of the Emperours Majestie in the yeares 1608. and 1609. Which Articles being ratified by the Emperour under his Letters Patents they proceeded to the Coronation according to the accustomed manner Such is the Soveraigne power of the States of Hungary to this very day And in one word so odious were Tyrants anciently to the Slavonians and Hungarians that by a publick Law of their Ancestors he who slew a Tyrannicall King was to succeede him in the Kingdome Bohemia For the Kings and Kingdome of Bohemia M. Paulus Stranskius in his Respublica Bohemiae c. 5 12. informes us out of the Fundamentall Lawes of Bohemia That the power of the Kings of Bohemia who are Elected by the generall Votes of the States is so farre restrained in that Realme that they can determine nothing concerning the Kingdome or great Affaires of the Realme but in their Parliaments or generall Assemblies of the Estates by the generall consent of the people which are Summoned by the king himself and held just like our Parliaments in the kings Regency and during the Interregnum by the Senate of the Realme as often as there is occasion there being this clause in the Writ of Summons That whether all those who are sommoned come at the day or not the king with those who appeare will proceed to decree what shall be just and beneficall for the Republicke and that those who neglect to appeare shall be bound thereby all Lawes and Acts are therein passed by publicke consent The king cannot alien or morgage any of the Crown Lands nor release not diminish the revenue Liberties of the Realm nor promote any strangers to the custodies of Castles or publicke functions impose no Taxes charges nor altar the ancient manner of the Militia of the Realm nor make warre or peace without the Parliaments advise and consent And before the king is Crowned the Burgrave and Nobles in the Name of all the Realme demand of him to confirm and ratifie both with his especiall Charter and publick Oath the Ancient and laudable Priviledges Immunities Liberties Rights Laws Customes and Institutions as well private as publicke of all and singular the inhabitants of the Realme and to governe them according to the rule of the Lawes after the example of his predecessors kings of Bohemia Which done he seales and delivers them a speciall Charter takes such a solemne Oath and then is Crowned upon these Conditions The Arch-bishop of Prague after the Letany ended demands of the king kneeling on his knees Wilt thou keepe the holy faith delivered to thee from Catholick men and observe it in just workes He answering I will He proceedes and saith Wilt thou Governe and defend the Kingdome granted thee from God according to the
in sundry Declarations justified their rejection of Ferdinand their Election of Frederick and his Title to be just and lawfull with their preceedent and subsequent warres in defence of Religion Yea Fredericke himselfe by sundry Declarations maintained his own Title and the lawfulnes of these wars which passages and proceedings being yet fresh in memory and at large related by Grimston in his Imperiall History I shall forbear to mention them By this briefe account you may easily discerne the Soveraigne power of the Realm and States of Bohemia over their kings and Princes most of the great Offices of which Realme are hereditary and not disposable by the King but States who Elect their Kings themselves and their greatest Officers too Poland For the Kings and Kingdome of Poland Martinus Chromerus in his Polonia lib. 2. De Republica et Magistratibus Poloniae informes us that the Princes and Dukes of Poland before it was advanced unto a Kingdome and the Kings of it ever since it became a Realme were alwaies elected by the chiefest Nobles and States unanimous suffrages That after the Kings of Poland became Christians their power began to bee more restrained then it was at first the Clergy being wholly exempt from their royall Iurisdiction That the King cannot judge of the life or fame of a knight unlesse in some speciall cases without it be in the assembly of the Estates with the Senate nor yet publickly make Warre or Peace with any nor impose Taxes or Tributes or new Customes nor alienate any of the goods of the Realme nor yet doe or decree any greater thing pertaining to the Common-wealth without the Senate or Parliaments assent Neither can hee make new Lawes nor publickly command money in an extraordinary manner nor coine money nor nominate a Successor not with the Senate without the consent of the Nobility whether of Knights or Gentlemens Order By or out of whom all publicke Magistrates and Senators almost are chosen so as now the summe or chiefest power of the Republicke is residing in them So that the Kingdome and Republicke of the Polonians doth not much differ in reason from that of the Lacedâ—monians in ancient times and of the Venetians now An Oath is exacted of the new King when he is crowned to this effect That he shall raigne according to the Lawes and institutes of his Predecessors and will safely conserve to every order and man his right priviledge and benefit confirmed by former Kings nor will he diminish any of the borders or goods of the Realme but will according to his power recover those that are lost from others After all which the Senate sweare fealty to him c. The Revenues Tributes and Customes of the King are all reduced to a certainty the Nobles Clergie are exempted from Taxes The king by the Lawes of King Alexander is prohibited to alien to any one the Lands of the Crowne No new Lawes can be made nor old ones repealed but by the king Senate and Nobles assembled in Parliament And because there is wont to be in highest power a slippery and ready degree to Tyrannie certaine Senators and Councellours are adjoyned to the King who may direct his Councells and Actions to the safety of the Common-wealth and his judgments according to the Rule of justice and equitie and with their wholsome monitions and Councells may as there shall be occasion as it were with certaine living Lawes both informe his minde and moderate his power This Royall Senate much greater now then in times past consists of a certaine number of men which wee call the Senators or Councellours of the REALME who are not admitted to the Councell without an Oath and this Office is perpetuall during life having certaine Honours and Magistracies thereto annexed partly Ecclesiasticall partly Civill It consists of 96. persons in all some of them Bishops others Palatines Knights Castellanes and other Officers of the Realme The Chancellor of the Realme may signe many things without the Kings Privitie and may deny to seale those things which are contrary to Law though the king command them Most of the great Officers and Magistrates are chosen in Parliament and cannot be displaced but in Parliament and that for some great offence Their Parliaments or Generall Assemblies of the States are held much like ours once every yeare at least and some times every fift or sixth moneth if there be occasion and then they are kept constantly at one place to wit at Petricow or Warsavia in the midst of the Kingdome unlesse it be upon some extraordinary just occasion and then the king by advice of this Councel may sommon the Parliament at another place It is provided by a Law within these 20. yeares That it shall not be lawfull to the King to make a warre without the assent of his Parliament and Great Councell and that the Nobles as oft as there is occasion shall at their owne costs without wages defend the borders of the Realme yet not without the King unlesse it be during the Interregnum but they may not be compelled to goe out of the Realme to any Forraigne warre without wages the Souldiers wages are reduced to a certainety and asseased by publicke consent in Parliament which Orders all Military and Civill Affaires So Cromerus For their carriage towards their ill Kings I shall give you onely a short account Miesco their second King being unfit to governe a man given wholly to his belly ease sleepe pleasure and governed by his Queene thereupon most of his subjects revolted from him and he dying the Polonians at first for many yeares refused to chuse Cazimirus his Son King least he should follow his fathers step till at last after a long Interregnum when he had turned Monke they elected him King Boleslaus his sonne a man of a dissolute life given to lust and the pâ—st of the Realme was excommunicated by the Bishop of Cracow for his wickednes for which cause he slew him Whereupon the Pope deprived him and Poland of the Crowne and absolved his Subjects from their obedience to him who expelled and forced him to flee out of the Realme into Hungary where he became mad and died Myâ—zlaus the 10. King of Poland exercising tyranny every where upon his people by reason of his power and allies was deposed by his subjects and Cazâ—miâ—us elected King in his stead He was three or foure times deposed â—nd put by the Crowne Boleslaus who succeeded Henry was deprived of the Monarchy Henry was surprised and most strictly imprisoned Boleslaus was slaine by his Nobles and Vladislaus Locktect elected King in his stead ravishing virgins Matrons and not reforming things according to promise the Nobles hereupon assembling together An 1300. abrogated his election as pernicious and chose Wenceslaus King of Bohemia King in his place And not to recite more ancient histories of such like nature King Henry the third of Poland was elected and sworne King upon conditions which he
was to performe Anno 1574. After which he secretly departing out of Poland without the assent of the Nobles to take possession of the Crowne of France within 3. monthes after his Coronation in Poland the Polonians sent Messengers after him to Fâ—rrara June 16. 1574. who denounced to him that unlesse he returned into Poland before the 12. of May following they would depose him and elect another King Which he neglecting they in a generall assembly of the Estates at Warsauia deprived him of the Crowne and elected a new King the Chancellor and greatest part of the Counsellers elected Maximilian the Emperour Some others with the greater part of the Nobility desiring to have one of the Polish blood elected Anno sister of their deceased King Sigismund giving her for husband Stephen Battery Prince of Transylvania and proclaimed him King The Emperour making mary delayes Stephen in the meane time enters Poland marrieth Anne and is crowned King by generall consent February 8. 1576. who tooke this memorable Coronation Oath prescribed to him by the Nobles I Stephen by the grace of God elected King of Poland great Duke of Lithunia c. Promise and sacredly sweare to Almighty God upon these holy Evangelists of Iesus Christ that I will hold observe deford and fulfill in al. conditions criticles and points therein expressed all Rights Liberties Securities priviledges publike and private not contrary to the common Law and Liberties of both Nations justly and lawfully given and granted to the Ecclesiastickes and seculars Churches Princes Barons Nobles Citizens inhabitants and any other persons of what state and condition so ever by my godly Predecessors Kings Princes or Lords of the Kingdome of Poland and of the great Dukedome of Lithuania especially by Casimir Lewis the great called Loys Vladislaus the first called Iagiello and his brother Withold great Duke of Lithuania Vladislaus the 2. Casimyr the 3. Iohn Albert Alexander Sigismund the first and 2. Augustus and Henry Kings of Poland and great Dukes of Lithuania or derived and granted from them together with the Lawes enacted and established or offered by all the States during the Interregnum and the pacts and agreements of my Orators made with the States in my name That I will defend and maintaine peace and tranquility between those who differ about Religion neither by any meanes either by Our Iurisdiction or by any authority of Our Officers or states permit any to be troubled or oppressed neither will we our Selfe injure or oppresse any by reason of Religion All things any way whatsoever unlawfully alienated or distracted either by warre or any other meanes from the Kingdome of Poland the great Dukedome and their dominions I will re-unite to the propriety of the said Kingdome of Poland and great Dutchy of Litluania I will not diminish the lands of the Kingdome and great Dukedome but defend and enlarge them I will administer justice to all the inhabitants of our Kingdome and execute the publike Laws constituted in all my Dominions without all delaies and prorogations having no respect of any persons whatsoever And if I shall violate my Oath in any thing which God forbid the Inhabitants of my Realme and of all my Dominions of what Nation soever shall not bee bound to yeeld me any Obedience Yea I doe ipso facto free them from all Faith and Obedience which they owe unto me as King I will demand no absolution from this my Oath of any one neither will I receive any which shall be voluntarily offered So helpe me God To this notable Oath an unanswerable evidence of the States of Polands absolute Soveraignty over their Kings this King within 4. dayes after his Coronation added a confirmation of their Priviledges containing the same heads enlarged with a few more words which he confirmed with his solemne deed and Royall Seal and delivered the same to the Chancellor and Vice-chancellor of the Realme to give out Coppies of them under the great Seale to all the States of the Realm who meeting afterwards in a Parliament at Warsauia Anno 1562 there was much debate about setling of the Premises and nothing concluded Anno 1587 the States of Poland questioned and opposed K. Stephen for violating their Priviledges and those of Riga tooke up armes in defence of them refusing after his death to repaire to the Assembly of the States at Warsauia Anno 1587. vnlesse their Priviledges might be preserved and rectified as you may read at large in Chytraeus King Stephen dying the Estates of Poland and Lithuania assembled at Warsauia Anno 1587. where they made Lawes for preserving the Peace during the Inter regnum and enacted that no new King should be elected but by the unanimous consent and agreeing Suffrages of all the Estates and that he who shall nourish factions or receive gifts or rewards or use any other practises about the election of a new King should bee reputed an Enemy of his Country After which they proceeding to an Election there were divers competitors named and after many debates One part chose Maximilian Duke of Austria the other Sigismund the King of Swethland his Sonne both of them uppon expresse articles and conditions which they both sealed and swore unto the chiefe whereof were these To preserve all their Rights Lawes Priviledges and Immunities publike or private inviolably To keepe all former Leagues and Truces To bestow no Offices upon strangers nor harbour any about them except some few Private servants but native onely and to be conselled and advised by them alone To maintain a Navy Garrisons and build divers Castles in the Frontiers at their owne costs for the Kingdomes preservation To redresse all grievances maintaine the Priviledges Rights and Peace of those who differed in Religion To procure and augment the weale peace Priviledges and safety of the Realme and perform all Articles mentioned in the Oathes of King Henry and Stephen In fine this competition comming to bee determined by the sword Maximillian was taken prisoner by Sigismund and forced to release his right to obtain his liberty And a Decree passed in Parliament That no man hereafter should in the Election of the King of Poland presume to name or recommend any of the house of Austria to the Crown and if any did he should be ipso facto infamous Which decree the Emp. Rodolph desired might be abolished as being a disparagement to that family yet prevailed not After which this King managed all things concerning Warre Peace and the Government of the Realm by advice of his Parliament as Chytraeus at large relates and his Successors to this present have done the like taking the Crown upon such conditions and making such conditionall Oathes at their Coronations as Steven did at his Denmarke For the Kings of Denmarke I have formerly proved That they can make no War Peace Lawes nor lay any impositions on their subjects but by common consent of the Estates in Parliament their Kings being elective by the people and
enjoyed the Crowne till Aragon seased on the Realme Jone Queene of Naples married Andrew second sonne to Charles King of Hungary whom she hanged at her window for insufficiency after marrying Iames of Tarragou she beheaded him for lying with another woman and was at last driven out of her Kingdome by Lewes of Hungary and hanged at the same window where she hanged her first husband Peter Duke of Venice was for his tyranny and misgovernment besieged in his palace by the people which they fired and then taking him his wife and sonne dragged them unto the butchery where they chopped them in pieces and threw him to the dogs to be devoured notwithstanding all their submissions and intreaties on their knees Anno 977. So Duke Falier and many other Dukes have beene condemned to death and executed by the States of Venice and that justly as Bodine grants Multitudes of such like presidents occur in most other Dukedoms and Principalities which I will not name because they want the title of Kings though Aquinas truly holds That a Kingdome is so called from ruling therefore he who hath others under his government is said to have a Kingdome in reality though not in propriety of speech and so are Kings in verity though not in title I might adde to these many more examples manifesting what miseries and untimely deaths tyrannicall Kings and Princes have undergone in all ages and States being commonly deposed poysoned murthered but I shall for brevity passe over these examples remitting the Readers to Aristotle Aelian and Doctor Beard his Theatre of Gods Judgements and come nearer home to Scotland as having nearest relation to England Scotland WHat soveraigne power and jurisdiction the Realme Parliaments and Nobles of Scotland have claimed and exercised over their Kings who saith Buchanan can neither make Laws Warre Peace nor conclude of any great affairs of the Realm without a Parliament which hath there and in Hungary Poland Denmarke Swethland been oft-times summoned not onely without but against their Kings consents and how frequently they have questioned imprisoned censured deposed yea judicially sentenced their Kings for their tyrannies oppressions whoredoms murders 〈◊〉 and evill administrations you may reade at large in George Bucanan King James his owne Tutor in his Booke De Iure Regni apud Scotos and his Rerum Scoticarum Historia Where this their Soveraigne power iâ— so largely vindicated debated demonstrated and the chiefe objections against it cleared so abundantly that I shall not adde one syllable to it but present you with some Historicall examples which confirme it Fergusius the first King of Scotland dying and leaving two sons infants unable to governe the Realme the Scots thereupon considering what dangers might befall them both at home and abroad during their infancy at last concluded after much debate and setled this for a standing law that when any King died leaving his son under age and unfit to governe the next of their kinred who should be esteemed fittest to raigne should enjoy the soveraigne power and that he being dead then the succession of the Crowne should returne to the children of the deceased King being of age to rule which Law continued constantly for many hundred yeeres untill the reigne of Kenreth the third By this Law Feritharis brother to Fergusius abtained the Crowne and reigned fifteene yeeres with much justice and modesty after which his Nephew Ferleg desiring to raigne demanded his Fathers Kingdome of his Uncle who being willing to resigne it to him called an assembly of the estates made an Oration in praise of Ferleg profered to resigne the Crowne unto him But such was all the assemblies love to Feritharis and hatred to Ferleg for this his preposterous affectation of the Crowne that they detested the act and denied the motion both with frownes and verball reprehentions Whereupon Ferleg conspired his Uncles death which being discovered they thought him worthy of death but for Fergusius his fathers sake his life was spared and he onely imprisoned after which making an escape he fled first to the Picts then to the Britous and in the meane time Feritharis dying by the treachery of Ferleg as was suspected Ferleg by the unanimus sentence of all was condemned and put from his Crowne being absent and his brother Mainus created King Dornadilla the fourth King of Scotland dying leaving Reuther his sonne under age and unfit to raigne the people made Notatus his brother King who playing the tyrant banishing murthering and oppressing the people Donald of Galloway raised an Army against him expostulated with him for his tyranny and wished him to resigne the Crown to Reuther which he refusing to do and justifying his tyranny hereupon Donald gave him battell slew him and made Reuther King without the peoples suffrages Upon which the Nobles being offended because the power of the Parliament was by this meanes abolished and the election of the supreame Magistrate made onely by one man tooke up Armes both against Ruther and Donald gave them battell twice in one day and tâ—oke Ruther their new King prisoner who afterwards dying and leaving There his sonne an infant scarce ten yeeres old they according to the Law formerly made and received in this case made his unkle Ruther King who after seventeene yeeres reigne voluntarily resigned his Crowne to his Nephew There in whose commendation he made an Oration the people hardly permitting it There soone after growing very vitious and flagitious slaying the Nobles and filling the Realme with robberies the Governours pittying the deploâ—able state of the Realme resolved to punish him for it of which he being informed fled to the Brittains where he spent his daies in contempt and ignominy not daring to returne Conan a prudent and discreet man being elected Viceroy in the meane time which office he held almost twelve yeeres till the death of There In the reigne of Finnan the tenth King of Scotland that the roots of tyranny might be cut off it was decreed That Kings should command nothing of greater moment to be dâ—re but by the authority of the publique Councell Durstus the eleventh King giving himselfe to all deboistnesse first banished his fathers friends from him as the troublesome reprehenders of his pleasures and sending for the most vitious young men to be his familiar companions gave himselfe wholly to luxury and venery He prostituted his wife daughter to the King of Britains to his companions and then banished her At last the Nobles conspiring against him he awaking as it were out cut of sleepe considering that he should finde no place of safety neither at home nor abroad being equally hated of strangers and subjects thought best to counterfeit repentance of his former life for so he might retaine both his Crowne and in time inflict punishments on his enemies Wherefore recalling his wife from exile he first of all endeavoured to reconcile himselfe to the Britains then calling the chiefest of his
will proceed against them according to his lust and slay whom he pleaseth but it is a glorious thing to die for justice and the truth of God and it is better to die for the defence of justice then afterwards to be slain with the wicked by assenting to injustice or by dissembling Those who cannot endure this let them indure a lustfull and insolent Tyrant expecting extream punishment together with him yet the hand of the Lord is stretched out still and threatneth a stroke But when with the consent and suffrage of the whole or certainly of the better part of the multitude a Tyrant is removed Deo fit auspice it is done by God approbation If the Children of Israel had thus deposed Manasseh they had not been so grievously punished with him So Zuinglius Hence Stephanus Iunius Brutus in his Vindiciae contra Tyrannos in answer to Machiavels Princeps a most accursed mischievous Treatise and justification of the Protestant defensive wars in France to preserve their Religion and Liberties Anno 1589. determines positively That as all the people are Superiour to the King so are those Officers of State and Parliaments who represent them Superiour to Kings collectively considered though every of them apart be inferiour to them In the Kingdom of Israel which by the judgement of all Polititians was best instituted by God there was this order The King had not onely private Officers who looked to his family but the Kingdom likewise had 71 Elders and Captains elected out of all the Tribes who had the care of the Commonweale both in time of peace and war and likewise their Magistrates in every Town who defended their severall Cities at the others did the whole kingdom These when ever they were to deliberate of greatest affairs assembled together neither could any thing be determined without their advice which much concerned the commonwealth Therefore David called these all together when he desired to in vest Solomon in the Kingdom when he desired the policy restored by him should be examined and approved when the Ark was to be reduced c. And because they represented all the people all the people are then said to have assembled together Finally the same rescued Ionathan condemned to death by Sauls sentence from whence it appears that an appeale lay from the King to the people But from the time the Kingdome was divided through the pride of Rehoboam the Synedrin of Ierusalem consisting of 71 men seems to be of that authoritie that they might judge the King in their assembly as well as the King judge them when they were apart The Captain of the House of Iudah was President over this assembly that is some chief man chosen out of the Tribe of Iudah as even the chief man for the City Ierusalem was chosen out of the Tribe of Benjamin This will be made more evident by examples Ieremie being sent by God to denounce the overthrow of the City Ierusalem is for this first condemned by the Priests and Prophets that is by the Ecclesiasticall judgement or Senate after this by all the People that is by the ordinary Iudges of the Citie to wit by the Captains of thousands and hundreds at last by the Princes of Iudah that is by the 71 men sitting in the new Porch of the Temple his cause being made known he is acquitted Now they in that very judgement expresly condemn King Iehoiakim who a little before had most cruelly slain the Prophet Uriah threatning like things Also we reade elsewhere that King Zedekiah did so much reverence the Authoritie of this Sanhedrin that he durst not free the Prophet Jeremie thrust by these 71 men into a filthy prison but likewise 〈◊〉 dared to translate him into the Court of the Prison from thence yea when they perswaded him to consent to Jeremiah his death he answered that he was in their hands and that he could not contradict them in any thing Yea he fearing lest they should enquire into the conference which he privately had with Ieremie as if he were about to render an account of the things which he had spoken forgeth a lie Therefore in this Kingdom the States or Officers of the Kingdom were above the King I say in this Kingdome which was instituted and ordaintd not by Plato or Aristotle but by God himself the Author of all order and the chiefe institutor of all Monarchy Such were the seven Magi in the Persian Empire the Ephori in the Spartan Kingdom and the publike Ministers in the Egyptian Kingdome assigned and associated to the King by the People to that onely end that He should not commit any thing against the Lawes Thus and much more this Author together with Con. Superantius Vasco who published this Treatise to all pious and faithfull Princes of the Republike giving large Encomiums of its worth as also the Author of the Treatise De Iure Magistratus in Subditos p. 253 254 255 256. 268 to 275. whose words for brevity I pretermit Bp. Bilson in his forecited passages and Hugo Grotius De Iure Belli pacis l. 1 c 3. sect 20. p. 63 64. where he confesseth That if the King of the Israelites offended against the Lawes written concerning the Office of a King he was to be scourged for it and that the Sanhedrin had a power above their king in some cases Finally the Kings of Israel and Iudah were not superior to nor exempted from the Lawes but inferiour to and obliged by them as well as Subjects This is evident not onely by the premises but by sundry impregnable Texts As Deut. 17. 18. 19. 20. where God himselfe in the very description of the office and duty of their King prescribes this in direct termes as a part of his duty And it shall be when He sitteth on the Throne of this Kingdome that he shall write him a Copy of This Law in a Booke out of that before the Priestic and Levites And it shall be with Him and He shall read therein All the dayes of his life that he may learn to feare the Lord his God To keep all the words of the Law and these Statutes to doe them that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren and that He turn not aside from the Commandement to the right hand or to the left seconded by Iosh 7. 8. This Booke of the Law shall not depart out of thy mouth but thou shalt meditate therein day and night that thou maist observe to doe according to all that is written therein turne not to it from the right hand or to the left for then thou shalt make thy way prosperous and then thou shalt have good successe Hence it was that as soon as ever Saul was elected and made King by Samuel and the people he being the first of their Kings Samuel told the people the manner of the Kingdom and wrote it in a Booke and laid it up before the Lord which Booke
contained not the exorbitances and oppressions that their Kings would exercise over them mentioned in the 1 Sam. 8. 11. to 19. as Iosephus mistakes but as Petrus Cunaeus and others more rightly observe the Law of God concerning Kings prescribed by him Deut. 17. 14. to the end and such Lawes which commanded Kings to use Iustice and equity to govern the Common-wealth well for the peoples benefit to abstaine from fornication and lusts to retain modesty in a great fortune c. Hence Samuel enioyned both Saul and the People to feare the Lord and serve him and obey his voyce and follow him and not rebell against his Commandement c. 1 Sam. 12. 14 15. 20. to 25. Hence King David did alwayes meditate in the Law of God day and night accounting it more deare unto him then thousands of Gold and silver And withall pronounceth from Gods own mouth The Gods of Israel said the Rocke of Israel spake to me he that ruleth over men must be just ruling in the feare of God Hence the Qu. of Sheeba used this speech to king Solomon Because the Lord loved Israel for ever therefore made be thee King what to domineere at his pleasure no verily but To doe Iudgement and Iustice Vpon this ground King Iosiah made a covenant before the Lord to walke after the Lord And to keep his Commandements and his testimonies and his statutes with all his heart and with all his soul And King Asa with other Princes and Governors did the like as the premises evidence From all which and infinite other Scriptures obliging Kings to reign in righteousnesse to doe justice and judgement to all and reprehending them exceedingly for their injustice tyranny oppressions idolatries and other sinnes it is irrefragable that their kings were as much if not more obliged to keep both Gods and the kingdomes Lawes as the Subjects and had no arbitrary power to doe what they pleased All that is or can be colourably obiected to the contrary to prove the kings of Israel absolute Monarchs exempt from Lawes and paramount their Sanhedrin or people collectively considered is First that passage of Psal 51. 4. where king David confessing his sinnes of Adultery and Murther to God useth this expression Against thee Thee onely have I sinned and done this evill in thy sight Of which Hierom renders this reason Quod Rex erat alium non timebat alium non habebat super se which Ambrose thus seconds Rex erat Nullis ipse legibus tenebatur quia liberi sunt Reges a vinculis delictorum Neque enim ullis ad poenam vocantur legibus Tuti Imperii potestate Homini ergo non peccavit cui non tenebatur obnoxius Arnobius Cassidor adde De populo si quis erraverit Deo peccat Regis quando Rex delinquit soli Deo reus est Merito ergo Rex Deo Tantum se dicit peccasse quia solus erat qui ejus potuisset admissa discutere The like we finde in Isiodor Epist 383. which some Iewish Rabbins back with this saying of Barnachmon titulo de Iudicibus Nulla creatura judicat Regem sed Deus benedictus Therefore the Iewish kings were above all Lawes and not subiect to the censures of their Congregations States or Sanhedrin To this I answer first That no doubt David by his adultry and murther being sinnes against the second Table did sinne not onely against God but against Vriah and his wife too their children and kinred yea against his own soule and body though he were a king That of Iustus Eccardus De Lege Regia being an itrefragable truth granted by all Lawyers and Divines whatsoever that the absolutest Emperors Monarchs Kings that be are subject to the Lawes of God of Nature of Nations and cannot justly doe any thing against them to the hurt of pietie chastity fame life or what is contrary to good Manners Secondly No doubt every king is bound in conscience by the Law of God and man to give satisfaction and recompence to his Subjects against whom he sinneth in this nature as David himselfe determines in this his own case 2 Sam. 12. 5 6 7. Thirdly For this very sin against Vriah God threatens that the sword should never depart from Davids house that hee would raise up evil against him out of his own house that he would take his wives before his eyes and give them unto his Neighbour who should lye with them in the sight of the Sunne before all Israel 2 Sam. 12. 10 11 12. which was actually fulfilled in and by Absalom his sonne 2 Sam. 16. 22. The glosse therefore of these Fathers that David was exempt from all Lawes being a King and that he could not sinne against a Subject is point-blank against the History and Text it selfe and manifested to be apparantly false by all the premised Scriptures and Authorities Fourthly the true reason of this speech of David Against thee Thée onely have I sinned and done this evill in thy sight as Augustine and others truly observe was 1. Because David had plotted and contrived the murther of Vriah and abusing of his wife so closely that no man did or could take notice of it whence Nathan the Prophet tells him 2 Sam. 12. 12. Thou didst it Secretly but I will do this before all Israel sed forte erat quod homines latebat non inveniebant illi quod erat quidem sed manifestum non erat writes Augustine 2. Because Vriah being slain and his wife a party consenting to Davids sinne his sinne now might in this sence be said to be against God alone 3. sinne quatenus sinne and as it deserves eternall punishment is properly committed against none but God whose Law and prohibition only makes it sinne therefore in this regard David now confessing his sinne to God himselfe useth this expression and rhetoricall ingemination Against thee thee only have I sinned 4. Because none was free from sinne and so sit to be his Judge in that respect but God onely 5. Only is many times taken for principally or especially as we usually say such a one is the onely man such a salve or medicine is the onely remedy and the Scripture useth this phrase in this sence in Davids owne ease 1 King 15. 7. David did that which was right in the eyes of the Lord and turned not aside from any thing that he commanded him all the dayes of his life save ONELY in the matter of Vriah that is principally for he committed divers sins besides as in numbring the people in giving Mephibosheths land to Ziba upon a false suggestion himselfe confessing that his iniquities were gone over his head and his sinnes more then the haires of his head but yet this was his ONLY to wit his principall sinne so in divers others Texts onely is used for principally as Iosh 1. 7. 18. Onely be thou strong
could not as it is certain he could not is it not manifest whatsoever he shall arrogate to himself besides that he cannot any more usurp it then any theef But on the contrary the people have a right of perpetuall eviction Therefore that the Nobles have been for a long space oppressed in any Kingdom can no way prejudice the people but rather as the servant should not be heard who in that he hath a very long time detained his Lord captive should boast that he was not onely a Free-man but would likewise arrogate to himself a power of life and death over his Lord nor yet a Theefe who because he hath robbed 30. yeers or is the sonne of a Theefe should think himselfe to be without fault yea rather by how much the longer he hath been such a one the more severely should he be punished So likewise a Prince is not to be heard or endured who because he hath succeeded to a Tyrant or hath for a long time used the people like a bondslave from whom he hath received his kingdome or hath offered violence to the Nobles should think that what ever â—e lusted should be lawfull to him and ought to be granted of right Neither doe yeers substract any thing from the peoples right but adde to the injury of the King But what if the Nobles themselves have colluded with the King what if in betraying the cause they have betrayed the people as it were bound into the hands of a Tyrant shall the authority of the people by this prevarication or treason seem to be plainly transferred upon the King whether I say by this fact is any thing taken away from the liberty of the people or adjoyned to the licentiousnesse of the Prince You will say they may impute it to themselves who made choise of such men of perfidious faith But yet these are as patrons to patronize the publike profit and the peoples safety and liberty Therfore as when an Advocate shall make a compact with the adversary of his Client concerning the value of the suit as they speake if he had betrayed his cause he should not hurt him at all so this conspiracie of the Nobles as it were made to the dammage and destruction of the people cannot verily detract any thing from their right but even they themselves shall fall into the penalty of the Law which is promulged against prevaricators and the Law permits the people to chuse another patron and to prosecute their right againe For if the Roman people condemned their Emperors to punishment who at the Caudine Gallowes had dishonourably contracted with the enemies although by compulsion and reduced to greatest straits and judged that they were no wayes obliged by that paction shall not the people be much lesse bound to suffer that yoke which not by force but willingly not for feare of death but out of desire of gain hath been thus treacherously put upon them Or if those who ought to shake it off shall impose it or those who might doe it shall tolerate it He hath many other pertinent passages to the same effect which brevity enjoynes me to omit those that please may read them at their leisure in the Author himselfe whose opinion is fortified by Alphonsus Menesius his poems annexed to his Treatise Thirdly it is abundantly manifest from all the premises That Kings and Emperours alwayes have been are and ought to be subject to the Lawes and Customes of their Kingdomes not above them to violate breake or alter them at their pleasures they being obliged by their very Coronation Oathes in all ages and Kingdomes inviolably to observe them This verily is confessed by K. Iames by our K. Charls himself in his late Declarations to al his Subjects resolved by Bracton Fleta Fortescue our Common and Statute Laws forecited by the Year Book of 19. H. 6. 63. a. where Fray saith That the Parliament is the highest Court which the King hath and the Law is the highest inheritance which the King hath for by the Law he himselfe and all his Subjects are ruled and if the Law were not there could be no King nor inheritance This is proued by Stephen Gardiner Bp. of Winchester in his Letter to the Lord Protector where he writes That when he was Embassadour in the Emperours Court he was faine there and with the Emperours Embassadour to defend and maintaine by Commandment in a case of Jewels That the Kings of this Realme were not above the Order of their Laws and therefore the Jeweller although he had the kings Bill signed yet it would not be allowed in the Kings Court because it was not obtained according to the Law and generally granted by all our own English Writers is copiously asserted and professedly averred by Aristotle Polit. l. 3. c. 11. 13. Marius Salomonius de Principatii in sixe speciall Books to this purpose by Justus Eccardus de Lege Regia Thomas Garzonius Emporii Emporiorum Pars 1. Discursus 1. de Dominiis sect 6. p. 9 10. Joannis Carnotensis Episc lib. 4. Policrat c. 1. Bochellus Decreta Eccles Gal. l. 5. Tit. 1. Cap. 6. 15 16. Haenon Disput Polit. p. 428. to 442. Fenestella de Magistratu p. 149. Ioannis Mariana de Rege Regis Instit l. 1. c 9. an excellent discourse to this purpose Petrus Rebuffus Praefat. ad Rubr. de Collationibus p. 583 584. Sebastianus Foxius de Rege c. part 1. p. 108 109 part 2. 192 c. Buckanon de Iure Regni apud Scotos passim Iunius Brutus Vindiciae contra Tyrannos quaest 3. p. 116. to 139. an accurate discouse to this effect Grimalius de Optimo Senatore p. 33. 201 205. Vasquius contr Illustr 16. n. 15. 19. 21. 17. n. 1. â—3 20. n. 3. 44. n. 3. 73. n. 12. 13 15. 72. n. 7. and elswhere De Iure Magistratus in subditos passim Polanus in Ezech. p. 824. 854. Pareus in Rom. 13. p. 138. Francis Hotomani Franco Gallia c. 6. to the end of Cap. 20. Sparsim Governado Christiano p. 108. Cunaeus de Republ. Hebr. l. 1. c. 1. 14. Schickardus Ius Regium Hebrae p. 54. Hugo Grotius de Iure Belli l. 1. c. 4. f. 7. l. 2. c. 14. and elsewhere thorowout his second Book with infinite others of all sorts This all good Emperours and Kings in all ages have professed as these Authors prove Thus the good Emperour Trajan practised and professed That the Prince was not above the Laws Hence Apollonius Thyanaeus writing to the Emperor Domitian saith These things have I spoken concerning Lawes which if thou shalt not think to reignover thee then thy self shalt not reign Hence Autiochus the third King of Asia is commended that he writ to all the Cities of his Kingdom if there should be any thing in his Letters he should write which should seem contrary to the Laws they should not obey them And Anastatius the Emperour
Maximiliani Imperatoris Anno 1486. inter reruns German Scriptores Tom. 3. p. 32. Olaus Magnus de Gent. Septentrionalibus Hist l. 14. c. 6. Laur. Bochellus decreta Ecclesiae Gallicanae l. 5. Tit. 2. c. 1. p. 703. M. John Seldens Titles of Honour part 1. ch 8. sect 5. p. 198. 214. 225. 226. where the Coronation Oathes of the Emperour French King of all the Northern Kings and of most Elective and Successive Kings and Queens to their Subjects are at large recorded Alhusius Polit. c. 4. Justus Eccardus de Lege Regia Thomas Aquinas de Reg. Principis c. 6. 2. qu. 2â— 12. art 2. Iohn Ponet Bishop of Winchester in his Politicall Government Arnisaeus de Authoritate Principum p. 50. to 123. Sparsim Vasquius contro Illustr passim Ioannis Mariana de Rege Regis Instit. l. 1. c. 6. 7. 9. Georg. Buchanon de Iure Regni apud Scotos Simancha Pacensis de Catholica Instit Tit. 23. n. 11 p. 98. Franciscus Tolletus in summa l. 5 c. 6 Huldericus Zuinglius Explan Artic. 40. 41. 42. And to omit all others Iunius Brutus in his Vindiciae contra Tyrannos quaest 3. p. 156. to 167. with whose words I shall fortifie and irradiate this position We have said that in constituting a King a double Covenant is entred into the first between God the King and people of which before the second between the king and the people of which we are now to treat Saul being ordained king the royall law was delivered to him according to which he should rule David made a Covenant before the Lord in Hebron that is calling God to Witnesse with all the Elders of Israel who represented all the people and then at last he was annointed king Ioas also made a Covenant with all the people of the land in the house of the Lord Iehoiada the high Priest going before them in words Yea the testimony is said to be imposed on him together with the Crown which most interpret the Law of God which every where is called by that name Likewise Iosiah promised that he would observe the Precepts Testimonies and Statutes comprized in the book of the Covenant by which names we understand the Lawes which appertained as well to piety as to justice In all which places of Scripture a Covenant is said to bee made with all the people the whole multitude all the Elders all them â—n of Iudah that we may understand which is likewise severally expressed not onely the Princes of the Tribes but likewise all the Chiâ—arkes Centurions and inferior Magistrates were present in the Name of the Cities which every one a part by themselves made a Covenant with the king In that Covenant they consulted of creating the king for the people did make the king not the king the people Therefore there is no doubt but the people made the Covenant and the King promised to perform it Now the part of him that makes the Covenant is reputed the â—etter Law The people demanded of the King whether he would not rule justly and according to the Lawes Hee promised that he would doe so whereupon the people answered That hee reigning justly they would faithfully obey him Therefore the King promised absolutely the people but upon condition which if it were not fulfilled the people by the Law it selfe should bee reputed absolved from all obligation In the first covenant or Pact Pietie comes into the obligation in the second Iustice In that the king promiseth that he will seriously obey God in this that he will justly rule the people in that that he will take care of the glory of God in this of the benefit of the people in that there is this condition If thou shalt observe my Law in this If thou shalt render Iustice to every one Of that if it be not fulfilled God properly is the avenger of this lawfully all the people or the Peers of the Realm who have taken upon them to defend all the people Now in all just Empires this hath been perpetually observed The Persians having duely finished their sacrifices made this agreement with Cyrus Thou first O Cyrus if any make warre with the Persians or violate the Lawes doest thou promise to ayde thy Countrey with all thy might And as soon as he had promised We Persians say they will be aiding to thee if any will not obey thee defending thy Countrey Xenophon calls this agreement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a Confederation as Socrates an Oration of the duty of Subjects towards their Prince 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Between the kings of Sparta and the Ephori a Covenant was renewed every month and as the kings did swear That they would reign according to the Laws of the Countrey so the Ephori If they did so that they would establish the Kingdom in their hand Likewise in the kingdom of the Romanes Romulus made this contract with the Senate and people That the People should make Lawes that the king himself would keepe the Lawes made That the People should decrée Warre himself wage it And although many Emperours obtained the Empire of the Romans rather by force and ambition then by any right and by the Royall Law as they call it arrogated all kinds of power to themselves yet the* fragments of that Law which are extant as well in Books as in Roman inscriptions sufficiently teach that a power was granted them of caring for and administring not of subverting the Common-weal and oppressing it by tyranny Moreover even good Emperours professed that they were bound by the Lawes and acknowledged their Empire received from the Senate and referred all the weightiest affaires to the Senate and they judged it unlawfull to determine any thing of great publike concernment without their aduice But if wee behold the present Empires there is not one of them which may be thought worthy of that name wherein there is not some such Covenant intervening between the Prince and Subiects In the German Empire not long since the King of Romanes being to be crowned Emperour was wont To make Fealty and Homage to the Empire no otherwise then a vassall or tenant to his Lord when he received investiture of his Lands And although the conceived words to which he sware be a little changed by Popes yet the same thing remains perpetually Therefore we know that Charles the 5. of Austria was created Emperour upon certain Lawes and conditions as likewise others who have succeeded him of which the summe was That he would keep the Lawes enacted That he would make no new Lawes without the Electors consents that he would determine publike affaires in a publike Counsell that he would alienate or pervert none of these things which pertained to the Empire with other things which are severally recited by Historiagraphers And when as the Emperour is crowned at Achen the Archbishop of Colen first demands of him Whether he will not defend the Church administer
one of us may breake or fall from it by dissimulation secret intelligence or in any sort whatsoever And that for the preservation of our holy Catholike and Romish Faith and the accomplishment of the Pacification as also for the expulsion of Spaniards and their adherents with all due obedience to his Majesty for the good and quiet of our Countrey and the maintenance of our Priviledges rights Freedomes Statutes Customes and antient uses For the effecting whereof we will use all meanes possible imploying both Money Men Counsell and goods yea and our lives if it were necessary And that none of us may in private give any counsell advice or consent nor have any secret conference with them that are not of this Union nor yet reveale unto them in any sort what hath or shall be treated of in this Assembly or resolved but shall wholly conforme himselfe according to our generall and common resolution And in case that any Province Estate Countrey Towne Castle or House were besieged assaulted invaded or opprest in any sort whatsoever yea if any of us or any others having indeavoured himselfe for his Countrey and the just defence thereof against the Spaniards or for other causes depending thereon as well in generall as particular should be sought after imprisoned ransomed molested or disquieted in his person and goods honour and estate or otherwise we promise to give him assistance by all the said meanes yea and to procure the liberty of them that shall be imprisoned either by force or otherwayes upon paine to be degraded of their Nobility Name Armes and Honour and to be held perjured disloyall and enemies to our Countrey before God and men and to incurre the note of Infamy and cowardise for ever And for the strengthening of this our holy Union of Association we have signed these presents the tenth of January 1577. Underneath were the signatures of the Deputies of every Province Prelates Noblemen and Commissioners for Townes and underneath them was written the agreation of the Councell of State as followeth The Deputies of the generall Estates here under-written having required them of the Councell of State committed by his Majesty for the government of the Netherlands to consent unto and allow of that which is contained in the Union above written The Councell in regard of the said request and the reasons therein contained have as much as in them lay allowed and doe allow by these presents the said Union according to the forme and tenor Made at Brussels in the State-house in the Assembly of the said States the tenth of January 1577. And underneath was written By the commandement of the Lords of the Councell of State Signed Berrii If any shall here object that Kings are of divine institution whence Dei gratia By the grace of God is peculiarly annexed to their Titles and not communicated unto Subjects Therefore though they prove never so flagitious or tyrannicall they may in no wise be forcibly resisted or questioned by their Nobles and Parliaments for their crimes I answer briefely because I have elswhere largely dissipated this objection First that Kings are no more of divine institution then any other inferiour Magistrates Officers or Princes whatsoever as the Scriptures abundantly evidence But all other inferiour Magistrates Officers and Princes whatsoever are resistible questionable censurable and deposible for their tyranny wickednesse and misgovernment by the Parliaments censure as I have proved notwithstanding their divine institution therefore such degenerating Kings too as well as they in such cases Secondly all Ministers of the Gospel are as much if not farre more Jure divinâ— and by Gods owne ordination as Kings are a truth undeniable But they for their offences and misdemeanors contrary to their function may be both forcibly resisted censured deprived degraded yea and executed notwithstanding their divine right and institution as the Canons of most Councels the practise of all ages yea the expresse letter of the 26. Article of the Church of England with all our Episcopall Canons and Canonists attest Therefore tyrannicall degenerating Kings may be so too by the selfe-same reason in some cases Thirdly this Title of Dei gratia in publike Writs anciently hath beene and yet is common to Bishops Prelates inferiour Magistrates and Subjects as well as to Kings as sundry precedents in our Law bookes Matthew Paris Salon with others attest and Mr. John Selden in his Titles of Honour part 1. chap. 7. Sect. 2. p. 123. professedly proves at large to whom I shall referre you But these both lawfully may be and alwayes have beene forcibly resisted questioned convented deprived censured for their tyranny and misdemeanors notwithstanding this their stile of Dei gratia or pretence of divine institution yea we know that Bishops have beene lately thrust out of many Churches notwithstanding their long pretended Ius Divinum to support their Hierarchy and Iohn Gerson a Papist hath writ a particular Treatise De Auferibilitate Papae notwithstanding the Popes pretended Divine Title to his Monarchy which may be now and one day shall be totally abolished Therefore tyrannicall degenerous Kings may be justly resisted censured deprived as well as they and royalties changed into other governments by the peoples and kingdomes common consents if they see just cause If any secondly object That Kings are annoynted at their Coronation Therefore their persons are sacred irresistible unquestionable unpunishable for any tyrannicall or exorbitant actions whatsoever I briefly answer first that every Christians Baptisme being a Sacrament of Christs owne institution at least his spirituall unction and sanctification as I have formerly proved makes a person as sacred yea more holy then Kings annoynting being no Sacrament can or doth of it selfe make the person of any King whatsoever A truth which no Christian can without blasphemy deny But Baptisme and the inward unction of the spirit of grace and sanctification exempts no Christians from resistance censure punishments of all sorts in case they commit any exorbitant or capitall crimes as experience tels us Therefore Kings Coronation annoyntings cannot doe it Secondly Priests anciently were and at this day too in the Roman Church are annoynted as well as Kings and so are children and sicke persons that I say not Altars Bels c. with Chrisme and extreame Vnction But these Unctions conferre no such immunity to Priests children sicke men others c. Therefore neither can this annoynting doe it to Kings especially now being no divine institution Thirdly The annoynting of Kings is not common to all Christian Kings many of them especially in former times having beene crowned without any annoynting at all but peculiar to Emperours and to the Kings of Ierusalem France England and Sicily the foure annoynted Kings onely as Albericus Restaurus Castaldus Antonius Corsetus Azorius Cassanaeus and sundry others affirme out of the old Roman Provinciall though some other Kings have now and then beene
In the meane time I trust I have here sufficiently discovered refuted many common impostures and erroneous grosse mistakes in Law Policy Divinity Antiquity which have in later ages beene generally received as indubitable verities by most men yea professedly defended by sundry injudicious Lawyers and ignorant Divines though perchance reputed learned solid in their own and others opinions who never tooke the paines to dive into the true originall fundamentall creations institutions publicke Lawes Reasons Policies Jurisdictions compositions Rights Customes Histories of Kings Kingdomes Parliaments States Magistrates People the ignorance whereof hath made them confidently vent many grand absurdities and untruthes to the prejudice imbroyling and almost utter ruine of divers Kings and States which now I hope they will ingenuously acknowledge and recant with reall griefe and shame that they have so grossely cheated seduced Kings Kingdomes People and oft times stirred up civill warres to maintaine their idle lies crazy fictions as just Royall Rights and indubitable Prerogatives when as they are nothing lesse I shall not begge any mans beliefe of any Truth here newly discovered further than his own judgement conscience upon serious consideration shall convince him of it and himselfe discerne it fully ratified by substantial precedents and Authorities in the body and close of the Treatise Appendix Only this I shall request of every Reader to peruse over all the Parts of this Discourse with a cordiall Love of Truth and Peace and when he is convinced what is Truth then to live and dye in Pauls resolution 2 Cor. 13. 8. We can doe nothing against the Truth but for the Truth It was our Saviours owne reply to Pilate John 18. 37. For this end was I borne and for this cause came I into the world THAT I SHOULD BEARE WITNESSE UNTO THE TRUTH O then let it now be every ones end and practice too since it is the Truth and nothing else that shall make and keepe us free Free from Errors Troubles Tumults Warres Slavery Tyranny Treachery Popery dangers feares Wherefore love the Truth and Peace and then through Gods mercy we shall speedily regaine retaine them both Farewell THE Fourth Part of the Soveraign POWER of PARLIAMENTS and KINGDOMES The Parliaments Interest in the Militia Forts Navy Officers of the Kingdom IN the preceding Parts of this Discourse I have with as much perspicuity and sincerity as I could waded through those deepe and weighty differences of greatest importance which have lately to our great unhappinesse I know not by what evill spirits solicitation unexpectedly risen up by insensible degrees betweene the Kings Majestie and the present Parliament whose primitive sweet agreement made us not so happy as their subsequent Divisions in place affection opinion have rendred the whole three Kingdomes miserable in point of Royall Prerogatives onely which I have dispatched I should now proceed to other Controversies betweene them principally concerning the Subjects Liberties But before I passe to those particulars I shall present you with some few Records of speciall note casually omitted in their proper place through over-much haste and want of time which will very much cleare the Parliaments just right and ancient Jurisdiction In ordering the Militia of the Realme by Sea and Land in disposing the Ships the Forts of the Realme for the publicke safety in times of danger in concluding matters of Warre and Peace in placing and displacing the great Officers the Privy Counsellors of the Kingdome yea regulating the Kings owne houshold and meniall servants oft times when there was occasion which may serve as a supplement to the second part It it the determination of Henricus Rauzovius a Noble Dane a great Statesman and Souldier in his Commentarius Bellicus Dedicated to Christierne the fourth King of Denmarke Anno 1565. lib. 1. c. 3. That All Kings and Princes in most Republickes rightly and lawfully constituted are obliged by their paction entred into before their Inauguration Not to begin or move any Warre without the consent of all the Estates and Nobles Thus in my hearing Philip King of Spaine when he demanded and tooke an Oath from his Subjects in the Netherlands promised by a mutuall Oath to the Estates That he would make no warrs in those parts without their privity The same also most Noble King is received and observed not only in your Kingdomes and Dominions but likewise is in use almost in all Europe Therefore Frederick your Father of most famous memory knowing himselfe to be bound hereunto by compact before he would be involved in the Swedish Warre communicating the whole businesse faithfully to his people as well to the Senators of the Realme as to the Nobles of the Dukedomes maturely advised with them about the manner of waging it Wherefore lest the Warre which is undertaken bee accused as unjust by the States because it was undertaken without their advice contrary to custome and agreements all ought to be assumed into the Counsell and care of Warre For thus it will come to passe besides that things very well thought on and deliberated by many have for the most part better successes than those things which are rashly begun by some one that the Subjects who not unwillingly bring their estates and lives into danger will lesse feare the losse of both will fight more valiantly and will put forth all thier strength in prosecuting and ending the combate of warre even for this reason that themselves have beene the advisers of the warre Upon this reason not onely the Kings of the Jewes Arragon France Navarre and others as I have manifested in the Appendix but even of this our Realme have usually undertaken all their warres and ordered all their Military affaires both by Sea and Land by the advice and direction of their Parliaments as the Grand Councell of Warre both for King and Kingdome This I have plentifully manifested in the premises by sundry examples and shall here onely briefly ratifie with some few new Precedents In the first Parliament of 13 Ed. 3. after Proclamation made Num. 2. That none should come armed with weapons to the Parliament Num. 3. The causes of summoning the Parliament were shewed to the Lords and Commons to have their counsell and advice therein what was best to be done and expressed to be three First that every one great and small should consider in what manner the peace might most surely be preserved within the Realme Secondly how the Marches of Scotland and the Northerne parts might be best defended and kept against the enemies of Scotland Thirdly how the Sea should be guarded against the enemies that they should doe no dammage nor enter the Realme for to destroy it After this Num. 4. The Bishops and Letters from the King then in France relate to the Houses the Estate of the Kings Army warres and proceedings in France and the great debts the King stood ingaged in for the maintenance of his Army for discharge whereof and the Kings
Councell for the warre by whose warrant under five of their hands at least all the moneys they granted were to be issued and exported for and towards the uses expressed in the Act to such person or persons as the said Councell of warre should direct and that both those Treasurers and this Councell of warre and all other persons trusted with the receiving issuing bestowing and imploying of those moneys or any part thereof their heires executors and administrators should be answerable and accomptable for their doings and proceedings therein to the Commons in Parliament when they shall be thereunto required by Warrant under the hand of the Speaker of the House of Commons for the time being and thereby they and every of them according to their severall places and imployments shall give a true and ready declaration and account of their severall respective dealings doings and proceeding therein and that the said Commons in Parliament shall have power by this Act to heare and determine the said account and all things thereto appertaining And withall they in this Act prescribe a speciall oath to the Treasurers Not to issue out any moneys without the Warrant of the Councell of war under their hands And another oath to the Councell of warre To make no Warrant for any moneys issued which are given by this Act but for some of those ends which are expressed therein and that to the best of their meanes they should imploy the said moneys accordingly and that freely without requiring any reward or allowance whatsoever Which presidents with others forementioned made His Majesty return this Answer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons touching the Articles delivered February 2. 1641. For the securing you from all dangers or jealousies of any His Majesty will be content to put in all the places both of FORTS and MILITIA in the severall Counties such persons as both Houses of Parliament shall either approve or recommend unto Him so that you declare before unto His Majesty the names of the persons whom you approve or recommend unlesse such persons shall be named against whom He shall have just and unquestionable exception And thus much by way of supplement touching the Militia Concerning the Parliaments interest and right in electing and removing the Officers of the realme and the Kings meniall servants I shall onely adde these Precedents to the forementioned In the Parliament rolls 4 E. 3. Num. 1. Foure Bishops foure Earles and foure Barons were assigned to the King without whose consent or of foure of them no great businesse was to be transacted 14 E. 3. Num. 36. in the Parliament rolls The Parliament agreeth that the Duke of Cornwall be Custos of England during the Kings absence in the warres of France In the Parliament rolls of 1 R. 2. Num. 18. 19. The Commons requested first that it would please the King to ordaine and nominate to them now in this present Parliament some sufficient persons of divers estates to be continually resident of his counsell for the affaires of the King and of the realme and to have the Officers of the King of such persons who best knew and would and might most diligently travell for the redresse of the foresaid mischiefes and the good government and salvation of the realme so that the Commons may be clearely ascertained of the names of those Counsellors which shall be disbursers and orders of that which they shall grant for the warres and thereby to have greater encouragement to doe to our Lord the King that which they have in charge concerning him as if aforesaid Also that it would please them to ordaine and nominate in this Parliament the persons which shall be about or have the custody of the person of our Lord the King himselfe who is of such tender age and that those persons shall be of the most vertuous honestest and sufficientest of the Realm so that our said Lord who is a person sacred and anointed be nobly governed and brought up in good vertues and manners to the pleasure of God whereby all the Realme may be secured and amended and that it be likewise ordained that our Lord the King and his house be governed with good moderation and defray his expences onely out of the revenues of the Realme and other rights and seigniories of his Crowne And that all that which shall be granted to our Lord the King in maintenance of his wars shall be applied and expended in the warres and no part thereof otherwise in aid and discharge of his said commonaltie In the Parliament of 11. Richard 2. Num. 23. The Commons pray That no person of what state or condition he be should meddle with any manner of governance about the person of our Lord the King nor with the businesses of the Realm nor yet to councell our Lord the King but those Lords which are assigned and ordained in this present Parliament if it be not by ordinance of the continuall Councell and by assent of our Lord the King upon grievous paine And the same Lords which shall bee about the person of our Lord the King and of his Councell shall cause to remove all the persons which they think fit to remove in the houshold of our Lord the King without shewing favour to any and to put others in their places whom they shall think sufficient and vertuous And that the said Lords of the Councell be charged to keep and sustain the estate of our Lord the King in ' its regalty and to doe and use that which may turne to the honour and profit of our Lord the King and of his Realme to their power according to the form of the Oath contained in a Schedule made in this present Parliament annexed hereunto to the intent that it may be notoriously known thorowout all the Realme that good and sufficient Councell is about the person of our Lord the King to the comfort of all his Commons and firme assurance and establishment of the Realme aforesaid the which Oath was made in forme ensuing You shall swear That you will not assent nor yet suffer as much as in you lieth That any Judgement Statute or Ordinance made or given in this present Parliament be any way annulled reversed or repealed in any time to come and moreover That you shall keep the good Laws and usages of the Realme afore these times made and used and shall firmely keep and cause to be kept good peace quiet and tranquillity in the Realme according to your power without disturbing them in any manner So helpe me God and his Saints The Answer As to the first point of this Article the King wils it And as to the second point If there be any Lord of the Councell or other Lord of the Realme which will informe the King That he hath any person about him not sufficient nor honest he wils that it being proved he shall be outed and removed and another sufficient by his advice put in his place In
b. Fiftly it is undeniable that the Knights Citizens Burgesses and Commons in Parliament elected by the suffrages of the severall Counties Cities and Burroughs of England do really and legally represent all the Commons and the Lords and they the whole Realm and all the people of England so that what ever Tax is imposed and assented to by them or by both Houses onely without the King who represents no man but Himselfe alone is in point of Law imposed and assented to by all the Commons and whole Realm of England as the recitals in all our Statutes and Law-bookes resolve though the King assent not to it If therefore as our Law-books clearely resolve without dispute and the experience of all Corporations Parishes and Mannors evidenceth past contradiction all Ordinances and Bylaws made for the common good of Corporations Parishioners Tenants of a Mannor and the like by all or the greater part of the Corporations Parishioners Tenants and Taxes imposed by them for the Common good as repairing of Churches High-waies Bridges reliefe of the poore and the like shall binde the rest even in point of Law without the Kings assent Then by the same or better reason the impositions and Taxes now laid upon the subjects by the assent and Ordinances of both Houses of Parliament representing the whole Commons and Realme of England who actually assent likewise to these Taxes and Assessements in and by them must and ought in point of Law to oblige all the Subjects in this case of necessity at least as long as the Parliament continues sitting and this their representation of them remains entire especially being for the necessary defence of the Parliament Kingdome Religion all our lives estates liberties lawes against an invading Army of Papists and Malignants in a case of extraordinary extremity This I shall further cleare by some ancient and late judgements in point Mich. 14 Ed. 2. rot 60. in the Kings Bench William Heyborne brought an Action of Trespasse against William Keylow for entering his house and breaking his chests and taking away 70 pounds in money the Defendant pleading Nor guilty the Jury found a speciall Verdict that the Scots having entred the Bishopricke of Durham with an Army and making great burning and spoyles thereupon the Commonalty of Durham whereof the Plantiffe was one met together at Durham and agreed to send some to compound with them for a certaine summe of money to depart the Country and were all sworne to performe what compositions should be made and to performe what Ordinance they should make in that behalfe and that thereupon they compounded with the Scots for 1600 Markes But because that was to be paid immediately they all consented that William Keylow the Defendant and others should goe into every mans house to search what ready money was there and to take it for the raising of that summe and that it should be suddenly repaid by the Communalty of Durham And that thereupon the Defendant did enter into the Plaintiffs house and broke open the chest and tooke the seventy pounds which was paid accordingly towards that composition And upon a Writ of Error in the Kings Bench it was adjudged for the Defendant against the Plaintiffe that the action did not lie because he himselfe had agreed to this Ordinance and was sworne to performe it and that the Defendant did nothing but what he assented to by Oath and therefore is accounted to doe nothing but by his consent as a servant to him and the Commonalty of Durham therefore he was no trespasser Which case was agreed for good Law by all the Judges in the late Case of Ship-money argued in the Exchequor Chamber though neither King nor Parliament consented to this Taxe or Composition This is the Parliaments present case in effect The King having raised an Army of Papists Delinquents Forraigners Irish Rebels disaffected Persons and actually invading the Kingdom and Parliament with it Hereupon the Parliament were inforced to raise an Army to defend themselves and the Realm against these Invasions For maintenance whereof they at first made use onely of voluntary contributions and supplies proceeding onely from the liberality of some private persons best affected to the publike service Which being xehausted The Lords and Commons considering what a solâ—mne Covenant and Protestation themselves had made and taken and the Subjects likewise throwout the Realm to maintain and defend as farre as lawfully they might WITH THEIR LIVES POWER AND ESTATES The true Reformed Protestant Religion c. As also THE POWER AND PRIVILEDGES OF PARLIAMENT THE LAWFULL RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF THE SUBJECT And every person that maketh this Protestation in whatsoever he shall do in the lawfull pursuance of the samâ— c. as in the Protestation made by both Houses consents when fullest And considering that the whole Commons and Kingdoms assents were legally and actually included in what they assented in Parliament for the necessary defence of the Realm the Subjects Parliaments Priviledges Rights and the Reformed Religion all actually invaded endangered by an Ordinance of both Houses without the Kings consent then absent from and in open hostilitie against them impose a generall Assessement upon all the Subjects NOT EXCEEDING THE TWENTIETH PART OF THEIR ESTATES And for non-payment prescribe a distresse c. Why this Assessement in this case of necessitie being thus made by assent of both Houses and so of all the Kingdom in them in pursuance of this Protestation should not as legally yea more justly oâ—lige every particular subject though the King assented not thereto as well as that agreement of the men of Durham did oblige them even in point of Law Justice Conscience transcends my capacitie to apprehend and if the first Case be Law as all the Judges then and of late affirmed the latter questionlesse must be much more Legall and without exceptions M. 32. and 33. Eliz. in the Kings Bench in the Chamberlain of Londons case it was adjudged That an Ordinance made by the Common Councell of London only that all Clothes should be brought to Blackwell-hall to be there veiwed searcheâ— and measured before they were sold and that a penny should be paid for every Cloth for the Officer that did the same and that six shillings eight pence should be forfeited for every Cloth not brought thither and searched was good to binde all within the Citie and that an Action of Debt would lye at the Common Law both for the duty and forfeiture because it was for the publike benefit of the City and Common-Wealth M. 38. Eliz. in the Common-Pleas it was adjudged in Clerks Case That an Ordinance made by assert of the Burgesses of Saint Albanes whereof the Plaintiffe was one for assessing of a certain summe of Money upon every Inhabitant for the erecting of Courts there the Term being then adjourned thither from London by reason of the Plague with a pâ—nalty to beâ—lâ—â—yed by distresse for non-payment of this Tax
in Parliament out of Parliament His imposing of Taxes and Contributions in all Countries where His Forces are beyond mens estates and annuall revenues His burning sacking pillaging murdering ruining of His own Kingdom Subjects both by Sea and Land and putting them out of His regall Protection His raising of an Army of English Irish Scottish French and Germane Papists to maintain and settle the Protestant Religion among us which they have plotted totally to extirpatâ— as appears by their proceedings in Ireland England and the late plot discovered among the Archbishops Papers and the like are warranted which questions I doubt would put them to a non-plus and silence them for eternitie yet to satisfie their importunitie and stop their clamorous mouthes I shall furnish them in brief with some Presidents in point in all States and Kingdoms of note in former in latter times and in our own Realm too In all the civill warres between Kings and Subjects in the Romane and Germane Empires France Spain Aragon Castile Hungary Bohemia Poland Denmark Scotland and other Kingdoms mentioned in the Appendix They shall finde that the generall Assemblies of these States Lords Commons without their Emperors or Kings assents did both raise Forces impose Taxes yea and seise on the Imperiall and Royall Revenues of the Crown to support their wars against their Tyrannicall oppressing Princes In Flaunders heretofore and the Low-Countries of late yeers thâ—y have constantly done the like as their Excises long since imposed and yet on foot by common consent without the King of Spains good liking to preserve their Liberties Religion Estates from the Spanish Tyranny witnesse which every one willingly at the very first imposition and ever since hath readâ—ly submitted to being for the publike preservation The like hath been done in former ages and within these five yeers in the Realm of Scotland the same is now practised even without a Parliament by the Popish Rebels both in Ireland and England who have laid Taxes upon all Ireland and all the Romanists in England for the maintenance of this present Rebellion and yet neither King nor his Counsell nor Royallists nor Malignants for ought I can read or hear have ever so much as once written or spoken one syllable against it when as many large Declaration Proclamations Inhibitions in His Majesties Name and at least fortie severall Pamphlets have been published by Malignants against this Assessement of the Parliament and the Levying or paying thereof strictly prohibited under pain of high Treason such a grand difference is there now put by the Royall Court-partie to the amazement of all intelligent men between the Irish Rebels now the Kings best Subjects as it seems who may do what they please without censure or restraint and the English now un-Parliamented Parliament though perpetuated by an Act of Parliament who may do nothing for their own or the Kingdoms safety but it must be high Treason at the least O temporâ ô mores Quis 〈◊〉 fando temp ret a lachrymis Adde to this That the Lords Justices and Councell in Ireland the twenty nine of June 1643. have without authoritie of Parliament or King for their present necessary defence against the Popish Rebels there imposed an Excise upon most commodities in that Realm here lately Printed which no man can deem Illegall in this case of absolute necessitie But to come close home unto our selves who is there that knows ought in historie and policie but must needs acknowledge That the Brittains and Saxons warres of this Realm against their oppressing Kings Archigallo Emerian Vortigerne Sigebâ—rt Osred Ethelred Beornard Leowulfe Edwine whom they deposed for their Tyranny and mis-Government That our Barons long-lasting bloody warres against King John Henry the third Edward the second Richard the second and others fore-mentioned were maintained by publike Assessements and Contributions made by common consent even without a Parliament and with the Revenues and Rents of the very Crown which they seised on as well as the Castles and Forts This being a true rule in Law Qui sentit commodum sentire debet onus All the Kingdom had the benefit of regaining preserving establishing their Fundamentall Charters Laws Liberties by those warres therefore they deemed it just that all should bear a share in the charge and burthen by voluntary Assessements without King or Parliament During the absence of King Edward the third in France The Lords and Commons in Parliament for the defence of the Realm by Sea and Land against forraign Enemies granted an ayde of the ninth Sheaf Lamb and Fleece besides many thousand Sacks of Wooll and the ninth part of other mens Estates in Towns and Corporations and disposed both of the Money and Militia of the Realm for its defence as you heard before The like did they during the Minorities of King Henry the third King Richard the second and King Henry the sixth as the premises evidence without those Kings personall assents Anno Dom. 1259. Richard King of Romans coming with a great Navy and Army of Germans and forraigners to ayd his Brother King Henry the third against the Barons thereupon the Barons sent out a fleet to encounter them by Sea and prepared a strong Army of Horse and Foot by Land that if they prevailed against them at Sea which they feared not yet they might valiantly and constantly entertain and repulse them on the shore and dry Land which the King of Romans being informed off disbanded his forces and came over privately with three Knights onely attending him This was done without the Kings assent and yet at publike charge When King Richard the first was takâ—n particular by the Emperour in his return from the holy Land by Authority of the Kings Mother and the Kings Justices alone without a Parliament it was decreed that the fourth part of all that yeers Rents and of all the moveables as well of the Clergy as of the Laity and all the Woolles of the Abbots of the Order of the Cistersians and of Semphringham and all the Gold and Silver Chalices and Treasure of all Churches should be paid in toward the freeing and ransome of the King which was done accordingly If such a taxe might be imposed by the Queen Mother and Justices onely without a Parliament for ransoming the King alone from imprisonment may not a taxe of the twentieth part onely of mens estates be much more justly imposed on the Subjects by an Ordinance of both Houses in Parliament without the King for the defence and perservation both of the Parliament and Kingdom to when hostily invaded by the King In few words the King and his Councell yea his very Commanders without his speciall Commission or advice have in many Countries imposed large monethly weekly Contributions and Assessements on the People beyond their abilities and estates yea upon the very Speaker and Members of the Commons and Lords House notwithstanding their Priviledges of Parliament which they say
reign by the Statutes of 33. El. c. 1. Sâ—paratist◠〈…〉 39. El. c. 5. Râ—gues are to be banished and in Calice heretofore a woman might be justly banished the Town for adultâ—ry and a scould at this day after three convictions is to be banished out of Westminster and rowed ovâ—r the Thames from thence thorough the water at the tayl of a Boat for the quiet of the City Then much more may any private seditious turbulent Malignants â—e justly restrained to some safe places where they may do no harme till the warres and troubles be ended or themselves reâ—laimed Fifthly By the Common and Statute Law of the Realm yea by Magna Charta it self cap. 30. the Lands Rents Goods and Persons of Priors and other aliens Merchants or others residing in England may be and have been usually seized or and sâ—cured or else their persons banished the Realm and borders of England during the warres with others of that Nation lâ—ast they should assist them in the warres with their Estates persons or intelligences or betray the Kingdom or plâ—ces where they resided to the Enemy And upon this ground by the expresse Statutes of 2. H. 4. cap. 12. 20. 1. H. 4. cap. 7 8. 3. H. 5. cap. 3. 4. H. 5. cap. 6. 1. H. 6. cap. 3. the Irish Brittains Welshmen and Scots because we had frequent warre with them were not permitted to purchase either Houses or Lands or to remain in any Fort Town or City neer the Borders of Scotland or Wâ—lâ—s but banished thence and their Goods and persons seised on in times of warre to prevent treachery intelligence and assistance of the Enemy A thing generally practised and warranted in all States and Kingdoms as well as in England by the very Law of Nations as just and necessaâ—y in times of warres as Martinus Laudensis de Râ—praesaliis de Bello Henricus Ranzovius his Commentarius Bellicuâ— Geâ—rgius Obbrectus Disput Juridca de Bellâ— Henriâ—us Bocâ—rus de Jure Prâ—gnae Hungâ— Grotius Albericus Gentilis in their Books de Jure Belli and all Historians evidence Therefore lawfull for the Parliament to practise at this present as well as the King or any others Sixthly In times of Forraign Invasions the Parliament hath enjoyned all Inhabitants neer the Sea-coasts or Marches of Scotland and Wales to repair to their Houses and Lands there with all their Families for the defence and safâ—tie of the Realm under pain of imprisonment and confiscation of their Goods and Revenues there and elsewhere as is evident by 13. E. 3. nu 21. Parl. 1. and Parl. 2. n. 20. 23. Eliz. â—4 the Statutes confining Papists to their Houses and sundry other Presidents Theâ—efore by like reason they may confine Malignants in times of warre for the publike peace and safetie and disarme them to for a time a Constables may by the Law disarme and imprison peace-breakers fray-makers riotors and others to prevent bloodshed quarrels and preserve the publike peace Thirdly For the plundering of Malignants and sequestring their Estates I answer that I think the Parliament never yet approved the plundering or in plain English robbing of any man by any of their forces they having plundered no places taken by assault for ought I hear though the Kings forces on the contrary have miserably plundered all the Kingdom almost except the Papists who are most exempted from this rapine and some few chief Malignants yea those very Persons Souldiers Cities Towns which by their very Articles of surrender were not to be plundered witnesse Taunton Bridgewater Bristol Gainsborow where many have been pillaged to their naked skins notwithstanding their Ariticles of agreement solemnely sworn to depart quietly with bag and baggage without interruption and the Towns to be free from plunder contraty to the very Law of warre and Arms which may instruct all others not to trust them henceforth If any of the Parliaments forces have misbehaved themselves in plundering any Malignants or disaffected persons more then by seifing of their Arms distraining their Goods for imposed Assessements or sequestring their Plate Moneyes Estates for the publike service upon promise of repayment and restitution I know the Houses have publikely by expresse Ordinances inhibited disavowed the fact and exposed the disorderly Delinquents to condigne punishments even to the losse of their lives if any please to prosecute them by way of inditement or Martiall Law For my part I abhorre all violence plunder rapine and disorders in Souldiers as contrary to the Law of God Obadiah 10. to 16. Luke 3. 14. and leave those who are guiltie of them to the severest publike justice as offenders against the Law of Nature of Nations of the Land yea of Warre it self But God forbid the Parliament should be unjustly charged with all the misdemeanours of their Souldiers which they prohibit detest censure more then the King with all the barbarous rapes murthers cruelties rapines and monstrous insolencies which his Cavaliers every where perpetrate without punishment or restraint especially the blood-thirsty Irish Popish Rebels among them who having shed so much English Protestants blood in Ireland ere they came over hither of which they vaunt is such an high dishonour to God and the English Nation if their own blood be not shed for it by the hand of vengeance here that I wonder with what face or spirit His Majestie or any English Protestant can patiently suffer these Irish Rebels to shed any more Protestant English bloud breath in English ayre who have cut the throats of so many thousand innocent English both here and elsewhere and are like to cut all our throats ere long as they have designed unlesse their throats be first cut by us But yet for the plundering of such Malignants goods and houses who are opposite to the whole Kingdom and Parliament and will not joyn with them in the common cause which concerns us all as it hath sundry patterns in the Barons Warres against the Poictovines and their faction in Henry the third his raign and afterwards against the Spensers in Edward the second dayes formerly touched so it hath one observeable generall resolution of the whole body of the Lords and Commons warranting it in King Johns raign even then when they all took up Armes to enforce him to confirm the great Charter it self which our Opposites cry out to be violated by the Parliaments moderate seisures onely by way of distresse or sequestration For the Barons Knights and Commons with their whole Army being mâ—t tâ—gether in London which joyned with them to gain this Charter from the King sent from thence Letters to all the Earls Barons and Knights throughout England who seemed though but fainedly to adhere to the King exhorting them with this Commination That as they loved the indemnitie of their Goods and possessions thâ—y should dâ—sert a perjured King and adhearing faithfully to them should with them inviolâ—bly stand and effectually contend for the Liberties and Peace of the
King and his Councell in disposing all Officers all places of command and trust under him The Confederacie and Contributions of forraign Popish States to maintain this warre to ruine the Parliament Kingdom Religion and re-establish Popery in its universall extent with the large progresse the Papists have lately made in Ireland Scotland and England to accomplish this their long-agitated Conspiracie and the late strange proceedings in Ireland where the best Protestants are displaced disgraced restrained the Popish Rebels advanced and a truce negotiated if not fully concluded with the Rebels to the end that all their forces may be speedily transported hither to ruine our Religion and cut all our throats enough to awake the most stupid English spirits and rouze them up to a speedy unanimous resolution to unite all their purses and forces to the Parliament against the Popish Conspirators and these bloody Butchers now ready to devoure us and then I douâ—t not if they have any true love to God Religion King Countrey themselves or their Posterities they will soon change their former opinions and practises against the Parliaments just proceedings and joyn hearts hands forces yea their uttermost endeavours with them to prevent and ward off that imminent destruction which now hangs over our heads and will in short time wholly ruine us if God open not our eyes and unite not all our hearts and mindes unto the Parliament with one unanimous resolution to oppose these cursed Confederates who have plotted occasioned all these warres and miseries under which our Kingdomes now groan and languish which long plotted Treacherie in humane probabilitie can no wayes be prevented nor a settled peace and Reformation established but with the totall suppression of the Popish partie now in Arms and by rescuing His Majesties person Children forces out of their Trayterly hands and power whose death they have conspired long agoe if he refuse to grant them an universall open toleration of their Antichristian Religion in all His Kingdoms and then to seise upon the Prince and train him up in their Religion which how easie it is for them to effect now they have the King Prince the Kings Ports his Forces in their power yea potent Armies of their own in the field here and such a force of Irish Rebels now ready to be shipped over to Chester Milford and Bristoll for their assistance and enforcement to over-power the Protestant party in the Kings Armies no understanding man can without fear and trembling coâ—sider O then if ever we will shew our selves faithfull valiant couragious magnanimous bountifull really cordiall and loyall to our King Kingdoms Countrey Parliament Religion Laws Lives Liberties Kinred Families Posterities Let all who professe themselves Protestants lay aside all causelesse jealousies and prejudices against the Parliament or any others and now speedily unite all their Prayers Hearts Hands Purses Forces Counsells and utmost endeavours together to defend secure them all against these forraign and domestice Jesuiticall Romish Confederates and if any prove traiterous fearfull cowardly unfaithfull base or faint-hearted in this publike Cause as too many who deserve to be made spectacles of treachery and cowardise to posteritie and cannot without injustice or dishonour to the Parliament and Kingdom be suffered to scape scot-free without severe exemplary punishment have done to their eternall infamy and betraying of their Countrey the present generations shall abhorre them posteritie curse and declaim against them as most unnaturall Monsters unworthy to breath in English ayre or enjoy the name the priviledges of English men or Protestants There is a double kinde of Treachery in Souldiers both of them adjudged Capitall The first proceeds from a sordid pusillanimous fear unworthy the spirit of a Souldier and this is Câ—pitall both by the Civill and Common Law By the Civill Law The Souldiers who first begin to flye or but fain themselves sick for fear of the Enemy are to be adjudged to death for this their cowardize Yea Lacaena and Dametria two magnanimâ—us Women slew their timorous sonnes who fled basely from the battle with their own bands disclaiming tbem as degenerous Brats and not their sonnes the latter of them inscribing this Epitaph on her sonnes Tombe Hunc timidum Mater Dametriam ipsa peremit Nec dignum Matre nec Lacedaemonium Indeed Charondas and the Thurians enacted That cowards who basely fled or refused to bear Arms for their Countries defence should set three dayes one after another in the open Market-place clad in Womans apparell a punishment farre worse then death it self writes Diodorus Siculus whereas all other Lawyers made it Capitall yea our Common Law adjudgeth it Treason Witnesse the notable Cases of Gemines and Weston 1. R. 2. num 38 39. who were adjudged Traytors in Parliament for surrendering two Castles in France onely out of fear when they were strongly besieged and battered sooner then they needed without any compliency with tbe enemy The Case of Jobn Walsh Esquire accused of bigh Treason in Parliament against the King and Kingdom for yeelding up the Castle of Cherburg in France to the enemy when as he might have defended it And the Case of Henry Earl of Essex in the second yeer of Henry the second accused of high Treason by Robert de Monfort and vanquished by him in a Duell waged thereupon for throwing down the Kings Standard which he bare by inheritance and flying in xpassing a straight among the Mountains when fiercely encountred by the Welsh For which though his life was pardoned yet he was adjudged to be shorne a Monke put into the Abbey of Reading and had his Lands seised into the Kings hands And as for treacherous revolting to or delivering up Castles to the Enemy it is Capitall and high Treason by all Laws and so resolved in Parliament 3. R. 2. in the Case of Thomas Ketrinton Esquire accused of high Treâson by Sir John Annâ—sley Knight for delivering up the Castle of Saint Saviour in the Isle of Constantine to the French for a great summe of Money when as he neither wanted provisions nor means to defend it As for those unnaturall Vipers and Traytors who shall henceforth after this discovery joyn with the Popish Conspirators to ruine their Religion Countrey and the Parliament for private ends as Count Julian the Spaniard joyned with the Mores An. Dom. 713. whom he brought into Spain his native Countrey furiously pursuing his own private injury with the Ruine of the publike I shall onely bestow his Epitaph upon them with which I shall conclude this Treatise Maledictus furor impius Juliani quia pertinax indignatio quia dura vesanus furià ammimosus furore oblitus fidelitatis immâ—â—or religionis contemptor divinitatis crudelis in se homicida in vicinos reus in omnes Memoria ejus in omni ore amarescit nomen ejus in aeternum puâ—â—escet FINIS AN APPENDIX Manifesting by sundry Histories and Authors that in the ancient Roman Kingdome and
Townes What power the Princes Electors and German states had and yet have in electing rejecting deposing restraining their Emperours in calling Diets and making Lawes you may read more largely in Munster and Grimston By all which and other particulars which for brevity I shall omit it is most evident that the Supream Soveraigne Authority of the Roman State both under their ancient Kings and Emperours and of the Greeke and German Empires resided not in the Kings and Emperours themselves but in their Senates Diets People States who prescribed them conditionall Oaths at their Coronations and to whom they were still accountable for their actions and misgovernment This Iohn Bodin a famous learned French Lawyer of great experience in State affaires surpassing all who writ before him of Republikes plainly affirmes in these words The Roman Emperours were at first nothing else but Princes of the Common weale that is to say the cheife and principallmen the SOVERAIGNTY neverthelesse still RESTING IN THE PEOPLE AND SENATE the Emperour having the Soveraigne authority only in fact not in right the State being but a very Principality wherein THE PEOPLE HAD THE SOVERAIGNTY So the German Empire at this day is nothing else but an Aristocraticall Principality wherein the Emperour is head and chiefe the POWER and majesty of the Empire BELONGING VNTO THE STATES THEREOF who thrust out of the Government Adolphus the Emperour in the yeare 1296 and also after him Wenceslaus in the yeare 1400 and that BY WAY OF IVSTICE AS HAVING IVRISDICTION AND POWER OVER THEM And so properly ancient Romans said Imperium in Magistratibus Auctoritatem in Senatu Potestatem in Plebe Maiestatem in Populo Command to be in the Magistrates Authority in the Senate Power in the Maeniall People and Majesty in the People in Generall The Senate in Rome did consult the people command for Livy oft times saith Senatus decrevit populus iussit the Senate hath decreed and the People commanded Which he there more largely prosecutes as you may read at leysure To all which Bishop Bilson himself doth fully assent affirming that Germany is a free state that the Emperour holds the Empire by election and that but on condition which he takes an oath to performe And if he violate their liberties or his oath they may not only lawfully resist him by force of armes but repell and depose him as a tyrant and set another in his place by the right and freedome of their Countrey And Cassanaus holds that the people may take away the very name of the Emperour at this day degrade him and resume his royall power This then being an unquestionable verity disproves that palpable common mistake of Dr. Ferne with other ignorant Court Doctors and Royalists who would make the world and Kings beleeve that the Roman Emperours were of greater power and authority than the Senate people the highest powers upon earth to which all persons yea the Senate and people collectively considered ought to submit and that it was unlawfull either for the Senate or people forcibly to resist Caligula Claudius Nero and other their wickedest and most tyrannicall Emperours much lesse to depose take armes against or call them to a strict just account for their Tyranny Oppression or Misgovernment it being directly contrary to Pauls Doctrine Rom. 13. 1 to 6. Let every soule be subject to the higher powers c. which false groundlesse principle is the sole foundation upon which all their late Sermons Books and rayling Discourses against this Parliaments proceedings and taking up of defensive armes are built when as in truth the Senate people were the highest powers to whoÌ„ the Roman Emperours themselves were to be obedient in all iust requests commands under paine of damnation and subiect to the Senates sword of â—ustice in case of disobedience misgovernment as all the premises evidence yea it likewise manifestly evidenceth that whole States Parliaments are the highest power and above their Kings who are subject to theÌ„ since the Roman and Greek Senates and people heretofore the very German States at this day are the highest power and above their Emperours though ever reputed of greater power Soveraignty and dignity than any Kings and the greatest Monarchs in the world and that therfore Kings even by Pauls Doctrine Rom. 13. ought to be subiect to the higher power and Iurisdiction of their Parliaments the Laws and Statutes of their Realmes and to be accountable to them if not subiect to their censures as some affirme in exorbitant cases of misgovernment which concern the Kingdomes and peoples safety If Kings iniuriously take away the lands goods or imprison the persons of any particular subjects the Law gives every one a particular remedy against them by way of Action or Petition of Right If then every private subiect may have redresse much more the whole Kingdome in and by Parliaments only not in inferiour Courts against their Soveraigns which oppresse them who being subiect unto the Lawes of God and their Realmes which have no respect of persons may as many affirme be questioned and iudged by them in their Parliaments as well as other princes great officers of State and Magistrates who in scripture are called Gods the higher powers and said to be â—rdained to rule judge by and for God as well as Kings and Emperours It is branded as a spice of Antichristian pride in Popes and their Parasites to deem themselves so High above other men that they are accountable to none but God for their wicked actions though many Popes in former and later times have been questioned consured imprisoned and deposed both by Emperours Kings and Councels for their intollerable misdemeanors And is it not the very selfe same crime in Kings in Emperours and their flatterers to hold this Popish erronious opinion that they are in no case responsible to their whole Kingdomes or Parliaments for their grossest exorbitances Our Popish Prelates and Clergy generally heretofore and some of our Protestant Bishops and Divines of late times from St. Ambrose his practise have held that kings for murthers rapes and great crying offences may be Lawfully excommunicated and censured by the spirituall Law and sword as sundry Emperours and Kings have been then why not likewise by the temporall when their Parliaments and whole Kingdoms see just cause the case of hundreds of Emperours and Kings in former times as the Histories of all Nations and ages prove abundantly beyond all contradiction I shall here instance in some few Kings censures subject to the Roman State and Empire with whom I shall conclude this discourse touching the Roman Monarchs Deioratus King of Galatia under the Romans Iurisdiction and one of their allies was accused of Treason and condemned to lose both his head and estate for certaine offences against C. Caesar and the Roman State as appeares by Tullies Oration to Caesar in his behalfe
to procure his pardon which because it was the first president of this kinde made his advocate say tamen it a inusitatum est Regem capitis reum esse ut ante hoc tempus non sit auditum yet long before that Zedechiah King of Iudah rebelling against the King of Babylon was brought prisoner to the King of Babylon to Riblah where hee gave judgement upon him slew both his sonnes and Princes before his eyes and then put out his own eyes bound him with fetters of brasse and carried him prisoner to Babylon where hee died 2 Kings 25. 1. to 8. Ier. 52. 1. to 12. And after Detoratus Antigonus King of the Iewes being taken prisoner by Antonius for moving sedition against the Roman State was beheaded with an axe at Antioch without any legall triall to prevent further seditions which never befell any King before that time writes Alexander ab Alexandro And Agrippa not long after put Bogus King of the Mores to death for siding with Antonius Of later times I read that Ludovicus Pius the Emperour taking Bernard his Nephew King of Italy prisoner for rebelling and denying his superiority over him carried him into France to determine what should be done with him according to Iustice for this his offence where though a King hee was condemned to death and executed as some or at least cast into prison and had his eyes put out as others write So Charles of France taking Conradine King of Sicily prisoner publikely arraigned and condemned him of high Treason and cut off his head Anno 1208. Yea our owne King Iohn being a Feudatary to the King of France was by Philip the French king in a full Parliament there during his absence in England arraigned condemned to death and deposed from his Crown by the sentence of his Peeres for murthering his Nephew Arthur then a Subject of France with his owne hands So Iohn Bailiol king of Scotland renouncing his homage for that Crowne to king Edward the first was for this offence compelled to resigne his Crown with all his right to the kingdome of Scotland to King Edward the first and sent Prisoner to the Tower of London and Mary Queene of Scots within many mens memories after long debate in Parliament was condemned and beheaded at Fothringhom Castle Febr. 8. An. 1587. for laying claime to the Crowne of England and other particulars mentioned in our Historians And thus much for the Roman Grecian German Emperours kings and kingdomes I shall now give you a briefe Survey of what Greeke Authors write concerning Kings and Kingdoms and of the power the kinds of ancient Kings and Kingdomes in Greece and other places That great Father of Learning and policie Aristotle Tutor to the greatest Emperour Alexander the Great whose Authority is irrefragable in our Schooles resolves That true Kingdoms were erected at first and conferred on the worthiest men by the free voluntary joynt consent of the people and founded confirmed by the customes and Lawes of each country which Polibius also affirmes That there are 4 severall sorts of Kings some of greater some of lesser Authority and continuance then others some elective some successive some during life some Annuall all of them receiving their distinct jurisdictions Formes Limitations and different Royalties from the peoples primitive or subsequent institutions and consents For all men being equall by the Law of nature can have no dominion nor Supercrity one over another but by their own voluntary consents That the Lawes not the Kings Princes or Magistrates be they one or more or never so good ought to be the sole Lords or Rulers of the Common-wealth and that Princes and Governours ought to governe by the Lawes who cannot command what the Lawes doe not command That those who command that the Law should rule command that God and the Lawes should rule but he that commands a man to be a Prince he commands that both a man and beast should be Princes for covetousnesse and the lust of the minde is a certaine beast which poverts both Magistrates and the very best men but the Law is a constant and quiet Minde and Reason voyd of all motions of lusts and desires That the power of the greatest things and greatest power ought DE IVRE of right to be in all the people because their wisdomes resolutions and revenues considered altogether are greater and more considerable then those of a few wise or honest men placed in the highest offices of Magistracie who are but a small particle of the State in respect of all the people That the people ought to be of more power then the King or greatest Magistrates to prevent their Tyranny and Oppression and that a King ought to governe by his Lawes and not to doe any thing against them according to his lust wherefore he ought to have so much power and force wherewith he may protect the authority of the Lawes yea he must necessarily have forces and power yet so much onely as thereby he may be able to curbe every particular man or many also yet not so great power but that a populo autem universo idem REX ILLE IPSE COERCERI POTEST the very King himselfe may yet BE CVRBED by all the people such Guards verily the Ancients gave to their Kings when they would set any Tyrant or Governour over the City And when Dionysius required Guards a certaine Syracusan perswaded them to curbe such Guards to which Polybius also suffragates According to these Rules of Aristotle I read in Dionysius Halicarnassaeus and Polybius that in the Lacedemonian Common-wealth the Kings had not the chiefe Dominion so as they might doe what they pleased sed summa totius Reipub. administratio penes Senatum erat but the chiefe Government of the whole Commonweale was in the Senate from whence the Romanes tooke their patterne Alexander ab Alexandro Boemus and Xenophon write That the Lacedemonians sometimes elected a King out of the Family of the Heraclidae or of Agis but more often two joynt Kings of equall Authority out of the stock of Proclus and Aemisthenes who yet had not the chiefe Command as Kings Quia juris omnis publici potestas penes Senatum erat because the power of all publike law or rule was in the Senate the better to keep their Kings from attempting and usurping a Tyranny they being Kings rather in name then Dominion and like the Athaean two Annuall Praetors whence Aristotle makes them the lowest ranke of Kings Iohn Bodin informes us That in the Lacedemonian Aristocracie the Soveraignty remained in the State wherein were two Kings without any Soveraignty at all being indeed nothing else but Captains and Generals for the managing of their Warres and for that cause were by the other Magistrates of the State sometimes for their faults condemned to pay their fine as was Agesilaus and sometimes to death also as was
great Councell of Parliament at Paris where among many Acts made for the weale of the Realme he with the assent of the Lords and Commons there assembled enacted for a Law after that day to be continued That all Heires of the Crowne of France their fathert being dead may be crownned as Kings of France so soone as they attained to the age of fourteene years And in the fifteenth yeare of his reigne the Duke of Flanders granted to those of Gaunt such Articles of agreement for the confirmation of their liberties the repealing of illegall taxes the electing of their owne Officers the Dukes Councellours and the like which you may read in Fabian as plainly manifest this whole Dukedome and people to be of greater jurisdiction then himselfe though invested with regall authoritie and that he had no power to impose any taxes on them without their grant and consent the contrary whereof caused many bloudy warres among them Charles the seventh after Fabians account but sixt after the French History a Childe of thirteene yeares by reason of the difference between the Lords who should be Vicegerent was by the advice of the major part of the Lords for the common good of the Realme Crowned at Raynes within the age of fourteen yeares contrary to a Law made in the eleventh yeare of his Father In the fourth yeare of his reigne the Citizens of Paris murmuring and grudging for divers impositions and taxes unduely leavied upon them suddenly arose in great multitudes intending to have distressed some of the kings Houshold Whereupon soone after the Kings Councell considering the weaknesse of the Treasure and his great charges and needs and assembling a Parliament of the Rulers of Paris Roan and other good Townes exhorted them to grant the King in way of Subsidy twelve pence in the pound of all such Wares at that day currant for the defence of the Realme and subjects To the which request after consultation taken it was answered That the people were so charged in times past that they might not beare any more charges till their necessity were otherwise relived and so the King and his Councell at this time were disappointed In his seventh yeare by the Duke of Angeau his procuring a tax was laid upon the Commons of France without the three Estates Which to bring to effect many friends and promoters were made as well of Citizens as others Whereupon the Commons of Paris and Roan became wilde assembled in great companies chose them Captains and kept watch day and night as if enemies had been about the Citie utterly refusing to pay that Tax This Charles being none of the wisest Prince ruled by his houshold servants and beleeving every light Tale brought unto him marching against the Duke of Brittaine as he came neare a wood was suddenly met of a man like a Beggar which said unto him Whither goest thou Sir King beware thou goe no further for thou art betrayed and into the hands of thine enemies thine owne Army shall deliver thee With this monition the King was astonied and stood still and began to muse In which study one of his followers that bare his Speare sleeping on Horsback let his Spear fall on his fellowes Helmet with which stroke the King was suddenly feared thinking his enemy had come unawares upon him wherefore in anger he drew his sword slew foure of his owne Kinghts ere he refrained and took therewith such a deadly fear as he fell forthwith distracted and so continued a long season being near at the point of death VVhereupon his brother Lewes of Orleans being but young the States of France thought it not convenient to lay so heavy a burthen upon so weake shoulders wherefore his two Vncles the Dukes of Berry and Burgaine BY AVTHORITY OF THE STATES OF THE LAND specially assembled in Parliament upon this occasion tooke upon them to rule the Realme for that season it being ordered by a speciall Law that they should abstain from the name of Regent unfit in this sudden accident the King being alive and of years And because the Duke of Berry had but an ill name to be covetous and violent and was therefore ill beloved of the French his younger brother Philip Duke of Burgoyn had the chiefe charge imposed on him and though the Title was common to both yet the effect of the author tie was proper to him alone who changed divers Officers After which the Duke of Orleance was made Regent being the Kings younger brother who pressing the people with quotidian taxes and tallages and the spirituall men with dismes and other exactions he was at length discharged of that dignitie and the Duke of Burgoyne put in that authoritie After this our King Henry the fift gaining a great part of France and pretending a good title to the Crowne recited at large by Hall and Iohn Speed the Frenchmen to settle a peace made this agreement with King Henry That he should marry Katharine the French Kings daughter and be admitted Regent of France and have the whole government and rule of the Realme during Charles his life who should be King of France and take the profits of the Crowne whilest he lived and that after the death of Charles the Crowne of France with all rights belonging to the same should remaine to King Henry and to his Heires Kings That the Lords spirituall and temporall and the Heads and Rulers of Cities Castles and Townes should make Oath to King Henry to be obedient to his lawfull commands concerning the said Regency and after the death of Charles to become his true subjects and liegemen That Charles should in all his writing name King Henry his most dearest sonne Henry King of England and inheritour of the Crowne of France That no imposition or tax should be put upon the Commons of France but to the necessary defence and weale of the Realme and that by the advice of both Councels of the Realmes of England and France such stablished Ordinances might be devised that when the said Realme of France should fall to the said Henry or his Heires that it might with such unity joyne with the Realme of England that one King might rule both Kingdomes as one Monarch reserved alwayes to either Realme all Rights Liberties Franchises and Lawes so that neither Realme should be subject unto other c. VVhich Articles were ratified and agreed with the consent of the more part of the Lords spirituall and temporall of France But Charles dying his sonne Charles the eight was by some part of France and many Lords reputed and knowledged King but not crowned whiles the Duke or Bedford lived and remained Regent our Henry the sixth both in Paris and many other cities being allowed for king of France After his death his sonne Lewes the eleventh 〈◊〉 Fabian accounts by strength of friends was crowned king of France who refused the counsell and company of his Lords and drew unto him as
his chiefe Councellors villaines and men of low birth as Iohn de Lude Iohn Balua Oliver Devill whose name for odiousnesse he changed into Daman with others whom he promoted to great honours and places VVhereupon the Lords murmured and were so discontented that the Duke of Brittaine and others withdrew them from the king and refused to come unto his presence when he sent for them raising a great power And when no peace could be mediated between the king and them they met in a plaine battell at Chartres where many were slaine on both sides but the king lost the field After which an accord was made betweene them but the king continued his old courses delighting more in the company of lewd irreverent persons to eate and drink with them and to heare them talke of ribaldry and vicious fables then to accompany his Lords which might have won him much honour going liker a Serving man then a Prince and being a great oppressor of his subjects to maintaine Hiprodigality for lack of money he was driven of necessitie to aske a preste of the citizens of Paris who after many excuses which might not be allowed they lastly denyed the kings pleasure VVherewithall he being grievously discontented removed divers from their offices and put many of the richest and head men of the citie to death upon surmised causes without proofs of justice For which causes and many other oppressions the Lords against assembled their people intending to subdue the king and to set his brother in his place or to cause him otherwise to rule the Commonwealth To which end all the Lords met at a Towne called Stampes where they continued their Councell fifteene dayes and then marched to Paris sending four severall letters unto the citie one to the Bishops and spirituall men the second to the Consulls and headmen the third to the Vniversitie the fourth to the Commonalty signifying That neither they nor any of their company were come thither as enemies to the Citie or to warre against it or the Commonwealth of the Land but for the increase and augmentation thereof to the uttermost of their powers VVhereupon these foure parties sent certaine Orators for them to the Lords who after long communication with them had returned to the citie with this report First the Lords would that the inhabitants of the City should consider the conditions of the King which yearly oppressed his Subjects with taxes and other grievous servages Secondly how he despised the noble bloud of his Realme and drew to him villaines and men of no reputation by whose counsell onely all the Common-weale of the Land was guided and ruled Thirdly how hee ruled his Subjects by force and will without administration of justice and himself in all Counsels and Parliaments is Iudge of all causes and calleth himselfe Counsels and Parliaments more for this singular weale then for the Common-weale of his Realme Fourthly how he enhaunsed men of low birth to great honours and caused Noblemen to be obedient unto them intending to bring the said ignoble men to be equall with the Princes of the Land Fifthly how the Lawes be delayed and bolstered by such as stand in his favour wherethrough at this day Law is will and will is Law and no man almost in any surety of life or goods insomuch that daily many have been banished and put to death for unlawfull causes and also to any Noble-man at this day no power or roome of honour belongeth so that to the wild Beasts in the Forrests appertaineth more Liberty and surety then to the more party of the Kings subjects Sixthly The great taxes and summes of money which daily be levied of the Commons be not spent in the Kings honourable needs and for the Commonweale of the Realme but are spent vainly and riotously and bribed out of the Kings Coffers for which enormities and misgovernance with many other the said Lords were come thither in defensible wayes for the safeguard of their owne persons as to the head and principall City of the Realme for to have aide and Counsell to reforme the foresaid evills not intending any harme to the Kings person or yet to remove him from his regality or Kingly Majestie but to induce and advertize him to that which should be for his honour and the weale of his Realme and to live in wealth and honour as his Noble Progenitors lived before him For which causes and considerations the said Lords as the Kings true Subjects and friends to the Commonwealth of the Land and of that City desired to enter there to refresh them and their people and to pay truly for all things they should take without doing harme or violence to any person All which requests and matters of the Lords shewed to the Inhabitants of the City by fauour of some friends they there had it was with the more partie well accepted and though convenient they should be received into the Citie but by meanes of the Earle of Davoise it was respited till they had further knowledge of the Kings pleasure who comming out of Normandie into Paris after diuers Skirmishes the King and Lords fell to a Treaty of peace whereupon Commissioners on both sides assembled and communed together by sundry times two dayes In which season new strength of Souldiers came to the King out of Normands The Treatie hanging long and a longer Truce being proclaimed the souldiers fell to robbing and other unlawfull acts and at last through obstinacy on both parties all offers were refused and the day of the Truces expiration approached without hope of accord whereupon provisions for warre were made on both sides Then begun grudges and murmures betweene the kings souldiers and the citizens of Paris and shortly after newes came to the king that the Castle and Citie of Roan was yeelded up to the Duke of Burbon VVhereupon the King considering what great advantage the Lords had of him both by strength and favour of the Commons which daily drew unto them by sundry companies in avoiding of more danger concluded a peace which being proclaimed thorowout all France the King and Lords met to whom the King shewed great semblance of kindenesse specially to his brother Charles Duke of Normandy therein appeared great dissimulation Lewes being of such conditions That what he might not overcome with strength he would win with dissimulation and treachery Not long after the King warred upon Charles his brother the Duke of Burgundy and Brittaine and a Treaty of peace being propounded betweene them Charles answered That if a perfect concord should be established betweene the King and him it should be authorized by the whole consent and counsell of the Barons of the Realme VVith which the King being content at Turon in the moneth of April and tenth yeare of his reigne assembled a counsell of his Lords spirtuall and temporall in the which the demands of Charles and offers of the king were shewed And after the said Councell had at length reasoned the said
Justice of thy Fathers He answeres I will and by Gods Assistance promise that I will doe and performe it by all meanâ—s After this kneeling on his knees the Arch-bishop holding the New Testament open and the Burgrave reading the words first the king takes this Oath in the Bohemian tongue We sweare to God the mother of God and all Saints upon this holy Gospell that we will and ought to keepe immovably to the Barons Knights and Nobles also to those of Prague and the other Cities and to all the Commonalty of the Realme of Bohemia the Institutions Lawes Priviledges Exemptions Liberties and Rights and also the ancient good and laudable customes of the Realme and not to alienate or morgage any thing from the same Kingdome of Bohemia but rather to our power to augment and enlarge it and to doe all things which may be good and honourable to that Kingdome So helpe me God touching the booke with two of the fingers of his right hand and all Saints The Kings of Navarre take the like Oath How this Realme hath beene altered from a Principality to a Dukedome and from it againe to a Kingdome having sometimes Kings sometimes Dukes both elected by the free choyse of the Estates to whom they were inferiour in Soveraigne power accountable for their mis-government and removeable from their Throne you may read in the marginall Authors Not to mention the Bohemians deposition of Libussa a Noble Virago who governed them for a season reputing it a dishonour to the Nation to be ruled by a woman and electing Przemysâ—â—s for their Prince their deposition and banishment of Prince Borzinegius because he became a Christian and renounced their Pagan Religion though they afterwards twice restored him Of Boleslaus Rufus of Borzinogius the 2. thrice deposed banished by the Nobles and people or Sobeâ—slaus and other Princes Wladislaus first King of Bohemia in his old age by the assent of the Estates associated his sonne Frederick Anno 1173 with him in the Regality Henry King of Bohemia using the Councell of the Germans rather then the Bohemians and looking more after his owne private gaine then the Kingdomes was deposed in a generall Assembly of the Estates Anno 1310. and the sonne of the Emperour Henry the 7 th chosen King upon this condition if he would marry the youngest daughter of King Winceslaus King Wenceslaus the drunken for his drunkennesse negligence and cruelty was twice imprisoned and severely handled by his Nobles and upon promise of amendment restored to his liberty and dignity in his and Sigismond his successors raigns Zizca and the Taborites in defence of their Religion against the Popish party who most unjustly against their promise and safe conduct caused John Hus and Jerome of Prague to be put to death waged great warres and obtained many victories against the King and Emperour and gained free liberty of professing their religion publickely much against the Popes good will which liberty they have ever since maintained by the sword both against the Popish Emperours and Kings by meanes of which civill wars the kingdome suffered some Interregnums During the Minority of king â—c Ladislaus Anno 1439. this kingdome was governed by two Presidents appointed by the Estates Anno 1611. the Emperour Rodulph being willing to settle the kingdome of Bohemia on his Brother Matthias in an assembly of the States of Bohemia called for that purpose the Estates thereupon drew many Articles which Matthias was to sweare to before his Coronation with 49. Articles of complaints and grievances for which they craved redresse and the inhabitants of Prague required the confirmation of 8. Articles which concerned the private Government of their City All which the Emperour and Matthias were constrained to Grant and sweare to before they would admit Matthias to be their King who had nothing in a manner but the Title some of the flowers of the liberty of the Crowne being parted with by his assenting to these Articles Anno 1617. Matthias resigning the Crowne of Bohemia and renouncing his right thereunto recommended Ferdinand Arch. Duke of Austria to them or his successour The States would not admit him king but upon Conditions the which if he should infringe The States should not be bound to yeeld him Obedience Moreover it was added That he should confirm to the States before his Coronation to maintaine all the Priviledges Charters Immunities Municipall Rights Constitutions and Customes of the Realme and people as the Emperour and his predecessors had done by his Oath and Charter in Writing All which assented to he was proclaimed and crowned king Soone after the Arch-bishop of Prague causing some of the Protestant Churches to be ruined and those who complained of it to be put in prison and plotting the extirpation of the Protestant Religion through the Iesuites instigation contrary to their Liberties and the Provinciall constitution hereupon the Protestant States of Bohemia assembled at Prague fortified the Towne binding the three Townes of Prague to them by an Oath entred into a solemne League promising to fight against the Common enemies of God the King and Religion and in that cause to live and dye to which end they levyed a great Army banishing the Jesuites out of Bohemia as the Authors of all the miseries which had hapned in that Realme and many other Realmes and States of Christendome and inciting murderers to kill Kings who would not live after their manner and medling with affaires of State and who had drawne the whole Country into the hands of certaine perfidious Catholickes by whose practises the Country was in danger of ruine For which causes they banished them for ever out of the Realme of Bohemia enjoyning them to depart within 8 dayes never to returne After this the Protestants hearing that the Emperour and Popish party raised Forces against them possessed themselves of many Townes and places within the Realme and raised two Armies All the Protestant Princes and States of Germany Morauia and Silesia except the Elector of Saxony assisted them with men money or Councell publishing a Declaration to justifie their action being for the Common cause of Religion theâ— endangered The Prince of Orange and States of the united Provinces promised them assistance of men and money other Protestant Princes and the Protestant States of Lower Austria did the like The Protestant Armies after this had many victorious incounters with the Imperialists and Popish Forces and took many Towns King Ferdinand in the meane time being newly chosen Emperour the States of Bohemia being assembled together at Prague which the Deputies of the incorporated Provinces Anno. 1619. Concluded and protested by Oath never to acknowledge Ferdinard for their King who had violated his first Covenants resolving to proceede to a new Election and on the 26. of August Elected Fredericke the Prince Electer Palatine of Reine to be their King who accepted the dignity was afterward Crowned king accordingly After which the States of Bohemia
crowned Kings upon such conditions Oaths Articles as their States in whom the Soveraign power resides shall prescribe unto them who as Bodin clearly determines have a lawfull power to question censure and depose them for their Tyrannie and misgovernment they having no greater Authority then the Kings of Bohemia or Poland To run over the Histories of all their ill Kings would be overtedious for which you may peruse Saxogrammaticus others I shall give you in brief how some of their later kings have been handled by their subjects for their Tyranny and misgovernment Not to mention the murthers of Canutus in Iutland in the very Church or of Magnus or Nicholas slain by their subjects King Humblus was deprived of his Crown and king Harold deposed by his subjects for his insolency Suano waxing proud Tyrannous and oppressive to his people became so odious to them that his Nobles adjoyned Canutus and Waldemar to him in the royall government and divided the kingdom between them who thereupon being much displeased slew Canutus and wounded Waldemar being impatient of any Peers in government for which being soon after vaquished by Waldemar hee was beheaded by the people Able slaying and beheading his brother king Ericus and usurping his Crown the people rose up in arms against him took him prisoner and the Peasants in Frisia slew him King Christopher spoyling Waldemar of his Dukedom of Schleswick thereupon the Earles of Holsatia rose up in armes against him took him prisoner and detained him so at Hamburgh till he paid a great ransome for his libertie King Ericus was slain by his own servants Anno 1286. king Waldemar was expelled the Realme by his Subjects and afterwards restored upon his friends mediation who not long after denying Merchants their ancient liberties in the Realme the maritine Cities conspiring against him entred Denmark with a great Army expelled him the Realme tooke his Castell of Coppenhagen and had the land of Scania assigned to them for 16. years by the Nobles in recompence of their damages sustained Ericus seeing his subjects every where rise up in Arms against him sayled into Poland An. 1438. and deserted his Kingdom and Soveraignty the people denying him libertie to name a Successor and electing Christopher Duke of Bavaria for their king After whom they elected Christierne the first king against whom the Sweeds rebelling for want of administration of justice and the oppression of his Officers vanquished Christiern in battell and set up a new king of their own named Charles who An. 1455. abandoned the Royalty the Swedes after that would neither create any new king nor obey Christierne nor yet King Iohn who succeeded him whose Queen they took and detained prisoner two years and maintained warre against him Christierne the second King of Denmarke was thrust out of his kingdome for his Tyrannie and breach of his subjects Priviledges which he endeavouring to regain was taken prisoner by his Vncle Frederick Duke of Scleswick and Holstein and committed prisoner to Sunderburge in Holsatia where hee dyed in chains Frederick was elected king in his place upon certain Articles and conditions which he was sworn unto before his Coronation in a generall assembly of the States held at Hafnia An. 1524. in and by which assembly Christierne was solemnly deposed and a Declaration made printed and published in the name of all the States of Denmark wherein they expresse the cause why they renounced their faith and obedience to Christierne sworn unto him upon certain conditions which he had broken and elected Frederick Which Declaration because it is not common perchance to every ordinary Shollar and contains many things touching the frame and liberty of the kingdome of Denmarke the Articles to which the kings do usuall swear at their Coronations and the Tyrannnies of Christierne for which he was deprived I shall here insert as I finde it recorded in David Chytraeus OMnibus Christianis Regnis principatibus regionibus populis notum est in orbe Christiano celebre regnum DANIAE suum esse quod non secus ac caeterae regna plurimis jam seculis Regia sua praeeminentia dignitate or namentis libertate praeditum fuerit adhuc sit ita quidem ut Regnum Daniae ejusque legitimè electi Reges nullum unquam superiorem magistratum aut Dominum agnoverint Omnibus quoque temporibus Archiepiscopis Episcopis Dynastis praelatis nobilitati liberrimum fuit regem Dominum aliquem suo judicio arbitrio designare in communem regni Patriae consolationem salutem eligere cujus gubernatione exemplo ductu regnum supradictum Christianis statutis ordinationibus secundum leges suas scriptas antiquas consuetudines vigere miseri oppressi subditisublevari viduae pupilli defendi possent Qui quidem rex semper hactenus a prima electione convenienti juramento obligatione se huic regno devincire coactus est Etiamsi igitur nobis omnibus regni hujus ordinibus consiliariis licuisset post obitumpotentissimi Regis quondam Daniae Iohannis laudatae memoriae pro jure nostro secundum antiquam multis seculis continuatam regni Danici libertatem regem aliquempro arbitrio nostro designare eligere tamen virtute justicia magnanimitate bonitate beneficientia eorum Daniae regum qui ex Holsatorum prosapia originem duxerant moti bona spe freti fore utrex Christiernus è vestigiis regiis avisâ—i Regis Christierni R. Iohannis patris sui non excederet sed potius ad eorum similitu◠〈◊〉 exemplum gubernationem suam institueret supra-dictum R. Christiernum 〈◊〉 vivo adhuc patre Iohanne in Regem Dominum totius Daniae designavimuâ— elegimus Quo quidem ipso tempore celfitudo ipsius solemni IURAMENTO verbis conceptiâ— Deo sanctisque testibus citatis praestito Archiepis Episcopis Dynastis praelatis equitibus civitatibus populo regni Danici se devinxit obligavit cujus juramenti inter alia haec quoque capita expressa fuerunt Debemus ante omnia Deum diligere colere sanctam ecclesiam defendere amplificare Omnia Episcoporum Praelatorum ministrorum status ecclesiastici privilegia à S. Ecclesia regibus Christianis ipsis concessa inviolata conservare Archiepiscopâ—s quoque Londensem et Nidrosiensem et praterea Episcopos praelatos Equites auratos alios ordinis Equestris Regni Proceres Consiliarios convenienti observantia honore pro cujusque conditione statu prosequi Si qua nobis controversia sit cum Archiepiscopis Episcopis aut praelatis S. Ecclesiae eorumque ministris in locis convenientibus nimirum coram senatu regni cognosci transigi oportebit Si qua nobis ipsis aut praefectis nostris controversia cùm aliquo ex nobilitate sive is senator regni sit sive non incidet eum coram universo regni senatu hoc nomine compellare debemus sive ea controversia
Kings consent and Proclamations is so fresh in memory so fully related in the Acts of Oblivion and Pacification made in both Parliaments of England and Scotland ratified by the King himselfe and in particular Histories of this Subject that I shall not spend time to recite particulars but will rather conclude from all the premises with the words of Buchanan The Ancient custome of our Ancestors in punishing their Kings suffers not our forcing of the Queene to renounce her right unto the Crowne to her sonne to seeme a Novelty and the moderation of the punishment shewes it proceeded not from envie for so many Kings punished with death bonds banishment by our Ancestors voluntarily offer themselves in the ancient Monuments of Histories that we neede no forraigne examples to confirme our owne act For the Scottish Nation seeing it was free from the beginning created it selfe Kings upon this very Law that the Empire being conferred on them by the suffrages of the people if the matter required it they might take it away againe by the same suffrages of which law many footsteps have remained even to our age for in the Islands which lye round about us and in many places of the Continent wherein the Ancient language and constitutions have continued this very custome is yet observed in creating Governours likewise the Ceremonies which are used in the Kings inauguration have also an expresse image of this Law out of which it easily appeares that a Kingdome is nothing else but the mutuall stipulation betweene the people and their Kings the same likewise may be most apparently understood out of the inoffensive tenor of the ancient Law preserved from the very beginning of raigning among the Scots even unto our age when as no man in the meane time hath attempted not onely not to abrogate this Law but not so much as to shake it or in any part to diminish it Yea whereas our Ancestors have deprived so many Kings as would bee tedious to name of their Realme condemned them to banishment restrained them in prisons and finally punished them with death yet there was never any mention made of abating the rigor of the Law neither perchance undeservedly since it is not of that kinde of Lawes which are obnoxious to the changes of times but of those ingraven in the mindes of men in the first originall of mankinde and approved by the mutuall consent well-nigh of all Nations which continue unbroken and sempiternall together with the Nature of things and being subject to the commands of no man domineere and rule over all men This law which in every action offers it selfe to our eyes and mindes and dwels in our brests will we nill we our Ancestors following were alwayes armed against violence and suppressed the unrulinesse of Tyrants Neither is this Law proper onely to the Scots but common to all well-ordered Nations and People as the Athenians Lacaedemonians Romanes Venetians Germanes Danes which he there manifests by examples So that I may hence infallibly determine the Realme Parliament and Nobles of Scotland collectively considered to be the Soveraigne power in that Realme superiour to the Kings themselves from whom I shall proceede to Scripture Presidents in the Kings and Kingdomes of the Gentiles Israel and Iudah recorded in Scripture The Kings of the Gentiles Israel and Iudah Now least any should object that all the forecited Examples and Authorities are but humane and no convincing evidences to satisfie the Conscience That whole Kingdoms States and Parliaments are above their kings and of greater power then they I shall therefore to close up this Posterne Gate of Evasion conclude with Scripture Presidents ratifying this truth beyond all contradiction To begin with Heathen kings and States therein recorded I read in the 1 Sam. 29. and 1 Chro. 12. 19. That when David with his men offered to go with Achish and the Philistines against King Saul his Soveraign and the Israelites to Battell and passed on in there reward with Achish the Princes of the Philistines seeing it said What do these Hebrews here To whom Achish answered Is not this David the servant of Saul King of Israel which hath been with me these years and I have found no fault in him since he fell unto me unto this day Hereupon the Princes of the Philistines were wroth with him and taking advice together said to their King Achish Make this fellow returne that he may goe again to his place which thou hast appointed him and let him not go down with us to Battell lest in the Battell he be an adversary to us for wherewith should he reconcile himself to his Master should it not be with the Heads of these men Is not this David of whom they sang one to another in dances saying Saul slew his thousands and David his ten thousands Then Achish called David and said unto him Surely as the â—ord liveth thou hast been upright and thy going out and coming in with me in the Host is right in my sight for I have not found evill in thee since the day of thy coming neverthelesse the Lords favour thee not wherefore now return and go in peace that thou displease not the Lords of the Philistines And when David replied What have I done c. that I may not fight against the Enemies of my Lord the King Achish answered him I know thou art good in my fight as an Angell of God notwithstanding the Princes of the Philistines have said HE SHALL NOT GOE VP WITH VS TO BATTELL wherefore rise up early in the morning with thy Masters servants that are come with thee and assoon as ye have light depart whereupon they returned Here we see the Lords of the Philistines did peremptorily overrule their king against his will who durst not contradict them therefore they had a Power superiour to his as will further appear by 1 Sam. 5. 7 8 9 10 11. and ch 6. 1 to 13. where when the Ark of God was taken by the Philistines the Lords and People of the Philistines not the King met consulted and ordered how it should be removed from place to place and at last sent it back again So Ahasuerus the great Persian Monarch was advised over-ruled by his Councell of State as appeareth by the case of Queen Vashti Ester 1. and what his Princes thought meet to be done that he decreed and proclaimed verse 19 20 21 22. So Artaxerxes king of Persia did all things of moment by the advise of his Counsellors and Princes Ezra 7. 28. and Chap. 8. 25. Great Nabuchadnezzar King of Babylon Dan 3. 2 3. 24. chap. 4. 32 to 36. was for his pride driven from men put to eat grasse with Oxen for aspace till he knew that the most High ruleth in the Kingdoms of men After which his understanding and reason returned to him and the glory of his Kingdom and his Councellors and Lords sought unto him and established him in his Kingdom he being over-ruled and counselled
the kings Table the third on the Wages of his houshold servants the last in the repaire of royall Castles Bridges Houses the residue if there were any was laid up in the Treasury Verily what stirs there were about the year 1412 in the Assembly of the three Estates at Paris because Charles the sixt had converted all things into his and his Officers lusts and that the Domestick accounts which before had not exceeded 94 thousand French Crowns in such a miserable estate of the republike had increased to the sum of five hundred and forty thousand Crowns is sufficiently evident out of Histories Now as the rents of the Crown were thus lessened so also the oblations and subsidies were spent upon the Warre as the taxes and tallages were onely destinated to the stipends of Souldiers In other Realms the King verily hath not any more Authority yea in most he hath lesse as in the Germane and Polish Empire But we would therefore prove this to be so in the Realm of France lest by how much any man dares to doe more injury by so much also he might be thought to have more right In summe what we have said before the name of a King sounds not an inheritance not a propriety not a perception of profits but a function a procuration As a Bishop is instituted for the cure and salvation of the soul so the King of the body in those things which pertain to the publike goods as he is the dispenser of sacred goods so the King of prophane and what power he hath in his Episcopall the same and no greater hath the King in his dominicall Lands the alienation of the Episcopall Lands without the consent of the Chapter is of no validitie so neither of the Crown Land without a publike Parliament or Senate of the Estates Of sacred revenews one part is designed to aedifices another to the poor a third to Companions a fourth to the Bishop himself the same verily almost we see the King ought to do in dispensing the revenewes of the Kingdom It hinders not that the contrary every where is at this day usurped For the duty of Bishops is not any way changed because many Bishops sell those things from the poor which they spend upon Bawds or wast all their Mannors and Woods nor yet that some Emperours have attributed all kinde of power to themselves for neither can any one be judge in his own Cause But if any Cararalla hath said That so long as his sword remains he would want no money Adrianus Caesar will also be present who shall say That he would manage the Principality so as all should know that it was the peoples goods or inheritance not his own which one thing almost distinguisheth a King from a Tyrant Not that Attalus King of Pergameni ordained the people of Rome Heirs of his Realme that Alexander bequeathed the kingdom of Aegypt Ptolomie of the Cyrenians to the people of Rome or Prasutagus of the Iceni to Caesar verily this great power cannot debilitate the force of the Law yea by how much the greater it is by so much the lesse it hurts our law for what things the Romanes seized upon by pretext of law they would notwithstanding have seized on by force if that pretext had been wanting Yea we see almost in our times the Venetians by pretext of a certain imaginary adoption which without force had been plainly ridiculous to have taken the Kingdom of Cyprus Nor yet doth the Donation of Constantine to pope Sylvester hinder for this Chaffe seemed absolete long since to Gratian and is damned to the fire Not the donation of Lewes the godly to Paschall to wit of Rome with part of Italy because Pius gave that which he possessed not and no man resisted But Charles his Father willing to subject the Realm of France to the German Empire the French resisted him by law and if he had gone further they prepared to resist by sorce Not that Solomon as we read delivered twenty cities to Hiram King of Tyre for he did not give them but pawned them as a Creditor till he paid him and within a short time recovered them which appears out of the Text Moreover also they were barren grounds tilled by Reliques of the Heathens which he receiving again from Hiram gave them at last to the Israelites to be tilled and inherited Neither can this more hinder that in certain Kingdoms this condition perchance doth not so expresly intervene betweene the King and his people for albeit it were not at all yet it appears by the law of Nations that Kings are not subverters but Moderators of the Republike that they cannot change the right of the Commonwealth by their pactions that they are Lords onely when they take care of their Pupils that they are to be accounted no other then Guardians and that he is not to be esteemed a Lord who spoils the City with liberty and selleth it like a slave Not finally that certain Kingdoms are gained by Kings themselves for they acquired not Kingdoms by their owne but by publike hands forces treasures now nothing is more consonant to reason then that those things which are gotten by the publike riches and common dangers of the Citizens should not be alienated without common consent which holds place even amongst Theeves themselves he destroyeth humane society who doth the contrary Therefore though the French have by force seized on the German Empire and they also on the Realm of France yet the same law holds in both In sum at last we ought to determine that Kings are not Proprietors nor Fructuaries but onely Administratours and since it is so that verily they can much lesse attribute to themselves the propriety and profits of every mans private Estate or of the publike wealth which belongeth to every Town Thus and much more this accute learned Lawyer to the conviction and refutation of all opposite Ignoramusses in this case of grand concernment which will put a period to our unhappy controversies concerning the Militia formerly discussed without further debate Eighthly That Emperours and Kings are most solemnly obliged by a Covenant and Oath usually made to and before all the people at their Coronations to preserve their peoples lawes liberties lives estates by breach whereof in a wilfull excessive manner they become perjured Tyrants and the people and Magistrates are in some sort thereby absolved from their Allegiance and all obedience to them This is evidently and plentifully confirmed by the forecited Coronation Oathes and Covenants of our own English Kings to their subjects by De Jure Magistratus in Subditos quaest 10. p. 321. 322. and quaest 6. p. 260. to 300. Andrew Favine his Theatre of Honour lib. 2. c. 11. 24. Francisci Hotomani Franco-gallia cap. 6. 10. c. Hugo Grotius de Jure Belli Pacis l. 2. c. 13. 14. Pontificale Romanum Romae 1611. fol. 162 163. Descriptiâ— Coronationis
be repeated every third yeere in the publike Assembly But if he shall grow insolent trusting to his Royall power shall violate the publike Lawes finally shall neglect the Oath he hath taken then verily by the Law it selfe he is deemed excommunicated with that grandest excommunication or Anathema wherewith the Church in former times excommunicated Iulian the Apostate whose force truly is such that no more prayers may be conceiued for him but against him and they themselves are clearly absolved from their Oath and Obligation by that Law whereby a vassall out of duty ought not to obey an excommunicated Lord neither is bound to do it by his Oath which is ratified among them by the Decree both of a Councell and of a Parliament or publike Assembly Likewise in the kingdome of Castle an Assembly being summoned the King that is to be crowned is first publikely admonished of his duty after which most expresse conditions are read which pertaine to the profit of the Republike Then the King sweares that he will diligently and faithfully observe them then at last the great Master of the Knights bâ—nds himselfe to him by Oath whom the other Princes and Deputies of Cities afterwards follow every one in his order which also is in like manner observed in Portugall Leâ—n and the other kingdomes of Spain Neither verily were lesser principalities instituted by any other Law There are extant most expresse agreements of the Brabanders of the other people of Belgia Austria Carintha and other provinces made with their princes which verily have the place of conditions But the Brahanders expresly that place might not be left to any ambiguity have expressed this condition For in inaugurating their Duke in ancient conventions wherein there is almost nothing wanting for the preservation of the Republike they being all read over before the Duke they protest openly and plainly to him that unlesse he shall observe them all That it shall be frée for them to chuse another Duke at their pleasure Which conditions he embracing and willingly acknowledging he then binds himselfe by Oath to observe them which was also observed in the inauguration of Philip the last King of Spaine In sum no man can deny but that there is a mutuall binding contract between the King and subjects to wit That he raigning well shall be well obeyed Which verily is wont to be confirmed with an Oath by the King firstâ— afterwards by the people Now verily I demand here why any man should sweare but that he may shew that he speaks from his heart and seriously whether truly is there any thing more agreeable to nature then that those things which have pleased us should be observed Moreover why doth the King swear first at the peoples stipulation or request but that he may receive either a tacit or expresse condition But why is a condition annexed to a contract but onely to this end that if it bee not fulfilled the contract should become voide in Law it selfe But if through default of performing the condition the contract be voide in Law it selfe who may call the people perjured who shall deny obedience to a King neglecting that condition which hee might and ought to fulfil violating that law to which he hath sworn Yea who on the contrary would not account the King saedifragous perjurious altogether unworthy of that benefit For if the Law freeth the Vassal from the bond of his Tenure against whom the Lord hath committed felony or perjury although the Lord truly doth not properly give his faith to his Vassall but his Vassall to him if the Law of the twelve Tables commands a Patron who defrauded his Client to be detestable if the civil laws permit a villain enfranchised an action against the outragious injury of his Lord if in these cases they free a servant himself from his Masters power wheras yet there is only a naturall not civill obligation therein I shall adde out of Dejure Magistratus in subditos â—f in Matrimony which is the nearest and strictest obligation of all other between men wherin God himselfe intervenes as the chief Author of the contract and by which those who were two are made one flesh if the one party forsakes the other the Apostle pronounceth the party forsaked to be free from all obligation because the party deserting violates the chief condition of marriage c. Shal not the people be much more absolved from their Allegiance which they have made to the King if the King who first solemnly sweares to them as a Steward to his Lord shall break his faith Yea verily whether if not these Rights not these Solemnities not these Sacraments or Oathes should intervene doth not nature it selfe sufficiently teach that Kings are constituted by the people upon this condition that they should reign well Iudges that they shall pronounce Law Captaines of warre that they should lead an Army against enemies But and if so be they rage offer injury so as themselves are made enemies as they are no Kings so neither ought they to be acknowledged by the people What if thou shalt say that some people subdued by force the Prince hath compelled to swear to his commands What say I if a Thiefe a Pyrate a Tyrant with whom no society of Law or Right is thought to be should with a drawn sword violently extort a deed from any one Is it not known that fealty extorted by force bindeth not especially if any thing be promised against good manners against the law of nature Now what is more repugnant to nature then that a people should lay chaines and fetters upon themselves then that they should lay their own throats to the sword then that they should lay violent hands upon themselves or which is verily the same thing promise it to the Prince Therefore there is a mutuall obligation between the King and people which whether it be only civill or naturall tacit or in expresse words can be taken away by no agreements violated by no Law reâ—â—â—nded by no force Whose force only is so great that the Prince who shall contemptuously break it may be truly called a Tyrant the people who shall willingly infringe it seditious So this grand accute Lawyer determines I shall close up this with the unanimous resolutions and notable decree of the United Netherland Provinces Anno Dom. 1581. declaring Philip King of Spain to be fallen from the Seigniorie of the Netherlands for his Tyranny and breach of Oath which is thus recited by Grimstone and recorded in his generall History of the Netherlands page 658 to 667. In the alterations which happen sometimes in an Estate betwixt the Soveraigne Prince and a people that is free and priviledged there are ordinarily two points which make them to ayme at two divers ends The one is when as the Prince seeks to have a full subjection and obedience of the people and the people contrariwise require that the Prince
be worse than the disease Therefore it becomes a wise man to try all things before he use the hot Iron and use all remedies before he take up armes If therefore those who represent the people perceive any thing to be done against the Republike by force or fraud let them first admonish the Prince neither may they expect till the mischiefe grow heavie and acquire forces Tyranny is like an heptick Feaver which at first is easie to be cured difficult to be discerned afterward it becomes easie to be known but very difficult to be cured Therfore they shall withstand the beginnings neither should they pretermit any thing though the smallest But if he shall proceed and not repent though frequently admonished but tend onely to this that he may commit any thing without punishment then verily he is really guilty of Tyranny and they may act against him whatsoever they may use against a Tyrant either by Law or just force Tyranny is not onely a crime but the head and as it were the heap of all crimes A Tyrant subverts the Republike makes a prey of all lyeth in wait for the life of all violates faith to all contemnes all the Religion of a sacred Oath Therefore is he so much more wicked then any Theefe murtherer sacrilegious person by how much it is the more grievous to offend many and all then particular persons Now if all these be reputed enemies if they be capitally punished if they suffer paines of death can any one invent a punishment worthy so horrid a crime Moreover wee have proved that all Kings receive their Royall Dignity from the people that all the people are better and higher then the King that the King is onely the superiour minister and Ruler of the kingdome the Emperour of the Empire but the people are the true head Therfore it follows that a Tyrant who commits felony against the people as the Lord of the fee hurts the sacred Majesty of the Realm and Empire Becoms a Rebel and therfore falls into the danger of the same Lawes and demerits more grievous punishments Therfore saith Bartolus he may be deposed by a Superiour or be most justly punished by the Julian Law for publike violence Now all the people or those who represent them as Electors Palatines Nobles the Assembly of the Estates c. are his Superiour But and if he shall proceed so farre that he cannot be expelled but by armed violence then verily it shall be lawfull for them to call the people to Armes to raise an Army and to practise force policy stratagems as against an adjudged enemy of his Country and of the Common-weale Neither shall the Officers of the Realm in this case fall into the crime OF SEDITION For in a sedition there must needs be two points which when for the most part they contend about contradictories it followes that the cause of one is just the other unjust That cause must verily be just which defends the Laws which protects the common good which shall preserve the Realme especially by this meanes contrarily that cause is uniust which violates the Laws defends the breakers of the Lawes protects the subverters of the Countrey That is iust which will destroy tyrannicall government that uniust which would abolish iust government That lawfull which tends to the publike good that unlawfull which tends to the private Therefore saith Thomas because a tyrannicall kingdome which is not ordained to the common good but principally for the benefit of the Governour is most uniust therefore the disturbance of this Kingdome Hath not the reason of Sedidition nor doe they fall into the crime of Treasor This crime is committed against a lawfull Prince Now a lawfull Prince is nothing but a living Law therefore he who kils the Law as much as in him lyeth cannot be called by that name therefore those who take up Arms against him shall not be guilty of that crime It is likewise committed against the Common-wealth but because the Repub. is there only where the authority of the Law prevailes not where the private lust of a Tyrant swalloweth the Republike a Tyrant shall be guilty of that crime which offends the publike Maiesty those be Vindicators of the Republike who shall oppugne a Tyrant Ex Officio supported with their own authority Neither in this case I say doth every one but all the Subiects but the Lords seem to require an account of the government from their agent no more shall they be accounted perfidious for doing it there is every where between the Prince people a mutuall reciprocal Obligation he promiseth that he will be a iust Prince they that they will obey him if he shall be such a one Therefore the people are obliged to the Prince under a condition the Prince purely to the people Therefore if the condition be not fulfilled the people are unbound the Contract void the Obligation null in Law it selfe Therefore the King is perfidious if he reign uniustly the people perfidious if they obey not him who reignes iustly But the people are free from all crime of perfidiousnesse if they publikely renounce him who reignes uniustly or if they endeavour to evict him with Armes who desires to retein the kingdome unlawfully Therefore it is lawfull for all or many of the Officers of the Realme to remove a Tyrant Neither is it onely lawfull but it lyeth so upon them of duty that unlesse they doe it they can no way be excused Neither may Electors Palatines Senators and other Nobles think that they were created and instituted onely for that end that they should shew themselves once peradventure in the Kings inauguration attired after the ancient manner that they might act a certain palliated Fable or put on the person of Rowland Oliver Renald and other Nobles on that day as if in a Scene they should in some shew represent the Round Table of Arthur as they call it so as after that the multitude is dismissed and Calliopus hath said Farewell they should think they had excellently played their parts These things are not spoken in jest these things are not perfunctorily done these things are not the pastimes of children who as it is in Horace created a King in a Play but rather of Nobles Magistrates who as they are called unto part of that honor so likewise of the burthen and shew that the Republike is committed and commended to the King as to the supreme and chiefest Tutor so also to them as fellow Tutors even Honorari assigned to him as observers of his actions who hath the chief tutelage who may daily exact an account of him and diligently take heed in what manner he reverseth so even these that they might observe the King who as to his tutelary providence is onely reputed in the place of a Lord that he doe nothing to the detriment of the people Therefore as the fact of him who acts the Gardian is
justice that Tyrants and the subverters of Law and the Republike should be curbed charity that the oppressed should be releeved and have a helping hand extended But those who take away these things take away piety justice charity from among men and desire them to be altogether extinguished So he If this then be an irrefragable verity that forraine States and Princes are so farre obliged to assist and relieve those of the same Religion and all others whose liberties rights priviledges are forcibly invaded which our Parliament and State by their assistance if the Netherlands and other Protestant States both in Quaene Elizabeths King James and King Charles his reigne approved and justified both by words Acts of Parliament and reall performances then certainly those of the self-same Church Nation Kingdom and fellow Subjects under the self-same Prince betweene whom there is a farre nearer relation much stricter obligation and more strong ingagements ought mutually to aide and assist each other to the uttermost of their abilities when their Religion Lawes Liberties be violently invaded their dearest native Countrey wasted sacked plundered burned ruined in a hostile warre-like manner with open force of Armes either by the King himselfe or a prevailing Malignant Popish faction who have surreptitiously possessed themselves both of his person and affections which they have gotten into their owne over-ruling power How much then it now concernes every reall Protestant within this Realme of England and all other his Majesties Dominions to unite all their common forces together unannimously to protect defend maintaine and propagate our established reformed Religion fundamentall Lawes Liberties the very Priviledges of Parliaments their estates liberties lives the peace welfare and common good of their dearest native Countrey and our three united Realmes against all Popish Malignant forces now in armes to invade eclipse impaire subvert sacke ruine them and how monstrously unnaturally unchristianly and detestably impious treacherous perfidious all those English Irish and Scottish Protestants proclaime themselves to the present and future age who now trayterously joyne their forces with the Malignant Popish party or prove uncordiall false treacherous and perfidious to their Religion Liberties Countrey and the Parliment who have not onely waged imployed but confided in them and contribute their uttermost endeavours to betray enslave undermine and to sacke burne and totally overturne them as many we finde have done to their eternall infamy I here referre to every mans judgement and conscience seriously to determine Certainly such unnaturall monsters such trayterous Judasses such execrable infamous Apostates as these can expect no other reall remuneration of this their treachery and perfidiousnesse but the ruine of their credits the detestation of their persons memories the confiscation of their estates the extirpation of their families the execrations of all good men the severest judgements of God and utter confusion with horrors of conscience tormenting them constantly day and night whiles they continue languishing under all these miseries here and the sharpest torments the very largest dangers the hottest flames in hell for ever hereafter and those Antichristian Papists who now are and have beene so faithfull active zealous couragious industrious liberall bountifull if not prodigall to prosecute their owne interests designes to maintaine and propagate their false erroneous detestable Religion superstitions idolatries both in England and Ireland with the effusion of their bloud expence and forfeiture of all their estates and never yet deserted or became treacherous to their false execrable cause or Religion in the least degree shall all joyntly rise up in judgement against them both here and hereafter to their sempiternall infamy reproach and most just condemnation O consider this all yee who now so much forget neglect betray both your God your Christ Religion Lawes Liberties Countrey Parliament yea your very selves your soules bodies and posterities Consider with your selves the bitter curse denounced by God himselfe against Meroz Judg. 5. 23. Consider the fatall dismall end of treacherous Judaâ— Matth. 27. 3. 4 5. Acts 1. 18. 19 20. Consider that dreadfull speech of our Saviour Christ Marke 8. 35 36 37 38. Whosoever will save his life shall lose it but whosoever shall lose his life for my sake and the Gospels shall save it For what shall it profit a man if he shall gaine the whole world and lose his owne soule or what shall a man give in exchange for his soule whosoever therefore shall be ashamed of me and of my word in this adulterous and sinfull generation of him also shall the sonne of man be ashamed when he commeth in the glory of his Father with the holy Angels If we suffer with him we shall also reigne with him if we deny him he will also deny us If we be but fearfull in the cause of Christ we shall be sure to have our part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone Rev. 21. 8. O what then will be our portion if we be unzealous negligent perfidious to it or professed enemies especially in open armes against it when it cries out to us for our necessary assistance every where If Jesus Christ will render tribulation to them which doe but trouble his people yea and shall be very shortly revealed from Heaven with his mighty Angels in flaming fire taking vengeance on all them that onely know not God and that obey not the Gospel of Jesus Christ who shall be punished with everlasting destruction from the presence of the Lord and from the glory of his power 2 Thes 1. 6. to 10. O where shall all those ungodly sinners Rebels and Traytors appeare who now every where murther plunder persecute extirpare Gods dearest Saints and not onely refuse to owne but even desert betray the cause of God and their Countrey who refuse not onely cordially maintaine the very truth of God the Gospel of Christ and which themselves in shew not onely pretend to know but professe but also joyn with Papists and Malignants openly to fight against and totally to suppresse it Certainly if judgement shall beginne at the house of God it selfe as now it doth and if the righteous who defend the cause of God and the Kingdome shall scarcely be saved what these mens dreadfull end and judgement at last shall be transcends my thoughts to conceive my expressions to relate all I can say is this it will be superlatively miserable and grievous that eternity of incomprehensible torments will onely be able to demonstrate the infinity and execrablenesse of their sinne O then let all of all sorts consider seriously of this and all the premises and the Lord give them understanding and grace to keepe a good conscience and discharge their severall trusts and bounden duties faithfully cheerefully to their God Religion King Countrey and the Parliament in all things that so they may enjoy the honour comfort benefit of all their faithfull endeavours to defend promote and propagate Religion Lawes liberties and the publike welfare here
and the Crowne the full guerdon of them hereafter and poore bleeding dying England and Ireland may now at last attaine that speedy holy lasting honourable blessed peace and unity which all good men cordially pray for and endeavour which doubtlesse had beene easily effected long ere this had we all beene faithfull true reall to the publike cause of God and our Countrey in our severall places and not faithlessely betrayed but sincerely discharged the severall trusts reposed in us to the uttermost of our powers the readiest meane to re-establish and perpetuate our pristine tranquillity which I humbly beseech the God and Prince of peace effectually to accomplish in his owne due season before our whole three Realmes become a desolate Wildernesse an Accheldama a Golgatha as many places of them are already and more like to be if the extraordinary mercy of our ever-gracious God prevent not the mischievous long plotted conspiracies malice rage treachery of unnaturall and deceitfull men FINIS This Oath should have come in the Appendix page 73. line 17. The Oath of CHARLES King of Navarre at his Coronation An. 1390. recorded in the generall History of Spaine l. 17. p. 625. 626. VVE D. CHARLES by the grace of God King of Navarre c. doe sweare unto our people of Navarre upon the holy Evangelists toucht by us and to the Prelates and rich men of the Cities and good Townes and to all the people of Navarre for all your Rights Lawes Customes Freedomes Liberties and Priviledges that every one of them as they are shall be maintained and kept to you and your successors all the time of Our life without corrupting them bettering and not impairing them in all or in part and that the violence and force which hath beene done to your Predecessors whom God pardon and to you by Vs or Our Officers We shall hereafter command it to cease and satisfaction to be made according unto right as they shall be made manifest by good men of credit After which the Deputies of the State swore in their owne names and for all the Realme faithfully to guard and defend the Kings person and their Countrey and to aide him to keepe defend and maintaine the Lawes and Customes with all their power Errata and Omissions in some Copies Part. 4. p. 1. l. 26. it is p. 9. l. 39. c. 33. p. 27. l. 13. private publike p. 28. l. 7. other 31. pugnae Appendix p. 2. l. 3. parallel p. 4. l. 14. them the people l. 34. p. 5. l. 29. Maximus p. 8. l. 1. Polieuctus p. 39. l. 26. dele in the p. 41. l. 41. other p. 44. l. 40. retired p. 50. l. 44. the hand p. 54. l. 1. Cara Lara p. 55. l. 41. Pacensis p. 59. l. 27. dele the p. 66. l. 34. yeares p. 79. l 12. dele cite l. 3. Mariana p. 129. l. 2. adde 2 Chron. 22. 1. And the inhabitants of Jerusalem made Ahaziah his youngest sonne King in his stead l. 18. confirmed p. 145. l. 2. not from it to p. 147. l. 20. in some sence in private â—ases p. 150. l. 23. pem patu p. 153. l. 14. Canarvanius p. 162 l. 7. received renued p. 162. l. 28 Horomani Francogal 38. Vindiciae p. 163. l. 2. revocable l. 3. Historicall l. 19. Cuiacius l. 23. usufrvctuary l. 35 dele the p. 166. l. 14. to doe l. 19. dele to l. 21. foundations p. 167. l. 7. is an p. 169. l. 26. Caracalla p. 170. l. 41. 2. secun qu. p. 171. l. 22. in Law p. 172. l. 27. fealty to p. 173. l. 8. adjuvante l. 15. rapacitates p. 174 l. 4. if it p. 177. l. 15. preserve l. 32. and. l. 35. goods p. 186. l. 15. 16. forcibly resist p. 187. l. 2. so to p. 190. l. 31. 206. p. 193. l. 1. converseth p. 196. l. 33. lesse In the Margin p. 42. l. 2. Dauleny p. 60. l. 4. Leges l. 9. Aimoin l. 12. Jure p. 85. l. 2. 850. p. 152. l. 1. Arnnales Gil. p. 168. l. 19. Rex part 1. p. 12. l 15. third read second p. 29. l. 44. through p. 45. l. 24. l. 3. p. 48. l. 15. Britanâ—◠〈◊〉 26. privatave p. 56. l. 16. reputing them p. 75. l. 25. responum p. 93. l. 38. Duairus p. 100. l. 33. Raynerius l. 3. 8 Albericus Part 2. p. 59. l. 3. perfidum Part 3. p. 143. l. 25. naturall nationall * See the 21. Article of the Church of England Rogers ibidem * Joh. 8. 32. * Zech. 6. 19. * Judg 9. 23. a Plato â—ege hoc sanxit li. 12 de Ll. Si quiâ— privatim sine publico scito pacem bellumve secerit capitale esto b Page 141. 22 23 95 72. and elsewhere * Part 2. 3. c Num. 22 23 24 25. d See Cambdens Britannia p. 318. accordingly e See 19 E. 3. pars 1. M 14 pars 2. m. 14. Judge Crockes Argument against Ship-mony p. 69. to 74. f See Cambaens Britan. p. 318. * An exact collection of all-Remonstrances c. p. 66 67. * Part. 1. p. 89 90. part 2. p. 41. to 74. Nota. Object 6. See the Kings Declarations and Proclamations against this and other Assessements Answer See Sir Edward Cookes institut on Mag. Charta and these Laws Articuli super Chartas Confirmatio Chartarum part 1. Rastall Accusation 5 6 7 8. Rastall Tenths Taxes c. 1. Object Answer * See 8. H. 5. c. 1 * Part 1. pag. 42 43 44. * See part 1. p. 47 48 49 50. * 12 E. 4. c. 3. * 14 E. 3. c. 20. The King then absent in France * 1 E. 6. c. 13. 1 Mar. 1 E. c. 19. 1 Jac. c. 33. * 21 Jac. c. 32. 1. Carc c. 5. * 1 Car. c. 6. 21. Jac. c. 33. * See Rastall Taxes c. throughout * Matth. Paris Hist Angl. p. 420 421 562 563. Daniels Hist p. 157. * Walsingham Hist Angl. p. 88. Holinshed Grafton and Daniel p. 211. * Mr. Hackwels mannor of passing Bils sect 8. p. 78. * See part 1. p. 37 38 39 46 to 53. * See part 1. p. 39. 17. * Fitzh Assise 413. Auowry 74. Prescrip 67. Br. Custom 31. Kitchin 45. 73. 80. Co. 5. Rep. 63. to 69. See Rastal title Corporations * Judge Crookes argument against Ship-money p. 24 25 May 5. 1641. a Cook 5. Report fol. 62 63. b Cook 5. Report f 62. c 〈…〉 d Register fol. 127. Fitz. Natur Brâ—u fol. 113. Cooke l. 10. fol. 142. e Part. 1. p. 5â— 50. 99. 100 101 102 part 2. p 98 c. Francis Then his Catalogue of Protectors in Holinshed p. 1073 c. f De Iure Belli Pacis l. 1. c. 3 nu 24. p. 69. g Vindiciae contr Tyrannos qu. 3 4. h 13. H 8. 16. 9. E. 4. 35 b. 8. E. 4 23. Br. Custome 145. Trespas 406. Dyer 36. * Cook 4. Rep. f. 93 94. Ash Title siâ—â—nts i See the Remonstrance of the rise and progresse of the Irish
10 11. l 1 King c. 12. 13. m 1 King 15. 25. to 31. n 1 â—ing 15. 34. c. 16. 1 to 14. n 1 King c. 1â— to 22. o 1 King 21. 19. to 25. p 1 King 〈◊〉 19. c. 22. 37. 38. q 2 King c. 9. 10. r 2 King 10. 30. Å¿ 2 Kings c. 12 to 16. t 2 Kin. â—6 v 1 King 13. 21. to 31. x 1 King 15. 3. 7. y 2 Chron. 21 z 2 Chron. 22. a 2 Chro. 24. 17. to 27. b 2 Chro. 25. c 2 Chron. 28. d 2 Chron. 33. 2 King 23 24. 25. e 2 Kin. 9. 27 2â— 2 Chron. â—2 c. 24. 24. 26. c. 25 27. 28. 2 Chron. 33. 22 to 28. f Deut. 29. 1. to â—6 Iosh 21. 14 to 29. 2 Chr. 15. 9 to 17. 1 Sam. 12. 13. to 2â— Chr c. 28 29 2 Chr. 23. 3. 16. 17. g 2 Chr. 15. 9. to â— h 1 Chr. c. 28. 29. i 2 Chr. 23. 16 17. 2 King 11. 4 17. 18. k 2 Chr. 29. 10 c. 30. 19. to 27. c. 11. 1. l 2 Chr. 34. 30. 31. 32. 33. m Ezra 10. 3. 4 n Nehem. 9. 38. 6. 10. 1 to 39. o Deut 13. 17. p Iosh 22. 9. to 34. q Iudg. 20 21. r 2 Chr. 21. 10 11. Å¿ 2 King 19. 20. 2 Chro. 17 18 19 20 21. t De Iure in Magistratus in subditos p 272. to 275. v Explanatio Artic 42. lib. 4. Epist Zuing Oecol f. 186. x Vindiciae contra Tyrannos quaest 2. p. 43 to 70. y Page 271. to 275. z Instit l. 4. â— 20. sect 31. a The True Difference c. part 3. p. 513 514. * So 2 Sam. 21. 17 18. David being like to be slain by Ishbiâ—enoh the Gyant whom Abishaâ— slew The men of David sware to him â—â—ying Thou shalt go no more out with us to battell that thou quench not the light of 〈◊〉 * 2 Chron. 30. 1 to 6. k 2 Chron. 31. â—8 1. c The third part of the True difference between Christian Subiection c. p. 513. 514. d Antiqu. Iud. l. 4. c. 8. d Cunaeus de Repub. Heb. 6. 1. c. 9. p. 75. 76. 77 e Explaniâ— Artic. 42. Tom 1 Oper. Tiguri 1581. f. 84 85. f Quaest 3. p. 94 to 97. g 1 Chro. 29. 1. h 1 Chr. 13. 1. i 1 Sam. 14. 45 k 1 Chron. 10. 1. l Neh. 11. 9. m Ier. 26 9. 17 n Ier. 37. 38 5. q Iun. Bruâ—us Vindic. Contr. Tyrannos qu. 3. p. 121 122. Albericus Gentilis de Iure Belli l. 3. c. 15. p. 612. r Ps 1. 1 2. Ps 19. 10. Ps 119 throughout Å¿ 2 Sam. 23. 3. t 1 King 10. 9. 2. Chron. 9 8. v 2 Chron. 34. 31. x 2 Chron. 15. 12. to 17. Ezra 10. 3. c. Neh. 9. 38. c. 10. 1. to the end y Isay 9. 7. c. 16. 5. c. 32. 2. 2 Sam. 5. 12. Ezek. 45. 8 9. z Isay â— 23. c. 12. 14 15. Zeph. 33. Mich. 3. 9. to 12. Ezek. 22. 6. to 28. Isa 14. 4. to 23. Object 1. a Com. in Ps 50. Epist ad Rusticam b In Psal 50. c In Psal 50. d Grotius de Iure Belli Pacis l. 1. c. 3. sect 20. p. 63 64 77. Answ e 1 Sam. 2. 25. 2 Chron. 6. 22. Deut. 22. 23. 24. Ezek. 18. 6. 7. 11 f Prov. 20. 2. 1 Cor. 6. 18. g See Grotius de Iure Belli l. 2. 6. 14. s 20. Marius Salamonius de Principatulib Rebuf Praesat ad Rubr de Collationibus p. 583. h In Ps 50. Marlorat Mollerus Musculus Calvin Bredenbachus Brentius Bucunus Brero Bugenbag Fernerius Haymo Gualter Rolloc Savanoerola Scultetus Gilbert Cognatus Westhemerus Zegodinus Wolfg. Seberius in Psal 51. i Rom. 2. 12. 14. 15. c. 3. 20. c. 5. 13. c. 7. 7. 1 Cer. 15. 56. 1 Ioh. 3. 4. k 2 Sam. 24. 10. to 20. m Psal 40. 12 Psal 38. 3 4. l Sam. 16. 19. 28 29. n See De Iure Magistratus in suâ—diâ—os p. 301 302. o Isay 30. 33. Rom. 6. 15. 16. p 2 Sam. 7. 14 Psa 89. 30 31 32. q Hugo Grotius de Iure Belli pacisl 1. c. 3 sect 20. p. 64. Object Answ 1. Å¿ Antiqu. Iud. l 6. c. 4. 2. t 2 Sam 23. 3 Ps 67. 4. Pro. 31 9. Isay 32. 1. 2 Chron 9. 8. v Exod. 20 17. Deut. 5. 21. x 1 King 21. 2 to â—5 y Antiqu. Iud. l. 6. c. 4. 5. Observ 1. z Pet. 2. 13. a Part. 3. p. 110 111. b Part 3. p. 115 to 122. c Herod l. 1. Cicero l. 1. Offic. d Livius l. 1. * See here par 1. p. 53. to 78. e Analas Cilly Observ 2. f Num. 127 128 129. g Peneg Trâ—ian diâ—tus * Barclay l. 3. adver Monarc c. 8. l. 6. c. 23. 24. quoted by Grotius h Vindiciae Contr. Tyranne printed 1589. Quaest 3. p. 9. 91. to 111. i Gen. 39. 4. k Dan. 2. 48. l Dan 6. 1. * Hotemani France Gallia â— 6. m Gen. 23. and 34. * Har. p. 143. 144. n Esther â— o Arist. Polit. l. 5. c. 11. 6. 3. c. 7. p Herodian l. 8. in Orat Maximi Albini 〈◊〉 Milites q Speculum â—axonicum r Aimenius l. 5. c. 16. in Carolo Caluo See Hâ—lomani Franco gallâ—a c. 5 6 10. c. Å¿ P. Filius sam Inst quibus mod in Pâ—triae pol. solvitur t Reâ—atus chappinus v Aimonius x Caesar l. 5. 7. de Bello Gallico Note Note Note y L. proponebatur -6. D. de â— Iud. ciis l. qui res suas 98. paragr ult de solatâ—on â—inter stipul 93. parag Sacram. D. de Verbor oblig Vlpian de Reg. Iuris l. 54. Observ 3. a In his speech in Parl. in his works p 531 c. 9 b A Collection c. p. 320 321. and elsewhere e l. 1 c. 8. l. 3. c. 9. f l. 1. c. 17. g c. 9. to 15. h See Cooks Epist to the 5. Report Calvins case i par 1. 2. k Fox Act. Mon. Edit 1. in one Vol. p. 741. * From Henry the eight and his Councell g Ponet P. lit Government p. 22. Dolman p. 72. and others h Plinius 2. Panegyr Traiano dâ—ct Eccardus de Lege Regia i In Philâ—â—â—rato l. 8. Eccardus de Lege Regia k Dionys Hall car l. 1. Eccardus de Lege Regia Iunius Brutus p. 122. Observ 4. l Ioannis Maior Distinct 24. qu 3. Lau. Bochellus Decreta Eccles Gall. l 5 Tit. 4. c. 3. p. 728. m Vindicae contra Tyrannos qu 3. p. 124 125 126. Innocentius ad Regen Tarrat in c. quando de Iure Iâ—â—ando Observ 5. Observ 6. * See Henricus Eocerus lib. 2. Le Duello c. 4 5. that the Civill Law concerning Iusts is contrary yet the Canon Law prohibiting Iusts upon pain of excommunication accords with the common Law Observ 7. n Part. 1. p. 102. part 2. p. 1â—