playnlie vvhen they sent to the camp at Sansay to ioyn with them that ded oppose the kings marriage But this vvas not all 5. They established in each prouinc of France a Councel to heare of the affayres orders and government of the contrie and importunatelie vrged to haue counsellors in the parliement at Paris 6. I will add yet one act more odious and of more presumption and treason then all the rest which was mayd at the assemblie of Rochel 1621. whear ovvt of ther own authoritie they deuided the prouinces of France into vij Synodes which they called circles and added Bearn for the viij And therin wear orders sett down for governing the armie and a general and officiers for each circle as yf they meant to cantonize France And they decreed art 11. that no treatie nor truce should be mayd withowt ther assemblie art 35. that the general assemblie in respect of ther great charge should arrest the kings rents and moonie devv for tayles aydes gabells c. and appoint officers for collecting the same art 36. that they should seaze and let to farme all goods Ecclesiastical and profits of churches and reuennues of personages And art 41. they took the like order for all the profits of the Admiraltie vvhich articles vvear signed by the President Combart And all this is pretended to be iustice and not disobedienc and as fowle as the fault is it is couered vvith the fayre shadovv of Gloria Patri and vvith the name of religion And surelie it vvas vviselie sa yt of Tullie Totius in iustitia nulla Capitalior quam corum qui cum maximè fallunt id tamen agunt vt viri boni videantur I vvill not declare the opinion of the Ciuilians what a sect is and which ar iustlie called conuenticles and congregations against the prince and the ancient lawes in force and hovv saction and Conspiracie ar defined vvhich ar practised and vsed for the propagation thereof and vvhether they be within the compass of treason or no I refer yow to Farmacius parte 4. to Decius l. 7 c. 7. and c. 20. to Bossius and to Gigas who can with better authoritie resolue yow I vvill onely alledg the municipal lawes of France which heartofore haue bean the bridle of Iustice to curbe and break such vnrulie colts And first this decree was mayd by king lewes 11. 1477. All treaties against the kings person or his estate and the realme wear decreed to be treason To the same effect a law was enacted by Charles the VIII 1487. By Frances the I. 1532. By Frances the II. at Fountainbleau 1560. And by Henry the II. 1556. all men wear prohibited to bear armes or to entertain anie particuler intelligences or to hold anie counsells or assemblies for conferenc but in town hovvses or publik places By Henry III. at Bloys 1579. an inhibition vvas mayd to assemble anie trovvpes vnder pretenc of particuler quarrels or to enter into anie association and it vvas enacted that to hold intelligenc or maik leagues offensiue or to haue participation within or vvithovvt France or to leure men of vvarr withovvt the kings licenc should be iudged and deamed as High treason and the offendores to be holden as disturbers of the state All vvhich lavves ar set down in the Code of Henry the III. printed at Paris 1597. And all lawyers assirme the same by the common lawes of the land Frances Rogueau des droicts royaux Bodin de repuclica legrand Coustumier and other And good reason For as withowt order ther can be no peace so withovvt Iustice no societie and Caluinists differ in that poynt nothing from Anabaptists yf they vvill not subiect them selfs to the obedienc of lawes and magistrates who as king Iosaphat sayd 2. Paralipum 19. non hominis sed Dei exercent iudicium And surelie I may bodlie affirme that Caluimsm haith cast the state of France into a desperate disease and such as requireth an Aesculapius yf neither the maiestie nor the forces of a king the eldest sonn of the church nor the vvisedom of his Counsell and Parliements nor the authoritie of the estates so oft assembled nor the obedienc dew to Iustice nor the peace and safetie of the kingdome can mooue these owt lavves of Rochel and Montauban and the rest to yeald vp to the king them selfs and ther armes and seak for that royall grace and pacification vvhich all his other devvtiefull subiects of ther ovvn tribe doe merciefullie enioye THE 3. TIT. OF THE REFORMED CHVRCHES IN SCOTLAND BVT perauentur yf this fierie zeale of The cavvs of the trovvbles in Scotland these Rabbines of Geneua wear transferred into Scotland a coulder Climate it would be quiklie cooled and qualified and procead vvith a better temper No surelie for it haith bean tryed by exampl of an infamous Emperick vvho both inflamed and corrupted the vvhole bodie of that kingdome with his irregular zeal and such aboundanc of ill humors as therby grew a pleurisie of trowbles in that state which could not be cured withowt effusion of much blood The authors and actors of the alterations and tumults in Scotland vvear as violent as whirlewynds which blow down all that stood in ther vvaye euen the crown it self and royaltie Iohn knox Goodman Gilby and Primo ther doctrine Buchanan wear the principal instruments and the legati à Latere from maister Caluin who vvhear brauelie seconded by mais Dauid Fergusson a learned shoemaker and minister of Dundee by M. Couerdale Willox Rous Harriot and Mongommerie Victrix legio and Nouatores strenui All of them Ministers and such salt-peter men as vvear fitt for fyre vvorkes and to prepare matter for povvder to blow vp the state of the cleargie of anie nation And by these rare men vvas the Church of Scotland repayred and reformed according to the scantling of Geneua and the Platforme of the Elders Knox farr vnlike to Nehemias both for course and qualitie yet he acted his part how properlie and piouslie Langey his contrieman can tell yovv vvho ded vvrite of his vertues For Buchanan he vvas euer a rude and slouenlie Swiz of a presumptious audacitie and factious nature he vvas one of them that in Edinborough in the tyme of king Iames the fifth ded solemnlie in Lent ear the Paschal lamb and being conuicted for that Iudaisme which the king hym self examined his partners vvear condemned and burnt for that haeresie and he escaped and fled over into other contries as a man reserued to be a plague to his ovvne But yf yow vvould discerne and trie ther spirits ther peceablenes ther patienc and ther sanctitie read there Theoremes and by the maximes of ther doctrine yovv vvil fynd them extraordinarie Doctors and skarselie matchable Knox libro ad nobilitat populum Scot. beginus thus to instruct them Neque promissum neque iuramentum obligare potest populum vt obediat auxilietur tyrannis contra Deum And in his Historie of Scotland pag. 372.
wolfs stomach he ded seak to deuowre that most ancient and honorable Earldome of Oxford In all this glorie he was cut of for his sinnes and arraigned and executed for acting so grosslie the part of a Protector And though he was badd enoug an other succeaded much worse For novv begon the tree of Dudlie to spread owt his brainches vvith glorie vvho could not be except he vvear great novv vvas the tyme for his common vvelth to floorish and bycause he vvould not seam to doe anie thing but by Iustice he begonn 1549. to vvrastl with Sommerset till he gaue hym a fall First he proclamed hym to be a man that subuerted all lavves and that he broke the orders of H. 8. appointed for his sonns good that he keapt a Cabbienet counsell and litl esteamed the aduise of his fellowes that he took vpon hym to be protector expresslie vpon conditions to doe nothing in the kings affayres withovvt consent of the executors And vpon these and such like accusations God stirred one of these reformers to vvrack an other Novv as that shovved his iustice so to seame religious he cavvsed the book of common prayer 1552. to be first published for that religion he knew vvould best serue his turn vvho vvas all readie novv farr engaged in the plat to aduanc his ovvn hovvse by the ruine of his maisters and by that coolor he discerned that he might best vvinn the Duke of suff to hym And bycaus he supposed the Lord Threasorer vvas not vnlike to cross hym he took order at the counsel table vvhear he vsed to leaue his spectacles yf he vvear soodainlie cald for vp to the king to maik the same before his return be so svveatlie anoynted and perfumed that therby he lost his nose and skaped nearlie vvith his lyfe and yet he liued to requite hym and for his better strenth vvhile king Edvvard vvas sick as yf all had bean fixed in a sphear to mooue vvith hym he cavvsed at Durham hovvse his sonn to be married to ladie Iane the Earle of Pembrocks sonn to the ladie Katharin and the Earl of Huntingtons sonn to his ovvn daughter and all vpon one daye all to serue for one end and to maik it impossible for anie to bayt the beare hearafter Then vvas king Edward mayd away by his means and that potticarie who poysond hym for the horror of the offenc and disquietnes of his conscienc drowned hym self and the landres that washed his shirt lost the skinn of her fingers ther be some yet liuing in the court that haue sean weaping eyes for it Yet was all so ouer shadowed with the name of religion that not manie could discern the impietie yf yow would see the oration he mayd to the Lords when he was to depart from the towr to go towards Cambredg and proplayme his daugther in law Quene yow shall see how Raignard had gotten on a minister cloke and mayd that is cawse which he was furthest from Now consider thre things 1. for the men vvear not they both fitt instruments to encrease pietie and vertue and to reforme a Church vvear not rhey like men to haue bean chosen by the spirit of God for so godlie ends and like to be labourers in the haruest of Christ wear ther pietie zeale and charitie such as became them vvell and vvear suitable to reformers to Iosias and Ezechias No nisi hominus edificauerit ciuitatem they labor in vayne he will geue them a fall whear they purposed to taike ther rising 2. For ther ends both of them concurred in chainging religion both of them lost ther heads one of them vvas a butcher to an other and both vnded ther ovvn famililies and hazarded ther frends but for Dudlie as he ded ruine the king so he endaingered the whole realme and yet his end was a demonstration to the world that all his ayme vvas ambition and not religion for either he dyed a Catholick or certanly an Atheist And as his ambition so Sommersets auarice was not withowt his plagues for his weakenes was ouer maistered by a wyfe his eldest sonn was disinherited he executed his own brother he liued to see the loss of bullen the crown and the realm ingaged in debts and vvants confusion and commotions vvithin the realme by ther ill government and contempt withovvt 3. Novv consider te patienc of the Preasts and Prelates vnder these Cormorants they suffred all withowt resisting or rebelling and neuer prouoked the nobilitie to taik armes hauing bean bredd in the school of vertue to bear ther crosses with patienc and to affect rather the glorie of a Martyr then the svvord and fortune of a conqueror And so I leaue them till hearafter TITVLVS TERTIVS THe last and greatest tempest vvhich shaked the verrie fovvndations of the The Q. Elizabeth Church of England and threatned the vtter ruine and subuersion thereof vvas raysed by Quene Elizabeth vvho reuiued the Protectors new religion and reestablished it The vvhich was effected quicklie and quietlie sine sanguine sudore and as M. Camden noteth well Christiano orbe mir ante And surelie it vvas a strainge alteration bycause the Quene during her sisters lyfe daylie hard Masse ad Romanae religionis Camden annales normam saepius confiteretur Which is consonant to the report of Syr Frances Englefeald that the ladie Elizabeth being examined at Hatfeald by Q. Maries commissioners sayd to one of them it is not possible that the Quene vvill be persvvaded Iam a Catholick and therupon she ded sweare and protest that she was a Catholick And it aggreeth well with the Duke of Feria his letter to king Philip yet extant to be seane vvhearin he certified the king that Q. Elizabeth ded profess and assure hym that she beleaued the real presenc and that she vvas not like to maik anie great alteration for the principall poynts of religion I nead not relate the like speaches vsed by her to Monsieur Lansack seing manie honorable persons haue affirmed the same and seing her external profession in publick and her priuate chappell ded testifie that either she was then sincearlie in dead or would be taken then to be a Catholick And that was the cawse which mayd the world maruell more at her great and soodain chainge of religion And the rather bycause at her coronation she vvas orderlie consecrated and anointed at a Masse by the Bushop of Carlisle and she took the oath then to mantain the Church and vphold the liberties thereof as her predecessors had doone Which vvithovvt aequiuocation must neads be intended of that Church then being in esse and whearin she was consecrated and took that oathe and not of the Idea of a new Church a castle in the Ayre to be hearafter erected and fownded by lier authoritie and the Parliement But how euer she was before perswaded she was now altered and became too soodainlie Retrograde and so as in the opinion of manie prudent and great
aboue Ela a strain farr higher then the Duke Aluaes and yet tho the people denied it and murmured much yet still vvas he in Holland paeter patriae so smoothlie he could manage his busienes Barneuelt in his Apologie confessed that he fovvnd 1586. the order of the gouernment ovvt of all Frame manie preachers protestants vvould not acknovvledg the states for after the french fashion they had no command nor discipline the commons quite opposite the towns and magistrates wished for peace the expenses of the state exceaded all incoms and reuennues by tvventie six millions and that which I maik this note for west frizeland in the beginning ded contribute skarse Decies octies centena millia florenorum and now they ar charged to paye quadragies centena milua librarum duos milliones I vse his own words bycause I will not be challenged for mistaking hym Who is therfor now the tyrant and the exactor tho the peopl haue chainged ther Lord they ar not eased of ther oppression and wheare before they complayned they had one now ar they subiect to the command of manie tyrants who fleace them nay vnskin them Alua bett them with whips but the states with scorpions Examin ther excises and impositions how they ar increased vpon meat drink fewel men servants wages besides lones and beneuolences Henry Cuickius chargeth them to exact the fourth part of ther reuennues that ar Hollanders and liue owt of the contrie Si in prouincijs nostris venia eorum degunt semissem iubent soluere si secus bonis exuunt And to answer that inuectiue against the Duke of Alua his Creweltie which was so much obiected at Coolen and since haith bean aggrauated by D. Baudius in his orations call to mynd what occasions wear giuen hym by the opposition of the Nassouians by the warr at Mounts by the practise to empeach his entranc to Brabant and by contriuing his death Yet these wear venial sinnes But vvhen he fownd the nobilitie so farr ingaged in the conspiracie with the Geuses that the kings authoritie was despised the religion established was prophaned and derided that the towns in Holland and Zelland reuolted Hâ—â—leâ— Alcmar and the rest excluding the kings authoritie and power what stranger and man vnpartiall vvould not think when the blood of the bodie was so corrupted that it is not fitt both to vse cauterism and violent purgations to clense it for violenc is never necessarie but when lenitiues wil not remedie and work a cure And when Alua vvas reuoked remember how litl the peacapl nature of the Commendador preuayled vvith so rough and harsh natures who was forced to crie owt Dios libera nos de estos estados And hear I pray yow read the opinion of Syr Roger Williams a soldier of good note who had serued an both sydes and knew the natures of the peopl in his storie of these warres he condemned the reuocation of Alua as an error bycause nothing but rigor could reduce these violent spirits into order neither can anie man maik them obedient but he that can pull them vpon ther knees and carrieth the sword drawen in his hand allwaies readie vpon such inflammations to open a vayne and let them blood though I conffess a gentle hart will much ever relent vvith compassion when it seeth blood shed Concerning the breach of the kings For the kings oath oath which they obiect hauing svvorn to obserue ther priuiledges yf they will decide the matter by course of iustice it must first be mayd playne and appeare that the king haith broken his promise and not performed his oath and in what case and in ther own causes it is not agreable to common reason that the Playntifs should be bothe accusers and iudges Again yf he had broken his promise manie things may happen after his oath to excuse hym from periurie or tyrannie for by law euerie absolute pact and promise doth implie tacitam conditionem to procead rebus sic stantibus as they wear at the oath taken But what yf such difficulties followe that he can not keap his promise What yf that which was then promised for the good of that prouince can not be obserued withowt the great domage of that prouince and of all Europe As the cawse so the case must be altered But procead further yf the king had broken his oath yet wear not the states inabled and authorised therby to choose a new prince in his stead much less to inuest them selfs for in the articles of the Ioy full entrie this is a clawse vt si in omnibus aut in vno quoâ—iam articulo pacta ista Dux Brabantiae violassct denegare ei tantisper subdus possunt consueta seruitia dum id reuocetur vel corrigatur in quo controuersum For otherwise withowt that dum ill disposed subiects should continuallie haue the aduantage to pick quarrels against a good Prince And the world can witnes how oft the king haith offred to the Emperor to forrein princes and to the states generall either to reuoke or amend what could be prooued to be amisse Besides the states and courts of Brabant ar more properlie to decide that quaestion then Holland who can clayme those priuiledges but by participation Add also that the states of Brabant Flanders Artois Heynault and the rest haue conformed them selfs like dewtiefull vertuous and noble persons to obedienc of the king and to all Lawes and gouernment And yf Holland could learn by ther examples so to doe the quaestion wear then ended Furthermore the like oath all kings taik at ther coronation and it is the greatest honor to them religiouslie to performe it but yf they break it what then shall he be deposed that is a doctrine onelie sitt for the schools of Conspiracie Besides ther is a great differenc betvvean a couenant and a condition in the common lawe and yet neither of them tye a Prince so as the breach implyeth a forfeiture as hear after appeareth But to conclud who ded first create and grant these priuiledges ded not the Prince ex gratia spectali mero motu to gratifie good subiects how vnthankful subiects then ar they who will seak to depriue ther soouerain Lord yf he be forced to break a clawse or an article or a couenant vpon vrgent cawse What would they haue obiected to Philip Duke of Burgondie and of the Netherlands who resumed into his H. Berland own hands and by his own authoritie all the Priuiledges and immunities of Gandt and detayned them all his lyfe tyme teaching them to acknowledg by whose grace they held them And what remedie when his sonn Charles cam to Gand the people in a rage compelled hym to restore them But to ther cost for they weare forced to seak his pardon and to cast them selfs and ther charters at his feate and stand to his mercie And the like he ded at Machlen which he determined to haue razed and destroyed yet he restored them
the church of England and who was chosen to write of this argument by the greatest Statesman of that tyme and he vvrit cum priuilegie and the generall allowanc of the church of England Saith he shall a king be deposed yf he break In his book of ChristiaÌ„ subiection his promise and oath at his coronation in anie of the couenants and poynts he promiseth He answers in the margent the breach of couenants is no depriuation And he geues this reason The people may not break vvith ther Princes tho ther Princes break vvith God And aftervvard Subiects can not depose ther Princes to vvhome they must be subiect for conscienc sake This is a sermon quite contarie to the Aphorisms of Holland and the diuinitie of Rochel and yet it standeth vpon inuincible reason for as yovv may not by Gods lavve depose your prince so yovv ar for bidden to taik armes against hym And vvhy D. Bilson vvil satisfie yovv For saith he he that may fight may bill and vvar against the Prince and murdering the Prince ar of consequenc incuitabl Aftervvard he addeth this to stopp the mouth of such a Polipragmus as called the king raptorem haereticum à suo repellendum The Apostles obeyed the tyrants that commanded all things against religion And in those things vvhich vvear cammanded against God they ded submit them selfs vvith meakenes to endure the Magistrates pleasure but not to Not. obey his vvill Lastlie and most to the purpose he concludeth yf the lavves of the land appoynt the nobles as next to the king to assist hym in doeing right and vvith hold hym from doeing vvrong then ar they licensed by mans lavves to interpose them selfs but in no case to depriue the Prince vvhear the scepter is inherited Novv it is certan that the lavves of the Netherlands geue no such authoritie to the nobles and yf they ded yet in no case to to depriue ther Prince or to abiure ther obedienc and maik that as a bridg to pass ouer to the sooueraintie And bycause some of good accounpt and iudgment haue bean led into that error that the Dukes of Burgondie hold not full power and sooraintie in the Netherlands I will send them to schoole to all lawyers records stories and that which is most infallible to the practise and common lawes of that contrie to Bodin and to that ancient and honorable Counsellor the Lord Chancelor Egerton in his oration for the post nati pag. 71. The Dukes of Burgondie saith he vvear absolute Princes and had soouerain povver in ther contries and king Henry the S. â—ad as absolute sooueraintie vvhen his style vvas Lord of Ireland as vvhen he vas king for the difference of styles marks not the differenc of soouerantie So then to conclude yf this warr begonn for religion vvas against all the rules of religion I may dewlie inferr that as ther vsurpation is withowt warrant either of law or the gospell they continew to hould it withowt conscienc and haue no other title but force and the canon And all forrein soldiers that doe assist them knowing the iniustice of the case and that the warr is so vnlawfull incurr the penaltie of mortal sinn and dainger of damnation and may as iustlie be reprooued as king Iosaphat for helping and assisting Achab. Look to the end for it is certanly fearefull to all those who know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write not thus much as an enemie to the contrie I hould a peareles countie for the goodlie townes welth traffick strenth and fertilitie in so small a circuite nor for anie personall quarrels nor for anie corruption or assentation in regard of the match with Spayne but onelie the truth of the storie the dainger of ther president and the cawse of religion haue induced me for tho I remembred the dislike had of ther manner of gouernment ther dealing with the Quenes officers and of ould how vnkyndlie my lo. Willoughbie had bean hearto fore vsed by them as his Apologie can witnes and of late what complaynts our merchant adventurors in ther books had mayd for ther ill vsage at Mosko and the east Indies by them what contempt they showed when the devvtie of Size Herrings was demanded in his Maiesties right for fishing on the coast of Scotland in presuming to imprison the demander and manie such like matters yet why should these mooue me when the state vvas not mooued And vvhen I saye the state I mean not the people but the king to whome Holland is and was most bovvnd for 2. high and bynding fauores wihch require a reciprocall obligation and thankfullnes on ther part and such as ought to bread in them good blood and ambites and respectfull toungs first in restoring vnto them the keyes that ded open and lock ther provinc not for anie remuneration but restitution of a part of his devv As also for the free permission of ther fishings vpon the Englih coast whearin they haue yearlie employed aboue 30. thowsand persons set to work by it and aboue 4000. Busses Doggerbotes galliots and pinks to ther admirable benefit which is onelie a permission of grace and no priuiledg by law for Grotius may withowt contradiction prooue mare liberum as the kings high waye is for euerie mans walk But he can not prooue that fishings vpon an other Princes coast be permitted to theÌ„ this is a digression to a good end And therfor I will return to the matter THE V. TITLE OF THE TROWBLES IN BOHEMIA AND THE PALATINATE BOhemia Onelie now resteth as a stage The trovvbles and sedition in to present the last Scene of all forren tragedies and tumults for religion and I Bohemia for religion will taik the Palatinate in my vvaye An vnfortunate prouince of late vvhich in a hundred yeares haith chainged religion fiue tymes and never leatned in all that tyme the rules of obedienc Wheareof I nead not maruel when I think of Parreus Cracerus and the schools of the new discipline Parreus in his Comment vpon the 13. Romans teacheth that subditi possunt suos Reges deponere quando degenerant in tyrannos aut suos subditos cogunt ad Idololatriam Scil. Subiects may depriue ther Princes when they degenerate from a royal gouernemeÌ„t and become tyrants of yf they compel ther subiects to Idolatrize And his meaning is yf they establish the Mass and the sacrifice of the Church or anie other religion then Caluinism then eiect excommunicate and cast them owt of all authoritie so terrible a sentenc he giueth both against the Emperor France Italie and Spayn But stay this is but his first peale vvhich he ded ring as the Toxsan the Alarum bell to Bohemia but he addeth an other article as a iust cawse of depriuation Quando pretextu religionis quaerunt propria commoda when vnder pretenc of religion they seak to maik ther own profit Which had bean a lectur not verrie plausible to king Henrie
the government to serue ther turn And surelie ther cases ar matches yf the one might by law the other maye and yf yow condemn the one yow must vnpartiallie condemn the other But nothing maiks this action more offensiue 5. Reason more scandalous and more infamous then that Anhalt and Onoltzback in scâ—s electoribus ded confederate them selfs vvith straingers and dispose of the succession of the Empyre vvithovvt the warrant of the Empyre and this fawlt is dovvbled by combining vvith Bethlem Gabor Christians vvith the Turks vassal a reprobate a monster This is that B. Gabor vvho to hold hym self in the Turks grace deliuered vnto hym the town and fort of Lipp and the townes of Solimos Tornadg Margat and Arad vvel fortified in Hungaria This is he vvho treated vvith the Hungars 1607. to deliuer vp Vaccia a town Episcopall into the Turks hands to the great preiudice of religion and oppression of Christians This is he that svvore alleagianc to Gabriel Batthori his soouerain Lord and Princ of Transilâ—ania and afterward trayterouslie murdered hym and vsurped his state This is he who mayd a league vvith the Emperor Matthias 1615. not to attempt anie thing against the liberties and peace of Hongrie and afterward practised with the rebells of that state invaded the kingdome took vpon hym the crown 1620. led Andrew Dockzy the kings Liuetennant catched in his nett by frawd prisonner into Transiluania and banished all the state Ecclesiasticall that he might fead his soldiers vvith the spoyles of the church And this is he who hauing entered Poson prophaned the Cathedral church of S. Martin placed there his nevv Chaplains and aftervvard vvith his own hand certified the Turk that at last he had vndertaken that worthie exployt to the vvhich the Turk had oft incooraged hym and that most of the nobles of Hongarie wear his and had submitted them selfs to hym and that now he was determined for the cleargie seing they gloried to shaue ther crownes he would glorie to cutt of ther heads whearupon in Iun afther the Turk mayd peace vvith Tartaria and promised to assist Gabor at his nead vvith 40. thovvsand Tartars What tare vertues can be expected from such a man whose anatomie yf it vvear to be mayd vvould shovv such a leaprousie such a corruption of blood and so loath some a bodie as Europe haith not oft knowen I nead no other reason against this league but to subscribe his name as a principall in the coÌ„tract whome the world must neads iudg vnlike to be a fitt instrument to aduanc the Crosse of Christ and to reforme religion Yet this vvas the man vpon vvhose head the vnion ded agree to set the crovvn of Hongarie and to carrie the practise vvith more secrecie they intertaind his nearest kinsman at Heydelbergh vnder the govvn of a scholler to hyde all ther intelligences and conduct ther busienes Novv doe I vvish that a partiall reader 6. Reason would look vpon Germanie and see the picture of Troye on fyre see the image and horror of vvarr and hovv vvell it vvould please them to see the face of London and Midlsex so disfigured with wounds and desolation And that puritan vvho novv is most forvvard to blovv the coals of discord and sedition and inflame a state vvith furie and quicksiluer may quake and trembl vvhen he shall consider in vvhat devastation all that contrie of the Empyrelyeth mourning and groning The Prouinces abovvt the Rhine ar waisted disturbed and empouerished by the soldiers on both sydes specially vvorms tillageâ—s suspended traffick is decayed trades ar ceased taxes ar imposed new fortifications charge the contrie men ar not maisters of ther own goods and aboue 100. thowsand men ar accoÌ„ppted to be slayne thes ar the fruits of ciuil warres which ar bitter and lovre to them that taist them as I pray gâ—d England may neuer And there ar the fruit of Caluinisme which though it was directlie prohibited by the lavv and tolerated onelie by the mercie of the state seaketh novv to suppresse both the Emperor and the states withowt anie toleration of there religions an vncharitable requital ans vvithovvt the feal of anie religion for your iustifiâ—ng sole faith can never iustlie vvithovvt yt bring charitie in her bosome and the trew marks of Charitie being patienc humilitie and zeal conioyned stronglie in a link your litl patienc and humilitie convinc your zeal to be counterfeit and your faith to be fruitles for charitie would not direct yow to inuade the Duke of Bauier his territories yf he refused to stand Neuther charitie ded not counsel Anhalt in his letters to Donau 1619. to haue an auaricious eye to surprise a cittie which would be vvorth vnto them 32. millions Charitie doth not vse to direct Christians to sollicit the Turks assistance as pag. 80. Cancellariae nor to set down such plots as they intended p. 42. and 32. and 66. Now touching the lawes of the Empyre 7 Reasons I referr yow to that I haue deliuered before against the commotions of the Lutherans which ther is iustlie condemned Onely I will add this touching Bohemia Carolus 4. in act de confirmatione regis Bohemoâ—um setteth dovvn this clause as an essential part of that kings authoritie and approbation Volentes vt quicunquè in regem Bohemorum electus fuerit ad nos successores nostros Romanorum reges Imperatores accedat sua à nobis debito modo solito regalia accepturus non obstantibus iuribus legibus municipalibus quibuscunque c. And in the Aurea bulla cap. 4. Curia Nurenberg act 7. Iubemus volumus vt omnes Principes Electores c. art 8. Si quis autem Princeps Elector aliusue feudum à sacro tenens impeno supra infra scriptas Imperiales constitutiones adimplerenoluerit aut eis contrare presumpserit ex tunc caeteri Coelectores à suo ipsum deinceps excludaÌ„t consortio ipseque voce Electoris dignitate careat iure Wherby it is mayd manifest what the law requireth to be doone and what order and manner it prescribeth for the doeing thereof and what paenaltie and forfeitur is sett doone against offendors and transgressors of that lawe And good reason for take away or neglect Iustice pretend what yow will your great glorious attempts your inuasions your intrusions be but magna latrocinia and violent oppressions as appeared vvell by the supplication of Leopold king of the Romans to his father Otho I. who bycause he had broken the peace of the Empyre and called forreiners and yet not Turks to his assistanc saith he membrum Imperij appellari non debeo quigentes extâ—rnas barbaras in mediam Germaniam immisi sorrowing for his fault and acknowledging his error But these Minyeons of Geneua bring 8. Reason Religion to plead for the defenc of ther vnion and that they endeauored onelie to punish Ochosias for consulting vvith the Idol of Accharon and to root ovvt superstition
reuennues of the crown So to conclude the king giuing and appointing all iudges who in his realme is to iudg hym or to censure his counsells of state and politike temporall actions and yf be he iudg they ar vvithowt iudgment that attribute it to the states but they err most that arme the people vvithe that authoritie For tho I know what a parliement means and what power it vvoorthilie carrieth yet as it is euer summoned by the king so ther acts must be iudged allowed and confirmed by the king before they be lawes In the senate rests consilium but in the king is the powre and Maiestie of the realme and he is iudg to allow or disallow what he liketh and by the coniunction of these Foskevv sayd trewlie no state is berter tempered nor more temperatelie gouerned nor by more excellent municipall lawes then England is So to conclude what reason can be pretended for wyats insurrection against his soouerain the bodie politick was it for matching with Spayne that was no straâ—g motion for her father had once before deâ—seigned to match her in that familie besides the conditions vvear honorable and profitable to the crovvne yf God should bless them vvith issevv the person most noble and the reasons allowed by all the counsel But the Quene ded not obserue the lawes of the realme she abrogated the statuts of 1. E. 6. which all the kingdome approoued and the vvord of God by Moyses commandeth that Princes should obserue the lavves and those Princes dishonor them selfs vvho doe not acknowledg that of Theodosius tantùm tibi licet quantum per leges licet Well aliud ex alio malum As Moyses prescribed vvhat a Prince should doe so Samuel what he may doe Moyses tould hym his dewtie Samuel his power and it is trew and a Christian profession of kings legibus se subiectos esse profiteri But yow must consider the lavv haith two properties the one to show what a man should doe the other to punish them that doe it not To the first the king is subiect but tovching the second for criminal cavvses I know no court aboue the kings bench nor no iudg aboue the king Moreouer yf Quene Marie shold be tyed to her brothers lavves vvhy vvas not Quene Elizabeth to hers vvhy vvas not king Edvvard to his fathers lavves but that religion of Quene Marie was corrupt vnpure and superstitious So still hear is philautia and presumption yow will censure your iudg and yow a lay man wil iudg of his religion that is the Quaestion yet and not decided by anie orderlie Councels or Synodes on yovvr part and S. Austen libro vbi supra Si vir nistus sub rege sacrilego militet iuste posset illo iubente bellare 1. ciuicae pacis ordinem seruans 2. cui quod iubetur vel non esse contra Dei praeceptum certum est vel vtrum sit certum non est Tho the king be sacrilegious yet he is to be obeyed and hovv 1. ciuicae pacis ordmem seruans that is the course and that is the end for indiuidua bona sunt pax libertas vvhich is to be noted for them that plead so stronglie for ther liberties secundo yf the kings commandements be not directlie against Gods vvords yf vel non esse certum est vel vtrum sit certum non est Novv tho all Catholicks knevv the certum est in ther conscienc yet the protestants for the vtrum sit vvear vncertan bycause both the lavv of the realme the general counsels the vvhole state of the Churche Militant was against them and they had onelie the testimonie of priuate spirits to oppose against publick authoritie But vvhat yf Quene Marie had erred in some superstitions what yf the present king ded err in his gouernement in his courses in his iudgment or in matching his sonn withowt the consent of the realme should either of them be censured or excommunicated by the ministers or depriued or committed and emprisoned by a vvyat Salomon ded fall into greauous sinnes ad profundum Idololatriae lapsus atque demersus saith S. Austen and ded directlie against Goods commandement to keap and marrie straing voemen of the gentiles non ingrediemini ad illas besides he worshipped Moloch and Astarthes the goddes of the Sydomans yet neither Preasts nor people ded rise against hym or depose hym they left it to the proper iudg of hings who in his wrathe ded appoynt and raise vp Hieroboam to ruine his sonn and yf wyat could haue showd such an immediat warrant he had bean excusable Iulian prooued in Apostata yet tho the Doctors of the primatiue Church as G. Nazianzen and others sharply reprooued and detested his impietie yet they never perswaded nor taught the people to depriue hym He that proclaymed the prerogatiue of kings vos estis dâ— he taught the world that as Gods haue summum imperium so the people ar to obey and therfor called subditi for ther subiection and yow neuer hard of anie but Gyants that wear fayned to fight with the Gods and they perished for all ther greatnes for that hand must neads vvither vvhich toucheth Gods anoynted for he that taiks armes against hym doth prouoke the king to the feald and when the flame rageth who can tell whear the sparks will light Some limitations ther ar and those neadfull For I ascribe not an infinite vnlimited diuinitie to kings nor a powr to tyrannize and liue as atheists he that gaue the that glorie vos estis dij ded likewise geue them this caueat that for iniquitie and impietie transferam regna de gente in gentem He is the Iudg of Princes and his audit is dreadfull and to that we must leaue them FINIS THE SECOND PART HIERVSALEM THAT OBEDIENCE AND ORDER BE THE EIRENARCHAE OF CATHOLIQVES HAVING allreadie trewlie King Henrie tho eight and liuelie Drawen and presented vnto yow the Image of the Churches called Reformed vvith a face so full of frownes and stearnnes that by the Phisiognomie yow may iudg it vnquiet and turbulent It remaineth in like sort to paynt owt vnto yow the portraicture of a Roman Catholick by the infallible characters of deuotion order obedienc and the humilitie of the professors thereof What they weare in this land in the tyme of king Lucius and the Britons I shall not nead to expresle but refer yow to the ecclesiasticall stories of that tyme which euen Fox and the Centuries doe honor labouring rather to commend them as members of ther ovvn Churche then to acknowledg them ours For the tyme of the Saxons I vvill maik no relation of ther vertues and how amiablie the Church and common welthe ded sping vp together And though the prelates wear highlie reuereÌ„ced and ded beare great swaye in the state yet how dewtiefullie they obeyed ther princes Venerable Beda and the stories of that tyme. M. Lamberts Archaionomia the old Saxon Lawes and the monuments yet vpon record can witnes
decrees the people was directed bothe in Chancerie Rolls and all Ecclesiasticall courts I haue before reuealed ther reasons and puld of all visards which hyde the face of truth After the supremacie was enacted and the Oath commanded the next care was to compell men to the exercise of the religion then established but the seminaries being erected the societie of Iesus encreasing and preasts being often sent ouer into England then begonn fyre and sword to rage the acts of 13. of 25. of 27. the proclamations of 1580. and 1591. wear published against the preasts and fathers and no man is so blynd but may discern the occasion of this rigour was for religion being for hearing mass and confessions which ar the foundation and pillers of religion and yet I confess the iealousies fears and suspicious of the tyme set for ward these seuear courses for thes prouident Counsellors ded think it necessarie by the horror of lawes to maik the seminaries of no vse by barring owt of the realme the Seadsmen for tho they ded obserue hovv far the zeal of the Church had transported the preasts that they preferred the Triumph of Truth before ther liues yet by all wordlie coniectures they probablie conceaued that the name of Treason as a Medusaes head would haue amazed and terrified them 1. bycause it stayned them all with a most reproachfull blott 2. and speciallie bycause they tought it depriued and robbed them of the crown and glorie of martyrdome the trophees of religion 3. besides they supposed that the loss of ther liues in so infamous manner the bleamish and hazard of ther frends and the punishment of ther partakers and abettors would haue vtterlie discooraged them from resorting anie more to England But this deuise ded not prosper it prooued quite contrarie ex cineribus Phoenix religion encreased by persecution owt of the ashes of martyrs so these politick lawes wrought not the effect they wear enacted for and yet wear verrie offensiue to all forrein princes as leges Draconis and phalarismus for these ar euer held to be most godlie lawes that ar least sanguinarie and yet mantain Now forasmuch as vpon worldlie respects A petition and reasons for mitigation manie acts haue of passedin parliement to trie what operation and cure they would works in the state and yf they prooued fruitles medecins or as empirical purgations too violent fitter to kill then to cure then to be repealed and bycause these prouisions and lawes against religious persons ar prooued to be such so they likewise ex gratia speciali and ovvt of his maiesties gracious compassion may be wel abrogated for as they wear mayd for the fears and suspicions of that tyme so by the grace and mercie of this tyme when they ar both neadles and causeles they may with honor be cancelled yf his maiestie shall please and the execution therof suspended to vvhose royall consideration I most humblie offer these few lines as petitions rather then reasons not for iustice but mercie 1. It was euer held against the wisedome and pollicie of this realme to fetter them selfs with too manie shacles of treason and dainger and therfor as 25. Edw. 3. at the petitions of the subiects the king ded declare and determin what should be taken and iudged for a case of treason by the common lawes of the realme so 1. Henry the 4. c. 10. it was confirmed and established that nothing hearafter should be deamed treason otherwise then was expressed by E. 3. And albeyt diuers actions wear strayned vp to be treason for a tyme vvhich vvear not within the list of 25. E. 3. as H. 6. the taking and surprising of persons and goods in Wales so to stand for the space of 7. yeares onelie and 8. H. 6. burning of howses and 22. H. 8. poysoning c. which of ther own nature and simplie wear not treason and therfor had a limitation of tyme annexed to them yet prudently all such former acts vvear repealed and mayd voyd 1. E. 6. for a more indifferent and merciefull proceading vvith subiects that the remedie might not be more daingerous then the disease and that the Lillies and roses of the crown might not be dyed with innocent blood For both in the tyme of Ciuil vvarrs and now while this great controuersie of religion dependeth in England vndecided such statutes open the gate to let in ruine desolation and confiscation bothe into the prisons of preasts and into the castles of the nobilitie and gentrie as appeared by the exampls and daingers of Arondel Northumberland Arden Sommerfeld and diuers others ane what ded happen to them maye endainger all 2. It vvill be a thing incredible to posteritie that so vvise a nation vvould maik that to be treason by parliement vvhich so generallie so perpetuallie ane so ancientlie haith bean honoured end approoued by all lavves vvas not preasthood vsed and exercised by the patriachs vnder the lavv of nature established by Moyses and the lavv of God continued yet in Christ and his Churches and never repealed by anie nevv decree vnder grace and the gospel and yf vvhich is impossible the Church erreth in that poynt of preasthood all ages all fathers all counsels all nations haue liued as blindmen in darknes and a chaos till Luther dispersed the mist is it not likelie Religion and preasthood wear like Hippocrates twins born and bred laughing and weaping beginning and ending together for in Moyses law the preast wear the inquisitors inspectores omnium iudices controuersiarum punitores damnatorum as Iosephus l. 2. contra Appion sets Down yf anie difficultie arise venies ad Socerdotes 17. Deuter and in c. 44. Ezech. Sacerdotes populum meum docebunt quid intersit inter Sanctum prophanum and so Philo. l. 3. de vita Moysis Iosaphat 2. paral and the Sanhedrim it self doth witnes it the reason of these remaineth yet in the tyme of the gospel and ther for by the lawes of England such reuerenc vvas euer showed to religious men that yf a bond man ded enter into a cloyster the law held it more reasonable that the king should loose his interest in the bodie then to be taken ovvt of his order the like vvas iudged yf the kings wards should enter into religion besides an alien can hold no lands in E. yet yf he be a preast he may be a bushop hear and enioy his temporalties as Lanfranc and Anselm wear vvho wear never dennisons Besides the state reposed so great trust in them that they wear maisters of the Rolls Six Clarks nay oft Chancellors and Threasorers of the realm And therfor it was a course of Summum ius by new lawes to punish men for an ancient vocation and so generallie receaued speciallie vvhen the storme is overblowen 3. Besides in Germanie Charles V. punished Luther by Exile and in Scotland by Baratre banishment they punish haeresie so they ded vviselie distinguish Haeresie and Treason as seuerall offences by seuerall
punishments 4. Add also that yf yow preiudice it so farr to be a preast or religious man as to think it opposite to religion then both ther fault and ther punishment had bean more properlie marshalled in the rank of Heresies then of treasons So ded Caluin deal with Seruetus at Geneua so ded the Bushop of London latelie with Leggat the Arrian for Haeresie is most properlie to be iudged by the Church as appeareth in the preface of the statut 24. H. 8. C. 11. that by the lawes and customes of this realme and by the goodnes of the Princes the knowledg of Testaments matrimonie c. of ould appartained to the spiritual iurisdiction and all Canons for heresie wear mayd and iudged by the Cleargie as by 25. H. 8. C. 19. and by Linvvoods constitutions appeared and by the act 32. H. 8. whearby preasts wear mayd iudges to enquire of the 6. articles and the tvvo iurisdiction be distinct as D. Ridlie prooueth and no prohibition can lie in the courts at vvestminster for matters of heresie Therfor these great and politick men to avoyd infinite disputs for religion and to insinuate to the Q. there rare prouidenc and preseruation of her and the preuenting of manie daingers to vphold ther credit dailie with her and show hovv much she neaded them they ded think it best to accuse them for treason And yet ther was an other cawse also for ther vvas no Canon in esse to maik them haeretikes For yf yovv vvil maik papists to be a sect it is so old a sect as it vvill trovvble the best Doctor to fynd directly anie other beginning them from S. Peter of vvhose sect and fowld all the fathers desired to be 5. Lastlie and principallie seing that as Sayles so Lavves ar to be turned and as occasion tyme circumstanc and reason of state shall direct either to be altered or reuoked and seing also as the case so the caws of Quene Elizabeth and his maiestie ar farr different for the king haith no Competitor no reason for such iealousies and fears as Q. Eliz. was subiect to he holdeth amitie and good correspondenc with these forren princes the Q. dowbted the roses grow not vp now emong thornes as heartofore and Therfor his Maiestie may be pleased to grant that owt of grace to his subiects which other Princes haue permitted to ther subiects for occasions of state and to stopp and stay a litl the passionate humors of those that ar aduersaries to that grace I humhlie offer these few considerations to qualifie and cool the heat of vndiscreat zeal and a supposition of incompatibilitie For I dowbte noting on his maiesties behalf who haith bean euer constantly disposed to mercie if ther had bean no crooked instruments to hinder it he who at first tould vs My mâ—nd vvas euer free from persecution or thralling my subiects in matters of conscienc he who in writing told the world Fate or me non libenter suspendere Presbyterum pro sola religione aut celebratione Missae he who iudged that it can no way becom a man to pronounc lightlie sentenc in so ould controuersie what preast or religious man could appeal to a better iudg or expect a iudgment of more compassion he that sent to Franc to mediate for the peace of straingers who can dowbte but he will as gracioustie deal with his ovvn for charitie beginus with it self and tho they differ in religion they agree in obedienc ther bodies ar at the kings command and sowles he vvil lean to God put them to be tryed on all actions and seruices he vvill fynd cawse to trust them who would not them burie a quaestion or 2. in silenc to saue the liues of subiects and to be assured of loyaltie for the greatest offenc is verbal but the hart is reallie loyal If the rules of ciuil societie and moral conversation may beare anie swaye then I dowbt not but mercie and grace will ever sit in the highest place of the throne and becom it best 1. For is maiestie owt of his wisedome Reason for the toleration of Cathol in E. haith long obserued that too seuear persecution maketh men desperate non coercet sed prouocat violentia and too heanie a hand vpon those that the law casteth down showet a will rather to oppresse the offendor then cure the offence It is the greatest honor to a king that his mercie is more then his iustice and that his benches and courts can witnes compassion for he that setts open the prison doors in so wise and gracious manner meaneth not to conquer the harts and consciences of his subiects by torments but winn them by mercie and vertue 2. If yow respect the ancient Aphorisms of state It haith bean ever in such cases the wisedom of the greatest princes punire raro It was ascribed as a title of honor to Aug. Caesar nunquam ciuilem sanguinem fudisse And great reason for clemencie is a vertue royal sometymes of as great pollicie as pietie bycause yt begets loue and loue breads loyaltie commands the verrie sowl and layetha the bodie at his feat A kings mercie kindleth fyre and zeal in the harts of subiects pittie and toleration as they maik the obligation of the offendors greater so it maiks them repent to haue offended hym who haith so obliged them the reason is infallible in all noble spirits fidelem si putaueris facies vvho eueraccoumpt that the greatest disgrace is to be distrusted 3. It haith bean a common rule and seldome fayles being so trew malus custos diuturnitatis metus and therfor Tacitus could not describe the tyrannie of Tiberius but he must declare the morks and properties thereof vbi delatorum authoritas magna lesoe maiestatis crimen frequens obijcitur ac boni cuiusque viri inuadendi vel tollendi pretextus est and he addeth frequens accusatio in quouis crimine adiuncta de laesa maiestate principis Nothing showeth more euidentlie that authoritie inclineth to tirannte then the multitud of promoters continual informations and the name of treason mayd as a liuerie to put vpon all offences and it fitteth well both the case of preasts and of ther entertainors Seneca who liued vnder a Tyrant fownd by experience that frequens vindicta paucorum odium reprimit omnium irritat and is not that an error but it is a greater error to punish all crimes with the penaltie of treason Vltima supplicia supplicijs vltimis ponat vt nemo pereat nisi quem perire etiam pereuntis intersit The speach of Abnar to Ioab 2. regum c. 2. may not be forgotten Num vsque ad inter necionem huius mucro deseuiet an ignoras quod periculosa est desperatio vsque quo non dicis populo vt omittat persequi fratres suos it is both good counsell and good exampl Germanicus is noted to haue vveapt vvhen he see the slanghter of the soldiers of the legions that mutined non
so great importanc as it is in dead to be esteamed for Querelam Ecclesâ—ae quilibet Catholicus facit suam I will endeauor therfor to fift owt the truthe and vvhat is therin to be holden for an infallible conclusion aswel to instifie them as to resolue my self in that poynte which haith mayd manie good and vertuous men in EnglaÌ„d to stagger much And that I may not wander in my discourse nor leaue yovv in a laborinthe I wil set dovvne the trevv state of the quaestion to be argued as they propownd it 1. First vvhether to be a Catholick vvho professeth devv reuerence to the church of Roome and to be a trevv subiect to his Prince and Contrie be incompatible or no 2. Secondlie yf they be incompatible vvhether that incompatibilitie be generallie in all states or but in some particular states and kingdomes vvhether originallie and euer or but at some tymes onely and Whether simpliciter as malum in se or acciden tally onelie as malum prohibitum vpon consideratio of particuler circumstances and enacted by particular statutes and lawes vpon occasion 3. And Lastlie VVhether I uteranism and Caluinism be not more incompatible with loyaltie more opposite and almost contradictorie and that ab origine ffor the better deciding and manifestation of these high poynts I wil maik my first discourse vpon the last Quaestion and wil examin whether the factions and tumults vvhich haue filled all the kingdomes of Europe with blood and Calamitie these hundred yearres haue sprung from the opinions practises and procurement of the Catholiks as an inseperable propertie alwaies to them or ells rather was this mischeafe and the egg of this Cockatrice layd first at wittenbergh for the which they worthilie of late celebrated ther Iubilee hatched at Smalcald and fostered and Nourished at Geneua And this poynt I will argue not as a deuine for I vvill not arrogate so much to my self but historicallie sincearlie and legallie as one that desyres to defend the loyaltie of religious and innocent men rather then ther opinions and assertions vvhich they can best mantaine them selfs and vvhich so manie ages haue embraced with dew reuerence and that plainlie and vvith integritie and truthe vvhich is euer best graced vvith her ovvn beautie and neads no paynting and coolers In the yeare of our lard 1514. The whole estate of the church enioyed peace and The peace of the Church 1514 ther ancient priuiledges all princes vvith great deuotion vvear nurcing fathers and protectors thereof No storm ded shake it no schisme ded break the vnitie ther vvas harmonie and good correspondenc for matters of religion and faithe betwan the church of Roome and the princes and common welths of all Christendome and till that tyme thorough ovvt all Europe speciallie in England from S. Augustines comming hither this quaestion was never mayd nor proposed either in the schooles or courts of common lavve Anno 1515 Martin Luther an Augustin Luther Friar a man of a turbulent spirit learned and yet no famous Clark vvas the first that broke this long and setled peace vvho hauing interposed hym self in that fatall busienes of the Indulgences sent by Pope Leo the tenth into Germanie not properlie appertainning to hym but as a proctor for the order he begonn first to inuaigh against the iniurie do one to his fraternitie His reuolt against the abuses and couetousnes of the collectors and against ther authoritie which ded nominate them and required such a leuie of mooine in that nature This was a popular and plausible introduction to vvin the vulgar sort vvho can not endure the pressure of extraordinarie contributions and alwaies hate the rapine of such collectors And therfor he quiklie fownd manie fauores but much more when he began to exclaym against the ambition of prelats the riot and disorders of religious men taxing some for tytannie some for auarice some for idlenes and ignoranc and all for corruption and abuses Thus he stood in armes and as a challenger for a fow yearres onelie against the defects of the cleargie and with owt much dainger for diuers good men conceaued at first that he had onelie intended and sought reformation of disorders renouation of discipline punishment of irregularitie and amendement of lyfe And that not with owt somme cawse tho withowt good arder For S. Hildegardis had foretould a storme to the church for ther sinnes Sauonarola a Dominican had wakened Italie vvith prediction of terror friar Thomas of Guien prophecied a vae vae a scourge a desolation to Bourdeaux an inundation of miserie to France and the vvorld So then after that Luther ded fynd populo placere quas fecisset fabulas as noueltie is euer at first wel entertained in the world and that the people applauded his actions and desseins and that manie of the best wits speciallie those that wear bred and framed in Erasmus his school wear inclined to second hym and perceauing also that some of the greatest Princâ—s in Germaine ded geue hym both hearing and harting in his proceadings The vayne glorie thereof raised the ambitious conceipt of hym self manie straynes hygher then he vvas in dead all men encooraging hym who whear ticled with new fancies and conceipts which syde alwaies carrieth most voyces for natures most affected to leuitie and chainge ar best pleased with innouations Therupon as a man sick in his spirits and of a fierie disease he begonn to raue and defame all church gouernement He abondaned his cloyster cast of his habit and renounced all obedienc to his superiors For now he preacheth against the His seditions doctrine vvhole cleargie against the tyrannie and superioritie of the Bushop of Roome whose authoritie in matters ecclesiastical vvas then generallie holden for sacred perswading the people not to render anie obedienc to them The Pope he tearmed Sathanissimum papam messer Asino the Prelates he called blind guides the religious Porcos and candles set vndet a bushel thus seaking non purgare abusus sed tollere ordinem Triticum cum Zizanio euellere studebat And vvhy ded he preach such homelies to the people Bycause so should they sayd he stil liue in darknes and in the shadow of death with owt the light of the gospel and be fed and missed by ignorant guides and drie nurces and stil remain in Aegipt the hovvse of bondage and in the captiuitie of Babilon This Prologue mayd attentiue auditors by a fayre shovve and promise of great matters then he begon the Tragedie acted with incredible sedition and insolencie His whole studie was now to demolish the walls of the church and abolish all ecclesiastical orders and so by participation to shake the verrie foundations of the state In this humor he fed hym self with great hopes to conquer the world with the sword of the spirit and to subdew the Pope whome he was the first that affirmed to be absolutelie Antichrist the man of perdition and insignis praestigiator And the
quarrelis withovvt lavvfull grovvnd Further more vvas it lavvfull for the Confaederates to coyne a nevv religioÌ„ and taik armes for the defenc of that and vvas it not more lavvfull for the Emperor to fedenc the old receaued religion and to reform them The Rustiks took armes vpon the same pretenc for religion and libertie and yet the Confaederates vvith ther ovvn forces and vvith great iustice and honor ded subdevv the Bovvers Why then might not Caesar compell the leaguers to exercise the religion established vvith a Quousquè and to obey the lavves not a brogated and keap the peac of the common vvelth vvithovvt disturbance For the degree and dignitie of the persons doth not maik the same case different But they obiect that Caesar intended and plotted to Destroye them and ther liberties for religion and ther for they vvear forced to taik armes Weigh this vvell and yovv shal see it vvanteth vveight It vvas surelie inexcusable for Defendants to leuie and lead an armie into the feald against Caesar vvho vvas not in the feald against them nor had anie forces readie a long tyme after They marched to beseag the Emperor and ded Driue hym to fortifie hym self and come into the feald vvith a handfull of men and then vvith great furie set vpon his camp vvho had much a doe to Defend hym self far from offending them But the Emperor saith D. Bilson is not to be obeyed by the states which absolute obedienc for they ar his subiects but ex conditione So then he maketh Caesar Emperor but ex conditione And yf maister Bilson meaneth therby to charge Caesar as the Hollanders ded the king of Spayne with the oath taken at his coronation to obserue ther lawes and defend ther liberties and so taik that for a condition the like oath is taken by all kings and princes Successiue as wel as Electiue And yf yovv haue deuised a trick to vnking them when yow think they performe not punctuallie each article of ther oaths surelie yow then may be iustlie tearmed a most learned doctor to maik nullities And yet I think yf anie man preach this doctrine at Powles Crosle he haith great luck yf he answer not for it at Towre hill But I wil leaue skirmishes and come to the maine poynt It may iustlie be affirmed that Caesar ded obserue the lavve and that the leaguers ded violate both the lavves and liberties of Germanie For what prince so euer stands rectus in Curia and haithe the ancient lawes to back and warrant hym must neads be iudged to hold a better and lawfull plea then subiects armed against ther prince with priuat opinions onelie nouelties and an Alchoran of ther own making But at that tyme by lawe Caesar was bownd rather to banish and extirpate Lutheranisme then to tollerate the same for yt is manifest that he was obliged by the oath at his Coronation expresslie and particularlie to defend the Pope the Catholick Church and the religion thereof This is a matter of fact and can not be contradicted as yowr own Coldastus knovveth and acknowledgeth Neither was yt a new oath for the same in effect was taken by Carolus 4. Otho 3 Otho 1. and Carolus Magnus which is a praescription for tyme good enough and for reason vndisputable And the like profession yow shall fynd to be mayd by the ancient reuerend Emperors Iustinian Theodosius Gratian and others bothe in the Code and Nouel constitutions So then how could the Emperor either mantain or suffer anie other religion as authentical then that vvhich he fovvnd established in the Empyre allovved by all his predecessors warranted by so manie councels continued so manie generations racified by the diets and confirmed by his own oath Yet bycause D. Bilson averreth that it was coÌ„sonant to the opinion of the lawyers of Germanie examin whether the Duke of Saxonie and the Landsgraue when they wear taken prisoners vsed anie such argument for ther excuse No Syrabsolutelie they submitted them selfs and craued his pardon at whose pleasure they wear to stand or fall to die or liue There ill case could not maik a good cawse ill but ther ill cawse mayd ther case ill and stand in nead of commiseration And what a ridiculous reason had it bean for them to haue pleaded that it was lawfull for subiects by the svvord to defend ther religion For yf it wear lawfull for the elector of Saxonie to taik armes of defenc of Luthe ranisme bycause he was persuaded ther was no other veritie no other religion infallible but Luthers why might not the Count Palatine with the same pretext taike armes for Caluinism and a Halbeistat for Epicurisme and a Muncer for Anabaptisme And so by an Anarchie vnder coolor of ther liberties and the prerogatine of conscience rend in peaces the Empyre and open the ports of Germanie to let in the Turck But to stopp the mouthes of school learned ignorance I will discouer and laye Down the fowndation of this great quarrel and the legall order and reason of Caesars procreading Anno 1521. The Emperor hauing conferred personallie with Luther at wormes and owt of his speciall grace and benignitie hauing required the Archbushop of Trier and the Elector of Brandenburgh to treat with hym and perswade Luther to conformitie and peace and perceauing his obstinacie and insolencie refusing to submitt hym self and finding that all his course his books and his sermons ded tend to sedition he mayd a Decree with the generall consent of the states not to put hym to death such was his mercie but to banish hym owt of the empyre wheatin he showed More lenitie then prouidenc In which So Godâ—astus and Cocleus decree after that at large he had set Down the cawses and reasons of the act he concludes thus Mandates de corumdem statuum consensu sub crimmelesae Majestatis ac omissionis feudorum dommiorum bonorum priuilegiorum a nobis ac sacro Imperio dependentium ac proscriptionis Banni c. Ne quis vestrum prefatum M. Lutherum recipere sustentare praesumat vt libros suos seditiosoâ— ac haereticos comburatis c. And this edict vvas directed to the Electors Princes townes and states Now can yow imagin that the Duke of Saxonie or the Landsgraue wear exempted from this edict or that the Emperor by vertue thereof had not as full power to call them to ansvver for ther contempts as anie inferior persons Doe yovv taik the Princes electors to be such Ephori or transcendents that they may bridle and curb the Emperor in the execution of Iustice as yf the Emperor wear but a shadow in Germanie titulus sine re and as yf imperium in imperio quaerendum esset which by Bodines leaue I will maik appear to be an error But after this Decree the Duke of Saxonie ded harbor Luther at Alstat a town of his ovvn in Turingia which Luther called his Pathmos whear he composed manie reuelations and misteries
and there he prouided for his rest and securitie and in the interim setled and planted Lutheranism in all his dominions notwithstanding the decree and entered into the league of Smalcald for maintenanc thereof All which actions that yovv mayÌ„ vnder staÌ„d how directlie they ar against lawe and Iustice Let Andrew Gayle deliuer his opinion Libro de Pace publica cap. 10. § 36. Receptores Bannitorum perinde puniantur atque Banniti Domini praediorum tenentur reos exhibere and learned Brunus lib. 1. de haeres c. 4. In excommunicatis qui bannitis comparari solent vnica receptio noxia est Now Luther was both banished and excommunicated And Gayle in an other place Qui bannito Commeatum annonam suppeditat paena receptorum ordinaria tenetur Per aduenture yovv may think that the Duke Luthers Mecenas was not tyed with in this tedder these lavves vvear in force for meaner subiects ther for that learned Gayle shall maik his own comment lib. 1. c. 1. § 9. de Pace publica saith he Conditio pacis publicae omnes omnium ordinum status Imperij maiorum minorum geÌ„tium cuiuscunque dignitatis personas aequè obligat etsi contra Potentiores sit promulgata So as the greater the person is the more he is bovvnd to obey the lavve But the Duke not obeying the law and kovving that Caesar had oft vvritten ovt of Spayn to haue the edict of vvormes strictlie executed fearing Cesars indignation intred into a league took armes and so ded aggrauate both his ovvn and his fathers offenc and thought them vnpardonable Yet after that league the Emperors Embassador 1529. at Spyres offred vnto the leaguers most aequall and moderate articles viz. vtrinque ab omni iniuria damno conuitijs abstinerent quod transgressores contrahaec sint proscribendi Who vvould not thing this a reasonnable offer from the supreme magistrate to the inferiors that stood in dainger of lawe the Catholiques could never hope for so much in Q. Elizabeths tyme. Yet vvas this refuled and reiected Again at Auspurg 1530. Caesar verrie graciouslie entertained the Duke and receaued his petition exhibited vvith as much fauor and indifferencie as he might with his honor And there againe he reuiued his Embassadors former motion that no more innouations should be mayd nor moe books to be by them published but that all things should stand quietlie and peacable till 17. May next So much ded he yeald to them for desyre of peace and for the publick good of Europe the Turk hauing so latelie before beseaged Vienna and taken Rhodes Not vvith standing the Duke reiected the motion and much displeased the Emperor therby vvho plainlie replied that yf they obeyed not they should repent it And yet againe tho thus prouoked rather to dravv his svvord at Spyres he ded labor by persvvasion to â—reuayle quietlie vvith them but thither the Duke ovvt of I ealousie and feare vvould not come at all tho he was summoned By this course yow may iudg how vnwiling Caesar was to disturb the peace of the â—mpyre or to enter into an offensiue warr â—eaking to winn theÌ„ so oft and so graciouâ—lie So as it was the more inexcusable for men that pretended onelie to defend â—hem selfs to reiect peace vvhen it vvas offred and then to offend by taking armes before they weare offended If I should relate the mallice and contempt they showed of hym yow might conceaue that they could never haue hoped to haue fownd a spark of mercie in his hart towards them For in all ther publick acts and letters â—hey vouchsafed to geue hym no other tiâ—le then Charles of Gandt vsurping the name of the Emperor wherby they renounced all obedienc to hym and deposed hym as farr as laye in ther power which was an indignitie which a wise prince could â—ardlie swallow with patienc I may not forget how the Landsgraue ingreat brauerie both by letters and messagers assured the citties and Princes of ther confederation perhaps therby to procure a larger contribution and engaged his promise that with in thre months they would force Charles to flie owt of Germanie and abandon the empyre How then ded these things coheare That this holie league was mayd onelie se defendendo and to resist for ther law full protection and yet to strike the first blow inuade the Emperor offend first and promise to expell hym owt of Germanie before he offered anie tokeÌ„ of hostilie against them or they had iust and euident cawse to march into the feald And long before that they sollicited the kings of France England and Denmark the Hans townes and Swisses to ioyn with them in league against hym whome they dishonored and prouoked vvith most infamous libells and vnvvorthie aspersions France tho an enemie noblie denied them Denmark lingred expecting the succes king Harrie was not forwars tho Cromwel diligentlie sollicited ther cawse and promised them 100. thowsand crownes for ther ayd And at that tyme D. Thirlebie Bushop of westminster and Syr Philip Hobbie wear the kings Embassadors with the Emperor and wear wituesses and spectators of the whole Tragedie Lastlie to disprooue these there proceadings by lawe Remember first the decree at Wormes read the edict of Maximilian the 1. anno 1495. and 1500. the words ar these Consentientibus stautum ordinum imperij votis necessarium de pace publica constitutionem landifrieden promuâ—garunt quapacem publicam armata manu violantibus pâ—na proscriptionis quam bannum imperiale appellamus irrogatur Scil vitae necisque And to explain that A. Gayl l. 1. c. 14. de Pace publica Omnia bella in quit quae inâ—â—â—su summi principis Imperatoris puta vel sine eius licentia geritur priuata quadam vindicia in iusta sunt And afterward cap. 5. he puts bothe Sleydan Bilson and the and by law ouerthrowers all ther foundations In crimen lesae maiestat is incidit qui bellum in imperio sine Caesaris licentia mouet quia vsurpat sibi ea quae sunt solins principis mouere bellum ad solum imperatorem pertinet So also Goldastusl 1. tit 190. cites this ancient law Nemo intra imperis fines suis alienisueditionibus militem sollicito nise de voluntate ducis isius circuli caeueatque fide iussione statuum nihil se in Caesarem principes subditos clientes Impers moliturum And in tomo 2. he produceth a decree of Ludouicus Pius against the king of the Romans and his confaederates guiltie of high treason for attempting against the Emperor wherby the king was iudged to loose his head The like ded Henrie the first against Arnulphus Duke of Bauier who had rebelled against hym And Otho the 1. ded asmuch against Ludolphus king of the Romans I will conclude all with one exemble late memorable and to our purpose Maximilian the 1. ded forbed all subiects of the empyre to gene ayd to the french king in his warrs Emicho Earl of Lingen in contempt of
an extent of Dominion 4. And to maik this bad proposition seame good cap 5. v. 25. Kings saith he forget they ar men that is of the same mould that others arr They ar called kings and Dukes Dei gratia To vvhat end serue these vvords to shovv by ther title that they acknovvledg no superior And yet vvill they tread vpon God vvith ther feate vnder that cloke So it is but an abuse and disguisement vvhen they vaunt that they raign Dei gratia Is not this excellent doctrine to be preached in a Monarchie and a fyne Deskant vpon Deigratia Yet he goeth an further c. 5. v. 21. Kings maik ther boast that they raign Deigratia yet they dispise the Maiestie of God Voila quelle est la rage forcenerie de tous Rois. Hear is no exception but a generall accusation and to maik that good he addeth this strenth to it It is common and ordinaire to all kings to exclude God from the government of the vvorld Consider wel that Caluin writt this not as a Politician but as a Deuine and in his prime and maister peace his institutions he deliuers these daingerous positions in his sermon to the people and in his readings vpon Daniel not in priuat discourses and as matters of discipline and doctâ—ine to be generallie beleaued and so making a course against Nabugad nezzar he run the wild goose chace against all kings and that rather owt of pleaÌ„ then owt of his text For to what end and pupose tend these speaches so scandalous and derogatoire to princes certanlie to disgrace scepters and sooueraines both for follie and impietie And bycause yovv shall see hovv vvell Caluin and Luther doe symbolise in this poynt that they speak one language and both weare like coolors and the same fashion I will deliuer vnto yow how Luthers opinion of thes poynts agreeth with Caluins These knaues of the nobilitie tyrants tom 7. fol. 441. Nebulones isti ex nobilitate tyranni c. qui inducunt animum ideo Deum nobis euangelium dedisse eosque ex carcere pontiâ—icio expediuisse vt possent ipsi auaritiae suae litare And in epistolis fol. 350. Principem esse non ex aliqua parte latronem esse aut non aut vix possibile est a Prince can not be but a robber and oppressor tom 3. fol. 325. Non est Principis esse Christianum paucos esse Christianos oportet And tom 6. fol. 143. in psalm 101. Mirum non est seculares Reges Dei hostes esse eiusque verbum hostiliter persequi Hoc â—psis à natura est insitum haec eorum proprietas whear it is vvorthie to be obserued Nota. vvhat an Antipathia ther is betvvean Royaltie and religion by Luthers rules and so betwean Lutheranisme and loyaltie by as good consequenc vvhich is the mayn quaestion But procead tom 3. latin fol 459 in psal 45. Aulae principum verè possunt dici sedes thronus diaboli vbi tot sunt diaboli quot ferè aulici For such as the king is such is the court like to be and yf the courts be the thrones kings must be the Deuels Tom. 2. fol 81. De seculari magistratu Principes flagitiosissiminebulones The reason he giueth is this Sunt enim Dei lictoreâ— carnifices quibus ira diuina ad puniendos improbos ad conseruandam externam pacem vtisolet fol. 190. Nullum nequè tus nequè fidem nequè veritatem apud principes seculares reperiri licet And then yf kings and princes haue neither honestie truthe nor Iustice Quid ego principes doceam huiusmodi porcis scribam vvhy should I vvrite and instruct such porck tom 3 fol. 149. Who can not discern hovv these tvvo holie men iumped in vnitie as led vvith the same spirit ay ming bot-at one end which is to noorish a deadlie feud in all mens mynds against kings and crownes that will not subscribe to ther superintendencie and Caluins Institutions And that yovv might more euidentlie discern that read c. 6. v. 25. vpon Daniel Saith he Darias by his exampl vvill condemn all those vvho at this day profess them selfs either Catholik kings or Christian kings or defendors of the faith and yet not onely they doe deface and burie altrevv pietie and religion but they corrup and depraue the vvhole vvorship of God Hear is in dead vvork for the Covvper not by a Marprelat but by a Mar prince The most Christian king must be again nevv Catechised and learn a new Christian Credo Hear is a new portraicture of a reformed Catholik dravven for the instruction of the most Catholik king and a nevv priuate spirit to direct the Catholik The defendor of the faith bycaus he erreth in his faith not hauing a sauing and iustifiâ—ng faith must haue a nevv faith created and inspiret into hym by this great Prophet And so by this nevv model all the old religion in the church and all the lavves in the state concerning it must be abolished Thus presumed Caluin to reform kings and government and to build a nevv ark to saue and preserue the vvorld from an inundation of impietie ignoranc and irreligion of vvhome I may trevvlie say plus quam regnare videtur cui ita liceat censuram agere regnantium But of this I shall more pertinentlie speak in the appendix In the interim Can a man sovv more seditious seads yf he vvould seak to Cantonize a kingdome into seuerall circles as they haue doon ther french church Yet shall yovv heare hym preach more like a Svvisser and Lutheranize vvith the proper spirit of Luther cap. 6. v. 3. 4 he toucheth kings to the quick and describes what kynd of beasts they ar at this tyme. Les Rois sont presque tous hebetez brutaux aussi semblablement sont-ils comme les cheuaux les asnes de bestes brutes And he giueth this reason bycause they honor and preferr most ther Bavvdes and ther vices What a seditious declamation is this against the title and maiestie of Gods anointed Mark the age and tyme when Caluin writ this book and note in that age what renoumed kings France had Lewes 12. Frances the 1. and Henry the 2. what maiestie wisedom and magnificenc wear in the emperor Maximilian and Charles vvhat state in Henry 8. of England what hope in Edward what vertue in Marie for Scotland Iames the 5. raigned and two such Maries as at worthie to be Canonized And for Castill and Portugal there kings never floorished more for government greatnes encreas of state discoueries of a new world peac and plentie Then what was his meaning to affirm that almost all kings wear so stupid and brutish Surelie to bread and noorish a contempt of hings and to induce the people that liue in free states to despise and hate them and conninglie to seduce them that liue in kingdomes to be sorie for ther yoke and seruitude to shake of ther fetters and purchase
ther libertie Speciallie for religion for at that he aymed most the propagation of his doctrine and he knevv vvell that in popular estates he might preuayle stronglier and vvith bette hope of success for all his religion is popularitie and pleasing and as Swinglius fovvnd he could not induce FraÌ„ces the first to applaude hym So by the exampl of Henry the second Caluin ded perceaue that kings and Deigratia vvear blocks in his vvaye And therfor to remooue them that they might not empeach the course and current of his preachings and proceading C. 6. v. 22. he speaks in a tune full of sharpes and menaces Abdicant se potestate terreni principes dum insurgunt contra Deum imo indigni sunt qui consâ—anturâ—â— hominum numero Potius ergo conspuere oportet in illorum capita quam ilâ—is parere vbi sic proteruiunt vt velâ—nt spâ—liare Deum â—uo â—â—re What a learned homelie is this to teach subiects obedienc Ioyne all these good instructions together and so shall yovv best interpret and explain one by an other D. Bilson in his book of Christian subiection taketh paynes to expovvnd and vvrest Caluins vvords and to saue his credit sets the berst coolors on them he could I. Caluin saith he in this place Speaks not a vvord of depriuing princes or resisting them vvith armes but onelie shovveth that Daniel ded rightlie defeÌ„d hym self for not obeying the kings vvicked edict ioyned vvith the dishonor of god Secondly by Abdicant se he meanes not they loos ther crovvnes but that they loose ther povver to command in thes things but in lavvfull things they retain ther povver 3. For the phrase conspuerè it seams something hard yet the comparison so standing as he maiks it whether it wear better to contemn ther impious edicts or to obey them Caluin vrgeth it in vehement wordes And this is farr from Rebellion An other excuseth it that it was spoken comparatiue not rebelliouslie that is yf the king should contradict Gods lavv A poor shift but he sets not dovvn vvho should be iudg of that betwean God and the king And so it is nihil ad rem I answer to the first it is idle and impertinent what yf he vse not these words of depriuation and resistanc for then had he erred too palpablie ar therfor the other words he vseth excusable For Daniels right full defenc it is not pertinent to the quaestion D. Allen mayd Besides what was Daniels defenc what arms took he All with owt contemps of the king humilitie prayer and patienc Not after the Geneua fashion so brauelie as to spitt in Nabugodonosors face nor alledging that he was not worthie to liue emong men And for the second by abdicantse what meanes he that kings doe loose not ther Crownes but onely povver to command let vs speak plaine English withowt halting Yow confess the king looseth his authoritie and soouerain power to command and yow add obscurlie in thes things Yovv mean in matters of religion for so it is to be vnderstood tho yow cast a cloke over the words and cover the matter Then I desyre to know what is a kings crown withowt power to coÌ„mand He that teacheth they loose ther royall power dothe he not mean they forfeit it and yf they doe forfeit it who is tho challeng and taik the forfeiture of a crown but by such lectures doth not Caluin stirr vp and arme against the king his trayterous subiects yf they reuolt from ther obedienc for religion Is not that the grownd of all the combustion and ciuill warrs in France Yea but in other things lavvful yow say kings retaine ther power First these ar maister Bilsons words not Caluins for they contradict Caluin whose proposition is indefinite abdicant se potestate they loose and forfeit all ther authoritie and power absolutelie not after a sort and in all things not in some particuler and for altogether not for a tyme for when kings ar dispossessed they seldome recouer ther hold againe Besides what court or what magistrates ar fitt to heare and determin whear in kings may loose ther power and whearin not and to decide and iudg the difference betwean these vnlawful matters yow speak of and the lawfull tho Caluins words import no restriction at all The vvhich doth playnlie appear by his harsh phrase as yow tearm it of spitting in ther faces that is as yovv interpret to defye them to ther faces to contemn them and ther acts But this yow say is farr from rebellion trew and yet nothing to the purpose For rebellion is but one species of Treason and therfor tho he teach not rebellion he may teach treason And so yovv help hym litl Labor to extenuate the vvords as much as yovv can and yet vvill they be reallie heynous and seditious For he that houldâ—th a king is not vvorthie to be or liue in hominuâ— numero dothe he not as it vvear eiect and excommunicate hym from all goverment and confyne and censure hym to liue vvith beasts as Nabugodonosor ded Yf yovv teach that insurgunt contra Deum doe yovv not maik hym hatefull for his impietie But to conclude this yovv grand in effect to be his meaning That yf the king threaten Daniel except he vvorship the Idolle or yf the king of France seake to compell his subiects to obey his lavve and communicate at the alter of the church then abdicat se potestate the king ought to loose obedienc subiects ar not bovvnd to obey hym but rather to spit in his face vvhich is a conteÌ„pt in the highest degree and that vvas the cavvse vvhy Doctor Allen ded obiect that against Caluin as seditious doctrine Besides he mayd his ovvn quarrel Gods quarrel the defenc of Caluinism as the defenc of religion and so embroyled the king and the kingdome in perpetual quarrell for his doctrine But D. Bilson ded knowe or might haue knovven that seditious doctrines wear not so daintie at Geneua For in hatred of the thre Q. Maries of England and Scotland he set abroach and defended that poyson and factious doctrin of Gunocratia and by his inspiration knox and Goodman ded publish ther books against ther lawfull princes Besides look vpon the storie of Scotland printed by Wautroller p. 213. and yow shall fynd that knox for an Apologie of his practises alledged Caluins authoritie That it is lavvful for subiects to reform religion vvhen princes vvil not But Caluins opinion of that poynt may be more manifestlie prooued by the practise of his darling maister Beza who sowndlie ded vnderstand his doctrin and ded brauelie second hym in all his platts In the preface to the nevv testament dedicated to Quene Elizabeth 1564. he vsed these vvords Quo die scilicet 19 december ante biennium Galiica nobilitas illustrimo Principe Condaeo Duce tuis illustrissimorum quorundam Germantae principum subsidijs freta non procul vrbe Druidum fortissime praeliata prima restunendae in Gallijs
Christianae religionis fundamenta sanguine suo faeliciter consecrarunt So then hear is bothe resisting with armes and defijng ther king in the face of his armie and this I hope maister Bilson vvill confess to be rebellion And this act vvhich others vvould shadow Beza iustifieth so boldlie that in the same place commending the good seruices at Meaux and Orleans and that famous battel of Dreux vvhearin he vvas a principal not an accessorie he addeth Id quod eo liberius testor quod istis tum Concilijs tum etiam plerisque rebus quando it a Deo visum est interfui To that place obiected to the Caluinists as an argument to convinc them of seditious both doctrine and practises maister Bilson shovveth much care and studie to ansvver 1. That batle saith he vvhich Beza speaketh of ar Dreux vvas neither against the lavves nor the king 2. They took not armes to depriue the king or annoye the realme but to saue them selfe from the oppression of one that abused the kings yowth 3. The Duke of Guise hating the nobles of France hymself being a strainger and to tread down the professors of religion that he might strenthen hym self to taik the crovvn yf ought should fall to the king being vnder yeares or to his lyne armed hym self to the feald c. 4. The nobles of France perceauing his mallice and his iniustice with priuate violenc to murder so manie innocents gathered forces together to keape ther own liues from the furie of the blood sucker And in that case yf they repell force what haue yow to saye against that 6. For the kings consent he was yong and in the Guises hands therfor his consent vvas nothing vvorth that a subiect should doe execution by the sword vpon his peopl withowt order of Iustice The king had neither age to discern it nor fredome to denie it nor lavve to decree it 5. We know not the lawes of that land nor the circumstanc of these warts 7. Lastlie Beza saith he alloweth and exhorteth obedienc to magistrates Libro confess fidei cap. 5. § 45. in these vvords Quod autem attinet ad priuatos homines tenere illos oportet plurimum mter se differre iniuriam inferre pati iniuriam Iniuriam pati nostrum est sic precipiente Deo cum nobis illam viarcere non licet ex nostrae vocationis prascripto c. neque aliud vllum remedium proponitur priuatis hominibus tyranno subicclis prater vitae emendationem preces lachrimas At larg I seth down his Apologie for Beza and the reasons bothe by canse D. Bilson was at that tyme a man selected and chosen to be the champion of that great cawse and his book was published with so great applause as yf he had batred down the seminaries of Room and Douay Touching the first poynt he is confident that the battell of Dreux was neither against the law nor the king and yet in the 5. he corrects and contradicts hym self confessing that he knowes not the lawes of the land nor the circumstanc of the warr So yovv see this great Doctor had a conscienc to affirm the certantie of a matter whareof he had not scienc And so I might leaue hym bett with his own weapon But was that battel neither against law nor prince assuredlie against bothe as yow shall fynd by the lawes of Charles the VIII 1487. and of Frances the first 1532. and of Frances the 2. at Fountainbleau 1560. the wich lawes I shall haue occasion more fitlie to pleade in the case of Rochel and Montauban in this discours But how doth D. Bilson prooue that the battel of Dreux vvas not against the king Bycause the 1. Duke of Guise ded cawse that battel and 2. armed hym self into the feald in hate of the nobles 3. hym self being a strainger and 4. the king being in his hands It seames this man was not well instructed or that his wise patron had not leasure to peruse and examin it he tells so manie vntruthes together First it is certan that battel was not in king Frances his tyme but in the raign of Charles the ninthe and after the death of king Frances all men knovv that vvear acquainted vvith the proceadings of that tyme that the howse of Guise ded beare no swaye in the court the Duke vvas mayd a strainger to the state his vvings vvear clipt the Quene moother the king of Nauar and the constable sat at the stearne and guided all And so the king vvas not in Guines hands as he surmised And in that batle the constable vvas the cheafe commander he and the Marshall of S. Andrevvs vvear the king liuetennants and had the kings authoritie and sufficient commission to warrant ther actions The Duke of Guise led the Areargard and tho it was his fortune to stand maister of the feald and winn the glorie of the daye yet had he not anie charge at that batl but of his own companies And so he fayleth in Not. See M. Maâ—uisser in his commentaries and M. Lanovv in his discourses the verrie growndwork of his ansvver And whear he saith that the protestant Princes took armes onelie to saue them selfs from ther oppression by Mr. de Guise it is a blind reason for a cleare cavvse For yf that onelie had bean ther reason vvhen they see the CoÌ„stable marching in the vauntgard vvhome none of them could accuse to haue abused the kings yovvth or sought ther oppression vvhy ded they not then laye dovvn ther armes and depart the feald and yf it had bean onelie to defend them selfs vvhy ded they not staye at Orleans or somme other nests of rebellion till they had bean assulted rather then to affront and assayle the kings armie Why ded they sett vpon the Constable the kings Vicegerent and the the honor of the Admirals howse and the Admirals kinsman and great frend when he was prisoner at Melun for his religion by commandement of Henry II. Yf ther end had bean only to saue them selfs from the Duke of Guise vvhy ded they fight vvith the Constable No this is bus a mask for Beza hym selfs playnlie confesseth that the feald vvas fought for this end vvith ther blood to restore religion And wher as he inveigheth so hotelie against the Duke of Guise that he was a strainger in France it seames he knew not that the Duke was discended of the line and brainch of Charlemaigne who vvas no strainger in France or that he hym self was a peare of France that he was coosen German to the Prince of CoÌ„die or that his moother was Anthonette de Bourbon and that his predecessors had long enioyed office and honor in the court of France Neither peraduenture had he hard of the great seruices doone by hym at Rome at Mets at Verdun at Theonuille and Callice when all France vvas in Mourning and distress after the Admiral had lost S. Quintins But that dreame that the Duke of Guise
aspyred to the Crowne yf the king and his issew fayle is to be pittied rather then answered a fable taken owt of the legend of Lorrain and the other libells of that tyme. Weigh and examin it and see the leuitie of follie The king was young his brothers yonger ther moother liuing the king of Nauar ther trustie and noble freÌ„d and a brasen gate betweaÌ„ Guise and the crowne and the nobilitie of France as he saithe mayd an association against the howse of Guise Then was it not likelie Now it being apparentlie fals that the kings was in the hands and power of the Guises I com to the proposition that the king had neither age to discern it nor fredome to denie it nor lawes to decree it it resteth to examin that proposition that the kings consent authorising that armie at Dreux was nothing worth bycause he was not of age nor at libertie What yf the king had not age to discern it was it therfor withowt warrant or law A king haith two bodies his bodie Politick as it never dyeth so is it never defectiue of authoritie and direction The acts of the bodie politick be not abated by the naturall bodies accesse the bodie politick is not disabled to rule and govern by the nonage of the naturall see 26. lib. assis placit 24. whear by iustice Thorps iudgment the gift of a king is not defeated by his nonage nor shall not embleamish the bodie In the book of ass see the case tit droyt plac 24. anno 6. E. 3. f. 91. for a writt of right brought by E. III. of a mannor as heyre to R. I. The exception of nonage against the king was not admitted For yf the bodie natural die yet the bodie politick which magnisieth the natural bodie is not sayd to die So 4. Eliz. for leases of the Duchy mayd by E. 6. all the Iudges resolued they vvear good tho the king vvas in his minoritie For the bodie politick extolleth the naturall and altereth the qualitie of it And so though the kings bodie natural in his minoritie can not discern and iudg yet that disableth not a king that the acts of his minoritie ordered by his counsell and by the Regent should be of no validitie Nay your own Hottoman in his Francogallia will teach yow an other lesson tho he was Bezaes trustie Achates Resolume would anie counsellor like it well yf a Catholick in England should affirme as he might more trewlie that the chainge and alteration of religion by king Edward VI. was not warrantable hauing not age to discern it nor freedome to denie it being in the haÌ„ds of the protector and Northumberland nor lavves to decree it till by his vncls authoritie and greatnes new lawes wear enacted for it Yf yow approoue not this why doe yow disprooue the same in k. Charles IX of France was the age of the one a barr in law and not the others or was the one an absolute king and not the other or vvas k. Edvvards coÌ„sent sufficient to authorise his vncls doeings in spiritual matters and was k. Charles his consent nothing worth to authorise the Constable and his armie to pursew his rebells Now concerning the last poynt touching Beza his opinion I must turn that Canon against hym self for yf Beza sayd trewlie iniuriam pati nostrum est nobis vim viarcere non licet yf it be certan nullum remedium proponitur priuatis hominibus tyranno subiectes praeter vitae â—mendationem c. then surelie maister Bilson is betrayed by hym he seaks to defend and Beza betrayed the Admiral and Prince of Condie to draw them into the playnes of Dreux against the king to fight for ther religion when vim viarcere non licet I will not stand to refell that opinion and error of D. Bilson that the Prince of Condie ded not ovve simple subiection to the king of France but respectiue homage and so was not mearly a subiect bycause it shovveth a palpabl ignoranc of the lavves and customes of France and besides that could not excuse the Admiral vvho at all could not plead anie such protection or alledg anie such prerogatiue For yf H. 2. might committ hym to prison lavvfully Charles the 9. as lawfully might cut of his head But forasmuch as Bezaes sentenc is coninglie vsed and cast as a mist to blyâ—d the eyes of the reader I will disperse the mist and let yow see what kind a man he vvas in his proper humor and in puris naturalibus Read his positions and Catechism of sedition the practise of his pietie the book called Vindicie contra tyrannos whear he acts the part of Iunius Brutus a noble Roman but the suppressor and enemie of kings First pag. 15. he propownds this question yf subiects be bownd to obey ther kings when they command against Gods lavve and then pag. 22. he resolueth vve must obey kings for Gods cawse when they obey God And pag. 24. as the wassel looseth his fief his lordship yf he committ fellonie so the king looseth his right and his realm also And aboue all other this is notable pag. 65. a conspiracie is good or ill as the end is at which it aymeth which is a most wicked Maxime fitt to mantain Rauillac or Poltrot or to be a buckler for the conspirators of Amboys Yet this pag. 66. goeth a degree further The Magistrates and one part of the realm maye resist the king being an Idolater as Lobna reuolted from Ioram for forsaking God Doth not this stronglie patronise the battel of Dreux doth it not teach subiects to rebell and to plead sic dicit Dominus for ther defence but note well how fynelie he fortifieth this axiome pag. 132. The government of the kingdome is not giuen to the king alone but also to the officers of the Realme And again pag. 103. France Spayn and England ar customarily consecrated and as it wear put in possession of ther charge by the states peares and Lords which present the people And p. 199. ther is a stipulation in kingdomes haereditarie As in France vvhen the king is Crovvned The Bushops of Beauuois and Laon ask the people yf they desyre and command this man shall be king And vvhat then surely it is no argument that the people choose hym It is an acceptation no election and a declaration onely of ther submission obedienc and fidelitie as yow may euidentlie perceaue by Frances Rosselet anno 1610. the ceremonies at the coronation When was ther euer an assemblie of the states to elect or consecrate a king of France the kings never count the tyme of ther raign from the day of ther consecration but of ther entrance and Charles the. 7. Gaguin and Giles can witnes was nether crowned nor sacred in eight yeares after he begonn his raigne And for the Peares what think yow that they ar as Ephori No they ar pares inter se not coÌ„panions to the king They ar not states as in Holland to rule and
direct all affayres for in France and England all authoritie depeÌ„ds vpon the kings and yf they wear his consorts they wear not his inferiors What is the state but the authoritie of the Prince who onelie by his letters patents createth the pears disposeth all Offices giveth all honors receaueth all homages as the sole fountain from whenc springeth nobilitie and authoritie and he that either would restraine that sooveraintie or communicate it with others maketh no differenc of the Crovvn of a kinst and the la Beretta of the Duke of Venice Manie such like rules and positions haith he published fitt introduction for Anarchie and mutinies most of them false and all wicked vayles onelie to cover the face and name of treason that it might not appear in his proper and vglie shape I might heare trauel and wearye yow with as Good stuff owt of the book de iure Magistratus a bird of the same nest for if it wear not Bezas as manie think It vvas Ottomans his Camerado But I will leaue them bothe for they touch the string of sooveraintie with too rough a hand nay rather they straine to breack it when they teach so grosse treasons that the states ar aboue the king that the bodie is aboue the head a monstrous doctrine as yf anie man could with iudgment maik a quaestion whether the people should be directed and commanded by the maister or the man by the subiect or the soouerain by the Princ of Condie and the Admiral or by king Charles and king Philip had reason to cut of the head of the iustice of AragoÌ„ and to teach the people what was the trew meaning of nos qui podemos tanto come vos c. All which paradoxes it wear easie to refell but that I haue vndertaken onelie to discouer not to combate and encounter them and bycause they ar learnedlie and religiouslie confuted all readie by Barklaâ—e Bauricau and Blackwood Onelie by the waye I must informe yow that they deal politicklie and conninglie and professe not openlie and bluntlie to haue anie liking to chainge the state and depose or ouerrule kings But artificiallie they manage all First to bread a dislike of Monarchs then to show the inconvenienc to depend vpon the edicts of one man then may they much the better magnifie the authoritie of magistrates by whome they might reforme idolatrie and why the Creatures of a king suppresse the creator of ther power And yet be sure the Consistories and elders muh rule all and be iudges bothe of the cleargie lavves counsell and king They be the Rabbins that owt of ther Sanhedrim must govern both church and kingdome by the Oracles of Geneua I may not forget how vureuerentlie Eusebius Philadelphus Sc. Mr. T. Beza vsed king Charles in his book of Reueille matmattin whear vsuallie he calls the king Tyrant and maiks his Anagramme Chasscur desâ—oyal Read his rymes and scandalous reproches against the Q. moother-Peruse the 40. Articles recorded in that book for the better aduancing of seditious gouernment As art 25. that all cheafs and Generalls must obserue ther ecclesiastical discipline ordayned by the Synodes And art 40. they ar bownd neuer to disarme so long as religion is pursewed persecuted by the king he meaneth So much patienc haue these Saints that seaking to reforme all others can not reforme ther own affections But yf yow peruse the 14. and 15. art yow shall discern the brauerie of ther irregular passions intending therby onelie to ouerthrow the king and the familie of Valoys These wear the holie articles of Bearn 1574. coyned with his stampe and communicated at Millun to all ther Moschees that they might he more stroÌ„glie maik warr as they Sayd against ther enemies till it pleased God to turn the hart of the French tyrant Thus ad gustum populi principatus exigitur At the same tyme was framed and dispersed abroad the lyfe of Katharine de Medicis Francogallia the Toxsan of Massacreurs and the Legent of Lorraine For that honor the howse of Guise haith long had that no man professed hym self an enemie to the church but he was likewise at deadly seud with them Heare I might taik vp and stay yow no longer with the description of ther vertues and loyaltie but that I desyre to present vnto yovv vvhat opinion the graue and learned men of the church of England and others also of gread iudgment haue dad had of these Euangelists of Geneua 1. Doctor Sutclif in his ansvver to a libel supplicatorie p. 194. confesseth that the protestants of the french church taught for 30. yeares violent reformation of religion by the nobilitie people and priuate persoÌ„s 2. And in an other place Beza saith he in his book de iure Magistratus dothe arme the subiects against the Prince and he saith that book overthroweth in effect all the authoritie of Christian kings and Magistrates and for the book of Vindinciae contra tyrannos vvhich manie affirm to be Bezas or Ottomans It geues povver saith he to subiects not onelie to resist but to kill the Prince yf he impugn gods religion 3. The same is also averred by the late Archbush D. Bancroft in his book of the Suruay of discipline a man vvho exactlie had learned examined and obserued ther courses and positions and the great dainger grovving to the state by the ministers either Scotising or Geneuating for so he tearms them And the book of daingerous positions pag. 192. dothe demonstrate also the same To these I may add the iudgment of that famous Lawyer Frances Baldwin vvho had familiarlie conuersed vvith Caluin at Geneua in his book called Responsio altera ad Iohannem Calumum Paris 1562. pag. 74. Mirabar quorsum euaderet inflammatus tuus quidam apostolus Sc. m. Theodore qui cum hic concionaretur suis auditoribus commendabat vehementer extraordinarium illud exemplum Leuitarum sirictis gladijs per casira discurrentium obuios quosque idololatras trucidantium Sed nunc audio te vix contentum esse â—alibus Leuâ—is And pag. 128. I euiora saith he sunt illa cum statuis sepulchris ossibus principum ac martyrum barbarum bellum indictum videmus cum ciuitates occupari fana spoliari audimus c. But what nead I labour to prooue that Beza and his followers haue caused all these vproars and commotions in France when he hym serf Epistola 40. Christophero Thretio confesseth that they must fight it owt Ego quidem pacem nullam nisi debellatis hostibus ausim sperare Yf yow ask who wear these enemies he answers Cacolycorum castra traÌ„s Ligerim sunt Therby he means the Catholiks and the kings armie And a litl before ab eo tempore nostri copiss foelicisâ—ime instauratis Toloâ—anum agrum infestarum Inde ad Rhodanum vsque progresâ—i occupatis aliquot passim oppidis arcibus in quibus praesidium reliquerunt So they spoyled the contrie disturbed the peace surprised the kings townes fortified and oppugned
the kings forces and yet these men Beza alloweth and encoorageth Therby yow see how apt this holie man was to ruffle in the world But this seames to be morbus in natus in the Sacramentaries and that malus coruus malum ouum for Swinglius the grand father of them all tom 1. art 42. Reges saith he quando perfidè extra regulam Christi egerint possunt cum Deo deponi In defenc of this Principle D. Bilson auswereth first more wiselie and with discreation I vndertaiknot saith he to defend each seuerall mans opinion though Svvinglius was not euerie man being the fovvnder and principall author of that sect Secondlie saith he they may be deposed vvhen they aduanc vngodlienes as Saul was Tirdlie Swinglius showeth the cawse why magistrates may be displaced but he geues no priuate man leaue to draw the sword or offer violenc to anie princ though a tyrant And fourthlie saith he Swinglius speaketh of princes elected not successiue and absolute and yet he speaks of them also in that article but allovves no force to be vsed against them Is not hear two contradictories in one sentenc Transeat cum reliquis erroribus But answer this yf they may be deposed as Savvl vvas who is to depose them hear is no Samuell nor anie prophet May the people no saith he blushing as asha med of the grossnes no priuate man is it then a secret reserued to the Eldors no neither Svvinglius hymself deales plainlier and art 42. and 43. he expresseth his own meaning Cum suffragijs consensu totius aut maiori partis multitudinis tyrannus tollitur fit Deo auspice Hear is no exception electiue and successiue ar both concluded and the people haue the sword put into there hands And to maik it more olaynne see his epistl Conrado Sonnio l. 4. pag. 868. Permittendum est Caesari officium debitum but conditionallie si modo fidem nobis permittat illibatam Si nos illud negligentes patimur negatae religionis rei erimus So this factious minister taiks vpon hym to determin whether and vpon what tearmes Caesar shall hold his place or be deposed Gentlie they will obey Caesar yf Caesar will be aduised and directed by them other wise what is ther course they will taik with hym l. 4. Epist fol. 196. ad Vlmenses Monet eos vt coram auditoribus suis sensim incipiant detrahere personam imperio Romano Quomodo stultum sit agnoscere hoc imperium in Germania quod non agnoscitur Romae vnde nomen habet Was not this Caluins course for Monarchies the verrie same But hear hym further Nimis amantes estis rei Romanae quid Germaniae cum Roma sed prudenter paulatim agenda sunt huiusmodi atque cum paucis quibus credere possis quod ardua sunt Note how this Swiz labours to vndermyne the empyre and blow it vp with his breath and what trayterous and seditious counsell he geues for ther libertie Sensim paulatim not openlie and grosslie nor all at once coram adiutoribus it is doctrine for a pulpit a sermon to the people who ar likest to applawd it And how incipiant detrahere personam imperio Romano what haue they to doe with Roome or Roome with them This man speaks naturallie in his own language and by hym the princes of Europe may see vvhat they ar to expect of these reformers vvhen they ar armed vvith povver Now as I haue declared the principles and Aphorismes of the great Triumuirat of the french Church Svvinglius Caluin and Beza the tribunes of the people and the boute-feux and ringleaders of rebellion whome our learned Doctor of Oxf. would gladlie haue defended So it shall appeare ex effectis that Geneua is the school of rebellion and the seminarie of all the ciuil vvarrs in France Neither vvil I blott ther names with anie false aspersions for as ther practise is the best Commentarie of ther positions and vvritings so it is the best tryal of ther loyaltie and can geue in best euidenc vvhether they be as they vvold seame to be good Patriots and trew subiects First therfor call to mynd both ther beginning ther proceading and ther continuanc to this tyme. And in all these thre things ar speciallie to be obserued 1. ther manie conspiracies 2. ther manie and great batles against the king and his officers 3. and the horrible owtrages and attempts both incomperable for crueltie and incredibl for disloyaltie I will begin with Amboys whear they The Conspiracie of Amboys begann to act the first Scene of ther Tragedies And therof I will deliuer a trevv and breafe Narration At the assemblie of Nantes 1560. Certan of the Caluinists conspired to Seaze the kings person and surprise the court and to apprehend and endite the two principal of the Guises for seaking to invade and posses the crown to ruine the princes of the blood and to suppresse and banish religion Which was whith great deliberation concluded in Ianuarie to be executed at Bloys the 10. of March after The cheafe of this conspiracie was Godfrey de Barry called de Renaudie who mayd the Prince of Condy partaker of his counsell and acquainted with ther platt which he disliked not yf it might be performed by form of lawe This was straingelie discouered first by the Cardinal of Lorrains secretarie and after by the aduertisement of Cardinal Grauuellan And therupon by good aduise the king soodainlie remooued to Amboyse and so disapointed the conspirators both of the tyme and place And by that meanes the forces leuied and appointed for that seruice vvandred vp and down withowt head and direction and so the Duke of Nemours with the trowpes he had apprehended manie of them and emong the rest the Baron of Castelnau and Monsieur de Pardillan slevv Renaudie the general and diuers others wear executed And the Duke of Guise prouidentlie took order for the safetie of the king and the court and so assured hym self of the person of the Prince of Conde that he had See the cōmentaries of M Mic. Castelnau not power to attempt anie thing to ther preiudice and yet afterward he was committed and condemned to loose his head but enlarged by Charles the ninth and for politick reasons acquited and declared Innocent And this was the first act pretended by the Caluinists to be doone for religion bonum publicum The like was after put in practise against 1. The conspiracie of Meaux Charles the IX at Meaulx 1567. the which the king happilie escaped by the ayd and noble seruice of the Duke of Nemours and the Swissers Ther purpose was to haue possessed them selfs of the kings person and of the Duke of Aniou and to haue slayne the Quene moother but by recouering Paris they wear all saued and the Cardinal of Lorrain vvhome they principallie desired to entrap was forced to flie speadilie and secretlie to Reames for his safegard whear not long after he Dyed I omitt
the practises at S. Germain in 2. S. Germain Laye against bothe the king and Quene moother which was so manifestlie discouered that Mole and Coconas lost ther heads for it And the error in the ill managing of Comment M. Castelnau that matter so manie heads and hands being in it bred the occasion of great trovvbles Further more to informe yow of ther 3. Battels open and actual rebellion whearin they sought by the sword in ther hands to compell the king to Pacification Remember first that furious and memorable battell vpon the playnes of Dreux the batle of S. Denis the batle of Iarnac the batle of Coutras the batle of Moncontour and the beseaging of Roane whear the king of Nauar lost his lyfe At S. Denis the Constable was slayne and at Iarnac the Prince of Conde and at Coutras the noble Duke of Ioyeuse ended his Dayes The fealdes ar yet stayned France was let blood too prodigallie and straingers wear brought in as surgeons to launch the wounds of it which haue left behing them greater cawse of lamentation then remembrance And for that of Moncontour whear the Admiral stood alone as the sole Champion of the Reformed churches the Missa-Pulta ded testifie vvhat ther principal quarrel was which by Bezaes deuise was aduanced as a Basilisk to beat down the Royal standard of France and the Labarum and cross of Constantine Touching the Owtrages and assassinates committed by these holie fathers and ther disciples who ar sayd to be so innocent for blood and murder Poltrot shall haue the first place in the Callender for killing the Duke of Guise the kings Lieutenant Generall in so horrible manner who confessed before the Quene Moother that Beza had Catechised and encooraged hym to that heroic all action 2. Remember also how the protestants in Valentia vsed Seigneur de la Motte-Gondrin the kings Lieutenant in Daulphine who promised them not to bring in the Gendarmerie to force them yf they would liue peacablie vvith the Catholiques But they assembled ther forces surprised and haÌ„ged hym vp in cold blood both in contempt of the king and skorn of his office A villanie not tollerable in anie common welth speciallie when such tolleration and conniuenc was offred and with so much fauor 3. But greater and more inexcusable was the enterprise of Simon Maye who was induced by the same spirit and owt of the same schoole to kill the Quene moother and Henry the third But his purpose vvas discouered and he was taken and executed And this fact can not be excused nor shifted of by anie coolors For he confessed it and accused Seigneur de la Tour and Monsieur d'Auantigny tvvo gentlmen of good parentage and byrds of one feather to haue bean his counsellors and abbettors Who both wear apprehended and yet afterward released by his Maieste not willing to search too deape into that wound either for the men or the matter 4. Yet this ded not satisfie them they seazed and took possession of the kings rents and reuennues they coyned monie they surprised the cheaf citties of the realm Orleans Troyes Poictiers Tours c. and put in garrison and gouernors of ther ovvn choosing and for ther own ends and deliuered one of the keyes of France into the custodie and government of forreiners all which being doon with owt the kings commission prooued plainelie that they vsurped vpon the crown the cheafe prerogatiues of sooueraintie 5. Lastlie and most tirannicallie Nicolas Froumenteau a minister of the new edition confesseth l. des finances de france that in Daulphine onelye the armie of the Huguenots killed 265. preasts 112. monks and friars and burnt 900. townes and villages And yet bothe the Caluinists and others tell such a pittiefull tale of the massacre at Vassy by the Duke of Guise as yf no creweltie had ever bean comparable to that which how small a matter how farr from the liking and consent of the Duke it was when yow heare it declared by Monsieur de Chasteau neuf in his commentaries yow will say Parturiunt montes It was a toye and trifle in respect of these crewelties or of that at Montbrison that of Mornas in Daulphine and manie other places I will not tyre yow with stories and discours of the calamities of the church in France whear those that iustly deserued and vniustly complayned against persecution ded persequute ther neighbors most vniustly and tyrannicallie Let the Monsieur Arnold le Reueille Matt. in Francoys world iudg it by this In these ciuil warres 20. thowsand churches wear destroyed by the Protestants and yet these mem vvear born they say to edifie the church Is it not likelie Mahomet could doe no more but plant his doctrine and establish his Alchoran by his sword as they doe Novv let them that ar most partiall consider for tho I commend no fact of creweltie I may excuse it the Admirall being the principal moouer and instrument of all these perpetuall motions who can iustlie blame king Charles by a mean extra ordinarie to cut of such an extra ordinarie member rather then so pestilent agangrene should corrupt the whole bodie and endainger the head he who now in france as the pettie king of a nevv common vvelth ruled the peopl reuolted from ther soouerain maintained war against the crovvn sollicited and called in the ayd of straingers vpon false and disauovved pretences he vvho leuied contributions exacted tributs coyned monie seazed the kings reuennues inuaded his tovvnes vvaued all lavves vvhat title or vvhat punishment doe yovv think his offenc deserueth for he that vsurpeth the regalities either seaketh to vvear the Crovvn or command it And bycavvs he vvas proclaymed traytor 1569 I may call his offenc treason But per adventure yovv may dreame â—hat this age is a refynor of all former errors â—nd transgressions and that novv ther is more ciuil and charitable proceading by the Huguenots Ther for I will represent breaflie vnto yovv the trevv state and condition of the reformed churches in France at this tyme 1621. I passe over the infinit trowbles labor and charges that king Lewes was forced to bear and endure all that sommer and winter I omitt the garboyles at Toures and the practise of the Rochellers to put in 6000. men into Saumur therby to cut owt sufficient vvork for the armie therabowt and so hinder ther march to Montauban I will not delate nor discourse vpon the reuolt and disloyall practises at Gergeau who stood owt against the Count S. Paul governor of the prouince of Orleans as Sancerre ded against the Prince of Conde I vvill not exaggerate the treacheries and conspiracies of Vatteuile in Normandie plainelie prooued by his papers and instructions intercepted whearupon the Duke of Longueuille was constrayned to disarme them of Deape Roan and Caen to preuent the dainger yf they should ioyn vvith Vatteuil But I vvill beginn vvith S. Iohn d'Angely vvhich held ovvt and refused submission long the king being
there in person and though Monsieur de Soubize vvas sommoned to render the tovvne or stand to the perill and attaint of treason yet they ded hold owt and defend it so long as there remained anie hope How was his Maiestie defyed and despised at Montauban wheare he continued at the seage a long tyme vvith noble and most expert soldiers not with owt the deathe and losse of manie gallants and men of good desert and seruice specially the tvvo brothers the Duke de Mayn and Marquis Villars who wear generallie lamented Yet the Consuls wold not yeald the commons vvear obstinate and so the king by good aduise raised the seage And after his departure the Insolent Burgers led as in a triumphe all the Cleargie of the towne with skorn full indignities And the Huguenots in Montpellier and Languedock depriued Monsieur Chastillon from all gouernemens by sentenc of the consistorie and razed 36 churches Now as these reformers vsurp vpon the Royalties of the king so ar they as bold with the inheritanc of priuate Lords vvhen it may serue ther turns They vvold not suffer the Vicount Lestrainge to enioye his lordship of Priuas bycause he was a Catholik and they put hym owt of his ovvn castel of Lake vvhereof the Marshall Memorancie put hym in possession and gaue it to Buson one of ther fraternitie as belonging to hym tho it vvas none of the townes of Assuranc comprised in the list at Brewet 1598. Neither would these good men permitt the kings Iustices being delegated thether to compound the controuersies either to heare masse or haue anie vse of ther religion What societie what common welth can stand and continew yf this Anarchie stand and beare such swaye Yf by pretenc of religion they may disseise the right owner and hold what they can compass for the vse and assuranc of ther confaederates But why doe they ryot and rage thus what cawse haue they to run such desperate and disobedient courses the king is graciouslie content they should quietlie and safelie vse and exercise ther own religion yet this contents them not they will not demean them selfs quietlie nor conuerse peaceable with the Catholiks nor obey the kings lawes in temporall affayres yovv can neither dowbt nor be ignorant of this For ded not the king assure them at S. Iohn d'Angely that he would protect all of the reformed religion that wold obey hym and obserue his edicts ded he not both promise and perform the like to St Malloret deputie of the assemblie of base Guien ded he not the like to the Duke of Tremouille sonn in law to Monsieur de Bouillon who cam to that seage tendred his seruice and protested his obedienc to his maiestie ded not the king committ the government of that famous Saumur to the Count de Sault granchild of the Duc Desdiguieres tho he knevv hym to be of the reformed religion Ded he not long before 1615. ansvver the petitions of the Huguenots that he meant not by his oath at consecration vvhich vvas for repressing haeresies to coÌ„prehend therin his subiects of the reformed religion who would liue vnder his lawes obedienc and order And how graciouslie the king haith delt vvith Rochel and hovv vvilling rather to regaine and reduce then to destroye it appeared vvel by his employing of Monsieur Desdiguieres to persvvade them to obedienc and conformitie who accordinglie ded sollicit them by letters and proposed diuers artiâ—les vvhich he thought reasonable but the deputies Châ—las and Fauas refused them What could a king doe more then seak to vvinn his subiects vvho not vvith standing published a long and friuolous declaration taxim hym for vniust persecution by the counsel and enducement of the enemies of the state and ther religion To disprooue and discouer the vanitie thereof I vvill deliuer the cawses of the kings proceadings against these mal contents and vvhat reason he had by armes to mantain his royal authoritie which they vniustlie by armes sought to vsurpe Ther for he was constrayned at Nyort to proclayme Rochel and ther adhaerents rebels against hym and guiltie of treason 1. For first it appeared by the Edict of Nants art 77. that king Henry the fouâ—ht discharged the protestants from holding anie assemblies generall or prouincial and likewise from all vnions and leagues and from houlding anie councells or by them decreing and establishing anie acts Also art 82. he ordered that they should forbeare from all practises and intelligenc with in or withowt the realme And art 32. that they should not hold anie Synods prouinciall withowt a licenc obtayned by the king All vvhich they promised the king to obserue and let France iudg whether they hane broken ther promise or no. 2. Besides they intrude vpon the state and both taik and fortifie places of assurance vvithovvt the kings warrant and against the order set down August 1612. whearas it is euident it depends vpon the kings fauor and goodnes to grant and assign the places of suretie and not for them selfs to choose and vsurp them 3. Add to that ther presumption and disobedienc to introduce the reformed churches of Bearn and adioyn them to France by an act of vnion both spiritual and temporall in the assemblie at Rochel 1617. and they mayd an apologie therof promising to assist Bearn in case of oppression and bownd them selfs by oath 1. to obserue and execut all that should be determined in that assemblie 2. and to employe there liues and goods in maintenanc thereof 3. and not to reueal the propositions aduises and resolution of the assiftants to anie person what soever not excepting the king And all this was doon contemptuouslie knowing that the king had sent to all the prouinces and ded expresslie for bed that vnion and knovving that the king had set dovvn order in his councel to the contrarie Besides how ded they vse â—egnard whon the king sent commissioner for the church goods in Bearn vvhat disorder they committed at Pau against hym it is skarse credible 4. I vvil passe over the assemblie they mayd at Loudun vvith obstinate disobedienc I will only note and show yow how they presume to encroach vpon the kings graces and fauors to them withowt order or dispensation The king permitted them to assemble at Grenoble and by ther own authoritie they assembled at Nismes The king suffered theÌ„ to assemble at Chastelleraut or Saumur onelie to choose ther two deputies who wear to remain at court and there to receaue and exhibit all ther complaints and greuances But they coÌ„trarilie mayd an act of â—nion and for ther assemblies and took the same oath which the leaguers before had mayd but vvith this differenc that they protested ther seruice to the king so long as he remained Catholik but the Huguenots contrarily le souuerain empire de Dieu demeurant tousiours â—n son entier So ther seruice vvas reserued to God but none to the king was expressed And they shovved ther mynds most
Princes may be Deposed by the people yf they be tyrants against God and his truthe and ther subiects ar free from ther Oathes and obedienc And that yow may not think that onelie knox ded hold this opinion his fellovv Good man also in his book of obedienc sings the same note owt of Exod. 17. Toti populo saith he hoc onus incumbit vt animauertat in idolatram quemcunquè nemo excipitur siue Rex siue Regina siue Imperator This is his Homelie wherby he warranteth the people to punish anie Idolater be he king or Quene And how and by what order is that to be doone This is Gods commandement to the people vt in simili defectione rectores suos quia Deo ipsos abducunt aâ—fuâ—cas abripiant suspendan Yf the gouernors fall from God or with draw the people from the trevv vvorship of God they may worthilie draw ther kings and rulers to Tiburn and hang them vp Buchanan in his book de iure regni Scotiae is not behind them in such graue and wholesom counsels For he saith pag. 61. The people is aboue the king and of greater authoritie they haue right to bestovv the crovvn at ther pleasur they may arraign ther princes and depose them to them it appertaines to maik lavves and tho princes to execute them These be the Prouerbs of that Salomon of Scotland as provvd vvith the concept of his ovvn iudgment in these misteries as vvith his poetrie and ballets This was a man vvelchosen to instruct a prince but better to infect his auditors Yet is ther one aduise of knox vvhich is to be recorded with admiration fol 372. It vvear good that revvards vvear publicklie appointed by the peopl for such as kill tyrants as vvell as for those that kill vvolfs Novv they all accoumpt those kings tyrants who ar professors of the Catholick religion and so they know what to trust to yf the Knoxians can preuayle But yf yow will yet haue a litl patienc yow shal heare a most prophan dialogue of Buchanans whearin he neither shovveth diuinitie nor humanitie They hold saith he kings must be obeyed good or bad It is blasphemie so to say But God placeth oft euel kings to punish the people yea and so dâ—th he oft priuate men to kill them But 1. Timoth. vve ar commanded to pray for princes yea so vve ar also to pray for theauâ—s But Paul commands obedienc to kings yea Paul ded vvrite so in the infancie of the church but yf he liued novv he vvold say othervvise As yf this tyme ded affoord a more ripe and solide iudgment then S. Paul could apprehend It is most trew that great high-Soaring poeticall witts haue ordinarilie some taint and touch of frensie for other vvise he vvould never haue vvritten thus madlie vsteron proteron setting the Cart before the horse the people before the king confusion to overrule Order and Anarchie before a Monarchie Thus the people is armed to kill tyrants by ther doctrine but by what lavve for yf they doe it not by iustice and order it is an act of confusion and impietie Yea but the zeal of Gods truth and the light of the gospell be the sword of Gedeon and the armes of Iudith but who must draw and direct that svvord the people and euen against the king hym self what is Anarchie disloyaltie and sedition yf this be order and government To procead what nead I trovvble yow further see the book of daingerous positions who giueth this sentenc of them this nevv diuinitie saith he is not holden by knox and Buchanan alone but generallie for ought I can perceaue by most of the Cheaf Consistorians beyond the seas That is by Caluin and Beza and all ther brood who haue bean heartofore abowt 1570. so much reuerenced and esteamed in England that both the schooles and the pulpits ded magnifie them as Oracles of the Church for vvhose releaf and perseruation publick collections and prayers vvear mayd in the kindome And bycause yovv shall not err and coniecture that these books and opinions wear never approoued at Geneua remember the precedent discourse of the reformed churches in France and call to mynd that maister Whitingham in his preface to the book of obedienc testifieth that the same was allowed and commended by the cheafe deuines of that cittie 1. Geneua And Caluin hym self epist 305. to knox Doth applawd and encourage hym to procead And Bucchanans works ded passe as current in Scotland and cum priuilegio till long after the impression of them the king ded prohibit them to be printed or published So as yow may see it was not one Goodman nor one knox that taught and defended these impious paradoxes but the whole congregation of Puritans and not in one contrie but vniuersallie and not latelie or newlie but originallie and as ther peculiar and proper discipline Nay ther holie Geneua bibles prooue it to be so whear in ther notes vpon the 2. Chron. c. 15. § 16. they allow the Deposing of Quene Macha by her sonn king Asa for idolatrie and yet reprehend hym for want of zeal that he put her not to Death by fyre The like axiomes ar not allowed at Doway nor the like notes arr fownd in the Reames testament But all this though it be baed enough yet ther practise and the execution of ther decrees is vvorse The Bushop of Ross Leslaeus in the. 10. book of his storie Eo in quit knoxij prorupit audacia vt publicè pro concione nobiles perstrinxerit quod Iesabelem ex medio non sustulerunt Yet these weare but words now blowes follow He and thirtie of his compaine begon ther reformation of religion by surprising the castl of S. Andrews withowt warrant or commission and murdering the Cardinal Betun 1546. The Quene regent summoned hym to appeare and answer for these owtrages he refused it she proclaymed hym traytor he contemned it then she sought to apprehend and restrain hym but he sollicited the burgesses of S. Iohnston and Dundee to suppresse the frieries to pull down images and to overthrovv the Abbeis of Skone and S. Andrevvs vvhich they effected And yet they left not so for they keapt the feald two monthes they took the coyning irons into ther custodie and as commanders ded what they thought fitt for ther purpose withowt resistance And this ther furious disorder ded break the hart of that noble and religious Quene Regent But stay a litle I will relate vnto yow a 2. A parliemeÌ„t 1560. storie of the greatest and most disloyall Barbarism that euer vvas committed by Christians in anie nation In the yeare 1560. the Quene being in France by the instigation of knox they enacted this as a perpetual and fundamentall law of the state to abolish the Catholick religion and they decreed that whosoever defended the popes authoritie in Scotland should be banished and further they repealed all former acts of the ancient kings mayd to the contrarie But by
fyre laye couered and as dead vnder the Ashes till the tyme that the Baron of Brederode deliuered in his supplication to the Dutches with demands neither reasonable for them to ask nor safe for her to grant The furtherers of chaing of religion 1. In the mean tyme the Martinis encreased ane grevv strong in the contrie first by ther matches with GermaÌ„s and Lutherans The Earl of Culenbergh married one Horn matched vvith the sister of Count Harman the Prince of Oreng by his moother vvas allied to Count Solmes and his vvyfe vvas sister to Morrice Duke of Saxonie and the Graue of Scherenberg maried his sister 2. Then Count Ludowick the Princes brother a soldier a man of a great spirit and a Lutheran vvas a powrfull instrument both to maik a partie and to back it 3. Besides Flaccius Illiricus whome they sent for from Germanie and other ministers dispersed in all corners ded incense the people much But after the quick siluer of Caluinisme was brought in the fyre ever after was vnquenchable Then ded the flame burst ovvt The people as in spight of all lawes begonn to mutine broke down the kings arms and grevv so vvild as in a rage they pulled dovvn image sacked the churches spoyled the monasteries and contemned all magistrates that soughr to appease the trovvbles So as the Duches of Parma fearing ther furie and distrusting ther violence determined to retyre yf she had not bean disvvaded and stayed by some of the nobles 4. And yet had she dailie more and greater cavvse of dislike and distrust by the priuate conuenticles preachings and insolencie of the people openlie now Lutheranising and speciallie by the manie secret meatings and assemblies of the nobilitie vvhearof she complayned much For she ded vvell consider that as the people could vvork no noble effects vvithovvt a head so the nobles vvanted forces and powre to compass ther desseins withowt the assistanc of the people who by ther inducements appeared now in ther own likenes and attempted that alteration they most desyred Heareof the Prince was the cheafe capten tho he playd least in sight and would never shovv ovvt-vvardlie to fauor anie chainge of religion for all that he ded practise he pretended to doe for the commonwelth and the general good He was assisted by the Marques of Barghen Montignie and Florenc Montmorancie Count Horn who was now grown a perfect malcontent not so much for religion as for his own perticular respects and occasions his debt the reiecting of his suit for the gournment of Zutphen and aboue all the execution of his brother Montigny in Spayn By meanes of these noble and populer persons diuers assemblies wear procured as the nurces that fostered the conspiracies First at Breda whether emong others Egmond was inuited who had the greatest power and swaye with all militarie men in that contâ—ie and shortlie after as the fruict and effect of that Assemblie Brederode deliuered his petition to the Duches for the religions Vried Afterward they had meatings at S. Trudon at Hoocstrat and at Osterweal Whearby that noble Count Egmond was vndoon For at his arrainment he was charged with this article that he was priuie to the confaederation and agreement at these assemblies And furthermore that fatallie vpon the same daye that the petition was deliuered by Brederod to the Duches he Oreng and Horn cam to the great banquet at the Count Culenberghs hovvse in Brussels whear 300 of the confaederates wear and that they dined all together with them at which tyme the name of the Geuses was first giuen and mayd knowen and that afterward he sent his secretarie Backersele to offer his ayd to those of that crew and in dead he confessed hym self at Barr that he offred his assistanc to hinder the Duke of Alua his comming and empeach his passage and that he ded neither dislike nor dissvvade the proceading of the confaederates And of the same articles vvas Count Horn endited adding this further as a particuler charg to hym that he threatned to leuie 50. thowsand Men by violenc to reskew his brother and reduce hym home And vpon the proof of these accusations they weare both condemned as by all law by reason of state for exampls sake for the Regents safetie and the honor See Syr Roger VVilliams storie of iustice it was necessarie Albeyt it is certan that Count Egmond was conninglie circumvented by the Prince and drawen to his own confusion by plats and pollicie for which at his death he was repentant being a man of a playne magnanimous and noble disposition What Prince could endure such indignities The cause of reaucing the Spanyards and not seak both to preuent the like offences and to taik reueng of the offendors was it not high tyme to arme when the people contemned religion and gouernement and the nobler wear ther patterns when the citties wear in vproare and the whole frame of the Commonwelth was shaken had not the king reason to send Alua with his forces aswel to represse these present conspiracies as by the sword to subdew such rebellious spirits which could not be reduced by lenitie to obedienc Yow may see it vvas high tyme to encounter Oreng who had almost vndermined the gouernment as he had discooraged the gouernor And touching the companies conducted hither owt of Spayn against which the Prince had taught the contrie to repyne was it lawfull for the Prince to bring in the Reistres and for his brother Count Lodowick to bring in the frenchmen to inuade Heynault and was it not tollerable for the king to send his armie to defend his own inheritance vvas it lavvfull to surprise Mounts by force and vvas it not more lawfull to expel them by force and seing it could not be doon withowt force surelie yf the Duke of Alua had not bean so neare to encounter and bear dowen ther mallice the king by all probabilitie had lost his footing in the Netherlands And let no man dreame that yf the Duke had not comed at all the fyre had bean more easilie quenched and the people less prouoked to furie For these confaederations of so great persons ded portend the generation of some great monster and the manner of the birth and first appearanc of the Geuses by the encooragement of the gouernors of the state ded prognosticate a crewel storme to all men of vnderstanding neither wear they like men by anie bitt in a woemans hand to be brideled so as of necessitie the king was to send Alua. And the rather bycaus he could not hut know that M. Chastillon the Admiral Iohn Pettit of France ded send to baron Brederode perswading and incensing hym not to accord with the Dutches of Parma for so they would be deceaued and offring hym in case of necessitie to assist hym with 4000. gentlmen And Count Ludowick after his defeat at Mounts ded lye at Rochel emong the Caluinists and the Prince went to France of
at first they mayd that a cavvse of ther rebellion that the king vvould force ther consciences and yet they will not novv permitt the same freedome to those that liue vnder their command But novv to come to the Mayne poynt they Challeng by the vnion to be absolute Lords of these prouinces and haue renounced all title and obedienc to the king of Sayn as Earl of Holland and Zelland I ask quo titulo ingressi sunt they alledg in ther letters to the Emperor 1608. this grovvnd vvork Post tractatum pacis Coloniae qua Hispani potius ad opprimendam quam subleuandam Belgium vsi sunt Hispani Mercurius Gallob libro 32. tanta tyrannide in prouincias vrbes ac ciues omnes Belgij proculâ—atis omnibus priuilegijs grassabantur vt ad conseruandam quod ei imminebat ab extremo exitio patriam pleraeque Belgicae prouinciae quae in vnione perstiterant regem eiurarunt certam quandam ac liberam reipublicae formam constituerunt It a pro liberis à multis regibus accepti per 32. annos Hear is the fowndation of ther free state and the reason is tyrannie and the tyme is sayd to be after the treatie of Coolen tho in dead this vnion was mayd before Besides in the same place they vse an other argument that the king of Spayn and the Archduke acknowledg them as free prouinces in quas ipsi nihil iuris praetendant cum omnibus generalibus particularibus renunciationibus At the making of that vnion they alledged that the king had forfeited his estate by oppressing them vvith tyrannie by infringing ther liberties and his ovvn oath and for suppressing religion And at Coolen the states deputies added that they took armes not onelie for religion but to 1. auoyd exactions intollerable 2. and to cast of the yoke of too seuere gouernors So then 1. religion 2. tyrannie 3. exaction 4. abrogation of ther priuiledges and the kings own renunciation of his title arr the pillers of this vnion It remaineth therfor after hauing mayd a breach with this long battrie to geue the assault vpon ther title and discouer how seditious the positions and principles of that religion ar which imprinted in them such disloyaltie to vsurp that title If it could be prooued by them which is necessarie first to be that the king ded oppress the contrie by tyrannie and abrorating ther priuiledges then is it yet a question of importance whether therby he haith lost his authoritie ouer his subiects and yf he had lost it by what law haue they fownd it by what ciuil order or president ded they abiure ther obedience Surelie it vvas certam quandam ac liberam reipublicae formam constituere That vvas ther end and ther presumption but it vvas neither order nor cawse Neither is the kings tyrannie a sufficient vvarrant for ther tyrannie and vsurpation for a soouerain can not loose his soouerainetie it doth all waies carrie vvith it a nonobstante to difpenc with errors and irregularities And for ther priuiledges vvhich the king never intended to maik voyd and so they build vpon a false grovvnd vvhich vvill fayle them yf it had bean so great an offenc for the king to abrogate theirs is it not a greater offenc for subiects to vsurp his and so to maik them self parties and iudges and by ther own authoritie to punish ther prince Which is an insolencie and indignitie incredible to all posteritie and such as neither the Svvizzes nor the Amphictiones the confederate cantons of Grecia ded ever match nor come neare for so they maik regna occupantium ius qui potest capere capiat A pretenc opposite to all lavves a portall to let in confusion but yf the king ded loose and forfeit all his authoritie and iurisdiction yet I see not vvhy or hovv they could also challeng his lands and priuate inheritance for that must neads discend by law Besides yf the king could for feit his sooueraintie how can he forfeit it to his subiects but say they wear now no subiects we haue waued and renounced the same and is that inough It is trew a subiect may maik hym self ciuis alienae reipulicae but yf he stay in his own contrie he can not of a subiect maik hym self no subiect for tho he doe rebell as the Hollanders ded yet he is a subiect but it is admirable how of a subiect he should become a sooueraine that is scientia scientiarum a supernatural skill aboue my capacitie Yet yf the kings should for feit his earldome of Holland it is not to them but to the cheaf Lord of the fee that is to the Emperor for it can escheat to no other either by the Imperial or municipal lawes Yf yow ask me the reason I saye it is manifest that Holland vvas erected into an Earldome by the Emperour Carlous Caluus qui cum audiuit Hollandiam terram Imperatoriam a Danis spoliari rogatu Iohannis Papae principatum eius contulit Theodorico Berland Meyer Anno 863. So yf it be not in the king of Spayn to whome it is lineallie discended from Theodoric then may the Emperor geue a nevv inuestitur thereof as a fief Imperial to whome he pleaseth as he ded to Theodoric for it is a phantastical imagination that it is fallen by lapse to them of Holland the Emperor taketh no notice of ther Stateships being a priuate order for ther better government But yf it be fallen in laps it is rather fallen to Oreng and the nobilitie who can Better govern then to tradesmen and mariners And yet vndowbtedlie to none of them except they plead that as conquerors they wonn yt by the sword and so they will hold it which is a Tenure neither knowen to Litlton nor summe Rurall not Ius feudale a tenure fitter for forosciuti or the Hoords of Tartarians then a commonwelth of ChristiaÌ„s A certan Hollander in his third defenc of the vnited prouinces calleth the king of Spayn Raptorem haereticum notorium rudelie and vnciuillie and therupon inferreth An non potius regem Hispaniae quia haereticus notorius est ex suo regno omnibus omnium Euangelicorum viribus expellere oporteret either this man was much distempered or his religion infected hym and mayd hym a Catelin and so seditions These Ar fearefull paradoxes and such as all princes haue interest in and had nead to haue ther swords drawen to confute yf for pretenc of religion for errors in gouernment for restraining ther priuiledges for punishing sedition and ryots subiects may thus sit in iudgment vpon ther princes and taike armes and expell them owt of ther territories Thus ded ket and Iack Straw in England rise for bonum publicum the Bowres in Germanie and Ziska in Bohemia mayd ther insurrections for religion and so euerie Gracchus may taik vpon hym the reformation of the church and the state Now yf they obiect ther case is ill fitted with a comparison bycause
manie princes in 32. yeares haue acknovvledged and vsed them as a free State Yf they hold onelie by prescription I may iustlie saye that tyme will not serue ther turne except they can therwith plead a title and bona fides for tyme may coÌ„firm a title but creates none and the opinion of forrein princes maiks not ther bad clayme better but geueth onelie a reputation to the vsurper and in so bad a quarrel brauelie defended not the cawse but the success not ther right but ther prosperitie haith doon them honor Besides it is nor trew that they haue bean so reputed of Princes to negotiate with princes vnder that title and that so princes confirm ther title be different things I grand that they offred to Quene Elizabeth the sooueraintie of these prouinces and laboured that she vvould entertain them but the counsel speciallie the L. Treasorer ded not vvelcome the offer both in regard of ther title for nemo potest plus euris transferre in alium quam ipse habet they could not geuer her that which vvas not ther owne and in respect of the safetie and honor of the Quene who could not hold and mantain such a tile withowt the censure of the world and withowt geuing forrein princes and her own people a president against her self Although for her own priuate ends afterward she was content to protect them and he who furthered most that protection was as glad so clenlie to be rid of the sonn as the Marques of Winchester was to be deliuered of the father And therfor the Quenes commissioners at Burborough as I haue hard affirmed trewlie Auersata est Regina delatam sibi saepius illarum regionum summam potestatem Neither was Syr Noel Caron in Quene Elizabeths tyme esteamed as an Embassador but as an agent But to ioyn issew with them yf they can maik good ther hold and Clayme it By lavv must be either by the Gospel and patronage of religion or it must be by lawe for yf by neither of these they leane vpon a rotten stake first the lavv is directlie against them For at the Ioyfull entrie they wear subiects absolutelie and the king was soouerain and to Oreng he committed the liuetennancie of these contries Ouem lupo Oreng and the people withdraw ther obedienc vpon surmises defended ther townes against the king depriued hym of his inheritanc and mayd them selfs sooueraines Whether wear these men guiltie by lavv of Treason or no this is the case trevvlie Dambouderius your contrieman in prax criminal cap. 132. haith drawen your proces saith he Seditiosi sunt 1. qui moluintur conspirationem 2. aduersus rectores admmistratores regionum 3. ilâ—â—citas congregationes populi cogunt â—iues commotionibus turbant c. This compared with ther dealing against Alua Don Iohn and the Duke of Parma with ther manie meatings at Breda and Osterweal with ther incensing and encooraging the Geuses with ther defenc of Harland and Alcmar is as good as a comment to explayne the law But cap. 82. Vi bâ—â—â—a sint insta requiritur 1. iusta causa 2. recta intentio 3. personarum idoneitas 4. authoritas principum sine qua est laesa Maiestas Now yf the states mark that sine qua they may hold down ther heads and blush for in all ther warres they neither had good coolor nor iust cawse they wear secured for ther religion by the pacification of Gandt by the perpetual edict by the articles of the treatie at Coolen and by enioying all withovvt disturbanc and yet would they not ioyn vvith the states generall and accept the same Also ther vvas not recta intentio for it was to noorish discord they pretended euer religion and the peoples safetie but the Prince perswaded them to armes and the vnion not for the loue of them but for his own preseruation Ambition and dispayre wear his motiues and counsellors and reueng and dispossessing the king wear his ends And he was the more disloyall seing he being a person of honor betrayed the trust of so great a charg reposed in hym And touching that sine qua it was a warr on ther parts mayd against the king and not by his authoritie and not onelie his sword was shaken against the king but his penn and Apologie which was a great error bycause they wear not aequallie matched and of one degree He had in the low contries neither office nor command but vnder the wings of the Aegle or authoritie of the Lyon And he held all his Belgick lands in fee of the Duke of Burgondie as of his Leage Lord and ded homage and fealtie for the same and he knew also that a soouerain geues law to his subiects aswel as offices and haith power of lyfe and death and as a learned man noted Eoâ—in the law signifieth the power and command of hym that haith the sooueraintie Besides Claudius le Brun in his book of proces ciuil and criminal addeth this Whosoeuer surpriseth tovvnes Castles and forts vvithovvt order of his soouerain as the Prince ded cawse Count Lumay doe in HollaÌ„d and Vorst and Barland ded Flushyng VVhearby the peace of the contrie is broken or vvho attempteth against the lyfe of the soouerains liuetennant it is treason And these all Europe doe hold as iudgments decrees of reason and principles of state which ar not to be called in quaestion and yf the states in Holland doe not obserue hold and practise the same they can never expect either peace order or obedienc in ther contrie So as it is manifest that the Hollanders in the beginning ar to be charged with sedition and in the progress with rebellion and treason And then being traytors by law they haue admirable luck and art to maik them selfs also Lords by lawe and it will be a good encooragement to ther soldiers yf men may winn dignities by offences to share the novvnes of Holland emong them or to induce them to a bellum pyraticum or sociale and cantonize that prouinc by ther own example They haue yet one euasion which is rather of consequenc then of substanc to prooue ther title a playster they think to salue all sores that the Archduke haith renounced his right and the king ar knowledgeth them to be now liberas prouincias in quas ipse nihiliuris pretendat though it is no aenigma no ridl nor such an argument as will pose a lawyer to answer it yet bycause I vvill not doe hurt whear I would doe good I leaue it to the consideration of that honorable and learned Chancelor Peckins who can best in a fitt tyme satisfie the world that it is but a sharcrow and thunder withowt a bolt So then by law yow haue hard in what state they stand for procuring the effusion of so much blood and breaking the peace By diuinitie of Christendome so now I desire all both Gomarists and Armenians to heare the opinion of Doctor Bilson a great Piller of
Streatchlie took Skarborow castle a fort then of some strenth in yorkskyre to hould against the Spanyards and in recompenc of so great a seruice they worthilie lost ther heads Henrie Duke of Suffolk to vvhome Quene Marie had once before giuen his lyfe being father to Ladie Iane a priuie counsellor to the treasons of Northumberland and her prisoner in the towre he flijng into Leicestershyre vvith the Lord Gray in his iournie he likewise mayd proclamations against the Quenes marriage vvith Spayn for that vvas then the greatest obiect of the Protestants mallice and finding his disabilitie to leuie a commanding armie he fled and lurked in corners till the Earl of Huntingron discouered his hole apprehended and brought hym vp to the towre his old lodging whear he mayd an vnfortunate end I might vrge the practises of Syr Nicholas Throgmorton a man of great witt and pollicie who was endited of high treason and arraigned at Westminster vvith Arnold Warner and Others And though the case vvas playne the Iurie acquited hym but to ther constand trowble Albeyt he had cawse to thank God that it vvas not in a tyme vvhen the Aduocates vvear so skilfull to triumph at the barr vpon calamities and vvilling rather that the prisonner should loose his head then they vvould loose ther Oration and the glorie of the daye Thus vvas Quene Marie tossed in a sea of trovvbles tantae molis erat Romanam Condere gentem But some haue obiected that no Ministers had a hand in these tumults nor vvear the trompettors of sedition at that tyme. yes surelie both ther heads and ther hands ded cooperate Doe yovv taik Goodman and Gilbie to haue bean no ministers Ievvel preached at Gloucester against the Quens proceadings D. Sands vvalked vvith the ragged staff and being vicechanlor of Cambredg assisted the proclaymers of ladie Iane. Hooper Rogers and Crowlie vvear enrolled as frends of these actions and diuers others vvho in Quene Maries tyme after vvyats fall ded forsake the realme And what think yow of the tvvo Apostles of that tyme Cranmor and Ridlie wear not they instruments of the Quenes trovvbles A great Doctor vvith great subtilitie laboureth to excuse Cranmor and Ridlie that they committed no trespass against Q. Marie nor in her tyme. Syr though the tyme doth not excuse ther offence yf it had bean fullie committed in kings Edwards dayes being actions of iniustice and against the rules of common reason and conscienc Yet y may say uon bene diuisa sunt haec temporibus D. for it is euident that Ridlies sermon was after king Edwards death and so could haue no shelter vnder his authoritie bycause all men of vnder-standing know that the raign of a Prince commenceth not at the tyme of his coronation but actuallie vpon the death of his predecessor Now it is certan that the Sondaye after king Edward dyed D. Ridlie being Bushop of London sayling vvith the vvynd in his sermon at Powles crosse like an Other infamous Shavve magnifiet and defended the title of the ladie lane to the crowne of this realme perswaded the people to accept and obeye her as Quene and so impugned the inuincible right of both king Henries Daughters against his ovvn conscienc and knovvledg and directlie against king Henties will and ther for he vvas iustlie convicted and attainted of treason As for Cranmor he was a counsellor and oracle in the busienes and therfor was arraigned and condemned with the Ladie Iane and Guildeford Dudlie as a contriuer and principall assistant of that treasonnable practise to disherit bothe the Quenes and to graft the princelie roses vpon a crabtree stock as appeareth by the records in the kings bench and I may trevvlie affirm of that Proteus that in all his actions he showed hym self ever seruilie plyable to anie humor of the kings First a principall instrument of the diuorce whearby the court gates vvear set open to welcome Ann Boodein then afterward to serue the kings appetite he and Cromwel wear the cheafactors employed for her condemnation and deathe as appeareth by the statut 28. H. 8. c. 7. whear Cranmors sentenc is recorded iudiciallie as of his own knowledg convincing her of that fowle fact So as Quene Elizabeths frends had no cawse to fauour hym either for dew respect of her or of her father or for kyndnes to her moother and all vnpartiall men vvill condemn hym of inexcusable iniquitie that being a counsellor of strate primate and Metropolitan and pretending to be a reformer of religion he would betray his maister whose creature he was vvould frustrate and voyd his will wheareof he was cheaf executor would subscribe to extinguish and root owt his issevv his tvvo daughters two Quenes to set vp Ladie Iane in there places And all this baselie and against his ovvn conscienc and all to pleas a subiect all for feare of affliction against which he was never vvell armed as appeared by his so manie chainges relapses and periuries offences which I leaue to God as faults of frayltie and batges of humain vveakenes But to come to the matter All these aforesayd being overt acts and treasons in se and simpliciter and by the common lawes of the realme and by the statut of 25. Edw. 3. I think I may vvell conclude that Caluinism and the nevv religion ar most daingerous to princes and haue bean the greatest cavvse of all the vvarrs seditions and depopulation in Europeever since Luther a man of vnhappie me morie And yet I can not but commend that religion Mâ—tonimia bycause it is semper eadem yovv may allwaies know it by the coonisance by the operation and fruits of it It is the same that induced them of Geneua to expell ther Bushop and Lord the same that mooued them of Sweueland to depriue ther lawfull king the same that procured Holland to depose ther soouerain the same that sollicited subiects to deposeth ' Emperor king of Bohemie the same that emprisoned the vertuous martyr and Quene of Scotland and cast her into that calamitie vvhich haunted her euen tho deathe the same that authorized Rochel and Montauban to stand at defianc against ther king the same that begot so manie monstruous conspiracies against Quene Marie of England as yow haue hard So as in 60. yeares mo Princes haue bean deposed by the Protestants for ther religion then had bean by the Popes excommunication or the attempt and meanes of Catholicks in 600. And yet foall this I perceaue all these action haue some Champions at least some men of note seak to excuse them as vvhen vve obiect Svvedia maister T. M. defends it and geues reason that it vvas the demand of the vvhole state for defenc of ther priuiledges and liberties and fruition of religion A writ is brought de eiectione firmae against Sigismond king of Svvecia by hys ovvn subiects the king is eiected therupon and T. M. allovves it bycause it vvas the demand of the vvhole state c. Consider better
first doe yovv talk of a vvhole state and maik the king no part of it the head no part of the bodie can ther be a monarchie vvithovvt a king yovv harp to near knoxes tune and a Scots gig The vvhol state id est the people either sollicited or disposed to aduanc Duke Charles vvithovvt the kings consent to vvear his crovvne ded elect Charles ther king and depriued Sigismond This was yow say for defenc of ther priuiledges and religion So then yow think for the se two cawses they might iustlie depose ther king and so the kings maistlie knovveth vvhat assurance he may haue of you and vvhat a sure stake yow ar for kings to leane on can yow defend this fact it is the same that Holland and Bohemia committed then against whome is rebellion against the people or the king The law is playne no warr can be mayd withowt the authoritie of the prince sine qua est laesa maiestas and that is a fundamental law in euerie monarchie which yovv turn to a Democratie by leauing the bridle in the Peopls hand Yf yovv will vouch safe to hear S. Augustin he saith l. 22. cap. 75. contra Faustum ordo naturalis mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit vt suscipiendi belli authoritas atque consilium penes Principem sit and he geues a reason for non est potestas nisi à Deo vel iubente vel sinente and bycause yow think they ought by force of armes to resist ther king for religion c. 76. he answereth your obiectioÌ„ by exaÌ„pl of the Apostles Isti sunt resistendo interfecti sunt vt potiorem esse docerent victoriam pro fide veritatis occidi Martyrdoome Iam sure yow like not this Occidi for few perfect Caluinists prooue perfect martyrs Valentius degreed to banish Eusebius from Samosata the people resisted but Eusebius appeaseth the sedition disswaded the people and obeyed the decree Theodoret l. 4. cap. 14. Valentinian sent Calligonus his chamberlain to threaten S. Ambrose and terrifie hym from his opinions by the name of deathe and torments he ded answer in an other tune Deus permittat tibi vt impleas quod minaris Ego patiar quod est Episcopi tu facies quod Spadonis Christ hym self resisted not but commanded Peter tu put vp his sword it vvas no proper vveapon to defend his quarrel Daniel and the Children of Israel Captiues in Babilon when the king commanded them to Idololatrize they resisted not they reuiled not they ded not offer to spit in his face as Caluin brauelie defended they might but refusing his command they layd them selfs at his feate to endure his pleasure But to touch yow a litl nearer I nead alledg no other authors then your ovvn either to condemn wyat or the subiects of Swetheland Doctor Bilson holdeth it as an articl of offaith that Princes ar not to be deposed and that the Apostles endured the magistrates pleasure but performed not his command and how much he condemned warr against Princes his opinion haith taught me that he who may fight may kill and to fight with the Princ and murder hym be of ineuitable consequenc Besides maister Beza some tymes when he was not transported vvith passion affirmed Nullum remedium proponitur hominibus tyranno subiectis preter preces lachrimas Parson whytes own argument against the fathers of the Catholick religion that they teach nothing but treason to murder Princes and to disturb states I must reflect vpon them that either defend wyats rebellion or the fact of the Svvecians What nead I alledg L. Baylie Ormerode or suke like men dij maiorum gentium all your greatest Doctors haue wiselie and neadfullie defended that position for 50. yeares And yf it wear trew iust and lawfull in the raign of Quen Elizabeth I see no reason why it should not be so taken in Quene Maries case for the differenc of Religion doth not alter the authoritie and power of Iudisdiction And yf Princes should for feit ther authoritie when they err in faith Then vvho should taik the forfeiture thereof and who should be iudg whether he haith forfeited yt I know yow ar not so gross as to think the people maye that is an opinion generallie reiected nor that officers share authoritie vvith the king that is also cast owt of the schools Xiphilin in the lyfe of M. Antonius saith Solus Deus iudex Principum Belloy in his Apologie Cathol part 2. Orationibus pugnandum armes against Princes haue no warrant Quis est iudex siâ—â— ex transgreditur conditiones regni Solus Deus § 21. and how farr we ought to obey princes and Quatenus see sainct Augustin serm de verbis Domini in Matth. And common reason will and may teach euerie man the misterie of this thesis For the king is anima corporis spiritus vitalis caput membrorum vinculum per quod cohaeret respublica sine quo nihil respublica ipsa futura nisi onus praeda si mens illa Imperij detrahatur This was Senecas opinion and a sownd proposition for yf the sowle offend the bodie the bodie can not punish it vvithovvt participating of the punishment neither is it a proper facultie of the bodie to iudg but of the sowle and vnderstanding Examin what the law meaneth by bodie politick and yow shall better discern all my growndwork It is a dignitie Royal annexed to the naturall bodie whearby he is mayd Lord Paramount and is not surnamed as others ar but stiled by the name of the bodie politick declaring his function as Iacobus Rex and to show the nature qualitie maiestie and prerogatiue of that bodie 1. It can not hold lands in ioyntennancie nor endure a partner 2. it can not be seazed to vses and so limited 3. it is not bovvnd to geue liuerie and season of lands nor tyed to the circumstances of a naturall bodie 4. it can not doe homage hauing no superior 5. and that bodie is so precious as the imagination onelie to compasse his death is treason tho ther be no attempt 6. and that bodie vested in a blood ought to discend and tho the natural bodie be attainted of fellonie or treason before yet by access of this body politick he may taik his inheritanc for that dignitie purgeth the blood as it ded H. 7. and H. 4. for this bodie was founded vvithovvt letters pattents by the Common lawes and for the defenc of the people And yf criminal cawses can not disable the discent it can less when it is discended for the crown of England is independant for his iura regalia holden of no Lord but the lord of heauen so it can not escheat to anie being holden of none What then from this fowntain is all authoritie and honor deriued Iudges at created and haue ther commission to iudg from the king for criminal and ciuil cawses the Constable and marshals court for armes and honor the Chancerie for equitie the Checkor for
and testifie From king Edvvard the Confessor Down to king Henry the VIII ther is no man so blind that will affirme ther was anie other religion professed and priuiledged in England but that which was planted heare by Gregorius Magnus who as D. whitacher noteth l. 5. contrae Duraeum pag. 394. ded vs a great benefit and vvhich vve ar euer most grate fullie to remember In all which tyme though the Cleargie mayd Canons by ther own authoritie for ther ovn particuler gouernment yet the kings of this realme ded euer fynt them obedient and readie hymblie and dewtifullie to obey them and to affoord ther best assistance to support the estate Royal euen oft vvhen they weare much troden vpon and heauilie burdened and albeyt sometymes they weare forced to whote contentions for external matters of iurisdiction and ther immunities as the commons and Barons weare yet they neuer passed the rules of order and obedienc nor stirred vp sedition or commotions And who soeuer shall obiect and call in quaestion the opposition of some prelates vnder Henrie the II. King Iohn and Henrie the III. shall neither doe great honor to the kings nor dishonor to the Church-men for ther zealous defenc of ther immunities and perhaps he may reuiue such matters as wear more conuenient to be buried in the records But the first king thar euer gaue effectuallie cawse in this kingdome to trie in the face of the vvorld the admirable patienc Order and loyaltie of the Catholiques was King Henrie the VIII flagelium Dei to the Church of England and yet of ther own religion First by aceusing the Cleargie to be fallen into the danger of a premunire for mantaining Caridnal VVolsies legantine power Secondlie by the statut of Supremacie Thirdlie by the Suppression of Abbeis Which vvear the thre first breaches wherby he threw Dovvn the foundation strenth and glorie of the Church of England The first leuelled the waye for the second and the second enabled hym with power and authoritie to compasse the third The first was a burden the second a bridle and the third a terror By the first he fownd ther weakenes by the second they perceaued his greatnes and by the third he mayd them dispayre of anie recouerie or reparation of ther estate by the first onelie the Cleargie smarted the second laye heauie both vpon the spirituall and temporall by the third the whole realme was again in a sort conquered And all this was doon to be reuenged against the Pope touching his marriage to abandon his iurisdiction and to aduance his ovvn greatenes and royall power that so no man might afterward controll his action or restrain his appetites vvhich lawleslie rainged in hym and prooued verrie inordinate And ther for he bard owt of the realme all forrein power and at home he subdewed them and mayd them of no power Such is the imperious nature of domination in irregular mynds which hauing once broken owt of his circle can not indure limitation and bownds but must and will rainge at libertie in the wide and wild feald of his humors and not being able to geue law to his appetites vvill maik lawes as champions to authorise them and reason as a parasite to glorifie them Now to examin all these thre The first 1. The premunite was a quarrell he ded pick onlie against Cardinal VVoltie and yet afterwards sett vpon the tentors and extended against the vvhole cleargie Which being summoned into the kings bench the kings learned counsell vrged and exaggerated the matter so vehamentlie that in the Conuocation howse they concluded to submit them selfs to his pleasure and to obtain ther pardon and recouer his fauor they wear content to offer and present vnto hym a hundret thowsand pownds wherevpon ther Pardon was signed by the king and confirmed by parliement and by a deuise there they wear also Drawen to acknowledg hym supreme head This vvas a course at that tyme thought neither agreable to Iustice nor honor for Cardinal Wolsie had the kings licens vnder his hand and the great seale of England sor his warrant to vse the legantine power and aftervvard by reason thereof the king hym self employed hym to exercise the same and sit vvith Campegius and examin the matter And yf the diuorce had bean allowed ther should neuer haue bean quaestion mayd of the legantine povvre Touching the Supremacie All the hings 2. The supremacie subiects euer acknovvledged that the crovvn of England quoad temporalia is independant of anie other povver but that great and Transcendent Maiestie vvho proclamed to the vvorld Per me reges regnant that kings knovving vvho vvill taik ther audit may be more carefull to rule vvith Iustice and keape ther accoumpts streight and subiects knovving there tye and vvho layd vpon ther necks this suaue iugum and withowt encroachment may obeye vvith more loyaltie and affection The Question vvhich king Harrie mayd first of all kings in his parliement concerneth his povver and iurisdiction quoad spiritualia And whether that new and highe praerogatiue vvear euer properlie and essentiallie inuested in the crovvn of his realme heartofore or whether it wear the creation of a nevv right by parliement iure Coronae or the establishment of an old And hearupon grovveth an other quaestion novv both in England and other kingdomes so much debated vvhether the Controuersie for Supremacie in spiritualibus be a quaestion onelie proper to Religion and so subiect to the sentenc and censure of the Church onelie as emong the Romans it vvas to the Collegium Augurum and Pontifex Max. or proper to Pollicie and the state onelie and so subiect to the iudgment of lawe or Mixt and a participle vvhear of either of them may hold plea. Of both these I shall haue fitter both Occasion for the matter and Opportunitie for the tyme to declare my poore opinion in my discourses vpon the Ecclesiastical Historie And for the suppression of the Abbies 3. The Supression of Abbies the Cleargie by that fact and the supremacie stood as in captiuitie and at the kings pleasure and mercie ther possessions wear seazed ther goods forfeited ther Churches prophaned and sacked And the augmentation court was erected vpon the spoyles of the Churche and the sale of ther mooueables vestiments challices bells and all for when the king fownd that the Cleargie thorough the humilitie of ther zeale yealded so much vnto hym he never thought he had power sufficient till he had more then enoughe and vpon that aduantage his conscienc being inlarged broke owt of those ancient bownds which the lawes of the Church had prescribed to hym Therfor anno 27. he appointed Cromwel and Doctor Leigh to visite the Abbies and by vertue of the kings commission which had then a chymical powre to maik sacriledge vertue they took owt of the Monasteries ther cheafest Iewels plate and Reliques to the kings vse and dismissed all such religious persons vnder the age of 24. yeares as
desyred to walk at libertie in the wyde world and were wearie of Cloysters and spiritual exercises Anno 28. to loose no tyme all small religious howses of or vnder 200. pownds per annum with all ther lands and haeteditaments of vvhich there vveare 376. wear giuen to the king by parliement and these vvear able to dispend aboue 3200. povvnds per annum of old rents of Assise and the mooueables of these howses being sovvld at vndervalevv amounted to aboue 100. thowsand pownds The religious and ther dependants vvear all voyded and left vnprouided of habitation so as moe then ten thowsand persons weare turned owt of ther own doores to seak ther fortunes Which mooued the common people to much compassion to see them forced to liue by almes vvho by ther bountiefull hospitalitie had releaued so manie Anno 30. Battel Abbie in Sussex Martin in Surrie Stratford in Essex Lewes in Sussex wear suppressed and converted to the kings benefitt and vse for all things wear doon politiquelie and by degrees At last anno 32. and 33. generallie all other monasteries of what valew soever and all the lands of S. Iohns of Hierusalem wear giuen to the king and the corporation of the knights was dissolued and to satisfie them with some contentment they had pensions distributed emong them of 2870. pownds during ther liues So hear was left in England and Ireland no care of the general good of the Church to mantain anie succors assistanc or fortification of Europe against the Turk nor no nurceries of deuotion and prayer again sinn and the deuel And to conclude all Chantries Colledges and Hospitalls for the releafe of the poore vvear offred and bestowed vpon the king and left to his order and disposing anno 37. The valew of all the Church lands in England at that tyme amounted to aboue 320180. pownds 10. per annum wheareof the king took into his own possession and appropriated to the crovvn 161100. per annuÌ„ The which was so great a bootie that an offer was mayd once in the parliement as Howse reporteth in preface to H. 8. to create and mantain with those reuennues fortie Earles 60. Barons 3000. knights and 40. thowsand soldiers and also that so the Commons should never after be charged with anie more subsidies or impositions The like motion and proiect was commended The Cavvses of the Supression and offred at the lay mans parliement in the tyme of king Henrie the fourth by some that loued Wiclef better then the Church and wear better frends to ther lands then to ther Religion but Thomas Arondel Archbushops of Cantorburie ded stowtlie and vertuouslie resist ther motion and preuayled with the king to preuent there platts and the mallice of auarice The Lutherans in England ded reuiue and set on foot again the same motion by ther book called the supplication of Beggars which was opposed by the supplication of Sovvles endited by the vertuous and learned penn of Syr Thomas Moor. yet at last they fownd a patrone an vnworthie Thomas of Cantorburie to geue waye to ther deÌ„uises and to fead the kings humor and so he vvho should haue bean the cheafe protector and intercessor for the Cleargie prooued the Cheafe Cateline that betrayed the Church and conspired ther oppression Add to this the kings own inclination to vayn-glorie which begot his auarice whose prodigal expences could not be mantained vvithovvt such extraordinarie support And think yow that the Lords and courtiers disliked the proposition no they knew what a rich praye it would prooue whearof each man hoped and thirsted to haue a share and speciallie maister Cromwel who knew no better ladder to climbe to greatnes and welth then by an innouation so full of spoyle whearby one might easilie rise by the fall of so manie who being a man of experienc and bred vp in a forge knew the better which way to hammer and frame his busienes in some good forme that the king might vndertaike the action and stand stowtlie to a matter of his domination and profitt knovving well that his conscience was all readie buried in Ann Boolens tomb And tho maik he waye playner and remooue all blocks the thre principall Abbots Glastenburie Reading and Burie thre Barons of the parliement stowt and religious men and likest to crosse and empeach these practises wear executed for denijng the supremacie bothe to discoorage the Bushops from mediating for them and to terrifie the rest of the religious that they might not withstand the king who was now armed with suffieient powre to bring them vpon ther knees all forren intercession being cut of But quo iure quo titulo vvas this suppression The titl of the religious hovvses compassed The Abbies hold these lands in frank Almoine and in see they vvear possessed of them by the donations of Saxon English and Norman kings and subiects continued legallie by prescription established by law and confirmed by the Charters of kings and so they held ther inheritanc and immunities by the same lawes the temporall Lords hold ther Baronnies and the king his reuennues What nead I remember the Charters of the realme the magna charta 9. H. 3. or the confirmation thereof 28. Ed. 1. vvhear it is granted that the Church of England shall be free and haue her liberties inuiolable and cap. 2. iudgment against them shall be held for naught and 4. Bushops wear authorised to excommunicate those that shall seak to vndoe ther charters And 3. E. 1. the Bushops ded accurse those that attempted to spoyle the Church or by force and craft to diminish ther liberties or the charter of the realme and all those that either should maik statutes or obserue them being mayd against the sayd liberties for which is to be noted by one and the same Charter both the Church and all the subiects hold ther liberties so as king H. 8. might as well break the one as vndoe the other and yf the parliement could geue powre to abrogate the one that is a president to dispence with the other But in Peterboâ—ow Ledgerbook yow shall fynd king Iohns grants more at large and fullier then anie printed book setteth down What nead I remember sententia lata super confirmatione cartarum by E. 1. or 42. Ed. 3. cap. 8. yf anie statut be mayd contrarie to magna charta it shall be voyd Or the confirmation of all these 1. 6. 7. 8. of R. 2. and 4. H. 4. Which all wear intended to preuent tyrannie to secure the Church then being visiblie knowen and generallie reuerenced for to no other Church they wear granted nor no other can enioye theÌ„ yf the king so please But to return to the suppression The The surrendors king to maik his title either to be or to appear stronger to which he had no title of hym self but by parliement and hovv farr that powre is extended to geue awaye the lands of a third parson not being hard nor convicted
orderlie for some offences is an other quaestion he procured an act 31. H. 8. vvhearby it is expressed that sinc the former act of 27. H. 8. the religious howses voluntarilie and of ther own good wills and withowt constraint by course of law and vvritings of record vnder ther Couentseals haue giuen and confirmed to the king ther lands howses and right haue forsaken and left them all to the king And to this statut they ar sayd to consent as to an act at ther own suite Whearupon yow shall fynd emong the records of the augmentation court a great Chest full of particular surrendors by the Abbots and Couents vnder ther hands and seales the which yf yow ded see yow will admire the art of the lo. Cromvvel and the obedienc and simplitie of these poor oppressed men And is not this a likelie tale that owt of ther bowntie voluntarilie they would renounce ther liuings and turn beggars in dead to so gracious a Prince it was no maruel I ded once my self vpon Salesburie playne deliuer my purse when I could not keape it and commanded ther humanitie tho I could not praiâ—e ther honestie Now yf yow please to examin and consider Examples of sacriledg vnpartiallie yow will fynd that this great Conquest this augmentation of reuennue and Threasor both by law and religion was a Robberie and pillage of the Church and a sacrilege inexcusable and it vvas not for nothing that Luther sayd inducunt animum ideo Deum dedisse nobis Euangelium eosque ex carcere Pontificio expediuisse vt possint ipsi auaritiae suae litare The which might fitliest be applied to king H. and from the which manie and fearfull examples might haue dissvvaded hym and discooraged his agents and instruments yf God had not hardned ther harts and sealed vp ther eyes and so as few of them prospered to see tertium haeredem beatum Marcus Crassus robbed the temple of Hierusalem and note his end and disiaster Ioseph lib. 18. c. 8. Herod opened king Dauids sepulcher and took the spoyle therof and vvhat miserie afterward ded he fall into Iosephus lib. 16. c. 11. Vrraca went to robb the chappel of S. Isodore in Spayne to defraye the expenc and charge of his vvarres and his guttes burst owt of his bellie in the Churche porche Histoire general of Spayn part 4. Leo the 4. Emperor took a most pretious crown owt of the Church of S. Sophia in Constantinople which was dedicated to it and he dyed of a carbuncle Sigonius l. 1. de regno Ital. Gondericus king of the Vandals when he took Siuil took also the spoyles of the Churches and seazed vpon the riches thereof and to requite hym the Deuel Seazed and posseded hym Tarapâ—a in Honorio VVhat nead I seak moe examples of terror king Hentie is dead they come to late but not to admonishe others What punishment had Iulian the Apostata emong his other sinnes for his Church-robbing at Antioche Tripartite lib. 6. cap. â—1 what misetie fell vpon Heliodorus for the like 2. Macchab. c. 3. To conclude read the historie of Nicephorus Phocas a parallel to Match H. 8. He resumed all Donations granted to Monasteries and Churches and see what afflictions and furies haunted hym euer after and therfor his successor Basilius abrogated that law of Phocas for the suppressing of Monasteries as the roote of all the calamities that happened in that tyme. He is desperate that is not mooued to fear by such examples of terror to tempt God with the like attemps I will not applie these to k. H. 8. tho I might trewlie affirme that wrastling as it vveare with God and his Church not vnlike Herod he liued iealious of his wiues and not confident of his frends his lusts wear mayd his torments and after his diuorce from his first and lawfull wyfe as in reueng of his lasciuiousnes the original of all Englands calamitie no vvyfe could please hym long few of them could get a protection for ther heads and none of them liued secure and ioyefull And which is most to be noted as yf God would show his indignation and with his hand write vpon the wall Mane Thekel Phares as his iudgment against hym all his hopefull and glorious stemm and brainches wear quicklie cutt of withowtanie issevv and that pittiefullie and lamentablie and the crown and scepter vvas translated to an other name and nation quite contrarie to his intention and the proiects both of his vvill and statute And for his actions God suffred hym as a bling man to err in his ends and vvander in his course all this great purchase vvas neither employed to the honor of the realme nor to ease the subiects nor to encrease learning nor to mantaine soldiers and men decayed nor to releaue the poor all vvas vvaisted in tiltings triumphs enriching and pleasing his mistrises and the sollicitors of his lusts Boolein and prodigalitie consumed all and to maik an end he can bragg of no other monument he haith left to record his memorie but the same which he left vvho boasted of burning Dianas temple And touching his agents Wolsie and Cromvvel the maister and the seruant the instruments and moouers of this greate vvheale vvhen they had acted ther parts they vvhear both by hym self cast of the stage vvith contempt and disgrace and not vvithovvt a brand left vpon ther names and families What course vvould the Lutherans in Cermanie the Consistoriand of France or the Puritans of Scotland haue taken yf they had bean plunged into such miseries remember ther actions and ther violenc and iudg of the tree by the fruite and then câ—mparatiuelie look vpon the Image of the trevv Catholick Church and mark the differenc of ther visages and vertues Though these Abbies vvear almost the third part of the realme men of vnderstanding and povver the renennues great ther tennants manie and rich greatlie fauoured of the people for ther hospitalitie and howsekeaping and highlie esteamed both of the nobilitie and gentrie And though also the knights of S Iohns of Hierusalem wear in the same predicament and by ther fraternities might haue procured great trowbles and tumults and the rather by the Popes assistanc and the Emperor yet to show to the world what they wear in ther own likenes and proper coolors and to testifie the patienc of trevv Israelites the obedienc of trevv subiects and the real imitation of ther maister who was apter to shedd his own blood then to reuenge his wrongs they resolued to endure Gods punishment and the kings iniustice and rigor and armed them selfs into the feald vvith teares and prayers and took vp no other weapons nor mayd no insurrections not counterfeiting as Beza in vvords preached patienc but in actions showed furie violence and reueng I vvill add this and so end that by ther suppression to manie wear enriched and the gentrie was encreased yet the rents of lands vveare enhauced enclosures set a foot depopulation generallie mayd
the price of all things raised and the Yeomanrie decayed infinitelie vvhich heartofore vvas the honor and strenth of the kingdome and so consequentlie it vvas the trevv reason vvhy all things haue continued so dear in this land vvhearin maister Stubs ded err nota litl TITVLVS SECVNDVS HItherto Schisme raigned but the second plague was the ruine and wrach K. Evv. 6. of the Church for the authoritie and name of king Edward was vsed to break down and forciblie subuert the vvhole Church of England but see how craftie a statesman the Deuel is though the way to Anarchie and confusion was layd leuel by king Henrie who was onelie fitt for such a work in regard of his greatenes and crewell imperiousnes yet he lett religion stand a while longer knowing well that all could not be effected at once but as he seduceth Sowles so states by degrees and being also confident that the forts of pietie and religion being razed and the Church being brought vnder a laye supreme head he might by a second hand easilie ouerthrow religion it self King Henrie at his Deathe appointed by his will sixtean Executors who during the minoritie of his sonne should be his aydors and counsellors for the better gouerning the realme Emong whome One and who mayd hym self the Principal was the lord Edvvard Seamor Earl of Hartford who took vpon hym being the kings vncle to be protector and that was as good as a dispensation as he took it for his executor ship and lifted hym too manie degrees higher then his fellowes which king Henrie neuer intended that he might ouer-rule the rest by his title and supereminencie One of the first things of importance he contriued and compassed vvas innouation and the establishing of a new religion not so much for deuotion as bycaus he knew that nothing could quench his thirst so vvel as a chainge and bring the game he hunted after into the toyles and hearof Cranmor was a principal worker tho he was but a few moneths before of king Henries religion and a patrone of the six articles The better both to perswade the people and geue harting and strenth to ther sect Peter Martyr and Bucer vvear sent for ovvt of Germanie vpon whose fame and learning as vpon tvvo great Arches they might build and raise ther Churche tho bothe wear Apostates By Cranmor Ridlie Lattimor and these two Rabbins was the new Liturgie framed and the old banished these wear the authors of the first Alteration of religion which so manie hundred yeares had bean heare professed and continued vvith all dew reuerence So povvrefull was the Protector by vsing the king name a child then but of 9. years old but he was well seconded by the Duke of Northumberland the Admirall and the Marques of Nortampton all affected or seaming affected to the chaing of religion who over-ruled all that mayd anie show of opposition or dislike of ther proceadings Which was verrie strainge considering there wear so manie vvise and eminent men who had aequal authoritie with them both as Counsellors and executors and vvear most different in religion from them as the lord Priuie seale the lord Saint Iohn of Basing Bushop Tonstal Syr Antonie Brovvn and thewise sectetarie Syr W. Paget and speciallie that noble Chancelour the lord Writheoslie a man of experienc knowledg and prudenc and a director and pattern to his posteritie to be preferred before anie new guides but to content and please hym he vvas created Earl of Sowth-Hampton yet neither wonn so nor contented nor safe All things afterward grew to confusion ther remained no face and skarse the name of Catholick Church in England and tho ther wear great multitudes of men well affected to the ould religion and discontented that the Church was driuen into the wildernes and forced to lurk in corners yet ded they show loyaltie humilitie and peace and ded not taik armes and disobey that shadow of the king But what mooued the realme how wear men inchanted to embrace this religion and applawd the authors of it Noueltie euer pleaseth daintie stomachs and auarice is no small temptation at Syracusa Dyonisius the tyrant comming into the temple of Apollo full of sumptuous and goodlie ornaments and seing Aesculapius appareled with clothe of hould and full of Iewels hauing a long whyte siluer beard and Apollo the father carued with a floorishing yowthful gould beard and a playne cote of siluer he gaue order to shaue both Apollo and Aesculapius for it was indecorum that the sonn should haue a graye and his father a read beard and also vndecent that a Phisicion should wear so rich a cote so he ded not like that Apollo should be drawen so gawdilie and like a Barbarossa and a grauer gown he sayd would become a God better for gould and Iewels wear fitter for Princes then gods fitter for pomp then perfection The Duke of Sommerset ded rightlie imitate Dionisius for seing the Church rich remembring the exampl of his old maister and hauinng taisted at Aumesburie hovv svveat a Morsell a Priorie is he thought it not decorum to see the Cleargie so rich there wealth was not suitable to ther calling ther lands vvear giuen to noorish deuotion not to choke it to stirr men vp to prayer not to ease and luxurie and therfor he would shaue and share with them Tvvo Bushops hovvses he took in the Strand which serued hym vvel to build Sommerset hovvse for Quene Ann. He procured an act whearby all Colledges Chantries free Chappels Hospitals and fraternities wear suppressed and giuen to the king and how greadilie he intruded into the Bushop of bathe and wells his hovvses and mannors that Churche can never forget and yet Bushop Bourn by his industrie recouered some again but nothing to the Spoyles a poor releaf rather to fead then to fatt a Bushop Yet was he not satisfied for shortlie af ther contrarie to all law against king Henries vvill and against his own couenants when he was mayd protector he committed to the tovvr the Lord Chancelor he deposed Busbop Tonstal both from the Counsel and his bushoprick as too statelie a Seigniorie for a man of religion and too daintie a bitt to be swallowed by the Churche therfor he dissolued yt and brought it within the survey of the excheckor and he never prospered after It was directlie against the law 1. Edvv. 3. cap. 2. that the lands of Bushops should be seazed into the kings hands and that his father by the aduise of euel counsellors commanded them to be seazed withowt cawse but hearafter it should not be so Yet hear he set not downe his staff he committed Gardiner the Bushop of Winchester and after depriued hym He dissolued Stoke Colledg fleaced all Cathedrall Churches and committed infinite sacriledge vvherto the Nonage of the king gaue opportunitie Neither ded he hunt after his praye onelie emong the Churche liuing for yf yovv look in the Parliamant rolls of that tyme yovv shall fynd that with a
to defend the principles of ther religion by disputation vvhich the protestants would not accept * Camden nisi Baconus in theologicis parum versatus tanquam iudex praesideret and he being a professor of the common lawes vvhy he should be chosen moderator of such a Diuinitie disputation Cambredg can neither geue reason nor president nay rather yf yow ask ther opinion they will answer Spectatum admisi c. for it is a tidiculous Solaecism Since Father Parsons and diuers others haue mayd the same challeng desirous to bring I ruthe to the Tryal and touchstone in solemn and publick manner And let no man obiect the colloquies at Poissy Ratisbon Wormes Altenburg Murbrun c. which wear fruitles bycause formeles they ded not produce the effects expected bycause they erred in ther course of proceading and I confess I vnder stand not the misterie vvhy the protestants in England now draw bach seing Ievvel in the beginning was so forward and mayd so liberal offerts which yf anie would now defend it would quicklie appear which religion weare counterfeit and which currant whether doctrine wear solide and vvhether not speciallie hauing a moderator who could discouer evasions guid the disputers and iudiciouslie determin to whome the prize should be giuen And yf perhaps some would except and alledg the conferenc betwean M. Hart and D. Reignolds betwean Gode and Campion which wear honored and diuulged as triumphes and that these ought to stand as sufficient proofes co convinc the Catholicks yf the truthe so well sifted by disputation may satisfie them and preuayle I answer it is iniquissima conditio for a man armed to sett vpon a prisoner to insult vpon a man weakned with fetters and destitute of books withowt preparation and vvarning and which is worst in the face of a rack and torments whear Campion had bean posed with crewel quaestions before and in a place of no indifferencie whear they may sett down what they list and frame a combate at ther pleasure as Roynolds ded And whear as perhaps for politick cavvses the king and the Lords may dislike anie publick disputation vpon the grownds of religion yet this may well be granted and the french kings president may induce it The preasts and fathers offer to prooue that Iewel the mainster Carpenter of that Apologie of the Churche of England that Luther Caluin Melancthon and the later Doctors Colonells of the new plantation haue overcrowed and born down the Catholicks for opinion of truthe sinceritie and learning onely by false quotations corruptions falsifications misrecitalls and that both of scriptures and fathers both of the text and the gloss And this they humblie pray and hope that his Maiestie in his own tyme vvould be pleased to grant bycause these be heynous offences and the temple of veritie can not be builded vpon error and false grownds and bycause illusions and forgeries be stratagemata satanae that at least he would permitt the triall of that iust accusation and so afthervvard esteam of ther integritie as they shall acquite them selfs Concerning the third poynt that the 3. Preasts ar no practisers Seminaries bread such preasts as ar ministers of practises and stirr the people to rebellion as they ar charged both by the book of execution of iustice and by the proclamation 1580. whearin particularly they ar accused to haue bean priuie and accessarie to the counsells and proiects of the king of Spayne the Pope and others who intended and combined at that tyme to invade England to depose the Quene and subdevv the realme I must freelie answer that iealousie is trewlie described to be full of eyes and yet all pur-blind fearefull of her own shadowe euer in motu trepidationis and contrarie to the motions of other starres And tho they vvear great statesmen ye with all ther Opticks they could not foresee the great daingers like to fall vpon them till they wear at ther doors And hauing by error drawen and prouoked them yet took they the course rather to continew the flame then quench the fyre to encreas the mallice then preuent the mischeaf For first yf anie such confaederation had bean which never yet could be discouered nor was recorded in anie historie was it probable that so great and so wise Princes would acquaint the poor speculatiue preasts at Reams or Douay or the fathers of the societie with ther plats and intentions is it credible that they would manage matters of state so vveakelie yea but these Princes purposed by the meanes of the preasts and religious to prepare a partie assistant in England how by reconciling the people to the Pope that they might ioyne vvith hym and the king of Spaynes armie One error begets an other for preast doe not reconcile men to the Pope but to God and his Churche 1. And yet surelie it was a miracle that emong so manie preasts and in so long tyme and when Spies and intelligencers wear employed and rewarded neither anie such preast could be nominated who was then or after so corrupted or induced by these great Princes nor anie was afterward apprehended or discouered for anie such trespasse and which is most to be marked not anie subiect was called in quaestion or accused for entertaining anie preasts to that end then how phantastical was this feare what an imagination of Chimeraes and terrors most iniurious to touch the reputation of all the English preasts in generall and by statuts and proclamations to call ther names and ther liues in quaestion and to haue no su sufficient vvitnesses to accuse them no euidenc against them nothing but presumptions and probabilities to attaint them of treason the lyfe and honor of subiects wear wont to be esteamed more pretious and the function of preasts more reuerenced 2. I may also add this that when the king of Spaynes armado was vnder sayle towards England not a preast nor Seminarie man was fownd in it And though in the proclamation they wear traduced to be men suborned for preparation and making the way leuel for ther better landing yet hovv vvell they prepared it appeareth by this that neither preast nor Catholick vvear apprehended and attainted for anie such offenc as is afore sayd 3. Besides hovv litl affianc the king of Spayn had in the English preasts and Catholicks of that tyme was demonstrated by this that all the religious English at Valladolid and Burgos 1589. wear fettered and committed close prisoners when the armie of England assaulted Lisbone and invaded Portingal Furthermore in all the actuall treasons and conspiracies supposed to be mayd against Q. Elizabeth ther was never preast or monk or friar touched or taynted for anie of them For certanlie the holie altars of God will not suffer nor indure so vngodlie machinations and cloysters bread better humors eleuate ther sowles from the world they think not of Princes but in ther prayers and venite ad iudiciū sownding ever in ther eares requires a continual preparate in
the Catholick religion is banished and onelie the truth is professed which is in effect all one as tho say when Caluinism is established for they concluded all men enemies that ar not of that profession as Poplonnier restifieth l. 34. This is the doctrine of ther Synodes and in ther publick Apologies the same lesson is read in Comâ—â—ent de statu relig part 2. l. 12 c. 1 the warr which subiects maike against there Prince is defended and fol. 349. yf the kaing mantain his ovvn religion against them what then Rex à populo potest exauthorari per ordinum in regem authoritatem and again nec omnes regni partes in solidum committuntur regi sed tantum superior regni dignitas cuius tamen suo modo certis conditionibus inferiores magistratus sunt participes maximè officiarij coronae all states and members of the realm ar not committed to the king but the cheaf and prime dignitie of state wheareof in some measure and condition inferior magistrates doe participate speciallie the officer of the crown but this is a gross paradox not worth the skanning yet that vvhich followeth is not better In populi iuramento tacita aut expressa est conditio semper se obtemperaturum regibus quamdiu iusto imperio rem gererent They haue one evasion or an other shifts to cussen the law obiect that subiects ar bownd dy ther oath to obey ther Prince he answers it with a quamdiu So long as the king serues God we will serue hym then that must be a clawse in the oath of allegianc yf a Caluinist taik it and I will satisfie yow why I say so The Prince of Condie 1577. gaue this as a rule Promissum In his protestation contra conuent â—lesensem illud Euangelicorum de armis contra regem non ferendis de abiurata religione factum est contra Deum bonos more 's c. tale promisium seruare non tenentur the Gospellers of France ar not tyed to performe ther oath and promise scilicet not to beare armes against ther king or to abiure religion for it was both against God and good manners Poplonnier l. 41. And this he learned of Caluin l. 4. c. 13. § 21. Institut Quibuscunque huius Euangelij lux affuâ—get c. ab omnibus laqueis iuramentis absoluitur That man who is so happie as to see the sonn shyne of the Geneus gospel huius Euangelij he is absolued and discharged from the dainger of all oaths and snares to enthrall the conscience A maruellous priuiledg and such a priuiledg the Prince of Oreng had as appeareth by his aduises to Monsieur in his letters intercepted and published as Surius declareth anno 1581. And doe yow imagin that these beams of the sonn ded never shine in England maister Dudlie Fenner who iumpeth right with the Apostles of Geneua lib. 5. cap. 13. of an euel Prince he giueth this fearfull sentence Hunc tollant vel pacificè vel cum bello vel regnt Ephort vel omnium ordinum connentus So tollant is decreed the king must be pull dovvn but by whome by Regni Ephort who ar they bycause it concerneth the crowne ask the kings atturnie or the Clark of the Crowne whether they acknowledg anie such officer and I am perswaded they will read hym a lecture against scientia inflat which will teach hym discreation but go on When maister William Raynolds obiected the tumults and sedition of the gospellars in France D. Whitacre in his preface answereth hym thus As though it vvear sufficient for ther condemnation that they resisted so then he thinketh that not sufficient or bycause he speaks not categoricè taik it onelie as the doubt of a Doctor And ded not admitt vvhat violenc vvas offred to Gods truthe or them selfs contrarie to oath promise edicts or lavv vvhearby they vvear vvarranted to doe vvhat they ded Then the Huguenots of France in D. Whitacres opinion vvear warranted to resist the king to assault his tovvnes to fight with his officers and to doe all acts of rebellion examin the vvarrant the law was against them the edicts of the king wear against them for the admiral was proclaimed traytor and the court parliement ded verifie the edicts But he addeth they wear cleared from the crime of rebellion by iust defenc of ther doeing and by edict of Princes hear be tvvo bucklers ther Apologies ar the first the kings proclamation the second Doe not yovv imagin that he is much driuen to his shifts that fights with so weak vveapons yf an apologie vvear sufficient to clear a man who would be condemned Scotland had a Bucchanan France an Hottoman Holland Oreng who generallie sought to excuse hym self and the contrie and lay all the burden on the kings back yet an apologie serued not And for edicts they wear proclamations of the kings mercie edicts of pacification not to vvarrant that which the Huguenots ded but to pardon them and so that Doctor so esteamed for his diuinitie erreth much in matters of humanitie and defenc of his brethren and speciallie yf he lead them to Melancthons gapp to resist to oppugne princes or to defend ther opinions with the sword which S. Peter ded not teach 1. Epist c. 2. v. 19. c. 4. v. 15. 16. c. 5. v. 9. But hear I must maik a stand for seing An obiection that preasts and Iesuits teach murdering of Princes I haue so much touched and so personalie the opinions of the Lutheran french and puritan Churches I see a tempest of toungs rising against me to pay home and requite my obiections for it will not be easie to answer them And first I will encounter the Picture-maker Ormer Who accuseth D. Allen for teaching 1. D. Allen. men to murder princes and that in his Apologie of the Seminaries he citeth 25. of Numeri that subiects may taik ther soouerains and hang them vp a thing so impious that it never cam into a religious hart For they ar much deceaued that think it a propertie of Catholicks as this man and P. white doe but that it is not proprium quarto modo omni soli semper it is all readie plainelie and demonstratiuelie prooued but I will show maister Orm. the picture of a minister of Geneua of the first edition that whotelie defends the same yow accuse D. Allen for Goodman l. de obedientia saith he factum illud quod memoratur Num. 25. perpetuum est exemplum in omnem aeternitatem certa denunciatio populi vt in simili defectione à cultu Dei rectores suos qui a Deo ipso abducunt ad furcas abripient suspendant Et quanquam posset videri haec magna confusio vt populus sibi tantum assumat tamen cum magistratus officio suo fungi desinit populus it a considerandus est ac si careret omni magistratu tum Deus ipse glâ—dium in populi manus tradit
and diuers others and with drew them from ther obedienc Bycause it is a matter which concerneth all preasts it is necessarie to examin it with deliberation Cuthbert Mayn was indited at Launston 1577. that he had and obtained from Roome a bull and instrument for absolution and that maister Tregion knowing hym to haue obtained the same 20. April after ded ayd and mantaine hym and was reconciled These wear the accusations and iudg of them 1. First for his reconciling Mayn answered that they wear deceaued preasts ded vse to reconcile men onelie to God neither by reconciliation was euer anie man withdrawen from his remporal obedienc by anie consequenc but rather had a greater obligation 2. And touching his being at Room and procuring this bull of the Pope he sayd he vvas never at Room nor sought to obtain from thenc anie Bull at all for absoluing anie man 3. Moreover that it was copie of a bull printed which he bought at Douay onelie to peâ—ule and see the manner of it 4. But that which is most to be noted is that it was printed at Douay and by the enditement he was accused that 1. Octob. 1597. he ded obtain from Room the afore sayd instrument for the law intended that the trespassor should obtain immediatlie from the Pope not a copie but the instrument it self and that it should contain some matter preiudiciall to the Quenes person or the quiet and good of the state or to seduce and corrupt the subiects for it is not to be imagined that the parliement would maik that treason by which no hurt nor dainger can ensew to the state 5. But what bull was this that maketh the matter cleare it was a bull concerning the Iubilie which by the Pope is granted of course and not at the suit of anie priuate person and for all contries not for anie one and once in 25. yeares and that bull ded continue in force butone yeare which yeare was ended 1575. and so the date of the instrument was expyred before he bought it much more 1. Octob. 1597. when he was endited so yow see parâ—uâ— iunt montes Yet bycause he had the bull tefused to come to the Church and obey the Quenes proceadings iudg Manhood tould the iurie whear manifest proofs can not be had persumptions must be allowed and therupon the iurie fovvnd hym guiltie though the enditement contained altogether matter insufficient and impossible and neither answearable to the words nor senc of the statut For in this bull ther wear neither words nor matter to withdraw or seduce anie subiect from dew obedienc neither vvas ther anie thing preiudicial to the Q. to be executed Notwithstanding maister Tregion lay long in prison emong fellons in a dongeon noysom for smells toads c. fed with bread and water and was afterward condemned in the premunire and his lands seazed by writ from the excheckor and the date of the vvrit vhas before the iudgment giuen as yf they knew it should be so he was prisoner 16. yeares an ancient gentlmen and honorablie allied and his lands 1000. pownds of old rent and tho it was entayled yet the knight marshall fownd means to avoyd it who had begged his lands of the Quene And all this vvas but for religion and vpon false accusation of one Twigs a parish Clack who affirmed that he had speach with Mayn at Christenmas 1575. and at that tyme was Mayn at Douay But to go forward ex pede Herculem by this iudg of the rest which is so much obiected Touching the rising in the North and 7. The Bull of Pius V. the attempts of Babington and his complices they wear mixt actions not for religion onelie or state onelie but for bothe and not procured by the suite and sollicitation of religious men but owt of ther ownzeal and compassion of the Quene of Scotland whome the Earles accoumpted nearest allied to the crovvne And such actions ar not comprehended vvithin the compass of the Question I am to cleare and discusse 1. But concerning the bull of PIVS V. Preasts vvear not to ask the reason of the Popes doeings yet yovv may fynd some of the reasons specified in the bull diuers haue ascribed it partlie to the soodain reuolt of England from the Church partlie to the prouocations mayd by the ministers there who in euerie pulpit vvhotelie and slanderouslie proclaymed the Pope Antichrist and the man of perdition and some haue attributed it to minsinformation of the Quenes case and the Catholicks But I am sure manie graue men vvear sorie that it vvas either procured or defended 2. And C. Allen vvitnesseth multos illud factum agre tulisse as before yovv see Bushop Watson and the rest ded and he wished that it had bean Dei iudicio reseruatum 3. And Fa. Parsons and Campion sollicited the mitigation thereof as appeared at his arrainment that it might not bynd the consciences of subiects to disobey the Quene Whearupon Gregorie the 13. declared withowt anie limitation or restraint that subiects ought to performe all dewties to Quene Elizabeth notvvithstanding the censure 4. Lastlie yow may probablie coniecture that the Popes ar not lightlie induced to vse so extream courses seing they neither sought by such censures to disturb the peace of k. Ed. 6. of the kings of Scotland Denmark Svveden the Duke of Saxonie or Marques of Brandenburg Neither doth it at all touch the Catholicks nor the present state for actio moritur cum persona which is the thing most concerning vs. The greatest blott is that ther vvear 8. The preasts more treasons by the preasts committed in Q. Eliz. tyme then euer wear in anie age by protestants and that is no quaestion disputable bycaus it is manifestè verum near 200. preasts and religious haue bean executed for that offenc In dead Norton D. HammoÌ„ and Topclif affirm that it is trew but bycaus Catholicks denieit let vs examin whether it be a trew Thesis no preasts wear executed for religion but for Treason 1. And to determin that the better enquire what be the acts for which they ar condemned to be a preast to come ouer into England to refuse the vath to say mass 10 absolue and â—econcile to preach and minister Sacraments and to bebred vp in the Seminaries Ar these matters of State and not of conscience temporall and not spiritual crimes of treason and not religion Ther must then be a new lexicon de verborum significationibus for els in forrein contries they will exclayme bycause it toucheth them all by participation both in conscienc and câ—edit who ar preasts and fynd ther function and profession so tainted 2. Thâ—n consider and defyne what is treason The best definition thereof is the statut 25. Ed 3. which was mayd according to the common lawes of England how know yow that maister Ploydons opinion directeth me In that act the Question vvas what was treason by the common law now saith he it is a principle in
the exposition of a statut that yf the preambl showeth anie dowbt to be before either in common law or some statut and afterward doth enact that thus it shall be in that case it must be taken that the lavve doubted of vvas so before For ab expositors of dowbts they would not ordaine it otherwise then the law was Now it appeareth by that statute scilicet by the common lawes of England and by I. Stanford in the pleas of the crown 1. that Treason must ever be an action not an opinion nor a profession for a man can not properlie be called Traytor till he committ an act that geues hym iusthe that denomination For Oldcastel vvas condemned a Traytor for his act in one court an heretick for his opinion in an other court and so wear Cranmor and Ridlie for ther actions 2. yt must be the act of a subiect against his soouerain Now what hurt had euer king H. 7. or his progenitors by anie subiect who was a preast sayd mass c. or can yovv show that anie real treason by preasts was committed or intended against the late Quene ded they euer procure sedition or stirr rebellion actuallie 3. and that was neadful to be prooued for Treason must be for offences in the highest degree bycause the punishment extends it self to all his posteritie that offends so to the ruine of his familie and to terrifie others 3. So then by the common lawes it is not treason But D. H. elench was quatenus he is a preast he is not a traytor but quatenus he doth the office of a preast in England Subtilissima subtilitas and yet bycaus false it preuails not For the function it self is mayd treason and therfor the act looketh back to 1. Eliz. to maik all preasts traytors that had ther orders sinc that tyme. 4. Besides by the prouiso of the act 25. and 27. Eliz. yf anie preasts committed shall submitt them selfs to the Quenes lawes and taik the oath they shall be freed from the penaltie of this act and so they shall not be iudged traytors yf they renounc ther religion as Bell Io. Nicholls and others ded wherby it is playn they ar not traytors simpliciter but secundum quid not for fact but opinion and to be enlarged vpon condition and seing it is in ther powre to maik them self in instanti no traytors It appeareth ther offenc is not properlie treason for yf it vvear so by 25. E. 3. ther acknowledgment onelie and conformitie and repentanc neither could not would haue discharged them from the Iustice of the law 5. Exampls wil maik the case playner Wilm Anderson a Seminarie Preast vvas executed 45. Eliz. for being in England contrarie to the statut so was M. Barckvvorth anno 1600. that vvas ther treason Tho. Pormort 35. Eliz. was attainded for being a preast residing in England and reconciling and Barvvis vvas executed for being reconciled that vvas ther treason both spiritual matters yovv may as vvell call Mithridate poyson black whyte vertue vice as to call religion treason but the lavv haith so called it A nevv name alters not the operation of an old vertue the cavvs of the death maiks the martyrdome not the name And surelie this act of generall diffidenc encreased more discontent But vvhat ded force the state to vse such violent and extraordinarie remedies vvhat ded bread such intricate trovvbles the extraordinary chaing of religion ded cast them into this laborinth bred these discontents procured all these enemies and forced the counsellors so to punish preasts 2. as Camden noteth the opinion of the Quenes illegitimation abroad 3. the iealouslie had of the Quene of Scots whome they dowbted most for her religion allianc in France fauor of the Pope and her proximitie and near kynred to the crown 4. the bull of PIVS V. And 5. the dowbt of the howse of Guise in the behalf of ther neace and 6. lastlie the offenc of the k. of Spayn for ayding Oreng and intercepting his moonie these wear the cawses that induced the State to prepare arme and vse means to preuent all mallice and mischeafe And knowing how strong a wall England haith for her protection and yet vvith in them selfs what a partie religion had both in E. and Ireland and no men wear so like as preasts to stirr vp all the humors in the bodie of the realmes therfor to keap then owt to expell them and to curb them yf they came in tey wear driuen to vse this pollicie to maik yt treason to be a preast or to mantain a preast And as this was mayd law by that glorious Prince who neaded such a deuise so it may be abrogated by hym that neadeth it not It remaineth that I shovv yovv vvhat Recusants men these Recusants arr vvho suffer in England and hovv they haue bean put to the triall of ther vertue The Recusants ar such as by the nevv lawes ar men marked owt that refuse for ther conscience to frequent the ordinarie prayers sermons and communion appointed by the Church of England this is all ther offenc and the sole trevv cawse they the lavv doth take notice of them and that fault bycause it showeth onelie that they ar not conformable to the Quenes iniunctions and the Canons of that Church and doth not conuinc them of anie disloyall affection to the Quene and the state ther for they ar subiect to a pecuniarie mulct vvhich the Scots men name verrie properlie and significantlie Saule moonie They haue allvvaies bean and yet arr persons of good qualitie manie of noble parentage most of vnder standing fevv of the meaner sort and all men of vertue and pietie vvho haue learned vvhat accoumpt is to be mayd of conscience And of this sort of subiects diuers haue bean euer since the first alteration It vvas an information of more mallice then truth by that profownd Casuist and Reporter of the lavves that from 1º Elizab. No person ded refuse to come to the Church to publick and vsuall prayers till the bull of Pius 5. vvas published As yf that bull had bean the sole meane to induce recusants to disobey the Quenes lavves and so to maik disloyaltie and disobedience the Original of recusancie I knovv he could not be ignorant that all puritans refused to come to Church or to communicate and wear best content to walk in the Church till sermon begonn so much they ded dislike the liturgie of England Besides he forgot hovv manie Bushops and preasts wear then knowen and professed recusants and how manie noble men and gentlmen of accoumpt ded forbeare to show them selfs members of that Church I maruel hovv he could conceaue that onelie Leuites and Prelates wear left to pray and serue God for a people who showed no religion nor constancie to wards Gods worship in tenn yeares No Sr England had manie worthie men at that tyme vvho never bowed ther knee to Nabugodonosors statua as Lanhearn Grafton Dinglie
most Yf yow look back to former ages yow shall fynd that from the Saxons to king E. 6. To be a Catholick vvas never taken as a barr to loyaltie neither vvas ther euer anie opposition fovvnd in the essenc and nature of loyaltie and the grownds of the Catholick faithe And good reason for that religion which most aymeth at mortification of the bodie and best armeth hym to combate vvith sinn and disposeth best the consciences of men to peace and devv obedienc and is aprooued by experienc of all ages least to embroyle and endainger a state vvith practises and treasons must neads of all indifferent men be esteamed more consonant and agreable to allegianc and fidelitie then that vvild and popular doctrine of the consistorians vvhich owt of presumption and licensiousnes vvill be confined into no circle of order but euer contemning lavve will dominer and rule as transcendents and taik vpon them the iurisdiction both of preasts and kings in a kingdome 2. Secondlie no man can denie but that Spayne Italie France he Empyre and Poland accoÌ„pt hym the best affected subiect and least daingerous to the state who is most deuoted to Catholick religion And then yf to be a Catholick ded bread and ingender anie ill blood in the bodie or secret infection of disloyaltie and so vvear in regard of the state malum in se and naturallie then vpon the generall tryall of nations in so manie ages it vvould haue bean discouered and detected for that imperfection vvhich it never haith bean charged withall neither in all these forren contries nor heartofore at anie tyme in England Therfor seing it is not malum in se and simpliciter as T. M. and parson Whyte haue in ther books scandalouslie slandered that religion and the Preasts and professors thereof seing it can not be verified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neither genarallie of the profession as Calyinism may iustlie yf the Lutherans say trewlie nor particularlie of the persons professing it nor originallie and ordinarilie in precedent ages neither for doctrin or exampl they can be taxed I may iustlie infer they ar acquited And surelie it was an error both vnciuil and vndiscreat to maik ther proposition so general and therby to maik the whole Churche so odious to the people and so much suspected to the king for we acknowledg that there ar of ther sect verrie manie calm and moral men boni viri boni ciues of sociable nature and not apt to blow the coles of sedition of persecution And so also the autho of the execution of Iustice ded geue a good testimonie of the loue and loyaltie of diuers worthie and noble Catholicks to Q Elizab. euen when they had greatest cawse to the contrarie when oppressions and contempt might haue prouoked flesh and blood to mutinies and though each man wisheth the propagation and aduancement of his own religion yet in the means to procure it and in the course to seak and in the manner and order of proceading to fynd it this treatise heith prooued that ther is great oddes and differenc betwean them as the confession and supplication of the preasts the patienc and obedienc of recusants the pietie and doctrine of the Seminaries haue sufficientlie prooued 3. Now let vs compare and parallel them to maik it more playne The Catholicks generallie both in France Germanie and England ar the patients the Protestants ar the agents 1. The one stand as defendors the other as inuadors 2. Preasts songht to keap that de iure they had Ministers to get that they had not for haeresie being a separation from the bodie could not enioye the liberties or benefit of the Church til it vvas mayd no heresie 3. The Preasts vvear possessors the ministers disseisors and iniurious 4. The Catholicks obey ex conscientia and absolute the protestants conditionaliter and with a quatenus and onelie for pollicie and gouernement 5. Preasts ar punished not for anie iniustice inhaerent but by imputation onelie and not for trespasses but for opinions not for that which is defacto but to preuent fiendum yf Priscian vvill pardon me But Caluinists ar guiltie both of action vsurpation and treasons reallie as this last year Lescun president of the assemblies at Rochel Haute-Fontain Chaumier preacher of Saumur suffred in France and P. Gombault all for real treasons And Bischarcy in Polland for attempting to kill the king whome he wounted greauouslie as he went to the Church 6. And there practises and ther spirites differ as much foras 7. They obiect the positions of some priuate and disauowed persons and words onelie the Catholicks obiect ther rebellions in dead ther battels ther real conspiracies at Amboys and in the wayle of Charmentras near Meaux to surprize the king 8 They reforme per populum and tumults the Catholicks by order law and superiors 9. They charg the Catholiks with treasons newlie enacted strayned and vpon suspicion contrarilie they ar condemned by ancient lawes currant in all Ghristendom by consent and by all ciuil and municipal lawes 10. The Catholicks seak not to hinder succession of kings that ar protestants as knox holdeth null is Paâ—ista in regno utherano aut Calumiano in regis principis aut aliam quam cunque dignitatem euehi potest 11. The Catholicks prefer a Monarchie Caluin Wolfius Swinglius an Aristocracie 12. Yet the Catholicks and our English protestants agree in this as in manie other weightie matters that princes ar not to be deposed but the Caluinists hold the contrarie and therfor maister T. M. by â— sovvnd propositions condemneth both the practise of the Hollanders Bohemians Sweuelanders Parraeus c. and that iudiciously 1. in his 6. reason they vvho suggest a doctrine of forcible deposing Princes ar manifestly rebellious 2. in cap. 4. they that vpon anie pretenc denie the right of election or succession of Princes ar seditious for tho he saith is of protestant princes I taik it he meaneth aâ—l and generallie or els hâ—s gap it to vvyde and partiall 3. when the king is established in his throne who seduceth the harts of subiects and withdrawes ther obedienc ar traytors applie these well and commend maister T. M. for his playne dealing with Holland and ther fellowes But I perceaue they will obiect that the state of England euer since 13. Eliz. vpon iealousie and distrust had of Catholicks armed ther magistrates with seuear lavves against them as the most capitall enemies of the crown and therfor haue branded the Preasts with the bleamish of treason as a character inseparable and a stayn never to be taken owt From whenc proceadeth it that to be a preast should be reputed as a poyson to corrupt obedienc surelie vpon certan new lawes mayd in the tyme of Q. Elizabeth whearby that is made malum prohibitum which before was neuer iudged in England to be malum in sâ— and that vocation vvas mayd Treason which was wont to sit in the chayre of gouernement and by whose oracles and