Democracy of Sedition and the causes of it Of the Fathers Husbands Masters and Ecclesiastical Power The Third Book treats of Subjection Succession and the Municipal Laws of this Nation The Fourth Book treats of Justice Obedience Judgment and Equity The Fifth Book treats of the first Planting of Christianity under the British and Saxon Kings and of the Freedom of the British and English Churches before the Conquest and how far the Kings of England had exercised their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and how both British and Saxon Kings had been Nursing-Fathers to the Church of Christ and how far since the Conquest the Kings of England had exercised their Jurisdiction in the Assertion of their Regal Power in defence of the Church until Henry the 8th and of the Reformation made by Hen. 8. Edw. 6. Queen Elizabeth and of the Ecclesiastical Laws made by them Queen Mary King James and King Charls A more particular Survey of the Contents of the First Book Chap. I. THe First Chapter not onely treats of those Rights which must necessarily precede all Humane and Ecclesiastical Laws but also of those Rights which are created by Humane Laws Chap. II. Treats of Divine Humane Ecclesiastical and Despotical Laws and from whence they are derived Chap. III. Shews what Virtue is and the causes of all Theological Moral Humane Prudential and Personal Virtues Chap. IV. Treats of Particular Moral Virtues and Chap. V. Proves them to be commanded by God in the old and New Testament Chap. VI. Demonstrates the Obligation of Divine and Humane Laws upon the Persons and Consciences of Men. Chap. VII Is of Promises Vows Leagues Pacts or Contracts and Gifts and from whence Men become obliged to them and does demonstrate that it is impossible that any Law or Legislative Right can arise from the Pacts or Contracts of Men which concludes the First Book DEFINITIONS JUs is a Right Due or Property in God principally and absolutely or in some Jus quid Man or Men by some Divine or Humane Law excluding all others but him or them from whom it is derived First All Right is either Jus Divinum or Naturale and this Right is The Specifications of it onely primely and absolutely in God and incommunicable to any Creature Or Secondly Jus Humanum is a Right which Men have from the Law of Nature Or Thirdly Jus Ecclesiasticum a Right by which the Tribe of Levi did under the Old Law exercise their Priestly Office and Function and a Right by which Bishops Priests and Deacons among Christians do execute their Office and Functions Or Fourthly Jus Legale a Right which all Subjects have in their Estates and Goods And this Right is either Jus Proprietatis or Jus Usufructuarium 2. Nature is either that eternal Being which ever was in God which Men What is Nature call Natura Naturans Or that first Being which is in any Creature superior to the Will of any Creature and created onely by God and this Nature Men call Natura Naturaliter the depraved sinful Nature of Man was not originally created by God but afterward made by Man 3. Jus Naturae Naturantis is that Right which must necessarily precede What is Jus Naturae Naturantis What is Jus Naturae Naturaliter and create Lex Naturae 4. Jus Naturae Naturaliter is that Right which is created by the Law of Nature but because this Right is proper to Man onely we will call this Right a Humane Right As also that Power which is created by the Law of Nature although it be Natural Naturaliter yet being proper to Man we call it Humane Power 5. A Law is the declared Will of him who by right commands forbids or What is a Law permits athing together with a penalty annext for not observance Lex dicitur à ligando quia obligat says Isidore rightly Etymologie of Lex Common Notions or Axioms 1. ALL Right which any Man or company of Men have is derived either from the Law of Nature or some Divine Positive Law declared in the Scriptures or from some Humane Law or particular Custom which is always presumed to be created or permitted by Humane Laws 2. Humane Laws and Customs refer to some particular place or Countrey as they are permitted or imposed by the supream Power of that place or Countrey viz. By them who have right to impose or permit them 3. The Laws of Nature oblige all Men of all conditions alike without exception and are eternal and immutable by Man and are and always were connatural with all Men. 4. No Being can precede or be superior to the cause of its Being 5. All Causes are superior and precede their Effects THE FIRST BOOK CHAP. I. De Juribus 1. LEx Humana lata has by the second Notion no being Jus Humanum Legislativum is not from any Humane Law but as it is caused or created by him who has the Jus Legislativum Lex Humana lata therefore cannot by the Fifth Notion create Jus Legislativum 2. If Jus Humanum Legislativum were from Jus Humanum Legislativum is not created by Divine positive institution Divine positive institution then by the Fifth Notion must the Scriptures precede all Legislative Right but this is evidently repugnant not only to the Scriptures themselves who testifie not only the Right which Fathers and Husband have over their Children and Kings over their Subjects long before God revealed them by Moses but also this Lawgiving Right is in every place of the world whether the Scriptures be received or beleeved or not It is evident therefore that this Law-giving Right is not created from Gods positive Laws in the Scriptures 3. Jus Humanum Legislativum is not by the first Proposition from Jus Humanum Legislativum is from the Law of nature immediately any Humane Law by the second Proposition Jus Humanum Legislativum is not from Divine positive Laws Therefore by the first Notion Jus Humanum Legislativum is from the Law of Nature 4. By the third Notion the Laws of Nature are and alwaies were connatural Jus Ecclesiasticum is not from the Law of nature with Men but the Right which God gave the Priests under the old Law and to Bishops Priests and Deacons under the new Law hapned long since Men were borne in the world and therefore the Ecclesiastical Right of Bishops and Priests is not from the Law of Nature 5. If Humane Laws could create the Right of Ecclesiasticks then by Nor from any humane law the 2. Notion he who may by right create Humane laws might also create this Ecclesiastical right But this is evidently false for all Kings Fathers and Husbands have a right of creating Humane laws but none have the right of creating the Ghostly right by which Ecclesiasticks exercise their function or office This right therefore is not created by any Humane law 6. By the 4. Propos Ecclesiastical right is not from the
came under one Monarch or King again for the Royal dignity of a Monarch or King from whence all subordinate dignities tanquam lumen de lumine are derived without any diminution will suffer no division Regia dignitas est indivisibilis quaelibet alia derivativa dignitas est similiter indivisibilis The most woful event that fell out in this Kingdome when Gordobug divided this Kingdom between his two Suns Ferrex and Porrex and what heavy event came to pass untill it was reduced again under one Monarch let our Histories tell you and letting pass others I cannot overpass the miserable estate within this Kingdom under the Heptarchy untill all was reunited under one Soveraign and this is the reason that in England Scotland and Ireland the Royal dignity is descendible to the eldest daughter or sister Sir E. Coke Inst 4. 243. c. Regia dignitas est indivisibilis 2. Of these Governments Monarchy is the best as appears by reason by How many ways Monarchy is the best Government the consent of the world by the institution of God and his commanding obedience only to this Government and by woful experience 3. Monarchy in reason is the best Government for the dignity and Monarchy is the best Government in reason majesty of one man is more easie to be maintained then of many The ills that follow from bad Monarchs are no worse than what do and alwaies did happen from the best of humane Laws viz. mischiefs to particular men Nor can the mischiefs which happened to Silus Sabinus Sillanus c. who not well brooking the powers of Tiberius and Caligula Emperors as bad as who were worst had been over lavish of their tongues in vilifying the power of the Caesars and magnifying that of the Senate and probably had they been able would have advanced the power of the Senate to the abdication of Caesars be compared with the inconveniences which came upon the Senate and people of Rome in those times of Silla and Marius of Caesar and Pompey Besides factious and discontented persons cannot hope for that encouragement in their designs where the supreme power is in one individual person as where it is compounded of many The freedome and liberty of the Subject is more under one then more for it is easier to obey one then many The common people of Rome never enjoyed so much liberty as under the Emperors and therefore when after the death of Caligula the Senate endeavored to restore Rome to her antient liberty as they Sueton. in vita Claud. cap. 10. called it and extinguish the name and power of the Caesars and to that end had seised upon the Capitol they aided by the Preterian coherts continued the power of their Emperors in Claudius and the day and night wherein the Senate would not receive him was the cause of much trouble which Josephus notes l. 19. c. 30. 4. By the consent of the world for every where in the known world By the consent of the world before 1641. either in Europe Asia Africa or America over Christians Mahumetans and Infidels except the State of Venice the usurped power of the Cantons in Switzerland the State of the Neatherlands the Hans-towns Genoa and Geneva who seek protection of the Emperor and Kings of France this Government is established 5. By God himself for he never instituted any Government either in By Gods owning it only Priesthood Judges or Kings but only this nor commands obedience to any other Can a man touch the Lords anointed and be guiltless 1 Sam. 26 9. And submit your yelves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as supreame c. St. Pet. 2. 13. Feare God honor the King And I counsel thee to keep the Kings commandments and that in regard of the oath of God And therefore what thing an Unite is in numbers the Minde in the faculties of the soule a Centre in a circle the same is God the most omnipotent King in the world simple in unity indivisible in nature most holy in purity placed by an infinite interval far remote above the fabrick of the highest Heaven joyning this perspirable region with the celestial and intelligible keepes and preserves from ruine as by a secure care the whole universe framed and compounded in such admirable order and harmony to whose great example ought every good King who is the Unite the minde and centre of his kingdome that hopes to govern and preserve his subjects not only safe but honest and happy wholly to betake himself 6. By woful experience I do not find any mans life except the destitute and deposed Princes Arthur Ed. 2. Rich. 2. Hen. 6. and his sonne By wofull experience Ed. 5. and his brother herein and in many other things doubtless more unhappy then private men and the Duke of Clarence after conviction and attainder thought by the consent of Ed. 4. to be drowned in a Butt of Malmsey and Cromwell Earle of Essex condemned and executed unheard in Parliament see a remarkable passage herein by Sir Ed. Co. Insti 4. fo 37. 38. Queen Katherine fifth wife to H. 8. Mary Queen of Scots and the Earl of Strafford or estate taken away by any of the Kings of England for these last 500 years in an extraordinary and extrajudicial manner If the dissolution of the Abbies by Hen 8. be objected I answer it was usual in Parliament to alter many things in the Common law as the statute de donis conditionalibus made a great alteration in the Common law for before all estates which were not for life and under were either in fee absolute or conditional and so the Statutes which gave power of entry where before no remedy was to be had by Common law but by a Cui in vita And to Jointenants to compell others to sue a Writ of partition c. In case of life the ordinary way of trial was by Peers the Nobility by the Nobility and the Commons by the Commons but a Parliament being a body compounded of heterogenial and dissimilary parts viz. King Lords and Commons could not be Peers to any man which was the usual way of Trial with us neither were the Estates so taken from Abbots c. but that they enjoyed them or a full value in lieu of them during their lives so that by this act no wrong was done to any man living Yet it is true which Sir Ed. Co. saies in his Comment upon Magna charta chap. 1. Quod datum est Ecclesiae datum est Deo what was given to the Church was given to God which by the Law of God Numb 16 37 38. is unalterable nor can be be employed to any profane or common use So that I am confident I may safely affirm that the Subject in seaven years under the Long Parliament suffered extraordinarily and extrajudicially five hundred times more then all their Ancestors in 500 years before did
to the prejudice and dishonor of it for sure no man can imagine that because a Man is a King that therefore he should divest himself of Nature and neglect to use some means to get an Estate for his Posterity where there is none provided If it be objected that the Crown descends to the Heir not to the posterity if more then one I answer That no Crown but hath many Offices and Dignities appertaining to it which descend to the Heir he probably will not reject his own flesh and blood to advance strangers whereas in an Elective Kingdom it cannot be hoped for 10. The Government in Britain and England untill 1641. was Monarchy The Government of Britain was ever Monarchy Hereditary before 1641. hereditary If you believe Mr. Selden in the First Book cap. 1. of his Analecton Anglo-Britanicon he will tell you upon the Faith of Jeoffrey of Monmouth the stem and progeny of Brutus the Nephew of Aeneas and give you a series of the Government of his posterity to Cassivellanus King of the Trinobantes when Cesar first made his invasion here and cap. 5. from Cassivellanus Essex and Middlesex to King Lucius Now I trowe our Author for the honor and reverence of the Apostolick sea will not deny Lucius to be a King and the first Christian King of the Britaines who and whose subjects were baptised Plat. in vit S. Eleutherii p. 21. about anno 176. by Fugatius and Damianus sent to this end by Pope Eleutherius And see Tacitus Lips pag. 457. in vita Agricolae Ii Britanni scilicet his atque talibus invicem instincti Voadicâ generis regii faemina duce neque enim sexum in imperjis discernunt sumsere universi bellum c. with these and the like speeches inciting one another by common consent they resolve to armes under the conduct of Voadica a Lady of the blood royal for in matter of governing in cheif they make no distinction of sex It is not my purpose here to relate a series and Catalogue of all the Brittish Kings to the Saxon Monarchs nor of the Saxon to the Dane and Norman I deny that in any of these times there was any other Government but Monarchy Aristocracy or Democracy never nor was ever any of those Kings chosen by the people Here by the way though I affirm the Government of England and Brittaine to be Monarchy yet I do not affirm that part of this Island which is called England was governed by one Monarch only till King Athestan reduced it about the yeare 938 nor the whole Island under one King before it was united under James anno 1602. And this Monarch not a thing in abeiance an aiery title but an absolute free and independent Monarchy Stat. 24. H. 8. cap. 12. It is resolved and declared that by sundry and old antick Histories and Chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this Realme of England is an Empire and so has been accepted in the world Publick Notaries made by the Emperor claimed de Jure to exercise their office here in England but were prohibited because it was against the dignity of a supream King see Sir Ed. Coke Instit 4. fo 342. Omnis sub rege ipse sub nullo sed tantum sub Deo And ipse autem Rex non debet esse sub hominibus sed sub Deo And Rex autem qui vicarius summi Regis est ad hoc constitutus ut regnum terrenum populum domini super omnia sanctum veneretur ecclesiam ejus regat ab injuriosis defendat maleficos ab ea evellat destruat penitus disperdat ibid Now would I fain know what higher power can any man upon earth claim then is here by the Law acknowledged to be in the Kings of England Nor hath any Subject any property in his estate but what he claims from the King for all Lands and Tenements in England in the hands of Subjects are holden mediately or immediately of the King Sir Ed. Co. Com. on Lit. fol. 1. Inst part 4. pag. 363 364. Nor have the Lords and Commons a concurring power with the King in making statute-Statute-Laws for the King makes the Law the Lords and Commons consent Co. Lit. 159. b. And what concurring power of Lords and Commons is there in Magna Charta but only Henry by the grace of God King of England c. We have granted to God and by this our present Charter have confirmed for us and our heirs for ever c. And Charta de Foresta hath nothing which makes it a Law but Edward by the grace of God c. We will that all Forests c. Stat. Hiberniae made at Westminster 9 Feb. ann 14 H. 3. Henry c. commands that the Customs recited in that Statute and used in the Realm of England be proclaimed in Ireland and straightly kept and observed there And Stat. de Anno Bissextili made at Westm. ann 21 H. 3. ann 1236. is The King unto his Justices of the Bench greeting The Statute entituled Assisa panis cerviciae is made by the King The Statute de Scaccario is nothing but what the King commandeth And so let any man peruse all the antient Statutes of this Realm and he shall not find any so much as Consent of the Lords and Commons named in the making of them though it may be it was implied Nor had the Lords and Commons in the Parliament Anno 1641. any more power de jure then their Predecessors had before them And therefore the common-Common-Law and statute-Statute-Law of this Realm were nothing but the declared Will of the King Nor hath any City or Borough c. any Priviledge but what they claim and hold immediately from the Kings Grant Customs I take to be those Usages which the Kings have permitted Sir Ed. Co. comment on Littleton 113 to divers of their Subjects in several places of this Realm time out of mind distinct and not the same with the Common Law And herein they differ from Prescription because this refers to the person that to the place so Prescription is what such an individual Man and his ancestors have done in such a place and Custom is what divers Men at once have used in such a City Borough Mannor or Village Add hereunto the Militia of the Kingdom the Mint the power of making War or Peace which were always in the King and for the manageing of which he hath usually taken the Results of his Ordinary Council and who will deny the Kings of England to have been Absolute Soveraigns What the Government since 1641. hath been I cannot tell nor do I care If you believe the Instrument it will tell you It is in One Person and the Freeborn People of this Nation so in Two and divided But who are the Freeborn People of this Nation Every man hath as much right to this Freedom as another here is no Vassalage no Civitate donatus in
in the regencie of the Queen mothers Blanch the mother of St. Lewis of Francis the second Charles the ninth Lewis the thirteenth and Lewis the fourteenth 20. Neither have the French better observed the other part of the It has been ill observed by the French Salique Law for the descending of the Crown to the heirs male for Pepin having put King Childerick into a Monastery had not any colour of title but as he was chosen by the Parliament of Paris so that it seems the Parliament of Paris may do what the King and general Assembly cannot and alter the most fundamental constitutions of France which forsooth at other times are immutable and Hugh Capet to make his title good against Charles of Lorrain the right Masculine heire of Pepin did derive his pedigree from one of the daughters of Charlemain son of Pepin Nor could Lewis the ninth a most religious Prince be resolved in conscience till he was satisfied that by his Grandmothers side he was descended from the right heirs of Charles of Lorrain But I wonder with what face these Frenchmen can urge the Salique Law against others and yet practise the contrary themselves For Charles the eight having married Anne the Dutchess of Brittain and by that title possessed the Dutchy by whom he had Claude married to Francis the first who had issue Henry the second who had issue Francis the second Charles the ninth Henry the third and Hercules Elizabeth married to Philip the second of Spain and Margaret married to Henry the fourth Now Francis Charles Henry and Hercules dying without issue legitimate I would know how against the Salique Law Charles and his posterity should have a title to Britain and yet King Philip and his posterity be debarred of it by vertue of this pretended Salique Law CHAP. III. Of the Municipal Laws of England before 1640. 1. TEmporal or Secular Laws are made to preserve men so long as Of Temporal Laws and incidently of the Municipal Laws of this Nation they live in this world in unity and peace one with another and these do not bind in conscience only but injoyn corporal and pecuniary mulcts for not observance or transgressing them The Municipal Laws of this Kingdom are either the Common Law which are general usages of that long continuance that they have quite lost their prime institution That they were not brought in by the Conqueror is most evident Common Law or Generall usage for the Conqueror swore to observe the good approved and antient Laws of this Kingdom and that the Subjects might the better observe Proem 8. part of Sir Ed. Cokes Reports their duty and the Conquerors Oath he caused twelve the most discreet and wise men in every shire throughout all England to be sworn before himself that without swerving either ad dextram or ad sinistram they should declare the integrity of their Laws without concealing adding or in any sort varying from the truth and Aldreb the Archbishop that crowned him and Hugh the Bishop of London by the Kings commandement wrote that which the Jurats had delivered and these by Publick Proclamation he declared to be authentick and under grievous punishment to be inviolably observed And that 441 years before the incarnation of Christ Mulumutius of Preface 3. report some called Dunvallo M. of some Dovebant did write two Books of the Laws of the Britans the one called Statuta Municipalia and the other Leges judiciariae which is as much as to say the statute-Statute-Law and common-Common-Law And 356 years before our Saviour Mercia Proba Queen and wife of King Gwintclin wrote a book of the Laws of England in the British tongue calling it Marchenleg King Alfred or King Alured King of the West-Saxons 871 years after Christ wrote a book of the Laws of England calling the same Breviarum quoddam quod composuit ex diversis legibus Trojanorum Graecorum Britanorum Saxonum Danorum In the year after our Saviour 653. Sigabert or Sigisbert Orientalium Anglorum Rex wrote a book calling it Legum instituta King Edward of that name the third before the Conquest ex immensa legum congerie quas Britanni Romani Angli condiderunt optima quaeque selegit ac in unam coegit quam vocari voluit Communem legem But whether these latter were the Laws which are now used in England under correction may be question made because the Authorities cited are from such obscure and uncertain Authors that no great credit is to be given to them nor are those Books except Alfreds and Edwards which are obsolete and out of use with us and so have been these 600 years any where to be found whereby it may appear that they have any affinity with the Common-Law But it does most certainly appear out of most authentical Records that time out of mind before the Conquest there had been Sheriffs for the Writ of Assise and every other Original Writ to whom they were directed except to the Coroner in special cases who stands in place of the Sheriff and for Trials by the Oath of Twelve men and that the Writs of Assise and other Original Writs were retornable into the Kings Courts and that there had been a Court of Chancery for all Original Writs to issue out and none other and that those Mannors that were in the hands of S. Edward the Confessor are to this day called Ancient Demesne All which does more copiously and fully appear in this Proeme to the Third Part of the Reports And that the Chancery Kings Bench Common Pleas the Exchequer be all the Kings Courts and have been time out of memory of man so as no Proem Rep. 8. man knows which of them is antientest Afterward in the Proeme to the Ninth Part of his Reports out of the Mirror of Justices which treats how the Land was governed almost twelve hundred years since having spoken of the Courts of Parliament Chancery Kings Bench Common Pleas and the Exchequer he descends to the Justiciarii Itinerantes or Justices in Eire The Kings do right to all men by their Justices Commissioners itinerant assigned to have Conusance Justices Itinerant sec 6. of all Pleas. In aid of such Eires the Sheriffs Turns and View of Frankpledges are necessary c. Then he treateth of the Sheriffs Turn That the Sheriffs of antient Sheriffs Turn sec 7. Ordinance do hold general Assemblies twice a year in every Hundred whither all the Freeholders within the Hundred are bound to come by the service of their Feifs or Fees that is to say once after Michaelmas and another time after Easter c. Leets or Courts of View of Frankpledge are Assemblies ordained Leets or view of Frank-pledge sec 8. once a year not only of Freeholders but of all in the Hundred as well Denizens as others except Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors and all Religious people and Clerks Earls Barons Knights Married women Persons dumb and deaf diseased Bastards and Lepers and
those that are Deciners elswhere to enquire of the offences personal and of all the circumstances of offences done in those Hundreds of the wrong done by the Kings or Queens ministers and of the wrong done to the King and the Commonalty But this ought not to be done by Bondmen or Women but by the Oath of Twelve Freemen The County-Court which the Sheriffs hold from moneth to moneth County-court sec 9. or from five weeks to five weeks according to the greatness or largeness of the County Of Court-Barons and Hundred Courts Court-Baron c. sec 10. The other mean Courts are the Courts of every Lord of the Fee c. Pipowders sec 11. Courts of Pipowders And that from day to day speedy Justice be done to Strangers in Fairs and Markets as of Pipowders according to the Law of Merchants Court of Admiralty The King hath soveraign jurisdiction upon Admiralty sec 12. the Sea Courts of the Forrest The Kings Ministers of his Forrests have Courts-Forest see 13. power by authority of their office to swear men without the Kings Writ for safeguard of the peace and the Kings right and the common good c. He treats of the Professors of the Law as Counters who are Serjeants and Pleaders Of Attornies Of Ministers of Justice as Viscounts Coroners Escheators Bailiffs of Hundreds c. And also by the antient Kings Coroners were ordained in every County and Sheriffs to keep the Peace when the Earls were absent from their charges and Bailiff in lieu of the Hundredors c. Of the Prerogatives of the King as of Deodands Alienation to Aliens Teeasure found Wreck Waif Estray Chattels of Felons and Fugitives Honors Hundreds Soakes Gaoles Forrests chief Cities chief Ports of the Sea great Manors These held the first Kings as their right and of the residue of the Land did enfeoff the Earls Barons Knights Serjeants and others to hold of the King by Services provided and ordained for defence of the Realm It was ordained that the Knights Fee should come to the eldest by succession of heritage and that Socage Fee should be partable between the Male-children and that the Liege-Lords should have the Marriage He treateth in the first Chapter of Crimes and their divisions of the crime of Majesty of Fausonnery of Treason of Burning of Homicide of Felony of Burglary of Rape c. In the second of Actions of Judges of Actors c. In the third of Exceptions dilatory and peremptory that is Pleas to the Writ and in Bar c. of Trial by Juries and by Battel of Attaints of Challenges of Fines c. In the fourth of Judgments and therein of Jurisdiction of Process in criminal causes and in Actions real personal and mixt So as in this Mirror you may perfectly and truly discern the whole Body of the Common Laws of England Thus far Sir Edward Coke Mr. Lambert in his unfolding the difficult things and words in his translation of the Saxon Laws says King Alured when he had made a League with Guthrun the Dane having followed the most prudent counsel given by Jethro to Moses first divided England in Satrapias Centurias Decurias He called Satrapiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies to divide He called Centuriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Decuriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a company of Ten men and by those names they are called to this day And that no man might be ignorant the Decuria did consist of Ten men whereof all of them were pledges that every one should be forth-coming to any Action in Law and if any one did any damage the other were bound to make it good and from hence the other nine were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Free-pledges we in the Pleas of Courts call them Francos plegios The tenth man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called the Decurio or Tithingman by which name he is most known to the Eastern English at this day Others call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first or chief Surety or Pledge The Kentish men call him Borsholder corruptly for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first Surety Centuria or a Hundred was made up of ten Decuria's as one Hundred is made up of ten times ten This viz. Hundred the men beyond Trent called by another name not unknown to the common people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wapentac Alured then further ordained That every man of free condition should be enrolled in some Hundred and be conjoined into some Ten-men company That of lesser businesses the Decurions or Court-Leet might judge and if any weightier matter were it should be deferred to the Hundred or County-Court Lastly that the Alderman and Sheriff I take it he calls them Senator Praepositus should compound the most difficult Suits and of greatest moment in that frequent Convention from all parts of the Shire or County And what the manner of judging was King Etheldred in the fourth Chapter of his Laws which he enacted in a full Senate or Parliament at Vanatnigum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Woodstock expounds almost in these very words In all and every Hundred let there be Assemblies and that Twelve elderly men of free condition together with the Sheriff Praeposito be sworne that they will not condemn the Innocent or absolve the Guilty So that Mr. Lambert seems to be of opinion that the common-Common-Law had its origination from King Alured or Alfred who was King of all England and a most victorious pious prudent and glorious Monarch about the year of our Lord 890. And from a most deplorable condition by reason of the Danish invasion and robbery reduced it to a most quiet calm and laid that foundation upon which the body of the Common-Law is since builded But whosoever was the first Founder and Establisher of them certain it is they were antient and Laws which better suit to the nature and disposition of English-men then any other that are or ever were in the world would do 2. As those general Usages or Customs which are generally observed Particular Usages are called the Common-Law so there are almost infinite particular Usages Prescriptions and Customs in several parts of this Nation which are observed as Laws by the Inhabitants of those places and to all intents and purposes have the effect of Laws 3. statute-Statute-Laws are Acts of Parliament which are neither general statute- statute-Statute-Law nor particular Customs but are Laws made by the Kings of this Land in Parliament upon sundry and diverse occasions according to the then occasions as they represented themselves For although all innovations are dangerous and therefore if it were possible no doubt it were best that humane Laws as the Laws of Nature might be immutable and eternal but as God hath created all things transitory and nothing in this world the same the next
Essex and Edmund Earl of March the true and undoubted Heir of the Crown of England both condemned unheard and without tryal in Parliament when as he might have instanced twenty Sir Thomas Seimer Admiral of England and Brother to the Protector Anno 1549. the third year of Edward the Sixth was condemned to death unheard by a Law in Parliament Henry the Third after all the Acts of Grace of Magna Charta Charta de Foresta c. instead of means Good Governors are the Preservers or enlargers of the Government Parliaments have ever been the bane of the greatness of the English Monarchy given him by Parliament for the recovery of his right of the Dutchy of Normandy usurped and taken by the French King from his Father King John and the Dutchy of Guienne and Earldom of March the year before usurped and taken from him by the French King had all the exercise of Regal Government taken from him and given to the Twelve Peers by the * Insanum Parliamentum Mad Parliament whereof ensued the Barons Wars to the destruction and confusion of so many English-men as nothing but a Parliament could have done Henry the Fourth in the first year of his usurped Reign had the Crown entailed upon him and his Heirs in Parliament from whence ensued all the Wars of the Houses of York and Lancaster At a Parliament holden Anne Dom. 1470. begun at Westminster 26 November the Crowns of England and France were entailed upon Henry the Sixth and the Heirs male of his body lawfully begotten and for want of such Heirs unto George Duke of Clarence being the yonger Brother of Edward the Fourth the undoubted Heir of the Crown of England whereby a double injustice was done first to Henry the Sixth excluding his Heirs general then to Edward the Fourth to prefer his yonger Brother Clarence before him in case of want of Heirs male to Henry the Sixth See the Factious Conspiracy of the Commons together with the consequence against the Duke of Suffolk Speeds History Henry 6. p. 675. Para. 47 48. The Parliament in the First of Richard the Third his Reign though a bloody Usurper presented a Bill for the entailing the Crown upon his Heirs Ann. 1 Hen. 7. Nor was the Act of Parliament less injurious which entailed the Crown upon Henry the Seventh and the Heirs of his body he having no colour of title to it but in right of his Wife and because he suspected his title and reigned in his own right to the wrong of his Wife and after her decease to the wrong of his Son Henry the Eighth in the eleventh year of his Reign he got an Act of Parliament to pass which should protect all Subjects who should assist the King be he so by right or not for the time being So that other offences should be punished but he that perpetrates the highest villany by invading a Crown should be protected by Law Henry the Eight by authority of Parliament an 1533. Bastardized Queen Mary and so soon as he had cut off Anne Bullens head by authority of Parliament Bastardized Queen Elizabeth smally to his credit one would think Add hereunto the ridiculous yet cruel Act of Hen. 8 his Headship of the Church So that a stranger being one day in Smithfield and seeing one burnt for denying the Six Articles and another hanged for denying his Headship cried out Bone Deus quo modo hic agunt vivi hic comburuntur Papistae ibi suspenduntur Antipapistae The bloody Laws passed in Parliament in prosecution of the Six Articles in the time of Henry the 8. and the bloody Parliamentary Laws for Religion in Queen Mary's reign c. and all those Sacrilegious Acts made in the reigns of Hen. 8. and Ed. 6. and sure no man can imagine such horrid acts could be perpetrated but by Parliaments Nor have the General Assemblies in France who were wont to be assembled once or twice a year demeaned themselves much better then the Parliaments in England but in stead of providing good Laws fell into such Factions and used such affronts to the Regal power that Lewis the Eleventh a most subtile and cunning Prince was wont to say It was time to put the French Kings horce de page out of their minority and from being Pages any more and so he did And since his time they have been rarely convented in France For since the General Assembly at Bloys anno 1587. by Henry the Third where the famous Duke of Guise was killed there hath been but one anno 1614. in the fourth year of the reign of Lewis the Thirteenth and that succeeded so ilfavoredly that there is no probability of ever being another 4. Besides the general and particular Customs and Acts of Parliament there are almost infinite Corporations Colledges and Companies who have divers and sundry priviledges which are granted by the Kings Letters Patents and are observed as Laws and to all intents and purposes have the effect of Laws 5. But in all Maritime cases the Kings of England being Soveraigns of the Narrow Seas whatsoever Grotius says to the contrary and all actions done upon a Navigable river are judged by the course of Civil law and so the Probate of Wills and Letters of Administration are determinable by the Civil law Judge Jenkins a learned Gentleman and a stout Champion for the Laws of this Nation in the first page of his Lex terrae divides the Laws of this Nation into three grounds or species viz. 1. The Customs 2. Acts of Parliaments and 3. Judicial Records and that the two latter are declarations of the former touching Royal government so that he makes Custom to be the ground of Royal government and Acts of Parliament to have but a declaratory power of the Common Law touching Royal government and Judicial Records to be equivalent to Acts of Parliament In all which he is most manifestly mistaken For first there are an exceeding many Acts of Parliament which have no manner of dependence or affinity with the Common-Law and so cannot be declarations of it nay there are many Acts of Parliament which are so far from being declarations of the Common-Law that they do annihilate it and create other things in lieu thereof as the Statute of West 2. cap. 1. called the Statute de donis conditionalibus annihilated all the Conditional estates in Fee at Common-Law and created estates in Tail in lieu thereof At Common-Law no Lands or Tenemers were deviseable by Will but the Acts of 32 34 H. 8. create a power of devising Lands and Tenements in Fee by Will and Tenants at Common-Law might choose whether they would attorn to any Grant of the Lord but now the Lords Grant is good without it by 27 H. 8. cap. 10. Sir Ed. Coke com on Lit. sect 574. says Stat. 32. H. 8. takes away the reason of the Common-Law so that that cannot be a declaration of what it takes away the reason It were tedious
Item Whereas Commissions be newly made to divers Justices that 6. they shall make enquiries upon Judges of the holy Church whether they made just proces or excessive in Causes Testimentary or other which notoriously pertaineth to the cognizance of holy Church the said Justices have enquired and caused to be Indicted Judges of the holy Church in blemishing of the Franchise of the holy Church That such Commissions be repealed and from henceforth defended saving the Article in Eyre such as ought to be No Scire facias shall be awarded against a Clerk for Tythes Item Whereas Writs of Scire facias have been granted to warn Prelates 7. Religious and other Clerks to answer Dismes in our Chancery and to shew if they have any thing or can any thing say wherefore such Dismes ought not to be restored to the said Demandants and to answer as well to us as to the party to such Dismes That such Writs from henceforth be not granted and that the proces hanging upon such Writs be annulled and repealed and that the parties be dismissed from the Secular Judges of such manner of Pleas saving to us our right such as we and our ancestors have had and were wont to have of reason In witness whereof at the request of the said Prelates to these present Letters we have set our Seal Dated at London this 8th of July the year of our Reign of England 18. of France the 5th In the Reign of Ed. 3. 16 Ed. 3. tit Excom 4. An Excommunication by the Archbishop albeit it be disannulled by the Pope or his Legats is to be allowed neither ought the Judges to give any allowance of any such sentence of the Pope or his Legat. It is often resolved that all the Bishopricks within England were founded In the Reign of Ed. 3. by the Kings Progenitors and therefore the Advousons of them all belong to the King and at first they were Donative and if that any incumbent of any Church with cure die if the Patron present not within six moneths the Bishop of that Dioces ought to collate to the end the Cure may not be destitute of a Pastor if he be negligent by the space of six moneths the Metropolitan of that Dioces shall confer one to that Church and if he also leave the Church destitute by the space of six moneths then the common Law gives to the King as Supream within his own Kingdom and not to the Bishop of Rome power to provide a competent Pastor for that Church The King may not onely exempt any Ecclesiastical person from the Jurisdiction 17 Ed. 3. 23. of the Ordinary but may grant him Episcopal Jurisdiction And thus it appears there the King had done of antient time to the Arch-Deacon of Richmond This resolution is not grounded upon any Custom or Law but onely upon a particular fact of a King à facto ad jus non valet argumentum All Religious or Ecclesiastical Houses whereof the King was Founder are by the King exempt from Ordinary Jurisdiction and onely visitable and 20 E. 3. Excom 9. 19. Ed. 3. corrigible by the Kings Ecclesiastical Commission This resolution too is onely grounded upon matter of Fact and what man will warrant all the Facts of Kings not to be repugnant to the Laws of God and man Yet shall not these men in other things of much less moment allow the Kings Proclamations to be Legal nor any thing less then the Commons Law or Acts of Parliament The Abbot of Bury was exempted from Episcopal jurisdiction by the Kings Charter This is nothing neither but matter of Fact 20 Ed. 3. tit Excom 6. The King presenteth to a Benefice and his presentee was disturbed by one who had obtained Bulls from Rome for which offence he was condemned 21 Ed. 3. 40. fol. 40. to perpetual imprisonment c. Tythes arising out of any parish the King shall have for that he having the Supream Ecclesiastical jurisdiction is bound to provide a sufficient Pastor 22 Ed. 3. l. 1. Ass pl. 75. that shall have the cure of souls of that place which is not within any parish And by the common Laws of England it is evident that no man unless he be Ecclesiastical or have Ecclesiastical jurisdiction can have inheritance of Tithes The King shall present to his free chappels in default of the Dean by 27 Ed. 3. fol. 84. lapsin respect of his supream Ecclesiastical jurisdiction And Fitz Herbert saith that the King in that case does present by laps as Ordinary Fitz nat Br. 34. Au Excommunication under the Popes Bull is of no force to disable any man within England and no suit for any cause though spiritually rising in 30 Ed. 3. lib. Ass pl. 19 c. this Realm ought to be determined in the court of Rome In an Attachment upon a Prohibition the Popes Bull of Excommunication of the plaintiff was adjudged insufficient 21 Ed. 3. tit Excom 6. 33 Ed. 3. tit Agel de Roy. 38 Ass pl. 20. Reges sacro Oleo uncti sunt Spiritualis jurisdictionis capaces A Prior which is the Kings Debtor and ought to have Tithes of another spiritual person may chuse either to sue for substraction of his Tithes in the Ecclesiastical court or in the Exchequer Fitz Herbert in his N. B. fol. 30. holceth that before the St. 18 Ed. 3. Cap. 7. the right of Tithes were determinable at the temporal courts at the election of the party And the courts of divers Manors of the Kings and other Lords in antient times had the probate of last Wills and Testaments and it appeareth by 11 H. 7. fol. 12. That the probate of Wills and Testaments did not appertain to the Ecclesiastical courts but that of late time they were determinable there The King by his Charter did translate Canons secular into regular and 38 Lib. Ass pl. 22. 46 Ed. 3. Proem 6. religious persons Nicholas Moris elected Abbot of Waltham which was exempt from ordinary Jurisdiction sent to Rome to be confirmed by the Pope who not having regard to the said Election gave to the said Nicholas the said Abby with all the said Spiritualities and Temporalities the Bull was adjudged against the Laws of England and the Abbot for obtaining the same was fallen into the Kings mercy whereupon all his Possessions were seised into the Kings hands Where the Abbot of Westminster had a Prior and Covent who were Regular 49 Ed. 3. lib. ass pl. 8. and mort in Law yet the King by his Charter did divide that Corporation and made the Prior and Covent a distinct and capable body to sue and be sued by themselves It was Enacted by the whole Parliament That as well they who obtained St. de 25 Ed. 3. de Provisoribus provisions from Rome as they that put them in execution should be out of the Kings Protection and that a man might do with them as enemies to the King c.
Court in the conusance of Heresie but onely for the punishment of Heresie adjudged in the Ecclesiastical Court and all men know that it is the Temporal not Ecclesiastical power although it may be executed or pronounced by Ecclesiastical persons that punisheth men for Spiritual Crimes The Pope cannot alter the Laws of England The Judges say that the Statutes which restrain the Popes provisions 11 H. 4. 37. 11 H. 4. fol. 69. 76. to the Benefices of the Advowsons of Spiritual men were made for that the Spiritual durst not in their just Cause say against the Popes provisions so as those Statutes were made in affirmance of the common Law Excommunication made by the Pope is of no force in England and the same being certified by the Pope into any Court in England ought not to 14 H. 4. fol. 14 c. be allowed neither is any Certificate of any Excommunication available in Law but that which is made by some Bishop in England for the Bishops are by the common Laws the immediate Officers and Ministers of Justice to the Kings Court in Causes Ecclesiastical If any Bishop do Excommunicate any person for a cause that belongeth 14 H. 4. 14. not to him the King may write to the Bishop and command him to assoyl and absolve the party If any person of Religion obtain of the Bishop of Rome to be exempt St. 2. H. 4. Cap. 3. from obedience regular or ordinary he is in case of a Premunire which is an offence as hath been said contra Regem coronam dignitatem ejus Upon complaint of the Commons of the horrible mischiefs and damnable customs which there were introduced by the Church of Rome that no St 6. H. 4. Cap. 1. person Abbot or other should have any provisions of Archbishoprick or Bishoprick which should be void till he had compounded with the Popes Chamber to pay great and excessive sums of money as well for the first fruites of the same Archbishoprick or Bishoprick as for the other less services in the said Court and that the said sums or greater part thereof be paid beforehand which sums passed the double or treble of that that was accustomed of old time to be paid c. It was therefore Enacted That they and every of them that did pay greater sums then had of old time been accustomed to be paid into the said Chamber should incur the forfeiture of as much as they may forfeit to the King No person Religious or Secular of what estate or condition that he St 7. H. 4. Cap. 6. were by colour of any Bulls containing Priviledges to be discharged of Tythes appertaining to Parish-Churches Prebends Hospitals Vicaredges Purchased before the first year of King R. 2. or after not executed should put in execution anysuch Bills so Purchased or any such Bulls to be Purchased in time to come upon pain of a Premunire In the Reign of Hen. 5. In an Act of Parliament made in the third year of Henry 5. it is Declared 〈…〉 H. 5. â—â—â— 4. â— That whereas in the time of H. 4. father to the said King the seventh year of his Reign to eschew many discords and debates and divers other mischiefs which were like to arise and happen because of many provisions then made or to be made by the Pope and also of licence thereupon granted by the said King among other things it was Ordained and Established That no such Licence or Pardon so granted before the same Ordinance or afterwards to be granted shall be available to any Benefice full of any Incumbent at the day of the date of such Licence or Pardon granted Nevertheless divers persons having provisions of the Pope of divers Benefices in England and elsewhere and Licenses Royal to execute the same Provisions have by colour of the same Provisions Licenses and acceptations of the said Benefices subtilly excluded divers persons of their Benefies in which they had been incumbents by a long season of the collation of the very Patrons Spiritual to whom duely made to their intent to the final destruction and enervation of the Estates of the same Incumbents The King willing to avoid such mischiefs hath Ordained and Established That all the Incumbents of every benefice of Holy Church of the Patronage Collation or presentation of Spiritual Patrons may quietly and peaceably enjoy their said Benefices without being inquieted molested or any way grieved by any colour of such provisions licencies and acceptations and that all licences and pardons upon and by such provisions made in any manner should be void and of no valour and if any feel himself grieved molested or inquieted in any wise from henceforth by any by colour of such provisions licenses pardons or acceptations that the same molesters grievers or inquesters and every of them have and incur the pains and punishments contained in the Statutes of Provisors before that time H. 4. St. 2 H. 5. Cap. 7. Lollardy Was made for extirpation of Heresie and Lollardy whereby full power and authority was given to the Justices of Peace and Justices of Assize to enquire of those that hold Errors Heresies or Lollardry and of their maintainers c. and that the Sheriff or other Officer c. may Arrest and apprehend them A man should undertake a very hard task that goes about to maintain that all Humane Laws did never transgress their limits nor encroach upon things that were not properly in their conusance and this Law ill suits with the temper of these times The King by consent of Parliament giveth power to Ordinaries to enquire St. 2 H. 5. Cap. 1. of the Foundation Erection and Governance of Hospitals other then such as be of the Kings Foundation and thereupon to make correction and reformation according to the Ecclesiastical Law nor could any other Power grant such Ordinances In the Reign of Henry the sixth 8 H. 6. fol. 3. Excommunication made and certified by the Pope is of no force to disable any man within England and this is by the ancient Common Laws before any Statute was made concerning forein Jurisdiction The King onely may grant or licence to Found a Spiritual Corporation 9 H. 6. fol. 16. The Pope wrote Letters in derogation of the King and his Regality 1 H. 6. fol. 1â— and the Church-men durst not speak against them but Humfrey Duke of Glocester for their safe keeping put them into the fire In the Reign of Edward the fourth The Pope in the Reign of King Ed. 4. granted to the Prior of St. Johns H. 7. f. 20. to have Sanctuary within his Priory and this was pleaded and claimed by the Prior but it was resolved by the Judges that the Pope had no power to grant any Sanctuary within this Realm and therefore by Judgement of Law it ought to be disallowed There it appeareth that the opinion of the Kings Bench had been oftentimes Ed. 4. 3. that if one Spirital
person sueth another Spiritual person in the Court of Rome for a matter Spiritual where he may have remedy before his Ordinary that is of the Bishop of the Diocess within the Realm Quia trahit ipsum in placitum extra regnum incurreth the danger of a Premunire a hainous offence being contra Legiantiae suae debitum in contemptum Domini Regis contra coronam dignitatem suam In the Kings Court of Record where Felonies are determined the Bishop or his Deputy ought to give his attendance to the end that if any man 9 Ed. 4. 28. that is Indicted or Arraigned for Felony do demand the benefit of his Clergy that the Ordinary may inform the Court of his sufficiency or insufficiency that is whether he can read as a Clerk or not whereof notwithstanding the Ordinary is not to judge but a Minister to the Kings Court and the Judges of that Court are to judge of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party whatsoever the Ordinary do inform them and upon due examination of the party may give judgement above the Ordinaries information For the Kings Judges are Judges of the Cause whether the Ordinary be a Judge of Legit or non Legit matters not much for if he be Judge or Minister no doubt but he is the Kings Judge or Minister And I my self have seen Chief Justice Littleton overrule the Ordinary in the Case of one Brudbank after the Ordinaries Deputy had pronounced legit ut Clericus and give sentence of death upon him for his non legit and he was hanged The Popes Excommunication is of no force within the Kingdom of England 12 Ed. 4. f. 46. In the Reign of King Ed. 4. a Legat came from the Pope to Callis to have come into England but the King and his Councel would not let him come into England until he had taken an Oath that he should attempt nothing against the King or his Crown And so the like was done to another of the Popes Legates And this is so reported 1 H. 7. fol. 10. In the Reign of Richard the third It is resolved by the Judges that a Judgement of Excommunication in the Church of Rome shall not prejudice any man within England at the Common Law In the Reign of Henry the seventh 1 H. 7. fol. 10. The Pope had Excommunicated all persons whatsoever who had bought Alume of the Florentines and it was resolved by all the Judges that the Popes Excommunication ought not to be obeyed or to be put in execution within the Realm of England It was enacted ordained and established by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in the said Parliament assembled That it be lawful to all Archbishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries having Episcopal jurisdiction to punish chastise such Priests Clerks and Religious men being within the bounds of their jurisdiction as shall be committed afore them by examination and lawful proof requisite by the Law of the Church of Advoutry Fornication Incest or any other fleshly incontinency by committing them to ward or prison there to abide in ward until such time as shall be thought to their discretions convenient for the quality and quantity of their trespass And that none of the Archbishops Bishops or Ordinaries aforesaid be thereof chargeable of to or upon any action of false or wrongful Imprisonment but that they be utterly discharged thereof in any of the cases aforesaid by vertue of this Act. The King is a mixt person because he hath Ecclesiastical and Temporal 10 H. 7. 18. jurisdiction By the Ecclesiastical Laws allowed within this Realm a Priest cannot 11 H. 7. 12. have two Benefices nor a Bastard can have a Priest But the King may by his Ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction dispence with both these because they be mala prohibita but not mala per se How far Henry the Eighth exercised his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction IT was enacted That if any person or persons at any time after the St. 21. H. 8. 13. first of April 1530. contrary to the Act should procure and obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation to receive or take any more Benefices with cure then was limited by the said Act or else at any time after the said day should put in execution any such Licence Toleration or Dispensation before that time obtained contrary to the said Act That then every such person or persons so after the said day suing for himself or receiving or taking such Benefice by force of such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation that is to say the same person or persons only and no other should for every such default incur the danger pain and penalty of Twenty pounds sterling and should also lose the whole profits of every such Benefice or Benefices as he receives or takes by force of any such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation And that if any person or persons did procure or obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any manner of Licence or Dispensation to be nonresident at their Dignities Prebends or Benefices contrary to the said Act that then every such person putting in execution any such Dispensation or Licence for himself from the said first of April 1530. should run and incur the penalty damage and pain of Twenty pounds sterling for every time so doing to be forfeited and recovered and yet such Licence or Dispensation so procured or to be put in execution to be void and of none effect It was enacted That no person from thenceforth cited or summoned 23 H. 8. cap. 9. or otherwise called to appear by himself or herself or by any Procurator before any Ordinary Archdeacon Commissary Official or any other Judge Spiritual out of the Diocese or peculiar Jurisdiction where the person which shall be cited summoned or otherwise as is abovesaid called shall be inhabiting and dwelling at the time of awarding or going forth of the same citation or summons Except it be for in or upon any of the cases or causes hereafter written viz. for any Spiritual offence or cause committed or done or omitted forstowed or neglected to be done contrary to right and duty by the Bishop Archdeacon Commissary Official or other person having Spiritual jurisdiction or being a Spiritual Judge or by any other person or persons within the Diocese or other Jurisdiction whereunto he or she shall be cited or otherwise lawfully called to appear and answer And that every Spiritual Judge offending contrary to the purport of this Act shall forfeit Ten shillings sterling the one half to the King the other half to any person that will sue for the same in any of the Kings Courts in which action no protection shall be allowed nor Wager of Law or Essoine be admitted In which Sir E. Coke Cawdries case says there were twenty four Bishops Stat. 24. H. 8. cap.
his tail for his Second Ground is That the nature of Man reacheth not to the perfection of Government But what does our Author here mean by Freemen if by Freemen he understands men free to do what they list then our Author leaves them as he found them and has done nothing at all but if these Freemen be subject to their Trustee so far as he apprehends it fit and necessary for the good of the Commonwealth then I believe we shall finde them as very slaves as any our Author Ground 9. makes So that after all this ado our Author has made a multitude of slaves or he has made nothing at all And thus hath our Author endeavored to shew why men desire to live in Community viz. By having nothing common at all The Eighth GROUND Of the Authority given to an Absolute Governor and of Vnder-sorts of Government Author NOw comes our Author with a dog in a line his Absolute Governor tyed up to certain Laws and Limits which he has no right to transgress Observ What is this our Authors Absolute Governor Why the Roman Dictator was worth ten of this for he had power of life and death of disposing of all Offices at his own will and pleasure without the controlment of any either Senate or People Consul or Tribune and this power to continue during the exigence and danger of the Commonwealth Yet so far was the Dictator from being an absolute Governor that he was the while but a Minister of the Peoples which was plain in Fabius Maximus for Plutar. in vita Fabii Liv. lib. 22. though he were chosen Dictator yet during the danger of the Common-wealth the People made Minutius equal to him And so was the Athenian Archon who though chosen for Ten years and called a Judge and chiefest of power in the Commonwealth yet as Bodin observes cap. 8. fol. 80. de repub was not the Majesty of the Commonwealth in him but he a Provider and Procurator of the People and was bound to give an account of his Government And the reason why the Dictator and Archon were not absolute Governors is plain because this power was not immediately in them from God but delegate and constituted from another And any power that makes any thing may alter it for Unumquodque dissolvi potest eo ligamine quo ligatum est Well but let us see what manner of beast our Authors Absolute Governor is Why our Author tells you he is an Absolute Governor but restrained and tied up to certain Laws and Limits Which is a contradiction and impossible for in being absolute he is freed from all Laws and Limitations And now I will tell our Author that if his absolute Governor be tied up to any humane Limits or Laws he has so little power that it is impossible for him to protect and defend his rational people For suppose the Laws he is restrained to be as many as are contained in the body of the Civil Law our Statutes and all the Acts and Ordinances made since 1641. and twenty times more yet would not this be sufficient for an absolute Governor For all these are finite and mens actions are infinite and therefore Enemies may find out such ways to invade this free people as this absolute Governor cannot find in his Laws where he has power to oppose them and so this rational freeborn people must be left destitute if any Enemy may be found who can outwit them and find a way to oppress them out of the Laws and Limits which they have given their absolute Governor And who will desire any greater advantage against another then to have him look always one way or what Enemy desires more against another then against such a one whose absolute Governor is tied up to certain Instructions and those known to themselves And Laws are things which must be in esse And how can any man tell to day what may happen to morrow but Princes must to morrow and next day and every day steer their course according as the wind and storms shoals and deeps c. represent themselves which no man can possibly foresee Well let us see what the restriction of any one thing in the Supream Prince may bring upon himself and Subjects Let us look upon a King of England after the Act of Parliament De tallagio non concedendo an Act of Parliament is the Act of the King in Parliament As when the Lords and Commons present any Bill to the King and he passes it this is an Act of Parliament which is no more a Law of the Lords and Commons then the Laws passed at the Petition or Rogation of Coelius Cassius Sempronius c. were the Laws of Coelius Cassius and Sempronius And let every King expect that whatsoever the Subject can get of the King by hook or crook he will hold that as fast as the King shall any flower he leaves in his Crown Well then if Edward the First will not pass this Law he gets not a groat of his Subjects in England towards the relief of his oppressed Subjects of Aquitain in France which Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon this Statute observes Well then the Scots in the year One thousand six hundred and forty having-transgressed all Laws of God and Humanity as well as the Borders and Bounds of their own Countrey raise Arms the second time and make an invasion upon us and seise upon Berwick and Newcastle but though the Kings hands were tyed up yet the Divine Vengeance of Heaven shall overtake them and their Countrey by a hand they could so little fear as I believe few of them knew whether there were any such or no. And now oh you who have not forced all mankinde from Humane brests come and stand amazed with horror for the most deplorable condition of the most Pious the most Religious the most Just the most Chaste Vertuous and Serenest Prince that ever swayed the English Scepter and not to be parallel'd by any Countrey whatsoever The Scots having invaded this Nation to treat with them a second time was too too much an indignity for their Natural Soveraign besides it was an affront not to be endured by the Englishmen That their Countrey must be made a prey to such Locusts and Caterpillers whensoever they will pretend grievance in Kirk and Discipline To restrain them by force it could not be without raising money By this Statute the King they say can raise none but by Parliament and to call a Parliament in this mad conjuncture of times was judged by himself and Council to be a means to increase the power of the Scots by the Parliaments joyning with them to the endangering himself and his Posterity Well then what is to be done what stand still and look on while these hungry Vermine devour and make a prey of his afflicted Subjects No the King to make his goodness appear above his own danger calls a Parliament where not deceived in his
should have disputed without an Adversary for me But when he makes all men Jure naturali which is superior and the cause of all Laws of Nature to be equal and in a parity of condition and every man by his own natural right to have a power over every man and to kill and destroy them whensoever it seems good unto him and yet without any sin and that this State is only to be cured by the Laws of Nature of his own making although he would have them to be Divine Laws and contrary to Natural rights is such a monstrous Paradox and absurdity as I wonder any Ingenuous man should assent to it Under the title of Empire he is not less wild and extravagant in his concessions to the thing be it King or Court created by Do or Dedi and not Dabo or Faciam For he makes it not only Soveraign Judge of all Ecclesiastical as well as Civil causes but also impossible to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature Yet he makes the Law of Nature the Law of God and this Creature of creatures to be so infallible that it is impossible to command any thing contrary to it It is not worth the examining what he would have under the title of Religion for men say the man is of none himself and complains they say he cannot walk the streets but the Boys point at him saying There goes HOBBS the Atheist It may be therefore the reason why in all his Laws of Nature he allows no place for the Worship and Service of GOD. But it is time to examine the particular Articles upon which this Body De Cive is built 1. His marginal Note upon Art 3. Cap. 1. is Homines naturâ aequales esse inter se Observ There is no one Proposition in the world more false then this nor more destructive to all faith and truth of Sacred History For whereas he says that by nature Men are equal to one another if the Scriptures be true that God made Adam an Universal Monarch as he says as well over his Cap. 10. art 3. Wife and Children as other Creatures and that since Adam God did never create any Man but the species of Mankind was continued by generation and that as he says Primogeniture is preferred by the Law of Cap. 3. art 18. Nature which Cap. 3. Art 29. is immutable then it is impossible that Cap. 4. art 15. since Adam any two Men in the world can be equal where God does not make them so Indeed if Mr. Hobbs had been an Athenian who stiled the Men of Observ 2. Attica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Men of the same Land or a Peripatetick who held that Men and the other things of the World were from Eternity as well as the World or an Egyptian who held that from the example of divers creatures generated out of the river Nile Men at first were generated from equivocal generation or that Men had sprung out of the ground fungorum more there might have been some small semblance for his opinion 2. His Argument to prove the Natural equality of all Men is Aequales sunt qui aequalia contra se invicem possunt At qui maxima possunt nimirum occidere aequalia possunt Ergo Homines natura aequales inter se His minor Proposition is no where proved and I am sure contrary Observ Gen. 9. 6. to what God says Whoso sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed for in the image of God made he man 3. Nature hath given to every Man a Right to all things Cap. 1. art 10. Observ What thing is mine naturali jure as he says or lege naturali is mine so that it is impossible it should be aliened or made anothers by any act of my will or the will of all the men in the world For natural causes do not depend upon voluntary humane actions and therefore the natural right which Nature has given to every man remains still with every man 4. Filium in statu naturali intelligi non posse Annot. art 10. Observ And therefore from Adam to our Saviour could there be no such natural state For S. Luke cap. 3. gives a Genealogie of Adams sons and sons sons to our Saviour And since I do not think Mr. Hobbs can shew that ever there was such a state in the world 5. The state of Man in Nature is hostile And cap. 8. art 10. he says Art 12. Men in the state of Nature may kill one another so often as it seems good unto them And therefore he must invent and seek to make himself in a better condition then God hath made him and that forsooth is by seeking Art 15. cap. 1. Observ Peace which he says is the first Law of Nature Is it not strange that a thing invented and made by the wit and will of Man and that contrary to the state and condition in which God hath made Man should here prove to be a Law of Nature which is the Law of God And is not more strange that God hath made Man upright and he hath Observ 2. Eccles 7. 27. sought out many inventions and yet Man should have need of Mr. Hobbs his help to invent and make him in a better state then God hath made him or else he says his conservation cannot be long expected Art 15. Neither is it possible in such a state where all men may kill one another Observ 3. and where all things are alike and common to all men that men should make any pacts or contracts one with another For besides that where men have nothing proper there men cannot make pacts or contract for any thing also where there is no precedent humane Law obliging there cannot any man be obliged or bound to any thing by his pact or contract for to be bound is in relation and must presuppose something which does bind but if nothing binds me but my Will which is a contradiction I may unbind me when I will for my Will is free I deny that any man or any company of men can will any thing to be Observ 4. a Law to themselves For Omnis potentia activa est principium transmutandi aliud And therefore the act of no mans Will can have a power or obligation upon himself and by consequence cannot any man or company of men will or make another who shall give them Laws for Nemo potest transferre id in alium quod ipse non habet 6. Legem naturalem esse dictamen rectae Rationis Cap. 2. art 1. Observ Wold any man think that these Critiques and pretended Masters of Reason did either understand Reason or Logick If Lex naturalis be dictamen rectae Rationis I ask of Mr. Hobbs what is the reason of it If it be a prime cause or principle then by the authority of Aristotle Eth. lib. 6. cap. 3. 6. does it constitute the
possible that any Power in Government can be derived For to suppose by the Law of Nature all men to be equal and to have a common and undivided Right to all things it is impossible that they can create a power which may give Law Property and Power of Life and Death when as they themselves have none at all But suppose all Men are by nature equal and yet have a right to create a supream Power which may give Property yet then it must follow That all the Men of the World must be subject to one Individual Government For ex hypothesi the Inhabitants of Greece have as much right to all the things in Britain as the Inhabitants of Britain have and the Men of Spain have as much right to all the things in Italy as the Italians have and so have the French to all things in Italy Germany Persia c. Nor can the Inhabitants of France Germany Spain c. frame to themselves any Government for ex hypothesi by the Law of Nature the Persians Indians Moscovites c. have as much right in France Germany Spain c. as the French Germans and Spaniards have And to suppose that by the Law of Nature all Men have all things in common and to suppose that whatsoever is or shall be renewed in Spain England France c. is due by the Law of Nature only to Spaniards Englishmen and French c. is to suppose a contradiction and impossibility Nor is that Fancie less groundless which supposeth that Regal power or government was first instituted from an aggregation or consent of Families For how is it possible there should be a Family where there is no Supreme power which gave Property in that place and habitation where that Family is Nor where there is no Law precedent obliging can it be expected that any man will where he may be free at his own pleasure be a Servant Nor can it in reason be supposed that any man will contract with another to be his Servant whereas he may as well expect to be his Master It shall be therefore our endevour to find out the true Causes and Principles of Power and Subjection But before we proceed it will not be amiss to see in a short view the natural difference between Man and other Creatures of this inferior orb and why Humane or Politick Government is only necessary to Mankind Of all the Creatures of this inferior orb only Man uses Reason by which with the help of his Memory and Experience he proceeds from things manifest and known to the Understanding to find out things less known and more obscure yet still so that subsequent Generations may infinitely adde to what precedent Ages had found out whereas other Creatures do by an impulse of Nature being taught of no Creature nor from any observation by themselves insite and connatural with them at first attain to such perfection that in succession of time nothing is added to it Thus we see all Birds at their first trial make their nests with as much art and ingenuity as those that do live longest And so the younger Bees make the honicomb as perfect as those who had done it twice or thrice before And certainly it is an admirable thing to consider with how great providence these smallest Creatures and imperfect Animals do choose out places for their conceptions even before they be living creatures and but only so in power and with what unimitable art they build fortifie and hide the place wherein they repose them I have seen an Indian Birds nest which was made upon a small bough growing over waters which bough was too weak to support the weight of a Monky the Monkies in those parts of India use to prey upon young Birds and provident Nature points out these places to those Birds for the security of their young ones from the Monkies for of all terrestrial creatures only Men and Monkies and their kindes swim not naturally and the Monky if he in seeking to get the young birds falls into the water drowns himself I have with great admiration seen Frogs which are usually generated in the moneth of March confidently and carelesly swimming croaking upon one another upon the surface of the water whenas Horses and other cattel have been there but upon the coming of Ducks who naturally prey upon and devour them they have been all husht and gone and not one to be seen It being sure worthy admiration that Providence should so direct those spurious and imperfect animals and but of yesterdays being and not of much longer continuance to know without any apprehension of danger those creatures who are not hurtful to them and to fear and avoid those who are enemies and prey upon them Neither is Providence less seen in all creatures if a man considers it in the preservation of themselves and their young ones so that a man must needs confess that in them is some particle of Divine air and this their unlearned art and wisdom is rather to be admired their imitated by us Man by his observation and experience findes out what things and Creatures are hurtful or helpful to him other Creatures by an instinct of Nature at the first sight know what things and Creatures are hurtful to them or not thus we see the timerous young Hare feedes securely among Horses and Cowes and the oldest Hart flyes afrighted from the smallest dogge Man can never attain to the knowledge of what things conduce most for his corporal preservation and therefore the oldest and most experienced and learned Physitian may to morrow find what the day before he was ignorant of and yet shall never attain to the perfection of knowing what is best for his own body which other Creatures by avoiding those things which are hurtful and choosing those things which are most beneficial for themselves do The careful Navigator by the help of some Theorems of longitude and latitude and the use of his Card and Compasse sailes from one Coast to another whereas other Creatures by a propense disposition to this or that place without any observations and direction of their senses fly to other regions where they never were before So Faulcons Wildgeese Woodcocks c. come from other regions into England in the Autumn and at the Spring forsake us And Swallowes Martyns Hobbyes c. which brood with us in the Summer when the Antumn approaches leave this Clymate for another to which they cannot attain by any sense or observation of their own A Gentleman living in Buckingham-shire had a Beagle sent him by Sea from the most Eastern part of Suffolk to London and from thence was conveyed by water into Buckingham-shire some time after upon some distaste taken by the dogg he returned home to his old Master by land which was above an hundred miles But what is most admirable is that omne genus Balaenae as Dolphins Whales Porpices which do not keep in shoales or company and although
4. All Divine Laws are created and derived from that divine and From whence all Divine Laws are derived eternal Right which was inseparably in God before any such Laws were created by him 5. Humane Laws are threefold viz. Secular Temporal or Civil such are the Laws of every Country or Gamacal viz. the Laws of the How manifold are Humane Laws Husband or Paternal viz. the Laws of Parents to their Children 6. All Humane Laws are derived from that Right or Power which From whence derived the Law of Nature creates in supream Powers Husbands and Parents 7. They are called Humane Laws because they are made by Men Why called Humane Laws who by the Law of Nature have a Right to make or create them 8. All Ecclesiastical Laws are derived from that Right or Power From whence Ecclesiastical Laws are derived which by divine positive institution our Saviour Christ left to his Church to continue untill his second coming again 9. Ecclesiastical Laws are so called because they only relate to the discipline of the Church and worship and service of God Why so called 10. Despotical Laws are derived from the Right or Power Despotical Laws from whence derived which every Master of a Family hath over his Servants which Right or Power is created by Secular or Temporal Laws of the place where the Family is 11. Two things must necessarily precede every Law or it hath no What must precede every Law Obligation viz. the Legislative Right and the Declaration of it So that Jus divinum is one thing and Lex divina another and Jus naturale is one thing and Lex naturae another And so is Jus Humanum and Lex Humana and Jus Ecclesiasticum and Lex Ecclesiastica And he that will confound these things cannot possibly ever write clearly upon the subject 12. Humane and Despotical Laws are vindicative or oblige to corporal What Laws are vindicative punishment in this world 13. Only Humane Secular Temporal or Civil Laws are distributive and create property among Men in their Estates What Laws are distributive 14. Neither Divine nor Ecclesiastical Laws are vindicative but oblige in Conscience only What Laws are neither distributive nor vindicative * How Men come to be punished Temporally for not observing Ecclesiastical Laws 15. Although Ecclesiastical Laws as we shall prove in the next chap. bind in Conscience only and therefore cannot impose any Corporal mulct or punishment yet the Secular Laws do as if a Man be excommunicated he shall have no advantage or relief in any plea by the Common Law a Lit. vil sect 201. and by the Common Statute Law whoso is adjudged an Heretick or Blasphemer shall be burnt yet neither Common Law nor Statute Law take cognisance of either Excommnication Heresy or Blasphemy before the Statute of the 2 H. 5. 7. In curia Christianitatis id est Ecclesiae in qua servantur leges Christi cum tamen in foro Regio servantur Leges mundi saies Linwood who saies moreover b Com. Stat. de circumspecte agatis That the Probate of Wills and Testaments de consuetudine Angliae not de jure communi belong to the Court-Christian But whether Linwood saies true or not Hen. 8. began by the Statute Law to encroach upon the Rights of the Church and by confounding the jurisdictions both of Church and State making himself head of both has opened such a gap to let in all Schisme and dissention that the Common-Lawyers and statute-Statute-Laws have upon the matter devoured all Church-rites and power nor are either the Common or statute-Statute-Laws now in much more esteem then the Ecclesiastical Nor is it less then a Divine judgment upon those men who have so extravagantly attributed both powers to be in the King Between Supreme Head and Supreme Governor I understand no difference for if the Supreme Governor hath not supreme power or right of command then necessarily must such a Governor be an Usurper or unjust Invader in words only but indeed in their practice have denied him the exercise of the one or the other power and ascribed them both to themselves and Courts subordinate to the King That these men I say should be themselves and all the Courts in as little esteem as Ecclesiastical Rites and Constitutions and the King God knows upon what account for no colour of pretence was ever yet so much as reasonably pretended violently restrained from the exercise of any either Ecclesiastical or Civil power among us Here do not I admit of Mr. Hobbs his division of Civil Laws into Sacred Annot. and Secular Did ever man before hear of Sacred Civil Laws Sacred Laws are those Civil Laws he says which belong to Religion that is Cap. 14. art 5. the Ceremonies and Service of God and are called Ecclesiastical Secular Laws are those he says which are wont to be called Civil by a general name For though Ecclesiastical Laws be made by Men and therefore not Sacred as he says yet is the power by which they are made from Divine positive institution and therefore cannot have any right or power from Civil or Secular sanctions which at highest cannot amount to more then Humane 16. A Law differs from Counsel as my Understanding differs from How a Law differs from Counsel my Will my Will is that which imperates all my actions my Understanding informs my Will whether the doing or not not doing such an act be good or bad just or unjust reasonable or unreasonable A Law is the declared will of him who by right commands Counsel the reason advice or discourse of them to whom he who by right commands refers any thing to be debated who are usually called the Council whether the willing or passing such a thing into a Law will be probably convenient or inconvenient either to him or his Subjects CHAP. III. Of Virtue 1. THat Virtue is not always placed in a mean between two extremes Introduction Virtue is not fited always in a mean between two extremes and those extremes to be Vices according to the opinion of the antient Philosophers I do subscribe to Mr. Hobbs cap. 3. art 32. de Cive And that from the reason he there gives viz. that Fortitude in a good cause is a virtue although it be in the extreme Nor does quantity in giving be it much little or indifferent make Virtue but the cause of giving To these may be added Gratitude and Patience Justice and Obedience which are not placed between any extremes But if I assent to Mr. Hobbs in this I cannot less dissent from him where cap. 3. he makes Virtues to be the Laws of Nature and cap. 2. art 1. the Law of Nature to be the Dictate of Right reason For 2. Virtue is the doing or forbearing any action as it is dictated by What is Virtue Right reason from the Law of a Superior or from some Notion known to
unto thee only the Lord thy God be with thee as he was with Moses Whosoever he be that does rebel against thy commandment and will not hearken unto thy words in all that thou commandest him he shall be put to death Jos 1. 16 17 18. 13. Anarchy is like a vacuum in Nature so abhorrent that the World The state of Man out of power is Tyranny will rather return into Chaos then suffer it And therefore Cicero lib. 3. de legibus says truly Sine imperio neque domus ulla nec civitas nec gens nec hominum universum genus stare nec ipse denique mundus potest 'T is no wonder therefore if seditious men when they have put themselves out of power are glad to submit to Tyranny rather then be overwhelmed with the Chaos and confusion of Anarchy Yet it is said Judg. 17. 6. 21. 25. In those days there was no King in Annot. Israel but every man did what was right in his own eyes So it may seem that men may subsist in an Anarchy It is true indeed there was no man that was King in those days in Israel nor was there then that absolute necessity of one for God had given them Property and did govern the Israelites and they did enquire judgment of God who did answer cap. 20. 18. And men did in those dayes commerce and exchange one with another which is evident by Micha's contracting with her Levite-Priest for ten shekels of silver by the year a suit of apparel and his victual ch 17. 10. 14. Princes do transgress their power when they command any Wherein Princes do transgress their power thing contrary to what God hath commanded or derogatory to the worship and service of God when they make unjust War when they pronounce Judgment not according to the declared and known Laws but punish either by passion or to please factious men as in the Earl of Straffords Case or pass sentence against one unheard as in Cromwell Earl of Essex his Case I say not punish upon passion or to please men For as the state of Annot. affairs may be stated Princes may punish though not in a Judicial manner as when Subjects are in Arms against their Soveraign Nor do I think that any uninterested Casuist will deny that Henry the Third of France did justly put Henry Duke of Guise to death though not judicially the Duke having taken Arms against him and made him flie out of Paris fomented seditions against him and taken pensions of the King of Spain to maintain war in France and become so popular as the King had no means to proceed legally against him 15. * How careful Princes ought to be in commanding or making of Laws The perfection of Government consists first and chiefly that the Governor have a perfect and indubitable Title against which no just exception can be taken Secondly that the Governor makes it his chiefest care that the Religion or Worship and Service of God be duly administred And thirdly that he does endeavor by known and established Laws to administer Judgment and Justice indifferently to his Subjects with careful moderation of the severity of the Laws whereas men by no fault of theirs incur the severity of them And lastly by all just and due means to endeavor the preservation of his Subjects from the oppression and violence of Foreiners and to maintain Peace and Commerce with his neighboring Nations Such was our Government before our unhappy differences and such by Gods grace do I hope to see it again 16. It were a fine may-game to be a King if Kings might make their How careful Princes ought to be in commanding or making Laws Will the rule of their actions It is true indeed God hath not in all things commanded Kings what Laws they shall govern their Subjects by yet this natural law are all Princes obliged to that their Laws by which they govern do more relate to the good of their Subjects in general then their own particular interest And no question but a King commits a more grievous sin doing any unjust thing to any of his Subjects then if another had done it in regard of the relations which are between them as a Fathers doing an unjust thing to his Child is a greater sin then if another had done it by how much by the Law of Nature he ought to have done well to his Child rather then another Princes therefore by the Law of Nature in governing ought to have more respect to the general good of their Subjects then their own particular interest Yet is Magnificence a Royal virtue and therefore ought not the Revenues of the Crown to be parted with by which it should be maintained Nor would it conduce to the benefit of the Subjects in general to make the Revenues of the Crown poor Where Majesty grows contemptible the exercise of Regal power is never permanent Princes therefore ought to have a great care that by their vices prodigality of the Revenues of the Crown remiss governing or by so giving it over to others that they so much neglect it in themselves as to make themselves vile and contemptible 17. Though God hath not commanded Kings in all things what are Princes ought not to be obeyed when they command in derogation of Gods Majesty 1 Sam. 12. 14. vers 25. the Laws by which they shall govern and therefore divers Kings govern their Subjects by several Laws as their Subjects differ in nature and manners Yet hath he forbidden all Kings to make Laws derogatory to his Divine Majesty Samuel therefore threatens Saul as well as the Israelites that if he or they disobey God and do wickedly they shall perish both they and their King And it was to Saul that God said that Rebellion was as the sin of witchcraft and stubborness as the wickedness of idolatry Nor was the sin of the Israelites in committing idolatry under the Kings of Judah and Israel the less though the King commanded it Nor did God scarce 1 Sam. 15. 23. ever shew a greater miracle then in delivering the Three Children and Daniel disobeying the Kings wicked commandment Princes therefore ought not to be obeyed in commanding things derogatory to the Majesty of God 18. Nor ought Princes to be obeyed when they command any thing Or contrary to Religion contrary to Religion for The kingdom of Heaven and the righteousness thereof is first to be sought But the kingdom of Heaven is only to be sought by Faith and Religion Daniel therefore sinned not when he obeyed not Darius in praying to God Nor do all our Parliamentary Laws add any thing to the obligation of mens worship and service of God in the Unity and Form of the Church of England for men were as much obliged in Conscience before such Laws as after Not but that Kings ought to have as great or greater care of preserving unity and peace in Gods Church as in their
this opinion are all Christian Princes made in a worse condition then Infidel or Mahumetan and subject to the Spiritual powers in their Temporal jurisdiction But mutato nomine a new generation of men have sprung up and changed Bonum temporale sequitur in ordine ad bonum spirituale into The wicked have no right to their goods and It is lawful for the children of Israel to rob the Egyptians 11. The King is greater then the Singulars and less then all his Subjects Rex major singulis c. is a seditious opinion is a Fools bolt shot at such random that it is not worth the measuring whether it be near the mark or not For not only all Subjects owe their obedience as much as every one but never was any Prince universally rejected or disobeyed by his Subjects 12. See Sir Ed. Coke 3. par Inst pag. 9. On si homme leva guerre encontre That Subjects may upon any prerence levy war without consent of the Supreme power a seditious opinion See Calv. case 11 12. nostre Seignieur le Roy This was High Treason by the Common Law for no Subject can levy War within the Realm without authority from the King for to him it only belongeth And a little after If any levy War to expulse strangers to deliver men out of prisons to remove Councellors or any other end pretending Reformation of their own heads without warrant this is a levying of War against the King because they take upon them the Royal authority which is against the King 13. Let no Prince ever hope for obedience from his Subjects who Negligence in the worship of God takes no care that God be duly served by them For where the fear of God is not men will not honor their King but are disposed to sedition 14. Honor is nothing else then the estimation of anothers power Contempt of the Regal power disposes men to sedition viz. That a man hath power to protect reward and punish another And prudent Princes ought so to maintain the reputation of this in their Subjects that it may be received and believed of all For besides that ill men will where there is no fear of punishment become more licentious generally all men ambitiously where they are not restrained by fear desire to insult over their Superiors Aesop gives an Item of this last in the Fable of the Logg which Jupiter gave the Frogs for their King when they became fearless of it every one jumped insultingly upon it And examples of the former are clearly seen in men who condemned for offences to death they penitently acknowledge their faults and desire forgiveness of that Power that puts them to death whereas scarce any offender fearless of punishment did ever submit and ask forgiveness for it Princes therefore ought principally to take care how either by their vices remiss Government or otherwise they make their persons or power contemptible for when power is contemptible the exercise of it is never permanent 15. If the Age tends to worse and men of this latter Age have been Concessions of Princes to their Subjects disposes them to sedition worse then in the precedent as men generally hold and if Princes power in Ages when Mankind did not so fast degenerate into all forbidden wickedness were not sufficient at all times to restrain the seditions and disorders of their Subjects then is it a most unreasonable thing in Princes to indulge this ambitious desire of their Subjects by granting them liberties and priviledges which they had not before And if any man can shew that ever any where in the world Princes did make their Subjects better by granting them a more then usual liberty but only made them more arrogant to demand more until their Majesties and Authorities became so contemptible that in stead of governing their Subjects they must be content to have what terms their Subjects please to impose upon them or to reject them which in the end they will assuredly do I will be content to believe Princes do prudently by granting to their Subjects all their real Prerogatives and retaining only or some small matter more then the empty Title 16. It is not only the office of a Prince that good Laws be made but If Laws be not carefully executed that they be carefully put in execution There is no man who does not will and desire to be happy but few men who are daily sollicitous and industrious to attain to happiness It is the part of foolish men only to will and wish but the part of prudent men to do wisely A man shall see it in a family where the Master only commands and never looks to the doing that in a short time though he commands much he will have little performed And where Subjects have gotten a licentious habit of neglecting or transgressing Laws it will prove a hard thing to reclaim them whereas they might have been easily preserved in their obedience by careful execution of the Laws 17. There is nothing more dangerous in Church or State then Innovation Alterations of Laws It is therefore the most secure way of governing when mens manners and vices do not require new Laws by the antient and received Laws of a Nation This will secure the Prince from the imputation of Tyranny he may better hope to preserve a strong house built upon a sure foundation then by destroying it to undertake to build another which he either knows not how to finish or having built it cannot hope it will be better then the other or cannot tell whether it will be of any continuance but falling will overwhelm him in the ruine of it Besides the Subjects from the example of their Prince will become studious of innovation and censure whatsoever Laws he prescribes in lieu of the old ones Those he gives if they please one will displease another it will be the only talk of the City Country and Market If he punish any opposer for it is not possible but disadvantage will be to many and the loser will speak he shall by all his faction be cried up for a Martyr and Patriot of his Country and Laws It will make Subjects diffident of their condition and fearful that having Property by the old Laws they shall lose all by new ones Yet there is nothing in this world can secure men and make their condition permanent For what is usually objected by seditious men against their Prince viz. the invading and not suffering freeborn Subjects to have the benefit of their antient Laws and Customs was imputed a crime to our late King who was persecuted by his own Subjects because he adhered to the known and received Laws of the Land for after the year 1642. there was not any Petition presented to the King by one or both Houses of Parliament but was against the established Laws of this Nation But no question it was not the Kings adherence to the Laws but the iniquity
absurd But if Solomon his offering a peace-offering for the people and his blessing the people be objected I answer it does signifie no more then a fathers blessing his children and praying to God that they may live peaceably But none of the Kings did ever offer a sin-offering or burn incense to the Lord without reprehension by God Out of this it is evident that God never forsook men before they Annot. 2 first did forsake him Adam did first eat the forbidden fruit before God drove him out of Paradise and cursed Mankind and the ground for his sake Then mankind sinned malitiously before God brought the general Cataclysme upon them and they made a wicked conspiracy before God confounded them at Babel but none were more malitiously stubborn than the Jewes who when they were enjoyned to observe the Ceremonial Law scarce ever observed it but went a whoring after the Gods of the Nations Moab Ammon Ashteroh c. yet since our Saviour hath fulfilled it never did men so superstituously observe any thing as they have done it And now Oh that I could more then powre forth all Jeremies lamentations in commiseration of thee O my Mother Church and Native Country much more deserving it then the Jewes in the Babilonish Captivity for Jeremiah foresaw their return and restitution whereas I cannot hope but that Christianity it self is in the very wayne here among us For not only Bishops and Priests are therefore hated because they are Christs Ministers and Puppets Mountebankes and Tryers set up in the place of them and not only all the carved works in the houses of God in despite of God are beaten down with Axes and Hammers and the houses themselves destroyed and made stables for horses but all the solemn days kept in commemoration and gratitude for our Saviours Nativity Passion Resurrection Ascention c. in despite of Christianity decryed as superstitious c. Sure as glorious Christian Churches as ever were in England have been in Africa c where were it not for some poore Christian slaves there is not so much as any footsteps of Christianity left The Contents of the Third Book THe First Chap. contains the causes of Subjection of Subjects to Supream Powers of Subjection of Children to Parents of Servants to Masters as also to them who have oversight over us in the Lord. The Second Chap. treats of succession of Princes in Hereditary Monarchies and discovers the fiction of the Salique Law in France and that it was a meer invention to exclude the just title of the Kings of England and has been ill observed by the French themselves when it did not conduce to their advantage The Third Chap. treats of the Municipal Laws of my dear and native Country before they became invaded and subverted by those men who in so many several shapes since 1640. have arrogated to themselves the name of Parliament THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. Of Subjection 1. IT is observed by a Writer that our Saviour Introduction in communicating the Cup to his Disciples as if he had foreseen that it would be detained from the Laity gave it in these words Drink ye all of it whereas in partaking of the Bread he said only take eat c. I am sure it is well worth the observation that the Holy Ghost as foreseeing the great abuses which should happen in the world by the specious pretences of Religion Conscience the Power of the People or Parliaments c. commands Subjection to Higher Powers not in certain cases but absolutely and not certain persons but every Soul is to be Subject to the Higher Rom. 13. 1. Powers 2. I say Supream or Regal Power being from God immediately by Subjection due by the Law of Nature to Soveraigns the Law of Nature it does necessarily follow that subjection of Subjects to their Soveraign is due by the Law of Nature nor can the relations be dissolved but by God himself I may I think without any affectation affirm that the Judges in Calvins case were as learned and upright as ever any before or since let us therefore see their resolutions 3. Those learned and upright Judges resolve tit Ligeance Ligeance What is Ligeance is a true and faithfull Obedience of the Subject due to his Soveraign This Ligeance and Obedience is an incident inseparable to every Subject for as soon as he is born he owes by birthright Ligeance and Obedience to his Soveraign Ligeantia est vinculum fidei quasi essentia Legis and a little after page 5. Ligeance does not begin by the Oath of the Leete For many men owe true Ligeance who were never sworn in the Leete Where note it is false if not Treasonable in Mr. Hobbs who affirms that the Knowledg Note of the Legislator does depend upon the Citizen For every man is as much a subject before he hath taken the Oath of Aligeance as after And see whatsoever is due by the constitution of man may be Pag. 25. tit 5. altered but natural Ligeance of the Subject to his Soveraign cannot be altered ergo natural Ligeance or Obedience to the Soveraign is not due by the Law or constitution of man And again whatsoever is due by the Law of Nature cannot be altered but Ligeance and Obedience of the Subject to the Soveraign is due by the Law of Nature ergo it cannot be altered Et qui abjurat regnum amittit regnum sed non regem amittit patriam sed non patrem Pag. 9. patriae 4. Ligeantia ac quisita or Denization is threefold First absolute to them Ligeantia acquisita Pag. 5. 6. and their heirs Secondly limited as when the King does grant Letters of Denization to an Alien and the Heirs Males of his body or for life The third is when the King by Conquest conquers another Kingdom or part of it the Antenati Postnati are Denizens of the Kingdom or Dominion so conquered Yet sure under correction the Postnati are not only Denizens but Natural Subjects For Power and Subjection being by the Law of Nature all men born in the Dominion of any Soveraign are his Natural Subjects and with this does Sir Ed. Coke agree If a man come into England and have issue two Sons these two Sons are Indigend Subjects born because they Com. Lit. pag. 88. are borne within the Realm that is in the Dominion of the King but if any be borne out of the Realm that is out of the Dominion of the King although of Natural Subjects to the King they are alienigena They therefore who are Postnati in the exercise of the Kings power by Conquest are his natural Subjects 5. Local Ligeance is when any Subject of France is in England or any English in France c. so long as he is in the power of the King he is de Local Ligeance tit 3. pag. 6. facto his Leigeman Therefore a Frenchman being in England joyned with divers Subjects of this
Realm in Treason against the King and Queen and the indictment concluded contra ligeantiae suae debitum For he owed the King a Local Obedience but if he have issue here that issue is a Natural born Subject and it is not caelum nec solum neither clymate nor soyle but Ligeantia which makes a natural Subject and therefore if Enemies possess any fort c. the issue borne there is no Subject of the Kings by as much reason those Subjects borne after Conquest by any King of England are his Natural Subjects 6. Legal Ligeance is when at suit of the King the Subject takes the Oath of Ligeance to the King which is You shall sweare that from this day â—igeantia Leâ—â—â—â—s tit 4. â—â—g 6. 7. forward you shall be true and faithful to our Soveraign the Lord King Charles his Heirs and truth and faith shall beare of life and member and Terrene honor and you shall neither know nor heare of any ill or damage intended unto him that you shall not defend so help you Almighty God The substance and effect hereof is due by the Law of Nature ex institutione natura the form and addition of the Oath is ex previsione hominis In this Oath five things are observed 1. For the time it is indefinite and without limit from this day forward Five observable things in the Oath of Ligeance 2. Two excellent things are required that is to be true and faithful 3. To whom To our Soveraign Lord the King and his heirs 4. In what manner And faith and troth shall bear c. of life and member that is until the letting out of the last drop of our dearest blood 5. Where and in what places ought these things to be done In all places whatsoever for You shall neither know nor hear of any ill or damage c. that you shall not defend c. So as Natural Ligeance is not circumscribed within any place 7. Subjection as well as Regality being by the Law of Nature Quae The consequent upon Subjects endeavoring to dissolve their subjection Deus conjunxit nemo separet And let no man or men ever think to mend what God hath made For besides the innocent blood which will be shed besides the rapine plunder sacrilegious profaning of all sacred things in the mending if God in his judgments doth permit seditious men to prosper in their wickedness so as they suppose they have attained their Ends yet their Ends never end in peace among themselves For abstracting from the general fear common to them all of the right Heirs recovering his right it cannot be expected that all Competitors will be pleased some will think others too great none will think themselves great enough They themselves have made a president to evade all subjection and obedience to Laws and Government by pretending Liberty and Reformation So that after so much bloodshed what can be expected but the shedding of more without ever hoping to have an end Well therefore says Sir Edward Coke Inst 3. p. 36. Peruse over all our Books Records and Histories and you shall find a principle in Law a rule in Reason and a trial in Experience That Treason does ever produce fatal and final destruction to the Offender and never attaineth to the desired end two incidents inseparable thereunto And therefore let all men abandon it as the most poisonous bait of the Devil of Hell and follow the precept of holy Scripture Fear God honor the King and meddle not with the seditious But it may be objected That though Subjects Allegiance be natural Object 1 or due by the Law of Nature yet since there cannot be any visible power under Heaven which can judge between an Usurper and rightful Prince what rule have Subjects to direct them to whom they owe their subjection or obedience Sol. It is true there is no visible Power under Heaven which can judge between an Usurper and rightful Prince but the Consciences of men Yet being natural a man may as well ask how a man shall know whether every Being be of less excellency then the Cause of its being or that things equal to a third are equal to one another I am confident that where the confusion was not made by Popular rage and usurpation since the begining of the world God did scarce ever leave men so destitute but they were morally certain to whom they did owe their Topical and Natural obedience But if Regal power be the Ordinance of God and Primogeniture be Object 2 preferred by the Law of Nature then can there be but one rightful King in all the world and he the first-born from Adam which no man can believe Answ I answer That though Primogeniture be preferred by the Law of Nature and immutable by the will of Man yet is not God subject thereunto but before the Flood he rejected Cain though the first-born of Adam and made him a Vagabond and none of the Patriarchs So in the first age after the Flood God subjected Canaan although the son of Ham Japhets elder brother to Japhet And so did God prefer Jacob before Esau and Gen. 9. 27. Ephraim before Manasses and Solomon before Adonijah Yet where and when God did not reveal himself to Man otherwise was ever Primogeniture preferred Nor can it in reason be expected that God should be so cruel a Taskmaster to require subjection upon penalty of Damnation if it were not evident to whom this subjection were due It is sufficient that Subjects pay their obedience to him against whose title no just or superior title can be taken Yet is not this subjection always to be understood of active subjection For no man is bound Government being intended for mans preservation not destruction actually so to submit to rightful Governors that he be morally certain of destruction therefore Yet ought every man rather to suffer death then actually to renounce or resist rightful Governors to whom by the Law of Nature they owe obedience Quaere 8. But suppose there be such a succession from an Usurper that not only the Heir to the Usurper but all men in his Government were born Subjects to him and his Ancestors from whom he is descended as in the time of Henry 6. when all men were born either in subjection to him his Father or Grandfather who had no colour or title to the Crown whether in such case may Subjects so born assist such a Prince against the right Heir I say I pray God avert the like from ever being again in the English Nation 'T is true the right Heir hath a just title of war against such a Prince but whether Subjects so born their being so born being no act of their will but was caused by a higher cause viz. the will of God may actually assist him to whom they were so born in subjection against him who hath the superior title I leave to God and mens consciences 9. But this Quaere can only
and for the reason De terra vero Salica nulla portio haereditalis mulieri veniat sed ad virilem sexum tota terrae haereditas perveniat Bodin de rep p. 745. 13. For the authority of it the learned do not agree by whom it was The authority of it by D'-Avila made nor whether any French King ever made any such or not D'avila in the beginning of the first book of the Civil wars in France recites the most probable conjecture which is That the French when they left their habitation to seek fresh quarters sate down at the river Sala which divides Misnia Westward from Turingia and there forsooth did agree to choose themselves a King and did make Constitutions which should be fundamental and unalterable ever after and those Constitutions being made at the river Sala are called Salique Laws 14. There is no story of Guy of Warwick Amadis de Gaule or the Dun How probable Cows rib but is of as much authority and probability as this For can it be imagined that a company of Rogues and Thieves going to rob and thieve at Gads-hill should agree at Greenwich to make unalterable Laws for their government and succession before they were possessed of any thing and what they make their Laws of is nothing but what they shall rob and cheat other men of 15. But Bodin will not undertake to tell by whom or when it was made Bodin's opinion it is strange you will say that making up his discourse almost of Histories he hath nothing to say for this he only saies it is not new as many men think but engraven in the most ancient tables of the Salians in these words De terra vero salica c. ut supra So Bodin names neither by whom nor when Para. 12. this Salique Law was made Did ever man infer so fondly that because the Salian women did not inherit therefore the French Crown cannot descend to women But mark now if this be a consequence The women of the Land of Salia do not inherit and therefore no female can inherit the French Monarchy then if the men of the Land of Salia will alter this constitution the descent of the French Monarchy is altered by an Act of the men of Salia for Cessante ratione legis cessat lex and sublata causa tollitur effectus In their contest with the Popes the Kings of France say they hold their Crown of God whereas if Bodin says true they hold it by a Law written in the Tables of the Salians I can say no more for the authority of this Law unless I should repeat the same things again out of De Serres and other learned French Historians 16. This Law cannot be altered by the King and Estates general The eternity of it I had thought that only the Laws of Nature had been unalterable It is a rule that Unumquodque dissolvi potest eo ligamine quo ligatum est And if this Salique Law be a constitution of Man by that power which made it a constitution by that power it may be altered 17. De terra vero Salica nulla portio haereditatis mulieri veniat sed ad virilem The reason of it sexum tota terrae hereditas perveniat Now let any man that is in his wits or understands any thing of the nature of a Law judge whether there be any shadow of reason in this For a Law is the rule or direction of him who does govern to be observed by them who are governed How then can the Crown of France descend according to the customs of the Salians if the French Crown be not subject to the men of Salia and they had given the King and his successors this unalterable Law of not descending to the female but where this country Salia should be I could never find so much as the name in any Geographer or Historian ancient or modern Sure the Romans so curious in searching and describing of Countries would not have overseen it especially the Emperor Julian warring so long in those parts of Germany not above sixty years before they suppose Pharameund departs out of Salia for to seek better quarters in Gaule 18. The two main parts of the Salique Law are That the Crown shall The two main parts of the Salique Law descend to the next heire male and if the heire be ana infant that the next Prince of the blood who is a Major shall during his minority be his Guardian and Regent Yet Bodin is fearful that the Salique Law was not bar enough against our Ed. the third being never before heard of saies Hailâ—n he saies pag. 745. Whenas the controversie concerning the Crown of France was between Philip Earl of Valoys and Ed. the third King of England Philip defended the Salique Law by the Voconian which ordained by the consent of the Fathers and Princes that in that controversie no man should use the authority of forrain Lawes but every one should study for his profit the Salique Law But when the question was 1563 whether Charles the ninth were a Major at fourteen years of Age currant or compleat the Parliament of Paris would have taken upon them to decide it when Charles sends them word I do not mean that you should deale in any thing but with the administration of good and speedie justice to my subjects understand hereafter that you are not confirmed in your offices by me to be my Tutors or Protectors of my Realm nor Governors of my City of Paris as hitherto you have perswaded your selves Besides Charles the seventh Anno 1420. was adjudged to banishment and unworthy to succeed in any of the signories of France by all the Courts of the Parliament of Paris And so about 7 years since was the Prince of Condi and so was Henry the forth by all the three Estates at the general assembly at Bloys Anno. 1588. So that is is evident that this immutable Law is not so inviolably kept by the French themselves when it does not serve their turn How should the Voconion Law oblige against Ed. the third and not the Acts of Parliament of Paris and general Assembly at Blois oblige against Charles the seventh and Henry the fourth for ubi eadem est ratio ibi idem est jus 19. There cannot be a more imprudent act then to make any one Ward The imprudence of the Salique Law to him who is his next heire especially to a Crown which frees any one from all attainders what then can be more imprudent then this part of the Salique Law which gives the pupil King into the hands of the next heire who murthering him makes way for himself to the Kingship By our Country Laws no man could be Guardian to the person of a Ward but the next of blood to whom the inheritance could not descend But this part of the eternal Law has not of late been observed by the French Nation whereas the contrary hath been
cum populi multitudine copiosa ac omnibus adhuc in eodem Parliamento personalit ' existent ' votis Regiis unanimiter consentientibus praeceptum decret ' fuit quod Monasterium Sancti Edmundi c. sit ab omni jurisdictione episcopor ' com' illius ex tunc imperpet ' funditus liberum exemptum c. Illustris rex Hardicanutus pred' regis Canuti filius haeres success ac sui patris vestigior ' devotus imitator c. cum laude favore Aegelnod ' Dorobornensis nunc Cantuariensis Alfrici Eborac ' episcopor ' aliorumque episcopor ' suffragan ' nec non cunctorum regni mei mandanorum principum descriptum constituit roboravitque praeceptum were Acts of Parliament Ibidem Rex Eldredus convocavit Magnatos Episcopos Proceres Optimates ad tractandum de publicis negotiis regni And this was a Parliament Inst 4. p. 3. But none of these you will say have the obligation of Laws upon us Well let us see those Acts of Parliament which have and what is the difference By the way no Acts of Parliament are now nor these 400 years have had the force of statute-Statute-Laws in England but those made in Henry the Third's time and since And what was the first and great Act of Magna charta but Henry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Magna Charta an Act of Parliament Ireland c. We have granted to God and by this our present Charter have confirmed for us and our heirs for ever That the Church of England shall be free and shall have all her whole rights and liberties inviolable We have granted also and given to all the Freemen of our Realm for us and our heirs for ever those Liberties underwritten to have and to hold to them and their heirs of us and our heirs for ever Note this great Charter which made the Church and Nota bene Kingdom of England the most free in the world was a free and voluntary act of an English Monarch in Parliament And all that violation and destruction of all those happy Grants and Concessions both in Church and State have been made by a cursed conspiracie of a factious and seditious company of men falsly and most injuriously arrogating to themselves the name of Parliament without and against the Kings good mind and pleasure Charta Foresta was Henry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Ireland Duke of Normandy and of Guyen c. We will that all Forests which King Henry our Grandfather afforested shall be viewed by good and lawful men c. Statutum Hiberniae was nothing else but Henry by the grace of God King of England c. To his trusty and welbeloved Gerard son of Maurice Justicer of Ireland greeting Commanding him to cause the Customs recited in the Act and used in England to be proclaimed and streightly kept and observed in Ireland Statutum de Anno Bissextili was The King unto the Justices of the An. 21. H. 3. Bench greeting c. The Statute intituled Assisa panis cervisiae was An. 51. H. 3. The King to all to whom these presents shall come greeting We have seen certain Ordinances c. Stat. de Scaccario The King commandeth that all manner of Bailiffs Sheriffs An. 51. H. 3. and other Officers as well Justices of Chester c. Statutes made in the Parliament at Marleborough wherein the King An. 52. H. 3. made these Acts Ordinances and Statutes underwritten which he willeth to be observed for ever firmly and inviolably of all his Subjects as well high as low Statute of Westminster the first were the Acts of Edward the son of An. 3. Ed. 1. Henry c. by his Council and the assent of Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and all the Commonalty of the Realm c. the King ordained and established these Acts underwritten which he intendeth to be necessary and profitable unto the whole Realm First the King willeth and commandeth that the peace of Holy Church and of the Land be well kept and maintained in all points and that common right be done to all as well poor as rich without respect of persons c. Statutes made at Gloucester where our Soveraign Lord the King for An. 6. Ed. 1. the amendment of the Land and for the relief of his people c. hath provided and established these Laws underwritten willing and commanding that from henceforth they be firmly observed within the Realm Statute of Rutland hath no other title then The King to his Treasurer An. 10. Ed. 1. and Barons of the Exchequer and to his Chamberlains greeting c. Articuli super Chartas were Grants in Parliament made by the King An. 20. Ed. 1. at the request of the Prelates Earls and Barons assembled in Parliament Note the Commons are not so much as named in these Acts of Parliament The Statute of Quo Warranto made at Gloucester and Statute de Protectionibus An. 30. Ed. 1. An. 33. Ed. 1. made at Westminster the King only speaks Stat. de conjunctim Feoffatis The King unto all to whom these c. An. 34. Ed. 1. greeting And after the recital of the things contained in the Act it is said In witness of which thing we have caused these our Letters Patents I my self being Witness at Westminster Statute of Amortising of Land made by Ed. 1. only the King speaketh Ordinatio pro statu Hiberniae made 17 Ed. 1. the King speaketh by the assent of his Council Statute Ne Rector prosternat arbores in coemiterio only the King speaketh and neither Council nor Parliament mentioned An. 35 Ed. 1. Statute for Knights hath no other title then Our Lord the King hath An. 1. Ed. 2. granted c. And Stat. de frangentibus prisonam 1 Ed. 2. hath nothing to create it a Law but The King willeth and commandeth and neither Parliament nor Council named in either of them Articuli Cleri made at Lincoln the King and his Council are named An. 9. Ed. 2. The Statute of York was made by the King by the assent of the Prelates An. 12. Ed. 2. Earls Barons and Commonalty there assembled So that in these three Kings reign although the King did enact them in Parliament yet the manner was different almost in all In Ed. 3. his time was the form of enacting Laws truly defined and An. 1. Ed. 3. much used by him and the subsequent Kings At the Parliament holden at Westminster King Edward at the request of the Commonalty and by their Petition made before him and his Council in the Parliament and by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other great men assembled at that Parliament hath granted c. In the next Parliament holden at Northampton the Laws are made by An. 2. Ed. 3. him and by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other great
men and all the Commonalty assembled in Parliament Statutes made at Westminster were enacted by the King his Prelates An. 4. Ed. 3. Earls Barons and other of the same Parliament at the request of the Commons Statutes made at Westminster The King by the assent of the Prelates An. 5. Ed. 3. Earls Barons and other great men of the Realm at the request of his people granted and established c. Statutes made at York were enacted by the King in Parliament upon An. 9. Ed. 3. the Petition of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses Statute of Money made at York was enacted by the King with the An. 9. Ed. 3. assent of the Prelates Earls and Barons and the Commons not so much as named Statutes made at Westminster were made and established by the King An. 10. Ed. 3. with the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other Nobles of this Realm and at the request of the Knights and Commons Statutes of Purveyors made at Westminster were enacted by the King An. 10. Ed. 3. with the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and also at the request of the Knights of the Shires and the Commons by their petitions put in the said Parliament Statutes made at Westminster were to the honor of God and of Holy An. 14 Ed. 3. Church by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other assembled at Parliament And see almost all the Acts of Parliament in Ed. 3. his time after in Rich. 2. Hen. 4. Hen. 5. Hen. 6. Ed. 4. Rich. 3. the King always made the Law and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal did assent at the instance request or petition of the Commons or by the King with the assent of the Lords and Commons which was not or but rarely used unless in Rich. 2. his time In Hen. 7. his time the Commons got to have their assent as well as the Lords in passing Laws And this manner of passing Laws continued generally until Edward the Sixth's time where they were sometime made by the King with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament and sometime by the Parliament But the form of enacting Laws by the King and the Lords Spiritual Temporal and Commons assembled in Parliament was seldom or never used before Queen Maries time So that it is as clear as the Sun at noon-day That a King of England Sessions of Parliaments do not derogate from Regal Power by the ancient usages of this Nation is as free and absolute in the Session of Parliament as out And the Act of a King in Parliament is the free and voluntary Act of an absolute Monarch for the Act of the King in Parliament passed by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and at the Petition of the Commons is not less the act of the King because it is so passed unless a man will deny that my Will being a faculty of my Soul cannot imperate an act if it takes information from my Understanding or Reason Reason and Understanding being in proportion to the Will as Counsel is to a Law King Charles of Sacred memory commends to his Son the then Prince of Wales in his last Letter and Admonition to him though for his own particular he had little Reason God knows so to do the frequent use of Parliaments as the best means by which Laws may be received of the Subjects and diffused to all parts of the Nation and to hold a right understanding between the King and his Subjects But as nullum medicamentum est idem omnibus nay the same Medicine at one time may kill the same person which at another time may cure him And that thing which at one time may be a very probable reason of an action at another time may be none at all or quite contrary to Reason So in Reasons of State that may be a very probable reason at one time which may be none at all or perhaps destructive at another time As Henry the Third had great Reason of State to form a House of Commons and endue it with large priviledges to secure himself against a stubborn and rebellious Nobility But King Charles had not the same Reason of State to indulge the House of Commons contriving the destruction of himself the Church and Nobility Laws and Liberties of this Nation Edward the First had great Reason of State to call a Parliament and to pass the Act De Tallagio non concedendo for otherwise as the state of affairs then stood he could neither get money to assist his Friend and Ally the Earl of Flanders nor relieve his distressed Subjects in Aquitaine oppressed by the French King which Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon this Statute observes but King Charles had not the same Reason of State to call the Parliament in 1640. who instead of assisting their natural Sovereign against a Rebellious Rabble of Mungrel Hebrides and Lysisks give them Three hundred thousand pounds to be exported out of the Kingdom for their Brotherly assistance Edward the First had great Reason of State to pass the Statute of Mortmaine when as men were so superstitiously given that no man thought he could merit Heaven if he gave nothing to the Church whereby such large Revenues accrued to the Church that the third part of the Revenues of the Nation was in Church-mens hands who pretending exemption from the Temporal Power if some remedy were not taken the King would probably be left destitute of means to protect himself and his Subjects yet is there not now that Reason of State when in a Sacrilegious age all the Patrimony of the Church goes to wrack and ruine and men of Badges of Sacriledge make marks of Saintship It were endless to enumerate how Reasons of State vary with the times It must suffice that there be means always in the Supream Power to remedy and cure the maladies and mischiefs of State as they arise and represent themselves Yet it is a remarkable thing That they who oblige Kings and Supream Powers to their own Laws will never be obliged by either their own or any Laws of God if ever the Supremacy comes to be vested in them and let any man shew me in Five hundred years one time wherein the Kings of England did alter the Laws out of Parliament and I will shew him an hundred times in seven years where men arrogating to themselves the name of Parliament have altered the Laws without the King They who oblige Supream Powers to Humane Laws the Conditions must oblige God too to such things as is contained in those Laws and Conditions or else it is impossible for Powers to protect their Subjects But Corruptio optimi est pessima there were never so vile things done as have been by Parliaments or by men calling themselves so Sir Edward Inst 4. page 37 38. Coke being always mightily in love with Parliaments gives instances but in two viz. Thomas Cromwel Earl of
to instance the Acts of Parliament which give one Jointenant a power to compell the others to sue a Writ of Partition which was denied at common-Common-Law and right of Entry where they were put to their Cui in vita c. It may suffice that in no Kings reign there have not been Acts of Parliament which have been so far from making declarations of the Common-Law that they have made manifest alterations in it And as the Common-Law hath no force nor reason against an Act of Parliament so hath no particular Custom any force or reason against it for no man can prescribe against an Act of Parliament and all Lands in Gavel-kind were particular Customs but taken away by Act of Parliament And many Acts of Parliament have not declared the Succession of the English Diadem according to the usual custom thereof but made manifest alteration thereof as in the Succession of Hen. 4. 5. 6. Rich. 3. Hen. 7. 8. which being unjust and the cause not depending upon Humane laws ought not to be obeyed Nor secondly is that a less error that Judicial Records are equivalent to Acts of Parliament for they are so far from being equal to Acts of Parliament that in truth they are no Laws but Inferences and Conclusions which are deduced from Laws For there is not any Judicial Record which is not unjust if it cannot truly and ultimately be resolved in some general or particular Custom Act of the Parliament or grant of the King So that Acts of Parliament the Common Law Particular Customs and Prescriptions and Royal Grants are as Axioms Postulata or Principles in Arts or Sciences and Judicial Records Reported Cases and Yearsbooks are Inferences Conclusions or Sciences deduced from Acts of Parliament the Common Law and particular Customs of this Land or Concessions of the King Touching Royal Government Royal Government being the ordinance of God and from the Law of Nature is paramount to all Humane laws and the prime and efficient cause of them they cannot therefore declare the cause so as to create any obligation of what they are but the effects and from whence derived We have thus far treated of the means by which the Kings of this Nation have until 1640. governed and preserved their Subjects internally But because it is the office of Kings to preserve their Subjects as well from foreign force as internal broil there is yet something wanting of which we have not treated viz. The power of making War and Peace and maintaining Alliance and Traffique Of these in regard they refer to Foreign powers and jurisdictions and are not subject to the Laws of the Nation we shall forbear to treat only affirming that it is necessary that at all times this power must be so vested in the King that at all times he may have the aids and assistance of his Subjects in prosecution of the Ends aforesaid The end of the Third Book The Contents of the Fourth Book HAving thus far treated of all created Rights and the causes of all Laws and created Powers and Vertues and these being previous and necessary to all Justice and Obedience We in this Book descend to treat of Justice in the first Chap. as the most eminent and noble of all Humane vertues it being that which not only conserves private Families but all Nations and Kingdoms in unity peace and society and demonstrate it neither to be in Geometrical proportion as Plato would nor Arithmetical proportion as Zenophon held nor in Harmonical proportion as Bodin taught Nor is that corrective and distributive Justice which Aristotle affirmed to be in Arithmetical and in Geometrical proportion The Second Chap. treats of Obedience and shews how that it necessarily proceeds and yet is different from Justice The Third Chap. treats of Judgment and shews how it differs from Law and Justice The Fourth Chap. treats of Equity and shews how it differs from Judgment and how necessary Courts of Equity as well as Judicature are THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Of Justice 1. JUstitia est habitus animi communi utilitate Cicero's definition of Justice servata suum cuique tribuens Societatem conjunctionis Humanae munifice atque aequè tuens Justice is a habit of the Minde common utility being conserved giving to every one their right and bountifully and equally Cicero lib. 1. de legibus defending the Society of Mankinde Et Justitia est quae suum cuique distribuit Justice is that which does distribute to every man what is his right Where he says That Justitia est obtemperatio scriptis legibus we will shew that is not properly Justice but Obedience onely 2. Justice is the upright doing of an act conserving Society in that Quid sit Justitia formality as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it Justice is the doing of a just action the doing of a just action is the upright doing of any act as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it preserving Peace and Society I say Justice must have these two properties viz. upright doing that is abstraction from all affections of love hate or self-interest and the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act Other actions proceeding from Wisdom Reason Experiment or Discourse c. are prudent profitable c. but none are just or honest actions which cannot be truly and ultimately resolved into the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act So Quotuplex that Justice is twofold either commanded or permitted 3. Injustice is the abuse or falsifying the Law or Command of him What is Injustice who by right commands to the hurt or prejudice of another As a Law preceding and Integrity are inseparable incidents to Justice so Hypocracy seeming just and yet abusing or falsifying a Law and the damage of another or more are incidents inseparable to injustice 4. Let us see who may by right command and who are obliged to do God commands by highest right in conformity to their Laws and Commands I say God by highest right ought to command all the created things in Heaven and Earth and all Creatures are chiefly and absolutely obliged to do whatsoever he commands without any reasoning or disputing why he so commands For the earth is Psal 24. 1. Job 41. 11. Psal 50. 12. the Lords and all that therein is the compass of the World and all that dwell therein And whatsoever is under the whole Heaven is Gods and the World is mine and the fulness thereof All Gods commands therefore have a like and equal influence upon all his Creatures all Creatures as compared to him are alike vile and between him and them is no proportion To abuse then or falsifie any Law of God or Nature to the hurt or prejudice of another is a sin of injustice in all Gods Creatures and
as Judicial The end of the Fourth Book The Contents of the Fifth Book HAving before treated of the Causes of all Regal and Ecclesiastical power and having in the last Chapter of the Third Book treated of the Laws and Civil Government of this Nation being the exercise of Regal power in reference to the publick preservation of Peace and Society in it In this First Chap. we shall treat how far Ecclesiastical power has been exercised in this Nation and by whom Whether originally the Britanick and English-Saxon Churches were free or subject to the Papal power quoad exercitium And whether as well before the Conquest as after the Kings of this Nation were not Nursing Fathers to the Church of Christ And whether always before the Conquest the Royal Government did not extend as well to the Persons as Possessions of Ecclesiastical persons And whether all Bishopricks were not originally of the Kings foundation In the reciting the Ecclesiastical Laws made by the Kings and Queens of this Realm we shall observe three periods viz. The Ecclesiastical Laws made by the Kings of England before the Conquest The Laws made by the Conqueror and subsequent Kings until Henry the Eighth And lastly the Laws made by him and the Kings and Queens after him until the end of King Charls his Reign Note good Reader that in the reciting of these Laws I do not affirm that these Laws made by the Kings of this Realm did never incroach upon that Ghostly power which our Saviour by Divine positive institution left only to his Church and therefore make no construction upon them but only when they are recited and objected as Authorities against that Power My designe is to shew having already demonstrated that by the Law of Nature the persons of all Subjects born in the dominion of rightful Kings are their natural Subjects which is an indelible character and can never be washed out and therefore Subjects being Ecclesiastical persons cannot free them from it And that all priviledges and endowments which Ecclesiastical persons enjoy besides their ghostly power is created by the King That the exercise of the Kings power over the persons and possessions of Ecclesiasticks as also Laws made by them for the order and preservation of the extern peace of the Church is no new thing as hath been by some objected THE FIFTH BOOK CHAP. I. How far the Kings Popes and Bishops of England have exercised their Spiritual Jurisdiction in England before Henry the Eighth IT cannot sure be reasonably denied Apology by any man but that Ignorance is the mother of all Error nor is any man better in any kind whatsoever for being innurtured or ignorant We daily see no where more feuds If learning or knowledge were the cause of dissentions or distractions how then comes it to pass that all dissentions are determined by learned and knowing men or else they would be endless and dissentions then among ignorant and mean men which were there not Laws to decide their difference would be endless and Mankind left in a worse condition then any other creatures Nor is Education and Learning any cause of the dissentions and debates which arise among learned and better educated men but some internal cause proceeding from pride or some other appetitions or affection in them And though Education and Learning does not totally alter mens natures from bad to good yet does it soften mens manners and makes them not to be so bruitish as those who are destitute of Learning and Civil breeding For Didicisse fideliter Artes Emollit mores nec sinit esse feros It is true indeed that in that state in which God hath placed all men here they do not see all things truly but men are and always were and will be subject to humane error and frailty and in many things notwithstanding all the arts and helps which can be devised men will never be reconciled But that men should therefore condemn all Science and Learning is like to a man that if he sees and hears not all things distinctly and clearly although it may be he sees and hears well enough to do things which are necessary for his conservation that therefore he will put out his eyes and have his ears always stopped Nor shall ever ignorance of any mans duty totally excuse him for his not observance of Laws be they Divine or Humane Nor shall the blind belief of Subjects in their Superiors whether Ecclesiastical or Temporal ever totally excuse them from those things which are due and they believe that they owe to God I am not so very a Hobbian as to believe that it is impossible for Supreme powers to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature nor yet so very a Papalian as to think that the Pope is infallible Especially since it is evident that Aarons joining with the people in their idolatry did not excuse Exod. 32. the Israelites of old nor did the command of both King and Priests ever under the Old Law excuse the subject Israelites from Gods judgments upon them for their idolatry Nor is this very opinion of them in the Church of Rome of the Popes infallibility believed by themselves however urged against others who are not of her communion For then were not only General Councils supervacaneous and useless things but also there could be no difference among them which is superior a Pope or General Council Nor do they less deny it in their practice then their opinion For when Sixtus Quintus had excommunicated 9 Sept. 1585. the King of Navar and Prince of Conde and as he affirmed made them uncapable of succession to the French Monarchy yet were most part of the French troubled at it doubting the Priviledges of the Gallic Church would be trodden under foot which they needed not have doubted or feared if they had believed the Pope to have been infallible and all the Parliament of Paris who were all of the Church of Rome desired the King Henry the Third to have the Bull torne in pieces as you may read Davila 575. And the Parliaments of Chalons and Tours did not only decree the Bull of Gregory 14. to the Prelates and Catholiques of the Kings party under pain of Excommunication of being deprived of their Dignities and Benefices and of being used as Hereticks and Sectaries that within a certain time they should withdraw themselves from those places that yielded obedience to Henry of Bourbon and from the union and fellowship of his Faction to be publikely burnt but it was so far rejected and scorned by the very Prelates and all other Catholiques of the Kings party that it did extreamly confirm them all in the Kings obedience being before unsetled and inclining to the Cardinal of Bourbons faction as you may read more at large in the Twelfth book of Davila's History But it may be they will say That this was not in matter of Faith and that the Popes infallibility is affixed to Faith
this Popes Letter but pleaded the Fundamental Laws and Customs of the Land Consuetudo regni mei est à patre meo instituta ut nullius praeter licentiam Regis appelletur Papae qui consuetudines regni mei tollit potestatem quoque coronam Regis violat It is a Custom of my Kingdom instituted by my Father that no man may appeal to the Pope without the Kings licence He that takes away the Customs of my Kingdom doth violate the Power and Crown of the King And these Laws were no other then the Laws of the Confessor viz. the old Saxon Laws but also in the execution of these things the Bishops of England adhered to the King and Laws and denied their suffrage to their Primate as you may read in the Bishop of Derry's Vindication of the Church of England p. 63 64. 14. After pag. 65. he instances out of Sir Hen Spelman conc an 78. Legations as rare as Appeals before the Conquest that Gregory Bishop of Ostium the Popes Legate did confess that he was the first Roman Priest that was sent into these parts of Britain from the time of Austin and that those Legates were no other then ordinary Messengers or Ambassadors sent from one Neighbour to another Such a thing as Legantine Court or a Nuntio's Court was not known in the British world and long after 15. See Speed in the Life of Stephen para 4. where Stephen having The Pope and all the English Hierarchy conspire with Stephen against Maud the undoubted Heir of Henry the first entred his Government in the year of our Lord 1135. the 2. of December and was crowned at Westminster the 26. of the same moneth being S Stephen's day by William Corbel the Archbishop of Canterbury who with the rest of the Bishops doing him homage and knowing now he would yield to any conditions for performance whereof his brother the Bishop of Winchester did there engage himself for a Pledge they all took their Oath of Allegiance conditionally traiterously I might say to obey him as their King so long as he should preserve their Liberties and the vigor of Discipline And that the Lay-Barons made use also of this policy appeareth by Robert Earl of Gloucester who sware to be true Liegeman to the King as long as the King would preserve to him his dignity and keep all covenants c. And having buried the body of Henry the First he went to Oxford where he acknowledged he attained the Crown by Election only and that the Pope Innocentius confirmed the same 16. The next contest which after Anselm happened between the King The second contest between the King and Pope and from what cause and the Pope was caused by Tho. Becket Archbishop of Canterbury For Stephen the Usurper having made a Law whereby the Temporal Judges might not meddle with Ecclesiastical persons Henry the Second upon many disorders committed by the Clergy did repeal this Law and restored the antient Laws of this Realm commonly called Avitae leges whereby the persons of Priests were not exempted from being judged by the Temporal Judges And though the Archbishop sware to observe the Laws restored by the King yet was he absolved by Pope Alexander 3. Nor could the Archbishop ever after be brought to conform to the Laws called Avitae leges which was the cause of his assassination and of great trouble to the King and Realm And whether this man did deserve to be canonized for his stubborn disobedience to the Laws of his Country which no ways concerned Faith but only Civil and Temporal obedience and those not new neither but a restitution of the antient Laws let any man judge 17. The first occasion of the quarrel between King John and Innocent The quarrel between King John and the Pope the Third was Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury being dead the Monks of S. Augustine in that City elected without any licence of the King one Rainold and took an oath of him to go to Rome and take his investiture from the Pope The King incensed hereat caused John Gray to be chosen and desired the Pope to ratifie this last choice The Pope notwithstanding confirms the former The King hereupon grows angry and divers of the Monks against their own act refuse to accept him The Pope although Rainold were chosen by the Monks and confirmed by the Pope adviseth the Monks to choose Stephen Langton the Monks do so the King is highly exasperated and forbids all Appeals to Rome and did alleadge that he had Bishops Prelates Nobles and Magistrates of his own who could according to the Laws of the Land decide and determine all Controversies which should arise in Church or Commonweal The Pope insisted upon the election of the Cardinal Stephen Langton was Cardinal of Chirsogone and required the King not only to give him the quiet possession of the See but also to recall all such Monks as were exiled and to restore them to their Goods which were seised on by the King for the last choice and for default to interdict him and the whole Realm The King is so far from obeying that he seised upon the Lands and Goods of those Bishops to whom the Pope had forsooth given the power of Interdiction The Pope constant in his resolutions by Pandulphus and Durant interdicts the King and Kingdom and gives it the French King King John driven into a great strait gives his Crown and Kingdom to the Pope he good man had before given it to the French King Philip the second sirnamed Augustus and his son Lewis had gotten such footing in England that he would not be gotten out The Pope interdicts both father and son but his curses took not such place that they would give over what they had gotten by the first grant nor did these troubles end until the English Nation uniting themselves under Henry 3. did by plain force drive Lewis out of England to such an insufferable height was the Papacy grown in those days 18. Although the stubborn Barons made Henry 3. swear to observe The Bishops in H. 2 his reign conspire against him the Ordinances made in the Mad Parliament at Oxford and the Archbishop of Canterbury and nine other Bishops did denounce a Curse against all those who either by direction arms or otherwise should withstand the Ordinance of the Twelve Peers which gave the exercise of all Regality to them yet did the Pope absolve him from it very easily Addit Matth. Paris 990. 19. How zealous the most noble Prince Edward the first was in the Contests between the Pope and Ed. 2. cause of Christianity and how observant of the Papal power is evident by his victorious Voyage into Holy Land But he afterwards became hated by the Churchmen both in respect of the Statute of Mortmain made in the fourth year of his Reign and also because that by the advice of William Marchyan his chiefest Treasurer he seised into his hands the
Plate Jewels and Treasure of the Churches and Religious Houses within the Realm and compelled the Clergy to give him the one half of one years value of all their Ecclesiastical promotions and dignities But such was the felicity of this Prince that neither Pope nor Clergy durst openly oppugne him but in the 27. year of his Reign at the request of Boniface 8. says Martin he set John Baliol adjudged by Edward before King of Scotland at liberty And having conquered Scotland in the 33. year of his Reign Robert Bruce procured an Instrument from the Pope that the Kingdom of Scotland was holden of the Church of Rome and therefore required the King to desist from the prosecution of his Wars there But how little King Edward regarded this Instrument and what answer he returned to the Pope you may read in our English Chronicles nor do I finde that ever more prosecution was made by the Pope in this Kings life-time 20. From this time until Henry the Eighth the Kings of England and In the reign of Hen. 4. the Popes kept so good correspondence that they never went so far as Excommunication or Interdiction on the Popes part and how far the Kings did restrain the Popes jurisdiction in their several reigns after the Conquest shall be shewed in Chap. 3. Yet I cannot pass over one thing of the whole Hierarchy of the Church of England except only the Bishop of Carlisle who all factiously and traiterously conspired or adhered to Henry the Fourth his unjust Usurpation and Deposition of their Soveraign Richard the Second CHAP. II. Of Ecclesiastical Laws made by the Saxon and Danish Kings before the Conquest I Inas by Gods gift King of the West-Saxons by the advice and instruction Inas began to reign in the year of Christ 712 died 727. of Cenredes my Father and Heddes my Bishop and Eorkenwoldes my Bishop and with all my * Counsellors Earls Ealdermen and them of best birth of the Wisest of my people and eke in a great Assembly of Gods Servants did religiously study as well for the health of my soul as for the common profit of our Kingdom that right Laws of Marriage and just Judgment be firmly established through every folk and that hereafter it shall not be lawful for any Ealderman or any under our rule to make void these our Dooms or Judgments Cap. 1. Of the Rule of Gods Servants First we command that Gods Servants have a right rule of living After that we command all folk to observe these Laws and Dooms or Judgments Cap. 2. Of Children A Child shall be baptized within thirty days after it be born if that be not done let thirty shillings be forfeited If that it die before it be baptized he shall forfeit all he hath Cap. 3. Of working upon Sunday If a Slave work on Sunday by his Masters command let him be free and the Master shall pay thirty shillings But if the Servant did his work without command of his Master beat his hide or make him to fear a hide-beating If a Free servant do any work without his Masters bidding let him forfeit his freedom or sixty shillings and a Priest double so much Cap. 4. Of First-fruits First-fruits shall be paid upon the Mass of S. Martin he who shall not then pay them shall forfeit forty shillings and pay twelvefold the value of the fruits Cap. 5. Of Church-Priviledge or Sanctuary If any man guilty of death flee to the Church let his life be spared and let right be done to him And if any man deserving stripes implores help of the Church let him be remitted his stripes Cap. 6. Of Fighting If a man strike in the Kings house he shall forfeit all he hath and let it depend upon the Kings judgment whether he shall lose his life If one strike in a * Cathedral Church Minster he shall pay one hundred and twenty shillings c. Cap. 62. Of First fruits Every man shall pay First-fruits for the Roof and Hearth where he shall be upon the day of the birth of our Saviour Cap. 75. Of the killing of Godfather or Godson If any one shall slay his Godson or his Godfather he shall compensate so much to his next of kin as the compensation due to his Lord had been And this payment to the value of him which is killed shall be increased or lessened accordingly as the payment to the Lord for the Servant killed should have been performed If it be the Kings Godson which is killed he shall satisfie the King and his kindred but if the next of kin kills him he shall pay to the Godfather so much as should have been paid to the Lord for the slaughter of his Servant If he be a Bishops son he shall pay half so much Ecclesiastical Laws made by King Alfred or Alured who began to reign in the Year 871. The Preface GOD did speak these words to Moses and thus said I am the Lord thy God I led thee out of Egypt land and of the house of bondage Thou shalt not choose other Gods before me Do not take my Name in idleness for I will not hold him innocent who on idleness taketh my Name Remember thou keep holy the Seventh day Do thy work on six days and on the Seventh rest thou and thy son and thy daughter thy servant and handmaid and thy work-cattel and the stranger that is within thy door For on six days Christ made heaven and earth sea and all things thereon were created by him and rested on the Seventh day and therefore the Lord hallowed it Honor thy Father and thy Mother whom the Lord gave thee that thou maist live long on earth Thou shalt not kill Thou shalt not steal Thou shalt not commit adultery Nor report false witness of thy neighbor nor covet thou thy neighbors inheritance without right Nor work golden gods or silver Thou shalt constitute these Judgments If a man buy a Christian man he shall serve six years the seventh let him be free without cost With the same vestment he came in with the same let him go out if he have a wife let her go out with him if his Lord gave him his wife she and her * * Children bearns are the Lords But if the servant shall say I will not part from my Lord nor from my wife nor from my children nor from my work then let his Lord bring him to the door of the Temple and there let him bore his ear with an eal for a sign that ever after he is his servant If any man sell his daughter for an handmaid he shall not use her as an handmaid he shall use her courteously neither shall he sell her to other folk and if she be negligent let him be pacified let him set her free to stranger folk if he ally her to his son in marriage let him give a garment the reward of her modesty and endow
in himself from the seed of the Devil And if he hath misled any one out of the way that he might make any gain thereof let him carefully reduce him to the right way This is that which I will If he shall have provoked any one to sin let him do to him what is necessary viz. Let him reclaim him from his sins and again lead him in the right way He who diligently dehorts another from his sins renders his own the lighter 17. This judgment every one by the councel of his Confessor may give himself who with a constant mind will break off his sins and correct them viz. Let him distribute for Gods love all he hath let him leave with them lands country and all the desirable things of this world and serve the Lord day and night and endeavor by all the power he can against his worldly desires all the daies of his life What then is left that by exhorting others he gathers to him for the study of godliness by all possible means he can Here in these following shall be said how any Sick man may redeem his declared Fast 18. Every man may redeem the fast of one day with one penny and any one may redeem the fast of one day with two hundred and twenty Psalms and any one may redeem the fast of twelve moneths with 30s. or by setting free any one of that price And for one daies fast let him sing six times Beati and also six times Pater noster and for the fast of one day let that man bend his knee and bow himself to the ground sixty times saying Pater noster And also a man may absolve the fast of one day if in his prayers to God he through all his members lift up himself to God by true confession and right faith and fifteen times sing Miserere mei Deus and also Pater noster fifteen times Then is a lightening of the sins of the whole day granted to him 19. Any man may absolve a seven Winters fast in one year if he daily shall sing the Psalms of the Psalter and do the same at night and fifty on the evening one Mass may absolve the fast of twelve daies and with ten Masses the fast of four moneths may be bought off and with thirty Masses the fast of a whole year may be bought off if any man will out of true love to God intercede for himself and confess his sins to his Confessor and amend those things as he is bidden and alwaies afterward avoid them Of the Penance of Mighty men 1. Thus a mighty man and having many friends may by the help of his friends mitigate his penance First in the name of God and by the testimony of his Confessor let him manifest a right faith and forgive all who may have sinned against him and make his confession without any omission of his sins and endeavour to repent and take his penance with much grief 2. Then let him lay down his Arms and unprofitable things and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and taking his staff in his hand let him go diligently barefoot and let him use hair-shirts nor come on a bed but lie in a cottage and do this the number of seven years and prepare himself three years on this manner and take to his aid twelve of his companions let them fast three daies with bread crude pottage and water and let him get as well as he can to finish the work seven times an hundred and twenty men who may every one of them fast for his sake three daies so the number of these Fasts will amount to so many Fasts as there are daies in the seven years 3. When any one fasts let him distribute the dishes wherein his meat was to all the poor men of God and in the three daies of his Fast let him lay aside all worldly business and day and night as often as he can go to Church and diligently watch there in Alms light and cry to God and beg remission of sins with a sorrowful spirit and bended knees Also let him often stretch himself upon the sign of the Cross now standing upright now prostrate upon the ground and let every mighty man learn sincerely to weep and deplore his sins and also on those three daies feed as many poor men as he can upon the fourth let him stoop down to wash their feet and let there upon the same day be celebrated for the Penitent so many Masses as any one can by any means perform and on the time of the Masses let him be absolved and then let him take the Eucharist unless that through too much guilt he be so hindred that he dares not take it Yet let him promise for the future as much as in him lies alwaies to do well and whilst he lives by Gods help to avoid injustice so as he may alwaies and rightly hold his Christendom and renounce Heathenism Minde O ye Ministers of God his words and diligently correct his works that so he may set up all Justice and by the help of God as much as in him lies destroy Injustice It is very necessary he should perform that to God even in the least thing which he hath promised 4. This is the lightening of the penance of Great men who abound in many friends But it is not granted to an Indigent man to proceed so It is therefore expedient more strongly to exact this of him and that as is meet that every one should wash away his sins and undergo himself his correction Scriptum est enim Quia unusquisque onus suum portabit These Canons are set out in the Original by Abraham VVheelock and by him translated into Latine in his Addition to the History of Bede between the Laws of King Edgar and Ethelred pag. 65. until 88. Ecclesiastical Laws made by Canutus who began to reign in the year of our Lord 1016. THis is the Decree which Canutus King of England of Denmark and Norway by the counsel of the wise men to the glory of the Immortal God the ornament of the Royal Majesty and the utility of the people hath ordained at Winchester upon * * Christmas day Midwintertide 1. First of all let all men devoutly and holily worship only one God and strictly hold themselves to one rule of Christian religion and obey with all faith and observance King Canutus 2. And protect Gods Church and defend it and frequent it as well for the health of our soul as the commodity of others It is meet that one peace be comprehended in all Christian Churches and also that all Christian men have it in great veneration For Gods peace is to be wished for before other things next after that the Kings peace is to be kept It is therefore very meet that the peace of the Church of God and the tranquillity delivered into the Kings hand be alwaies kept inviolable If any man shall violate either let him be fined and suffer death
often gone out of the Church and Priests houses having restored the thing taken away let him abjure the Province and not return and if by chance he shall return let no man presume to entertain him unless he have leave from the King Of breaking the Peace of the Church If any one shall violently infringe the Peace of the Church the Justice Cap. 7. belongs to the Bishops but if one guilty in avoiding their Judgement or arrogantly contemning it shall despise it let the complaint thereof be brought to the King within forty days and let the Kings Justice make him give Security and Pledges if he can get them until he first give God afterward the Church satisfaction But if within one and thirty days either by his friends or acquaintance or by the Justice of the King he cannot be found out the King shall Outlaw him by the word of his own mouth i. e. he shall be excluded out of all protection of the King But if after he shall be found and can be retained let him be restored alive to the King or his head if he shall defend himself Lupinum enim gerit caput which in English is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is the common and general Law concerning all men Outlawed Of the Tithes to be restored to the Church of Sheep and Hoggs 8. The tenth sheaf of all kinde of corn is due to God and therefore to be restored to God And if any one hath a company of Mares let him restore the tenth colt to God he who hath but one or two for every single colt one single peny In like maner who hath many Cowes the tenth calf who hath but one or two for every calf one single halfpeny and who make Cheese give to God the tenth but if he make none milk the tenth day In like maner the tenth Lamb the tenth Fleece the tenth Cheese the tenth Butter and the tenth Hogg Of Bees In like maner the tenth of the profit of Bees as also of under-Wood In some these two Chapters are joyned of Meadow and Waters and Mills Parks Warrens Fishponds tender Sprouts and Gardens and Merchandize and all other things which God shall give the tenth part is to be restored to him who gave the nine parts together with the tenth who shall have detained it let him be compelled to restitution by the Justice of the Bishop and King if need be For these things St. Augustine hath Preached and are granted by the King Barons and People but afterwards by the instinct of the Devil many have detained it and Priests careless of growing rich did not care to take pains to get them because they had sufficient means of living For in many places now there are three or four Churches where then there was but onely one and so they began to be diminished Of them who are judged to be brought to Judgment or Water by the Cap. 9. Justice of the King In that day wherein Judgment ought to be done let the Minister of the Bishop and his Clerks come thither and in like manner the Justice of the King with Legal men of that Province who may see and hear that all things be rightly done and whom the Lord by his mercy will save let them be quit and freely depart and whom the iniquity of the fault the Lord shall not condemn let the Justice of the King do justice upon them But the Barons who have their jurisdiction of their men let them see that they do so concerning them as they incur not displeasure with God and offend not the King And if a Suit does arise concerning men of other Baronies in their Courts let the Justice of the King be present because without it the Suit cannot be determined If any of the Barons hath not Justice in the Hundred where the Plea shall be holden it shall be determined at the next Church where the Judgment of the King shall be saving the Right of those Barons Of Romescot 10. Every one who shall have Thirty pence of current money in his house of his own property by the Law of England shall pay a Peter penny and by the Law of the Danes half a Mark But that penny ought to be summoned upon the Feasts of the Apostles Peter and Paul and collected at the Feast which is called To the Bonds so that it be not detained beyond that day If any one shall longer detain it let complaint be brought to the justice of the King because this penny is the Alms of the King and it is justice he cause this penny to be restored and the forfeiture of the Bishop and King But if a man hath more houses let him restore the Peter-penny for that wherein he resides upon the feast of Peter and Paul the Apostles Of the Office of the King and of the Right and Appendixes of the 17. Crown of the Kingdom of Britain And the King because he is the Vicar of the highest King and to this purpose ordained that he may both govern and rule the terrene kingdom and people of the Lord and above all things the holy Church and that he defend the same from wrong-doers and destroy and root out workers of mischief Besides these Sir Ed. Coke in Cawdries Case instances in King Kenulph for that King Kenulph by his Letters Patents with the consent and councel of his Bishops and Senators of his Kingdom did give to the Monastery of Abingdon in the County of Berks and to one Ruchnius then Abbot of the said Monastery c. a certain portion of his Country c. and that the said Ruchnius c. should be ever free from Ecclesiastical right or jurisdiction and that the Inhabiters of it from thenceforth be kept under the yoke of no Bishop or their Officials but in all events of things and discussions of causes they be subject to the Decree of the Abbot of the Monastery aforesaid And that this Charter was above * * Counting to the time Sir Ed. Coke wrote 850 years since which was in the year 755. and after confirmed by Edwin of Britain King and Monarch of Englishmen and this Grant did continue until the dissolution of the Abby by Henry the 8. So that the Kings of this Nation have not only of antient time been Nursing fathers to Gods Church and have exercised their Regal power over the persons of all their Subjects in all cases but have even dispensed with and conferred Episcopal jurisdiction But this was only matter of fact and done but only in one place nor was it ever established by a Law before the Statute of Lollard and by Henry the Eight and the First of Eliz. Yet it was afterward as shall appear in the next Chap. used by divers Kings and often adjudged by the Judges before Henry the Eighth CHAP. III. Ecclesiastical Laws made by William the First who began to reign in the year of Christ 1067. THat Nations and Kingdoms
be laid up in safe keeping under the Private Seal of the Abbot of the same House So that the Abbot or Prior which does govern the House shall be able of himself to establish nothing though heretofore it hath been otherwise used And if it fortune hereafter that writings of Obligations Donations Purchases Sales Alienations or of any other Contracts be sealed with any other Seal then such a Common Seal kept as is aforesaid they shall be adjudged void and of no force in Law But it is not the meaning of our Lord the King to exclude the Abbots Priors and other Religious Aliens by the Ordinances and Statutes aforesaid from executing the office of Visitation in his Kingdom and Dominion but they may visit at their pleasures by themselves or others the Monasteries and other places in his Kingdom and Dominion in subjection to them according to the duty of their office in these things only that belong to Regular observation and the discipline of their Order Provided that they which shall execute this office of Visitation shall carry or cause to be carried out of his Kingdom or Dominion none of the goods or things of such Monasteries Priors and Houses saving only their reasonable and competent charges Stat. Ne Rector prosternat arbores in Caemiterio made 35 Ed. 1. Anno Dom. 1307. In what cases and by whom Trees may be felled in a Churchyard Because we do understand that controversies do ofttimes grow between Parsons of Churches and their Parishioners touching Trees growing in the Church-yard both of them pretending that they do belong unto themselves We have thought good rather to decide this controversie by writing then by Statute Forasmuch as a Church-yard that is dedicated is the soil of a Church and whatsoever is planted belongs to the soil it must needs follow that those Trees which be growing in the Church-yard are to be reckoned amongst the goods of the Church the which Laymen have no authority to dispose but as the holy Scripture does testifie the charge of them is committed only to Priests to be disposed of And yet seeing those Trees be often planted to defend the force of the wind from hurting of the Church We do prohibit the Parsons of the Church that they do not presume to fell them down unadvisedly but when the Chancel of the church does want necessary reparations Neither shall they be converted In the Reign of Edward the First A Bull of Excommunication brought by one Subject against another 30 E. 3. li. Ass Pl. 19 c. was adjudged by the Common law Treason against the King his crown and dignity Edw. 1. seised the lands of the Archbishop of York because he refused Par. 2. 19. E. 1. Quare non admisit to admit his Clerk but pleaded that the Bishop of Rome long time before provided to the said Church The King and his Council did not receive the constitution of the Bishop Para. 3. Stat. de Biga 4 Ed. 1. of Rome at Lions which excluded men twice married or Bigami from all priviledges of Clergy It was declared that the holy Church of England was founded in the Stat. 25 Ed. 1. Carlisle state of Prelacy within this Realm of England by the King and his progenitors And that the Bishop of Rome usurping the seigniory of such Benefices c. that the said oppressions grievances and damages in this Realm from thenceforth shall not be suffered Articuli Cleri made at Lincoln Anno 9 E. 2. Anno Dom. 1315. The King to all whom c. sendeth greeting Understand ye that whereas of late in times of our Progenitors sometimes Kings of England in divers their Parliaments and likewise after that we had undertaken the governance of the Realm in our Parliaments many Articles containing divers grievances committed against the Church of England the Prelates and Clergy were propounded by the Prelates and Clerks of our Realm and further great instance was made that convenient remedy might be provided therein And of late in our Parliament holden at Lincoln the ninth year of our reign we caused the Articles underwritten with certain Answers made to some of them heretofore to be rehearsed before our Council and made certain Answers to be corrected and to the residue of the Articles underwritten Answers were made by us and our Council of which said Articles with the Answers of the same the tenors here ensue No Prohibition shall be granted where Tithes be demanded but where Cap. 1 money for them First whereas Laymen do purchase Prohibitions generally upon Tithes Obventions Oblations Mortuaries Redemption of penance violent laying hands on Clerks or Coverts and in cases of Defamation in which cases Spiritual penance ought to be injoined The King doth answer to this Article That in Tithes Oblations Obventions Mortuaries when they are propounded under these names the Kings prohibition shall hold no place although for the long withholding of the same the money may be esteemed at a sum certain But if a Clerk or a Religious man do fell his Tithes being gathered in his barn or otherwhere to any man for money if the money be not demanded before a Spiritual Judge the Kings Prohibition shall lie for by the sale the spiritual goods are made temporal and the Tithes are turned into chattels Regist fol. 34. 39. v. N. B. f. 3032. Fitz. N. B. fo 40 c. Rast pla fo 484 c. Debate upon the right of Tithes exceeding the fourth part Enjoining Cap. 2 Penance corporal or pecuniary Also if debate do arise upon the right of Tithes having his original from the right of Patronage and the quantity of the same Tithes do come unto the fourth part of the goods of the Church the Kings Prohibition shall hold place if the case come before a Judge Spiritual Also if a Prelate enjoin a penance pecuniary to a man for his offence and if it be demanded the Kings Prohibition shall hold place But if Prelates enjoin a penance corporal and they which be so punished will redeem upon their own accord such penances by money if money be demanded before a Judge Spiritual the Kings prohibition shall hold no place Laying violent hands upon a Clerk Excommunication for Cap. 3 Penance corporal Moreover if any lay violent hands upon a Clerk the amends for the Peace broken shall be before the King And for the Excommunication before a Prelate that Penance corporal may be enjoined which if the offender will redeem of his own good will by giving money to the Prelate or to the party grieved it shall be required before the Prelate and the Kings Prohibition shall not lie Prelates may correct for Defamation In Defamations also Prelates shall correct in manner aforesaid the Kings Prohibition notwithstanding first enjoining a penance corporal which if the offender will redeem the Prelate may freely receive the money though the Kings Prohibition be granted No Prohibition where the Tithe is demanded of a new Mill. Also
Dissolution of Abbies and all were easily passed and assented to in Parliament But whatsoever the King were otherwise yet sure the Popes passion The Pope was more unjust in his censures then the King was in excluding the Papal jurisdiction against him carried them to greater extravagancies and exorbitancies then were on his part against them For suppose that the Pope had de facto the Investitures of Bishops Peter-pence Annates and First-fruits paid them and did exercise a jurisdiction over all the Church and Clergy yet no question all these things were by the grants and permission of precedent Kings and if Kings may grant and permit these things then what hinders but that they may recall them for Cujus est velle ejus est nolle Besides we have already shewed that although there were not that bitter personal spite between the Kings of England and and the Popes formerly as was between Henry 8. and Clement 7. and Paul 3. yet did many of them ascribe as little to the Pope as Henry did But for a Pope to deprive a Christian Prince of his kingdom over whom he had no manner of right his Adherents of whatsoever they possessed to command his Subjects to deny their obedience to their Soveraign and Strangers not to have any commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against him and his followers granting them their estates and goods for a prey and their persons for slaves is so unlike to the example and precept of S. Peter whom they pretend to succeed who not only suffered death under Temporal power but inspired by God does command so expresly obedience to Kings not as subordinate to himself 1 Pet. 2. 13. but as supreme And of our Saviour himself who both suffered himself under Temporal power and paid tribute to Caesar and took not away but fulfilled the Moral Law which commands obedience to Princes and Higher powers and whose kingdom was not of this world that sure no Turk or Infidel was so much an enemy to Christians or indeed rather to mankind as to have desired it The state of the Church and of the Ecclesiastical Laws made by Edward the sixth THe time of this Kings reign being a Child and therefore woful and of his Father were perillous days The Father in his Laws scarce ever took advice but from his passion lust or avarice the Son although a Prince of infinite hope and goodness yet wanting the authority and reputation requisite in a Soveraign was either not able to restrain or else perswaded it was beneficial to give reins to a company of Sacrilegious Harpies and Courtiers to make a total prey not only upon all Colledges Free-Chappels Chantries and all their Lands except them of the Universities and some few other which by the Statute of 1 Ed. 6. cap. 14. were given to Camb. pref Eliz. Reg. Life of Ed. 6. the King upon specious pretences but the Lands of the Bishops generally became a prey unto them So much worse is it for every thing to be lawful then that any thing should be Law It was enacted That if any man spake irreverently or contemptuously An. 1. Ed. 6. c. 6. of the Sacrament of the Altar he should be imprisoned and fined at the Kings will and pleasure and that Justices of Peace might enquire of offenders Yet should not the person offending be arraigned or tryed unless the Bishop of the Diocese or his Chancellor or Deputy learned were required to be at the Quarter-Sessions to which purpose a new Writ was made Rex c. Episc L. salutem Praecipimus tibi quod tu Cancellarius tuus vel alius deputatus tuus sufficienter eruditus sitis cum Justiciariis nostris ad pacem in com nostro B. conservand assignat apud D. tali die ad sessionem nostram tunc ibidem tenend ad dand consilium advisament eisdem Justitiariis nostris ad pacem super arraiment deliberationem offendet contra Formam statuti concernend sacrosanctum Sacramentum Altaris And by this Satute it was Enacted that the Sacrament should be delivered to the people under both Kindes viz. of Bread and Wine From thenceforth no Conge deslier shall be granted nor any Election An. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 2. shall be made of any Archbishop or Bishop by the Dean and Chapter but when any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall be voided the King by his Letters Patents may confer the same to any person whom he shall think meet c All summons citations and other proces Ecclesiastical shall be made in the name and with the stile of the King as in the Writs of the common Law and the test thereof shall be in the name of the Archbishop or Bishop c. All persons that have the exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction shall have in their Seals of Office the Kings Arms with certain characters under them for the knowledge of their dioces but the Archbishop of Canterbury shall use his own Seal and his own name in all faculties and dispensations A man speaking against the Kings Headship of the Church shall being An. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 12. thereof attaint or convict forfeit all his Goods and Chattels to the King and suffer imprisonment during the Kings will and pleasure for the first offence and for the second offence forfeit to the King the whole issues and profits of all his Lands and all his Goods and Chattels and suffer perpetual imprisonment and for the third offence shall be adjudged a Traytor and suffer death and forfeit all his Goods and Chattels Lands and Tenements as in cases of High Treason And it shall be deemed Treason for any by Printing Writing or Deed to affirm the King not to be Head of the Church An Act for uniformity of Service and administration of Sacraments being An. 2 3 Ed. 6 Cap. 1. before divers and different viz. of Sarum of York of Bangor and of Lincoln and divers and sundry forms and fashions were used in Cathedrals and Parish-Churches of England and Wales as well concerning Mattens or Morning Prayer and the Evening Song as also concerning the holy Communion commonly called the Mass with divers and sundry rites and ceremonies concerning the same and in the administration of the Sacraments of the Church The Statute does inflict upon every Parson Vicar or other whatsoever Minister that ought or should say or sing the said Common Prayer mentioned in the said Book Entituled the Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other rites and ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England and shall refuse it or use any other form or shall Preach Declare or speak any thing in derogation of the said Book or any thing contained therein and be thereof lawfully convict by a Jury of twelve men or by confession shall forfeit to the King for the first offence the profit of all his Spiritual benefices and promotions arising in a whole year and
28. H. 8. 7. for the establishment of the succession of the Imperiall Crown of this Realm that concerneth a Prohibition to marry within the Degrees expressed in the said Act. Stat. 31 H. 8. 9. authorising the King to make Bishops by his Letters Patents Stat. 32 H. 8. 38. concerning precontracts of Marriages and touching degrees of consanguinity Stat. 35 H. 8. 3. for ratification of the Kings Stile The corporall oath made in the Stat. of 35 H. 8. 1. that every Subject of this Realm should be bound to take against the power authority and jurisdiction of the See of Rome Stat. 37 H. 8. 17. That the Doctors of the Civill Law which were married might exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction So much of that Statute of the first Ed. 6. 1. as contains certain Provisions Pains Penalties and Forfeitures for and against such as should by open preachings expresse words sayings writing printing overt-deed or act affirme or set forth That the King of this Realm for the time being is not or ought not to be the supreme head in earth of the Churches of England and Ireland nor of any of them or that the Bishop of Rome or any other person or persons other than the K. of England for the time being is or ought to be supreme head of the same Churches or any of them as in the said Act more at large may appear It is enacted that these clauses and other of the foresaid Act concerning the Supremacy and all and every branch article words and sentence in the same sounding or tending to the Derogation of the supremacy of the Popes Holiness or the See of Rome and all pains penalties and forfeitures made against them that should by any means set forth or extol the said Supremacy should from thenceforth be utterly void It did moreover generally repeal all clauses sentences and articles of every other Statute made since the 20 H. 8. against the supreme authority of the Popes Holiness or See Apostolick of Rome The Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons professing themselves reduced and received by their Majesties intercession to the unity of Christs Church and obedience of the Apostolick See of Rome and the Pope governing the same did make humble suite to their Majesties to be Intercessors that by authority of the Popes Holiness and by the ministration of Cardinall Poole by dispensation tolleration or permission respectively as the case shall require be abolished these Articles following and generally all others when any occasion shall so require may be provided for and confirmed 1. That all Bishopricks Cathedrall Churches Hospitalls Colledges Schooles and other such foundations now continuing made by authority of Parl. or otherwise established according to the order of the Lawes of this Realm since the Schisme may be confirmed and continue for ever 2. That Marriages made infragradus Prohibitos consanguinitatis affinitatis cognationis spiritualis or what might be made void propter impedimentum Publicae honestatis justitiae or for any cause prohibited by the Canons only may be confirmed and children born of those Marriages declared legitimate so as those Marriages were made according to the Lawes of the Realm for the time being and be not directly against the Lawes of God nor in such case as the See Apostolick hath not used to dispence withall 3. That institution of Benefices and other promotions Ecclesiasticall and dispensations made according to the form of the Act of Parliament may likewise be confirmed 4. That all Judiciall Processes made before any Ordinaries of this Realm or before any Delegates upon any Appeals according to the order of the Lawes of this Realm may likewise be ratified and confirmed 5. That the Lands and Goods of Bishopricks Monasteries Chanteries c. dispersed abroad to sundry persons by gift exchange purchase c. according to the Lawes of the Land for the time being shall so continue It was enacted that the title of supreme head of the Church never was nor could be attributed to by any King or Governor It was enacted that all Bulls Dispensations and Priviledges obtained before the 20 year of H. 8. or any time since of the See of Rome and not containing matter prejudiciall to the Imperiall Crown or Lawes of this Realm should be put in execution This Statute did restore the Pope and Apostolick See together with the Jurisdiction the Bishops had in the Realm to all the Authority they had before the 20 of H. 8. It is a very remarkable thing that this Statute does affirme that nothing done or moved in this Statute should be prejudicall to the Liberties of the Crown before the 20 of H. 8. and that the Statute of 24 H. 8. 12. and the Statute of 25 H. 8. cap. 20. which takes away all Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction from the Pope and vests it in the King should be but declaratory of the ancient and common Law of this Land See Coke de jure Regis Ecclesiastico 28. a. b. 31. one of these must necessarily be false Thus did Queen Mary restore by Parl all the Papall Jurisdiction which Description of Queen Mary was exercised before the 20 of Henry the 8. and would have restored all the Abbey and Chantery Lands taken away by her Father and Brother had it been in her power but many alienations descents and purchases having been made of them she was not able to performe it being a Princess no doubt wondrous free from sacriledge zealous and constant in her Religion mercifull when her Religion was not concerned and just Her mercy appears in her not only pardoning all the Councell who had subscribed to her disinheriting but it was thought she would not have taken away the life of the Lady Jane although guilty of so high a crime as having actually invaded the Crown if the Duke of Suffolk her Father formerly pardoned by the Queens meer grace had not most unjustly and unthankfully excited her Subjects against her which together with Wiats Rebellion for her own security did necessitate her for her own security to execute her Her justice appears in this the Lord Sturton having been at variance with one Hargill and his Son Gentlemen knocked the poor Gentlemen on the head and after cut their throats and buried their bodies in a Pit 15. foot deep hoping this villainy would never come to light or if it did he assured himself of the Queens favour being zealously addicted to the Popish Religion which did him not good for the Queen abhorred and rejected all mention of Pardon for him only he had this grace that the other Murderers were hanged in a hempen but he in a silken halter Ecclesiasticall Lawes made in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth IT is declared that in the Reign of H. 8. divers good Lawes and Statutes Anno 1. Eliz. cap. 1. were made as well for the utter extinguishing of all usurped and forrein Powers and Authorities of this Realm and other her dominions and Countries as also for the restoring and
of the Commons Lawes of this Land yet a great assertor of them and in disgrace with him would oftentimes affirm that there was no time whenever he could speak reason but the King would hear him With the reputation of these virtues he governed these Islands in greater peace then posbly in the ordinary nature of things could be expected In the 3. year of his Reign viz. Anno Dom. 1605. was a most hainous and The cause of the many Laws made against Popish Recusants vile attempt intended not only against the very Person of the King but even of his Posterity which had not advanced the designe of the conspirators and the Church and all the Nobility not of their faction with the Commons in Parliament assembled And the conspirators had proceeded so far that they had not only made provision to have effected their purpose and intended the fifth of November being the day for the convention of the Parliament after their Proroguement and therefore probably expecting not only a more then usuall convention both of the Lords and Gentry but even of the King himself to have blown up the Parliament House But the designe being as foolish as desperate was discovered the night before it should have been executed although it is thought that it was known even to the King himself and the Earl of Salisbury before as by accident and so had no other effect then what the conspirators might reasonably have expected had it succeeded viz. ruine to themselves for their faction being so very few in proportion to the rest of the Nation and without either money Forts or Army in reason they could not have done any thing considerable in order to their further designes and severe Lawes against all which might be suspected to be of their faction to prevent any such further attempts It is true where Tacitus observes that the conspiracies of Subjects where His defects and frailties they succeed not doe advance the Soveraignty and verefied in this attempt of the Gunpowder-Treason for how many Lawes were that Parliament and afterward enacted against all Popish Recusants we have before shewed yet so it happened and so usually happens when not carefully minded by Princes that another faction far more formidable both to King and Church openly pretending assistance to the King and Church in persecuting this faction secretly acquired strength to themselves in so doing Nor was this unseen by this wise King being naturally a greater enemy to the Faction persecuting the persecuted but either not having that magnanimity which is so requisite in a Soveraign or apprehending he had not means sufficient to goe through he neglected to apply such medicines as were necessary to the curing of this Gangrene so dilating it self both in Church Court and State but desiring Peace especially at home although almost upon any termes he rather sought to repell the breaking out of Puritanisme during his Reign then to eradicate it for the future Add hereunto that being excessively addicted to Hunting and not greatly loving the Common Lawes and finding it impossible to govern this Nation otherwise and minding controversies in Divinity more than the management of his temporall affaires and though free from Sacriledge and Corruption in his person yet carelesse of it in his Favourites and Countrymen and nothing so prudent a Manager of the Revenues of the Crown as his Predecessor whereby being forced to recede from many of his Regalities the Reins of Government both in Church and State became so loose that in the ordinary nature of things it was very difficult they should be reassumed by his Successor Ecclesiasticall Laws made by King Charles THere were some few Lawes made against Interludes c. on the Lords day and 10. groats penalty for offence to be levied by Justices and Constables which a man may read in the first Car. 1. 3 Car. 1. There had never in any time been before this Kings Reign so long Peace The state of the Church State in the beginning of K. Charles his Reign viz. for neer 80 years in this Nation as in the beginning of his Reign but neither doth peace make mens minds peaceable nor were things otherwise well disposed for the continuance of it for not only the zealous and obsequious duty which the Subjects paid to the Royall name in the person of Queen Elizabeth was quite dead and almost forgotten the great wisedome and learning of his Father not to be hoped for in the tender years of the Son the Exchequer without money and yet the King engaged in a Warre against the Spaniard for recovery of the Palatinate but the Puritan Faction which Queen Elizabeth desired so much to suppresse and so much hated by his Father was grown so farre up in Church State and Court that in all they were far more numerous both in England and Scotland and all forein Plantations then all his other Subjects Nor was the condition of Ireland better for not only the Protestant party were jarring among themselves but the Popish intent upon their destruction which after they did execute in a terrible manner To these may be added the government both in Church and State so neglected that the exercise of any Lawes to reduce them to conformity would be imputed to have been Innovations and Tyranny The Kings Councell either uncapable of giving counsell or not faithfull to their Prince Nor was there any thing left to oppose all these growing calamities but the hopefull virtues of a young Prince unacquainted in Temporall affaires and a stranger to all worldly calamities which are of no more power to protect him against seditious and rebellious Subjects then the Lawes of God and all which may be called sacred will retain men in obedience where they are not restrained by a present coercive power But these stormes which after brought this Saintlike Prince and this wofull Church State to so lamentable a condition as they lately lay under did not breake out in the very beginning of his Reign but in all three Nations did gather into such black clouds in all his reigne that almost at once breaking forth in such a terrible Tempest as upon the matter it so overwhelmed King Church and Government that there was scarce any footsteps of them left I had here designed to have inserted a short History of the chiefe occurrences of his Reigne and by what degrees this saint-like Prince became a victim to the rage and lust of his seditious subjects and have the papers now by me but in regard it must needs rub soares which may rather in their tendernesse anger then ease them and also because the History of his life hath been by others more fully written but most of all because it is his Majesties pleasure to have the memory of things rather buried in oblivion then renued I shall forbeare and doe no more then give the description of him and shew the consequence of his calamities The Description of King
Nor was that less abhorrent to me which men in this factious age beg for a Principle viz. That all men by Nature or the Law of Nature are in a like equal condition and that the Laws of Nature are eternal and immutable even by God himself And yet by a continued violence upon these eternal and immutable Laws men should every where in the world live in Society or in the mutual offices of commanding and obeying Yet did not I so confidently resolve these things as to exclude what I could argue against them I therefore did suppose in my self a company of such men as were in a parity of condition yet could I never conceive it possible that ever any Civitas or Supreme power could be derived or created by them For either this Civitas must be superior to the Cives or People that made it or not If it were not superior to it then could it not govern or rule them for dominion is always placed in the superior part If superior to it then was the Creature or Instrument superior to the Cause and Creator which is most absurd Nor was it to me less monstrous to imagine that any thing could give or transfer that to another which it self hath not but this people or multitude who should make this civitas had neither Jus vitae or necis nor Property seperately nor conjunctly they could not therefore endue another with that power which none of them nor all of them together had and without which there can be no supream power which may protect and defend Subjects But I did not insist onely upon this but supposed that the cives could make a civitas which should be superior to them and endew it with a power which none of them nor all of them had yet was I no less perplexed then before who these cives which should make this civil Pact should be and who should be subject to it If onely those be the cives who made this civitas and they onely subject to it then were Women and Children who were none of the cives that made this civitas free and independent from it Nor could all the people or multitude of both Sexes and all Ages in such an imaginary state be the cives which must constitute this civitas by virtue of the civil Pact For many must necessarily be so yong as not being compotes mentium they could have understanding sufficient for the doing such an act And if no Laws oblige Men to their Pacts and Contracts done under such an age then sure it must be unreasonable that Children and Infants should be obliged to their act if they then did it or therefore obliged because others had done it upon whom they had no dependence Well but suppose these men in such a condition to be qualified to do such an act yet did another doubt arise which I could no ways salve viz. Who should define at what age the Men should be who should constitute this civitas Well I went yet further I supposed it granted That it should be agreed at what age Men in such a condition might give up their wills and constitute a civitas yet was it not in reason probable that this civitas should be of one days continuance For being formally constituted of such individual cives it could not be of any longer continuance then the cause Sublata causa tollitur effectus but the next day some of the cives would be probably dead and others grown up to be of age who were none of those individuals which did constitute the civitas Well but I supposed the cives who made Formae rerum sicut numeri consistunt in indivisibili They could not therefore be the cives that did constitute the civitas and by consequence no such could remain as the civitas this civitas to be immortal and no posterity yet could not I in reason expect it to be of any continuance for cujus est velle ejus est nolle and not onely all just and legal actions but all Arts and Sciences may truly and ultimately be resolved into their first Principles without any diminution to them The People therefore constant in nothing but inconstancy could not in reason be expected constant and obedient to their Creature the civitas onely and yet so in nothing else Besides I always did believe and yet do that all Mens Pacts and Wills must be conformable to the Laws of every place and where they are against them then do they oblige no further then to Repentance Much more therefore ought all mens Wills and Pacts to conform and submit to the Laws of Nature and never transgress that and that all Pacts and Acts of mens Wills made against it oblige to nothing but Repentance Nor is there any thing more abominable then to conceive that the Acts of mens Wills should irritate the Law of Nature which they say is immutable by God Hence it is I conceive that Mr. Hobbs will not have all men to be of a like and equal condition lege naturae but jure naturae and therefore most absurdly makes jus naturae to be contrary to lex naturae and yet oftentimes in his Preface and Cap. 8. Art 10. confounds jus with lex and that the Acts of mens Wills to make them in a better estate then God hath made them should be the Law of Nature or of God Whereas on the contrary If no man that ever was born in the World which was not a Posthumus King but was born in subjection not onely to his Parents or as a Servant in a Family but to something superior to these then cannot the will of that man nor all the men in the World alter or make that man in another condition then that whereof neither any act of his will nor the will of any man else was the cause But yet did not I conclude things onely as I was an intellectual or rational Creature but being a Christian I submitted all my Reason and Understanding to the most high Authority of sacred Scripture in those plain places which admit of no Controversie where both in the Old and New Testament the first causes of supream Power are owned to be Gods Ordinance Rom. 13. By God Kings raign and Princes decree Prov. 8. Justice and there can be no power but from above Joh. 19. 11. And all power is in relation to something subject to it But because I would not seem to see only with mine own eyes I desired yet to be better informed of these things and from whom better then Mr. Hobbs and Hugo Grotius Men no doubt of as eminent learning and parts as any this last Age hath produced these Men both derive their civitas from such Principles as is before spoken of viz. From the Pacts and contracts of Men in a parity and equal condition but so far was I from being convinced that if I understand them aright I was amazed to see such inconsistible
and impossible things to come from Men otherwise so learned For though Mr. Hobbs does lay down his Principles and persue his method much more clearly then Grotius does yet his Principles are so monstrous That to me it is impossible any ingenuous Man should assent to them Indeed if Mr. Hobbs would have supposed that the state of Man had been either in Society or out of Society and that out of Society Men had been in such a state as he makes them in his state of pure Nature I should never have stumbled at it But he forsooth requires it for a Yet thus much I will tell Mr. Hobbs he may as wel suppose a Brute an intellectual or rational Creature or a man no intellectual or rational Creature as no sociable or out of Society Principle That all Men jure naturali are in a parity and equal condition and may kill one another without any offence or sin and that Men continue in this estate until by their civil Pact they oblige themselves to one another that the will of the civitas shall be the will of them all Notwithstanding this I must needs say of Mr. Hobbs That if Men have so little understanding as to make Jus naturale to be contrary to Lex naturalis and so little grace as to believe that the civitas hath all its power from the Pacts and wills of Men and yet impossible to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature which he says is the Law of God and tyranny to be onely ab exercitio when as it is impossible for Kings to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature and all Faith and Ghostly Power which our Saviour left in his Church to be instrumental and subservient to it and never look how little he understands a Pact or from whence Men become obliged to it the cives of this Vtopia may do well enough If I edified but little by Mr. Hobbs yet I received much less satisfaction from Grotius for Mr. Hobbs defines his terms so clearly as to me he was easily understood whereas all Grotius his Principles are so perplexed and equivocal that it is not possible for any Man to understand any thing clearly from him As the first thing in his Preface he confounds is Societas Communitas whereas Societas is as different from Communitas as black is from white Societas according to the definition of Aristotle being Pol. lib. 1. cap 5. Vnum quid it a constans ex diversis personis ut sit unum quod imperet alterum quod pareat Society is one thing so made up of divers persons that one may command another obey Whereas community is where any company of Creatures are without the offices of commanding and obeying Well but having got out of his Preface after some Propositions of his Method c. he in the Tenth Paragraph of the First Chapter of the First Book De jure Belli Pacis defines Jus Naturale in a tedious general thing to be dictatum rectae rationis c. and this to be the Law of God and about the middle to be immutable by God himself and towards the latter end to continue but for a certain space and towards the beginning he makes the Dominion which is now in use to be brought in by the will of Man and this to be Jus Naturale too Now let any ingenuous Man judge what can be clearly deduced from Jus Naturale which is the Law of God and immutable by God and yet to continue but for a certain time until a Dominion brought in by the will of Man should abrogate what was immutable by God and this Dominion thus brought in against this Jus Naturale to be Jus Naturale too If I have slandered Grotius let any Man see the Paragraph aforesaid It was to me an admirable thing to consider that men so learned should one of them define the Law of Nature to be Dictamen rectae rationis the other Dictatum rectae rationis Well I will therefore see what Ratiocinatio is and what Dictamen or Dictatum rectae rationis which is the same thing and whether this can to any ingenuous man be any probable definition of the Law of Nature Aristotle Eth. Lib. 6. Cap. 3. makes Ratiocination and by consequence every dictate of Reason to be from Universals and that there are some Principles which do constitute the Ratiocination of which there can be no Ratiocination These Principles for which no Reason can be given and yet the reason of all those things which can be deduced from them are called Axiomata Dignitates or Communes Notiones and from these men by Ratiocination or Right Reason do infer Arts and Sciences a Scientia est actio ars effectio Eth. l. 6. c. 4. Both begotten by right Reason Ars est habitus ad faciendum idoneus cum verâ ratione conjunctus Nay all Ratiocination or Right reasoning whatsoever may be resolved into somewhat which is superior to this Ratiocination for which no reason can be given * These things thus premised I say it is impossible the Law of Nature should be the dictate of Right Reason and thus I prove it Every Principle which does constitute Ratiocination and for which no Reason can be given is no dictate of Right Reason But the Law of Nature is a Principle which does constitute Ratiocination and for which no reason can be given Therefore the Law of Nature is no dictate of Right Reason If Mr. Hobbs denies the Minor Proposition set him shew into what it can be further resolved or what can prove it For though God be the prime and efficient cause of all things but what proceeds from the will of man and into which all things may be ultimately resolved yet by Principles Aristotle and all Philosophers understand those things which immediately proceed from God and the Law of Nature could not be the Law of God if it did not immediately proceed from him but the Law of that thing from which it did immediately proceed the Law of Nature therefore is a Principle Well but let us suppose the Law of Nature to be the dictate of Right Reason and see the consequence Every dictate of Right Reason is of less Dignity Authority and Excellency then the Right Reason viz. The Effect then the Cause But ex hypothesi the Law of Nature viz. the Law of God the Creator is the dictate of Right Reason Therefore is the Law of the Creator of less Dignity authority and excellency then the faculty and attribute of the creature viz. Right reason then which what can be more monstrous and blasphemous Nor is this definition less ridiculous then impossible and blasphemous For the dictates of Right reason are understood by one man and not by another and may be learned and taught Suppose now one of these Masters of Reason should come to the most plain and ignorant man in the world who is
compos mentis and tell him he would instruct and teach him the most excellent dictate of Reason in the world viz. That there is one God infinitely good who is to be worshiped and served by man And that this God requires of every man that in that state wherein he hath made him he would not willingly do that to another which he would not have done to himself would not this poor ignorant man deride this Master of Reason and tell him he knew this as well as himself But suppose he should be so impudent as to deny this since Grotius is not in case I would desire Mr. Hobbs to prove it or give a right reason thereof and learn this man his Dictate of Right reason Well but let us see whether this Canting thing be worth the name of a Definition Omnis definitio est exclusio aequivoci If the Law of Nature be the Dictate of Right reason then does the Law of Nature exclude every thing else from being the Dictate of Right reason or this cannot be the definition of it I would know now of Mr. Hobbs whether all Arts and Sciences and Prudent actions be the Laws of Nature or not If they be the Laws of Nature then is every Inscientifical and Imprudent man an Unjust man If they be not the Laws of Nature and so not the Dictates of Right reason then let Mr. Hobbs shew what else does dictate them Nor is Mr. Hobbs less happy in defining a Pact upon which he grounds his Civitas It is just therefore that this man who Cap. 18. Art 4. makes all Science to be from Definitions only or Subjects without Predicates without which it is impossible there can be a Proposition and all Science to be from the memory which is common to all Beasts as well as Mr. Hobbs for so the Oxe knows his owner and the Ass his masters crib it being only retained in the memory excluding the Understanding should so rashly define things and understand them no better To believe there is a God to be worshiped and served and that no man should wilfully in that state and condition wherein God hath made him do that to another which he would not have done to himself is that Law which God hath engraven in the mindes of all mortal men wise and unwise learned and ignorant noble and ignoble in their wits and is the foundation and basis of all Humane society And this is that first and universal cause from which all moral virtues the dictates of Right reason from this cause do more genuinely and naturally flow then any Proposition in Geometry does from the Axiomes or Principles of it For what man is there in this world of what estate and condition soever but desires not to be wronged and injured Let not him then in that state wilfully wrong or injure any other of what estate soever If he be a Subject and desires to be protected in his life and fortune by the Laws of his Country from the violence and oppression of other men let not him abuse or violate the Laws of his Country to the wrong or oppression of another If he desires every man should keep promise and do justly by him let not him break his word and deal unjustly with another Is he a King he would not willingly be disseised or oppressed by another let him not therefore disseise or injustly oppress another Does any King desire not to be invaded or oppressed by his Subjects let not him therefore oppress his Subjects If he had been a Subject he would have desired protection from his Prince by an equal and moderate distribution of known Laws let him therefore equally moderately govern his Subjects by known Laws And from this Law did always men desire though ignorant of the manner to worship and serve GOD although they misplaced the Deity in the Sun Moon an Oak Apollo Jupiter c. And this is that Law which shall judge and condemn the immoral actions and vices of men in all Ages especially in this latter Age because they sinned against the Light or Law of Nature engraven in the minds of all men Now whether these men being Christians in name yet having cast off all Christian society and not being of any Christian church or religion that I ever heard of should not be content here but although they scarce agree in any thing else proceed so far as to make the Laws of God subject and depending upon the reasons and phantasies of men and not to tell them where their reasons shall begin if not at the Laws of God but every man left to go a whoring after his own inventions For what can then restrain man where his Reason is become superior to the Laws of God and to make all humane society to have its origination from the pacts and wills of men have not been as great enemies not only to Christian religion but also to all humane society as the malice of the Devil could invent let any sober unbiassed man judge or if all the confusions and distractions in Christendom to the shame and scandal of Christianity have not had their origination from this pretence Nor hath this sensless resolution of all things into Reason ended only in the distractions of State but also been the first source and fountain from whence all these distractions and confusions in the Church have arisen without any possible hope of ever reconciling them where these principles are continued Hence it is that the venerable and highest Authority of the sacred Scriptures are become the subject of all Tavern-discourses and every man that scarce understands any reason must forsooth have a reason given him why the Scriptures are the Word of God And yet in all other Authorities whatsoever men will deride the folly of others who go about to prove them by Reason for Reason is begotten alwaies from Authorities and Principles and therefore cannot Authorities and Principles be begotten from Reason I have been often almost astonished to consider how such sensless blasphemous and ridiculous things should meerly from the authority of the Assertors be imposed upon and received by the world without contradiction whereas narrowly looked into one would scarce believe the Authors had ever understood Logick or one leaf in Aristotle And for my part if I could not ultimately resolve the Dictates of my Reason as a Christian into plain places of Scripture so well as any Geometrician could any Proposition of Geometry into the Principles of Euclids Elements I would be content to let them wander for ever without any termination rather then admit them the Scriptures to be a creature of a creature and the subject of every wild phantastical conceit and opinion And if I could not ultimately resolve the reason of all my moral actions as a man into the Law of Nature which God has engraven in mens minds and not into the wills of men I would be content to conclude with Carneades that men have at divers times
be esteemed as the greatest goddess and that the greatest power ought to be ascribed to her overcoming and triumphing over all the oppositions of Men and verisimilitudes Nor can any reason be given that Polybius Livy Plutarch c. did either write such Histories or that such Histories written by them were truer then those which are lost and rejected by Men but only a kind of divine ayre informing Men of their truth whereas those books which are falsely and factiously written are exploded and neglected in a very short time and yet whether they were truly or falsely written few or no Men can judge from any thing known to the outward sence I say few or no Man can so judge of them for in that time when they were written there were many more false and factious Historians to delude Men then true and just to inform them Nor can Men in subsequent generations from any thing in their outward sences judge or discern whether any thing they record be true or false Nay further no Historian except Caesar and Xenophon and some very few others who recorded infinitely more things not known then known to them to be true did ever know whether what he recorded were true or not To evidence this yet more fully there was scarcely except Caesars Xenophons ever any History truly written in those times wherein the things were done that men might take information from their outward senses but Men were so carried by Faction or Interest that in recording of things they record things not as true or false but as advancing their Faction and Interest whereas Men in the subsequent generation not having those Passions and Appetitions nor any sense of these things subjecting all their Passions and Affections as it were assisted by a divine Election do make Election of those things which are true and reject others which the Malice or Faction of Men had imposed upon the World And a Man is as certain that there have been such Men as Caesar Hanibal Alexander c. and as assured of their Actions as if he had seen them 46. Since all things which proceed from God immediately and for Faith is an extraordinary Gift of God which no reason can be given by any Creature may be justly required for principles by intellectual and reasonable Creatures and since the Scriptures proceed immediately from God or they could not be the Word of God are therefore the principles of Faith And since there is nothing within man naturally which may assure him that those things revealed in Scripture were Gods Revelation it does necessarily follow That Faith or the Belief of God in the Scriptures is Gods gift supernaturally and extraordinarily Nor can all the Arguments of Tradition Church Excellency of stile Truth c. move one stone to the proof of them For they were the Word of God before any Church or Tradition c. was And if they had not been the Word of God before the Church received them and delivered them to posterity their Reception and Tradition could never have made them so Besides the Church having its being from the Scriptures it can never prove the cause of its being And what was it less then the power and grace of God extraordinarily given to Moses That the Bush burned and was not consumed And of all the miracles done by him and the other Prophets and more then those done by our Saviour and the Apostles and blessed Martyrs since And that by the Preaching of a few Fishermen against all the Temporal Powers in the World Christianity should be propagated generally over the face of the Earth and that I without any thing in me or desert of mine am baptised into this Faith And he that shall dispute the truth of the grace and power of God in the Old and New Testament and since recorded in Ecclesiastical and Prophane History ought as much to be confuted with clubs and hissing as he that denies or disputes his Principles in any Art or Science 47. All Principles are true or false just or unjust good or bad either All Principles are prime and necessary either necessitate absoluta or necessitate medii necessitate absoluta or necessitate medii Principles that are true or false necessitate absoluta are so that they are immutable by God himself as that two and two added should not make four or that things equal to the same thing should not be equal to one another or that any being should be superior to the cause of its being or that contradictions should be true or else true or false good or bad just or unjust necessitate ex hypothesi And these though they are necessary and principles to those to whom they are given and immutable by them yet are they not principles and necessary to them who made and gave them As the Laws of Nature and Gods revealing himself in the Scriptures are principles necessary and immutable by all the Men in the World yet are they not principles necessary or immutable by God but he might if it had pleased him made something else the Law of Nature or otherwise revealed himself in the Scriptures So Humane Laws must be prime necessary and immutable by Subjects or their conforming or not conforming their actions to them could not be just or unjust But they cannot be prime and necessary or immutable by the Legislator but as he sees occasion may alter or make something else which was not before Laws for the Subjects to conform and direct their actions to It is therefore absurd and wilde to suppose that the Law of Nature is Annotat. simply necessary and immutable by God or that the will of Men can make it mutable 48. All Science all Learning all Reasoning and all Conclusions by Contra negantes Principia non est disputandum the Authority of Aristotle is begotten from pre-existent principles for which no reason can be given by the Learner which being granted do nemonstrate the Conclusion but by the Authority of Aristotle and all Philosophers no Science or Conclusion can demonstrate the Principles Where therefore either by a defect in the Understanding Men cannot or by a stubbornness in the Will they will not apprehend Principles there all Reasoning Learning or Discourse is at an end If therefore I would learn a Man Geometry and he either cannot or will not apprehend the Axioms or common Notions of it it is impossible I should ever make him understand the constitution of an equilateral Triangle Or if a Man denies the Laws of my Countrey I cannot teach him whether such an action be just or unjust Or if a Man denies the Law of Nature I cannot prove that he ought to honor and obey his Superior and to deal justly and uprightly with all Men Or if a Man denies or disputes the Authority of the Scriptures there cannot be any Conclusion or Inference from them whether as Christians any thing ought to be or not to be done or believed
case to him whether there be a King or no King in Israel for he will do what is right in his own eyes For our Author says In renouncing the power Pag. 25. of our Will we renounce our Understanding also Our Author for his part needs not fear it but sure he fears that if he do so because he cannot hope that he is qualified enough to be a Privy-Councellor that he has bound himself up from dabling with the Grounds of Obedience and Government Why he should do well to be of Counsel with Adam against God for the Devil and he agree in the same thing viz. That it is not liberty enough for Adam to eat of the other trees of the garden in Eden no Adam must not renounce his will and understanding too in order to his chiefest good the knowledge of good and evil and making himself like unto God by tasting the forbidden fruit To our Author it is not liberty enough for the Subject to square his actions to the Laws and Rules of his Country he must not renounce his will to be commanded by King or Laws but must have his will too in making of Laws Now let our Author tell me what a Government this is like to prove Who will hold the plough that is perswaded he may handle the scepter Who will live in an obscure cottage that hopes he may govern at the helm or eat his bread in the sweat of his brows who may expect to fare deliciously every day And now let me tell our Author once for all That humane Laws are made to retain Subjects in their obedience lest a worse thing happen unto them There must be no starting out or breaking loose from them For Laws are like the banks which encompass waters if there be the least hole in them the banks will be blown up and the waters lose themselves The Fifth GROUND That Fidelity is different from Obedience and wherein it consists Author NOw some good body help a lame Dog over the stile Here we find our Author taking monstrous pains and in a great sweat why what 's the matter trow What! Our Author undertakes to shew that Servants owe their Masters no obedience but fidelity only And this he would prove by a mighty argument viz. A man buyes a piece of Cloth or other merchandise of another and pays for it And therefore Servants owe their Masters no obedience And if this will not do it his Ipse dixit must or he loses an essential ingredient towards the patching up of his Fools paradise Observ Now herein our Author and I differ and I fear we shall never agree in any thing Our Author will trust his servant where he expects no obedience and I will make my servant obey me whenas it may be I will not trust him for a groat And indeed our Author will do more for his servant then I see in reason any man should do for him For pag. 141. he tells us In pure Morality he may falsifie and break promise if he save any thing by it and is better then his word I shall say no more in answer to this Ground but object the authority of the Holy Ghost against it Ephes 5. 6. Servants be obedient to them that are your Masters according to the flesh c. The Sixth GROUND In what consists Right or Due Author HEre our Author says The next Consideration may appear too Metaphysical a Nicety for a Moral Treatise Yet he armed Cap-a-pe in compleat Ignorance valiantly attempts it and will tell you of I know not what of Reason which takes nothing to be good but what is good for a mans self and makes it the rule of his actions to do what is fitting for him or conformable to his that is to a Rational nature But this is a rule by which he treats Horses Dogs Trees and Stones c. and runs through all his actions Observ Well But since the men of this world were never more unreasonable and every man so pretending to Reason and yet no man almost can tell what he means by Reason let us see what Ratio Reason is and what Reasoning is and why Man is onely said to be a reasonable creature Reason is properly that power of the soul by which a Man is discerned from other living creatures and by which he does excell and command them By Horace it is put for the reasoning and discoursing of the soul for finding out what is true Ratio ponitur pro ratiocinatione discursu animi ad investigandum verum Cicero lib. 2. ad Heren Ratio est causa quae demonstrat verum esse id quod intendimus brevi subjectione Reason is the cause which shews that thing to be true which we intend in a short view And Reason is many times equivocally used for Counsel as Cicero in Verr. Mea quidem ratio cum in praeteritis rebus est cognita tum in reliquis explorata provisa est My counsel is as well known in things past as throughly tried and provided in other things Sometime for Respect Habenda est ratio honoris Men ought to respect their honor Sometime for Care Habenda est ratio rei familiaris Men must look after their houshold-affairs Sometime for Business Rationem habet cum terra quae nunquam recusat imperium He busieth himself with his land which never disobeys him Thus far Calapine Sometime it is taken for Account Lu. 16. 2. Redde rationem villicationis tuae Give an account of thy Stewardship Ratio in the third Definition of the fifth Book of Euclide est duarum magnitudinum ejusdem generis mutua quaedam secundum quantitatem habitudo Reason is a certain mutual habit of two magnitudes of the same kind after their quantity As when two Quantities of the same kind two Numbers two Lines two Superficies two Solids c. are compared one to another according to their quantity that is accordingly as one is greater less or equal to another this comparison or mutual habit of one to another was by Geometricians called Ratio But now I know not by what habit or custom Proportio which definition 4º lib. 5. Euclid is Rationum similitudo And definition 5 consists in three terms at least for indeed it must consist in four for where it is in three the medium is iterated twice as what proportion four hath to six six hath to nine c. hath eaten the former quite up and is only used Or take Reason thus Reason is that by which men from given Principles do rightly infer and deduce Conclusions And Reasoning is twofold either à priori or à posteriori A priori from the cause nature and matter of necessary truths to shew what effects follow from thence and such Propositions are called demonstrative or scientifical shewn and known from the Causes such are all Propositions in Geometry and Mathematiques Or when the Effect is certain and the Cause probable and these are but probable
seen that the Turkish Muscovitical and other whatsoever Governments setled upon this principle That the goods and lives of the Subjects are the Princes not to defend as our Laws go but to dispose at will c. neither do nor can breed any obligation of Obedience in the Subject more then of Fear and present Utility Observ It seems then neither Fear nor Utility may be expected from our Authors Laws with which his absolute Trustee is impowered And what other means besides the law of God which commands us to be subject to the higher Powers Rom. 13. and S. Peter 1 Ep. cap. 2. 13. To submit our selves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether to the King as supreme c. can any Governor propound to his Subjects for their conformity to his Laws but utility and reward for their obedience and fear of punishment for their disobedience And here our Author calls them Tyrannical c. What 's the matter Have they too much power They have no more then God hath given them and in having less they should soon actually have none at all and Aristocraties and Democraties assume as much Do they eat too good meat or wear too good clothes Why sure Nature intended that the best things should be used and who better use them then the King What are many of their Subjects poor and miserable 'T is not their fault 't is the curse of God upon the ground for Adams sin in not giving up his will to Gods command that in sorrow man should eat of it all the days of his life Gen. 3. 17. And if any of these Tyrannical Governors as our Author calls them should divest themselves of all their power and greatness yet there would not be fewer poor laboring men And let our Author shew me in any of these Goverments half so many Slaves and miserable men as I will shew him have been under the Romans and other popular States Nor need any man in any of these be a Slave if he will become Renegado to his Faith and Religion whereas under the Romans c. they were necessitated to it at the will of their Lords Will they if they fear the power of any man to grow too great use means not fully warrantable in the known Laws either to make it less or none at all why the Portian Law prescribed only banishment to the Citizens of Rome in any offence yet Cethegus Lentulus Longinus c. were put to death for being agents in Catilines Conspiracie The Athenians would by their Ostracism banish any man that they but suspected would grow too great Will they make unjust war without any cause given why the Romans undertook the protection of the Mamertines Livy lib. 16. a company of * Sir Walter Raleigh book 5. ch 3. Hellhounds who had murdered their Hosts the Messanians and took possession of Messana against the Carthaginians which was the ground of the first Punick war And when Greece was divided amongst Athenians Lacedemonians Arcadians Corinthians Achaeans c. when was there any faith or troth among them but the weaker still bandying against the stronger till they were all brought in subjection to Philip the father of Alexander Will they put men to death upon no sufficient proof of crime against them why what proof of suspicion of crime was there against the most excellent and divine Philosopher Socrates or against the victorious Athenian Captains at the battel of Arginusae Will they not reward their good Servants and Captains what reward had Camillus Coriolanus both the Scipio's African and Asiatick See Dio Siculus Bib lib 13. Where the Syracusans before Dionysius his time made it their pastime to reward the vertue of their worthiest Commanders with death or banishment And Nicias lost the whole Athenian Army in Sicily consisting of above forty thousand men for fear if he had preserved them he should have been proscribed or put to death by the Athenians Thucid. lib. 7. Themistocles Alcibiades Hermocrates the noble Syracusan Dion c. Will they take severe revenge upon their enemies although it may be they had no just occasion given The poor Melaeans who were content not to have medled in the wars between the Athenians and Lacedemonians and no occasion of war against them but the will of the Athenians after they were forced to yield up their City at discretion were all of military age slain the women and children made slaves and Melos made a Colony to Five hundred of these cursed Demagogues as you may see at the end of the 5. book of Thucidides And see Plutarch in the Life of Sylla what came upon the Athenians who first called the Romans into Greece when Sylla took Athens Will they take severe revenge where as our Authors calls it the obeyer does not understand that it is his own profit which the action aims at that is to say when the Subject will not obey Let him see the fate of the Capuans in Livy lib. 26. and of the Mytileneans and Scionians in the 3. and 5. book of Thucidides What do they not govern their Subjects in peace Where was there ever any such dissention and confusion as in Democratical and Aristocratical States And the Grecians have seen less war and disquiet two hundred years together under the Turk then ever they saw in three years when it was divided into so many Aristocraties and Democraties But our Author will not endure that the Subject should be protected in his life and estate by the Law of these Tyrannical Governors Why what greater obligation of obedience can there be to Government on the Subjects part then that he is thence protected in his life and from thence holds whatsoever may be called his And since there never was nor can be a fourth species of Government how much better is it for a Subject to obey one Individual Prince then by an imaginary liberty to make his obedience to many for Quantae molis erit dominis servire duobus Author Well but let us compare one of these Tyrannical Governors with our Authors Absolute Governor For though our Authors Absolute Governor be a Mungrel extracted from equivocal generation and such a Beast as Nature never intended and Ground 8. tied up to certain Laws and Limits of the People yet for all that our Author can have a course too with his Lycisce though tied up in a line But then it must be agreed between our Author and his Lycisce that they say it be for the good of the People and then Ground 11. they are his Laws alack the while what is become of the Peoples Laws c. And Gr. 13. p. 101. The lawfulness of a Soveraign Commander is no other then that he truly thinketh to be for the good of the Commonwealth Observ So now Casting of Dollars and Coining of Dollars is all the difference between our Authors Trustee and one of these Tyrannical Governors the same thing differently called by the Author
Ratiocination and no reason can be given of it for Mens sive Intellectus sit principiorum Scientia verò cum ratione conjuncta Dictamen therefore rectae Rationis cannot amount higher then rightly to infer or conclude from prime causes or principles and by consequence cannot be the Law of Nature or God if Mr. Hobbs cannot give something prime or superior to it from whence it may be inferred or deduced And if the Laws of Nature or God be the dictates of right Reason then are the Laws of God the Creator subject and inferior to the faculty of a creature which is not only absurd but most monstrous and blasphemous 7. But because to bind and to be bound cannot be in the same thing Cap. 2. art 5. 13. he makes obligans him who accepts the will of other men and obligatus him who does will and so forsooth is become bound by his own will Observ And had not this man more need to learn his Grammar better who makes obligans the patient and obligatus the agent then undertake to write Elements Philosophical De Cive whereas the contrary is true in both for obligans is he who doth will and obligatus is he who accepts or receives the will of another 8. The action of two men or more mutually transferring their Rights is Cap. 2. art 9. called a Contract Observ There was never I think two more gross mistakes committed in so few words For first he takes the fulfilling of a Contract for the Contract it self A Contract is the mutual stipulation of two or more that they will do or give and the mutual transferring of what is contracted for fulfills and adnulls the Contract and there have been and will be infinite Contracts where there is no transferring nay where there is a mutual transferring there can be no Contract Secondly no Contract can be of Rights but only of things in possession The act of two or more mutually transferring is the act of two or more giving not contracting In every Contract either both statim perform that which is contracted for Ibidem or one performs and the other is credited or neither perform Observ So that the Contract and the Performance are diverse things which immediately before he confounds Nor can his statim at all help him for the Contract must precede and the Performance be subsequent it matters not how much or little time for Majus minus non variant speciem Secondly If one may perform and the other be credited or neither perform then there may be Contracts where there is no mutual transferring which is absurd by his definition Where both soon after statim perform there the Contract so soon as it is performed is fulfilled or finished Observ Sure he takes great virtue to be in statim which makes a Contract and the annulling and fulfilling of a Contract to be the same thing Where one or both are credited there he cui creditur promiseth that he will afterwards perform such promise is called a Pact Observ I do wonder therefore from whence his una persona or una curia can derive their supreme power whenas nothing can pass from either or neither part by vertue of the civil pact And no doubt this Civitas will be a noble structure built upon such a foundation wherein I think no man did ever pronounce so much in so little more rashly 9. We are freed from Pacts by two things either when the Pact is performed Cap. 2. art 15. or forgiven Observ Therefore in the Civil pact if any Right passes from the Subject to the Supreme power then hath the Subject performed his pact and so becomes freed from his subjection 10. No man by his Pact is obliged to an Impossibility Cap. 2. art 14. Observ And therefore can no Supreme power be derived from the Pacts of men For where there is not Jus vitae necis there can be no Supreme power and no man hath a power over his own life and therefore no man can give it or transfer it to another 11. No man can be obliged by his Pact not to resist him who brings or intends damage to his body Art 18. Observ And therefore no penal Laws can be executed but Subjects are freed from their obedience whensoever they have so far transgressed Laws that they become liable to any corporal punishment for where men may resist there can be no subjection 12. Men must not resist where they cannot obey Princes because it is against Cap. 18. ar 13. the Civil pact Also by this article Men must suffer martyrdom rather then resist which is absurd by art 18. cap. 2. for martyrdom brings corporal punishment with it 13. An Oath adds nothing to the obligation of a Pact or Contract says Cap. 2. art 22. Tho. Hobbs Observ But if Perjury be a greater crime then single Falshood then no doubt but a man is more obliged to perform a Pact or Contract to which he hath sworne then he who hath not and a man may see many men afraid to forswear themselves who make no conscience of telling a lye And if no man be obliged by an Oath then is an Oath nothing but the taking of Gods name in vain and it had been a vain thing in Abraham to have made his eldest servant swear by the Lord God of heaven and the God of the earth that Gen. 24. 2 3. he should not take a wife to his son of the daughters of Cannaan 14. The second Law of Nature is Men must stand to their pacts Cap. 3. art 1. Observ Every Man is obliged to his promise by the Law of Nature and all Men are obliged to their pacts by the positive humane Laws of every place where they made them And to suppose that the Supreme power of any place is made from the pacts of Men and that Men are obliged to their pacts by the supreme Power of that place is absurd and Idem per Idem 15. See how learnedly he proves from Scripture the abolishing of Mens common Right to all things he cites Gen. 13. 8. And Abraham said to Lot let there be no strife I pray thee between thee and me and between my Cap. 4. art 4. Herdsmen and thy Herdsmen behold the whole Land is before thee depart from me I pray thee Observ Verse 7. is And there was a strife between the Herdsmen of Abrams cattel and the Herdsmen of Lots cattel So then before the abolishing of the common Right of all things Abram and Lot had property in their Servants and Cattel which is absurd and impossible for nothing can be common and proper 16. The succession was due to Esau by the Law of Nature being the Cap. 4. art 15. prope finem Observ eldest son of Isaac if he had not sold it or his Father otherwise appointed Yet he saies truly Cap. 3. Art 29. the Laws of Nature are immutable and here he saies
or not For men if they do not submit and consent to rightful Kings government they disobey God Deut. 17. 15. Nor did God rob the Israelites Syrians or Persians or any other Nation of any of their original right and power of making to themselves Kings by giving them Kings Nor were these Kings Civitates Naturales as he calls them having overcome by force and commanding lest they Cap. 5. art 12. should kill Xenophon in his Proeme to Cyropoedia says We know they did partly obey Cyrus who were severed from him many days journey they who were severed from him many moneths journey and they who had never seen him and lastly they who could not hope ever to see Cyrus yet were content to obey him And when he had reckoned up all the Countries subject to Cyrus says He enjoyed the Dominion of all those Kingdoms whose language was neither the same with his nor common with themselves And yet there could be nothing less then for fear of him so great a part of the world should obey that all stricken with fear none should dare to disobey him Observ And whereas he says That is to be understood the will of the Council Art 7. which is the will of the major part of those Men of whom the Council consists It is an improper speech for the will of the major part cannot be the will of the totality but plurality and if the will of the major part could be the will of the whole then were a part equal to the whole which is absurd and impossible by Not. 9. Eucl. lib. 1 And though he takes such pains about his Pacts and makes them so essential and precedent to all Civitates and that all Institutive Civitas is built upon yet such is Truths excellency that he overthrows it all where he says Quare tu appellas eum Tyrannum quem Deus Regem fecit 'T is true Cap. 12. ar 13. indeed if he be a King only God can make him so And if Civil power Pro. 8. 15. Isa 3. 4. had been artificial in the cause then must it necessarily be that some time may be instanced where and when this artifice was not For all arts depending and being made from mans understanding and reason there must be a time before this art was found out and if it were an art it is not to be imagined that it should alwaies in all times be practised every where in the habitable world And every man sees that sometimes several arts are esteemed by some men in one place and neglected by others in the same place and in other places not minded at all and a famous Invention or Art is much cryed up in one Age not minded and neglected in another whereas the mutual offices of Commanding and Obeying were always among men in all places ever since there were men in the world 'T is true therefore which Aristotle says that Nascitur dominus nascitur servus Lib. 1. Pol. Cap. 3. art 13. although he would have it contrary to reason and experience And by consequence the Kings of Denmark Poland and the Romans are rather Kings by courtesie as they call the sons of Dukes and the eldest sons of Marquesses and Earls and the Judges when they are upon the Bench Lords though they be none rather then Kings indeed And so the Emperor and Duke of Venice are rather Supreme Powers in imagination then truly so which made our Edward the Third to refuse the Empire and Henry the Fourth of France to scorn it And if it be true which he says as it is that God makes Kings then is it Cap. 7. art 15. false where he says that a Monarch may at his will declare his Successor Observ Sure this man would not have feared to have been of the Lady Jane's Conspiracie against Queen Mary the Lady Jane being declared Successor to Edward the Sixth by his last will and Testament Besides if it be true as it is which Sir Edward Coke says that Solus Deus haeredem facere potest non Co. Lit. sect 7. homo and this to Estates that descend by Humane Laws then sure no man can make an Heir to a Crown But if Mr. Hobbs shall ask me If power in Government were not originally from Pacts how it came first into the world I answer That I am not bound to give an account of things how they came to pass whereof there is no record It is enough for me to affirm That no time ever was wherein men did live together out of Society and Government Besides Society being natural it is an absurd question and a man may as well ask why God made the world in that order and frame that he hath or how he came to make Man a reasonable creature and all other irrational as why a sociable Well but if he shall say that Laws ought to be known and if Kings reign by Gods law then how can any man know that this man is King in this place and that man King in another place I answer That I am content to shew this man by Gods law to be King here and that man to be King there when any man shall shew me by any Humane law that any Individual man is heir to any Estate And if there be that excellencie in truth that a right Heir to the meanest Estate be rarely suppressed then is this excellencie of truth more perspicuous whenas I am confident that the right Heir to a Crown was never so suppressed but he was ever believed to be so by them who had never seen him and most hated him Besides Jus is duplex Jus proprietatis possessionis Jus ad rem and Jus in re And therefore any Prince who is possest of a Crown has a Title good enough against any man else but him who hath the Jus proprietatis or Jus ad rem And therefore ought no man upon penalty of Damnation to resist the Higher powers which are that is which are in possession if it does not clearly Rom. 13. 1. and evidently appear that this is only pretended power and force indeed to the dispossession and disinheritance of another against whose right and title no just exception can be taken Let this suffice here we shall take occasion to discourse hereof more hereafter I would fain know of Mr. Hobbs Who gave the People this power of making Kings or Civitates or what are the People that have or when was it that they had it At what age in pure nature shall any man claim this right of giving up his Will or be an Instrument of making this Civil Pact or who shall define this time Whether Women be not part of Mankind and have not Wills as much or more then Men and are not as liable to punishment for not observance or transgressing humane Laws as Men Whether it be not reasonable Posterity may not give up their Wills to another since they have not the
Right or Law ab hac Grotius juris significatione flowed another larger which he saies a little after consists in discerning what delights or hurts us and in judging how things should be wisely distributed Observ What is there in this which is proper to Man does not every other Creature by an instinct in nature which God has given instead of reason discern much better then any Man does what thing delights and hurts them and all oviparal creatures more wisely distribute to their young ones then the wisest Man can to his Children He defines jus naturale to be Dictatum rectae rationis indicans actui Lib. 1. cap. 1. para 10. alicui ex ejus convenientia aut disconvenientia cum ipsa natura rationali inesse moralem turpitudinem aut necessitatem moralem ac consequenter ab auctore naturae Deo talem actum aut vetari aut praecipi The Law of nature is the dictate of right reason shewing to any action from its convenience or disconvenience with Rational nature that there is in it a Moral turpitude or a Moral necessity and consequently such an act is commanded or forbidden by God the Author of Nature Observ Would not any man after all this adoe expect that Grotius had defined something But if definitio be exclusio aequivoci then is that no definition which may signifie one thing as well as another and if humane actions convenient or disconvenient with Rational nature may be prudent and profitable aswell as Just and Moral then is there not in every action convenient and disconvenient with the Rational nature a Moral turpitude or necessity and so every such action is not the Law of Nature and so neither commanded nor forbidden by God But I forgive Grotius in this not having defined any thing less equivocally as also his every where confounding jus with lex in regard the Romans Civilians and generally Lawyers do so yet thus much I do affirm that if jus and lex according to Calepine do differ as Genus and Species or at least as the cause and effect for it is impossible there should be lex lata where there was not jus legislativum superior and the cause of the Law then he which writes of these things must distinguish and define them or he shall never write clearly or be clearly understood in any thing which he writes of them But though he makes jus naturale to be dictatum rectae rationis viz. a liberty or abstinence to every Man to do or not do whatsoever is reasonable Lib. 1. cap. 1. Parag. 10. to him and that this jus is the Law of God and unalterable by God himself yet without giving any reason for it he saies Sciendum est praeterea c. It is to be further known that natural Right or Law does not only act concerning those things which are above a Mans will but concerning many things which follow a mans will So Dominion which is now brought in use mans will brought in But being brought in it is wickedness in me to take against thy will that which Natural law or right Jus naturale shews to be of thy dominion Observ So that his Principles before were either equivocal or obscure And here is one which signifies contradictory and impossible things These things therefore granted and being the easie and known Principles upon which Grotius laies his foundation and so plain and perspicuous as no exception nay not so much as equivocation can be taken against them any of them or any part of them Sure he shall not need much to use the help of Geometry to build a most exact and noble Structure which shall not only be a Land-mark but also a Sea-mark for all Kings and Common-wealths now and hereafter to govern and steer their actions by tam per mare quà m per terram as well by Land as Sea but also a secure Rule for Subjects to continue their obedience until they pretend a necessity for rebellion if otherwise they cannot find some relief out of such popular Orators as Cicero Demosthenes Cleon c. which Grotius shall esteem of like weight with any testimony of Scripture It is a most pleasant thing to see the excellencie of Truth in her pure and simple nakedness how plain easie and beautiful she appears whereas Falshood with all the art learning and industry of man is still rendred more perplext confused and dark by how much is added to it And therefore to what a volume here has Grotius increased his Jus Naturale Sometime it is Jus divinum voluntarium jus divinum jus humanum jus humanum voluntarium jus gentium jus civile jus latius patens jus arctius patens jus constitutum jus immutabile jus commune jus gladii jus divinum perfectius jus belli solenne jus belli minus solenne jus precarium jus revocabile jus usufructuarium jus temporarium jus armorum movendorum magistratuum minorum jus naturae pro certo statu jus rectorium jus aequatorium jus superveniens regis jus externum jus internum jus exterorum supervenienti dominio jus pignoris jus retentionis jus servitutis jus luendi pignoris jus transeundi jus morandi jus habitandi jus habendi loca deserta jus reductive jus restrictive jus gentium improprie jus derelictum jus quaesitum jus feciale jus externum efficax jus reale jus inventionis jus primi occupantis jus proprietatis jus possessionis jus dominii jus herile jus paternum c. Whereas if he had made use of that plain and short Sentence which the greatest Glory of all the Heathen Roman Emperors professed he learned Alex. Severus of the Christians Quod tibi fieri non vis ne feceris alteri it would have signified infinitely more then is contained in all the confused obscurity which he imposes upon the world in this Book De Jure Belli Pacis founded upon this false and feigned Principle of the Original right and power of the People from whence he derives all power in Government For art thou a Subject thou wouldest not willingly any man should forceably or fraudulently take any thing which the Law has given thee from thee Do not thou so by another Is he a King he would not have his Subjects wronged by another Let not him wrong another Kings Subjects If one Subject does another wrong the Law is open he who is wronged may have relief by Action or Complaint not by Arms. If one King does wrong to another he who is wronged has God and his sword to defend himself and do justice upon his Adversary And whether the doing or not doing such a thing be wrong or injury is every King and not Grotius Judge and God the Judge of every King It is true that in all Faculties whatsoever and in all Arts and Sciences men must use Terms to express what they conceive by any general Notion and Thesis Et ab universalibus ad particularia ratiocinando oritur scientia and must alter their Terms
as they proceed from one thing to another and add to them in the specifications of them for Omnis additio probat minoritatem But no man who desires to be understood or who desires to understand himself will undertake such a task as Grotius here does to compile a Volume upon such contradictory equivocal and obscure Principles For Conclusio sequitur deteriorem partem And if any part of a Proposition be but probable though the Sillogism be made in the clearest Mood yet the Conclusion is no more And any man may much better thus reason then Grotius does A right-lined Figure is that which is comprehended under right lines and that which is comprehended under three right lines is a right-lined Triangle Sciendum praeterea c. It is to be further understood Right-lined Figures are not only such as are contained under right lines but may serve for many other things besides So Spherical Figures as they are now used by Astronomers the invention of man has found out but being found out these right-lined Figures may serve for them also for Spherical and right-lined Figures have many things common to them both as when they are cut transverse they are cut to right angles and in Spherical and right-lined Triangles two sides is more then the third howsoever taken and in both the sides have the same proportion one to another that their opposite angles have nor are they in any thing contrary one to another Yet if any man shall take a Spherical and right-lined Triangle for the same thing as Grotius does Jus Naturale which he makes to signifie Community and Property in the same Principle which are contrary one to another I make no doubt but he might compile as big a Volume and almost as little to be understood as this De jure Belli Pacis Well but let us see why Jus Naturale is immutable by God himself Note Grotius every where almost confounds Jus with Lex and here he takes Jus Naturale for Lex Naturae For Although says he the power of God is immense yet some things may be said to be to which it does not extend it self because those things so said are only said and have no sense which may express the thing but are repugnant to themselves So that twice Two should not make Four cannot be effected by God Observ It is true that God cannot make contradictory things and things repugnant to agree and to be the same But this is nothing to Grotius his purpose for a Similitude proves nothing nor is there any analogie between the things propounded by Grotius For though things simply necessary be If Lex lata had any obligation upon the Legislator then were the Creator obliged and subject to the creature than which there is nothing more blasphemous immutable by God yet the Law of Nature is the Law of God and therefore being a creature of God's it cannot have any obligation upon God but being the Law of God given to Mankind it is immutable by them and God might if it had pleased him have given something else for the Law of Nature to Mankind Both Grotius his Positions therefore in this Section are manifestly false absurd and blasphemous viz. That the Law of Nature is immutable by God himself And That Usus communis is Jure naturali and yet mutable by the will of Man And if I be demanded to shew an example that God is not obliged to the Law of Nature or that the Law of Nature is not immutable by God I say Jus suum cuique tribuere is from the Law of Nature yet did the Children of Israel borrow Jewels of gold of silver and raiment of the Ex. 12. 15 16. Egyptians and all such things as they required of them and spoiled them by not making restitution without any violence upon the Law of Nature because God commanded them nay they had sinned and disobeyed God if they had not done it And so by the Law of Nature every Father is obliged to preserve and nourish his children yet because when God commanded Abraham to offer up and kill his son Isaac Abraham was obedient to God and would have done it God takes it for the highest act of Abrahams faith and swears by himself That in blessing he would bless him and in Gen. 22. 17. multiplying he would multiply his seed as the stars of heaven c. Yet can no man borrow with a resolution of not-restitution nor any Father put his Son without cause to death where God does not command though all the world should command it without a violence upon the Law of Nature Nay I say the Laws of Nature being eternal there was never any time when men ought not to give every man his due and so by consequence no time when Grotius his Usus communis was since Men were born but ever since Men were in the world Dominion and Property have been Cain had his Gen. 4. 3 4. Fruit of the Tillage of the ground and Abel had his Flock and the Firstlings of his Flock neither of which could be if Grotius his Usus communis had been Object But you may say Property presupposes humane Laws which must give it and humane Laws must happen in succession of time And that therefore before these humane Laws were there could be no Property and by consequence all things were common and undivided Sol. For the satisfying of this doubt we must consider that God in the Creation only created one Man and out of him made Woman and that ever since no Man was ever made but the species of Mankind hath been continued by generation I grant that all things were common to Adam except the forbidden fruit but no Man that was ever born into the world and not a Posthumous King who was not born in subjection to humane Laws Nor did ever Adam derive this Legislative right which he had over his Wife and Children by any Pact Contract or Submission of his Wife and Children but had it from God because he was first made 1 Tim. 2. 13. It is therefore manifestly false which these men beg That by Nature all Men are equal and that the will of Man brought in Dominion Nor do these men shew out of any sacred or prophane History that ever Dominion was brought in by Man or that Men had things common and undivided among them Well but Grotius having in this Paragraph in a tedious unsignificant Lib. 1. cap. 1. para 10. thing defined the Law of Nature so as it may signifie any thing and made it the Law of God and that thing which hath quite routed this Law of God out of the world and set up another thing in stead of it to be the Law of Nature and made the Law of Nature to be immutable by God himself and yet to continue but for a certain season thinks he hath not so perspicuously done this but that a certain Image of mutation may
of another As here in the observation of the Sabbath the omitting of which duty was a sin only against God for no man had any wrong done to him thereby But Thou shalt not commit adultery Thou shalt not kill c. which if a man does he not only sins against God but does wrong to another Admit in case of necessity God who hath made all things for man and man only for himself hath dispenced with many sins which related only to him for mans preservation yet by Grotius his good leave we must not go too far for I do not see then how the primitive Christians should have suffered martyrdom and not have symbolized or resisted the Gentiles yet it does not therefore follow that any man may pretend any necessity nor can any one shew that ever God did dispense withall to transgress Gods command and to do that wrong and injury to others which is impossible for him to repair as in Subjects making war against their Superiors for what recompence can be given for the blood and destruction which they bring upon them who obey their Superior And I hope neither Grotius nor any man else will deny it is lawful to obey Superiors Yet from the authority of S. Peter 1 ep 2. 21. qui animam ita perdit Grotius S. Matt. 10. 19. S. Luc. 13. 33. is vere eam acquivisse à Christo pronunciatur and the example of the primitive Christians he seems to be in the negative Observ But why in reason should he make Gods command to be in subornation to a humane constitution and that not founded upon any command of his neither I cannot tell Well see what he says for it Here he has his Notandum Grotius primò homines non Dei praecepto sed sponte adductos experimento infirmitatis familiarum segregum adversus violentiam in societatem civilem coiisse unde ortum habet potestas civilis quam ideo humanam ordinationem Petrus 1 Pet. 2. 13. vocat quamque alibi divina ordinatio quia hominum salubre institutum 1 Pet. 2. 13. Deus probavit Observ If there was never nor can be a Family where men be in a parity of condition and that as Grotius here says Civil power was made from Families then were not men in a parity and like condition before they brought in the Dominion which is now in use And therefore all his whole Treatise founded hereon not only false but repugnant and contrary to himself And how is his Notandum that Legal power is not made by Gods precept but from the People proved by S. Peter It is true S. Peter calls it an ordinance of Man but if this be not Gods ordinance of Man it is inconsistible with Rom. 13. 1. and with what he himself says immediately after viz. for the Lords sake It is therefore the Lords ordinance of Man and so quite contrary to Grotius his Notandum Where to look for the Divine ordinance because God has called it a wholsom Institution of Man I cannot tell nor care much Then Grotius in seven Cases together gives leave to make war But ex hypothesi how it can be of Subjects making war against their Superiors I do not understand unless it be in the fourth where he says A King loses his Kingdom if he be carried with a hostile mind to the destruction of all the People For in none of the other there can be any subjection But how any man should be so mad as being a King he should make himself worse then any private man by destroying his Subjects I do not understand and therefore Grotius might very well have left his 4. or 11. Parag. alone The rest of this Chapter is Wherein an Invader may be resisted He speaks nothing against Usurpation for fear he calls his Countrimen in question So Grotius seems to leave it indifferent whether there be a necessity of Subjects obedience God expresly and the practice of the Primitive times were for it Certain Laws of God although generally pronounced have a tacite exception of highest necessity seems to be against it But Mr. Hobbs outruns the Constable and a Cap. 6. art 12. makes the King or Civitas not only impunible for whatsoever he shall do and b Art 20. indissolvable by that power that made him c Art 14. And that the King or Supreme power is not bound by its own Laws And d Art 15. that no man has any thing proper against it But also e Art 11. this Civitas or Supreme power has power to examine what doctrine shall be taught against which none ought to say any thing contrary For says he if any one may command one thing upon pain of natural death another forbid it upon the penalty of eternal death and both by right it will fellow not only Citizens although innocent may be justly punished but the City dissolved for No man can serve two Masters Observ True not actively where they command contradictories Yet so it pleases God that not all who love and serve him should go to heaven upon beds of roses Nor is any man a loser if God for his temporal affliction 1 Pet. 2. 21. S. Matt. 10. 39. S. Lu. 13. 33. crowns him with eternal happiness And therefore where it pleases God to give and not the People make wicked and idolatrous Princes for the sins of a Nation there must good men expect persecution and affliction And if Mr. Hobbs says true then must no man speak against the golden Image Dan. 3. Nebuchadnezzar had set up nay every man ought to fall down and worship it for he says Obedience is not rightly distinguished if it be distinguished into Cap. 4. art 23. Annot. art 7. cap. 16. active and passive But Mr. Hobbs has a help for this for he says The City may command such a Worship of God as is irrational But if it be done at the command of the Civitas to which the written Word of God is not known or received Cap 15. art 1. 8 he has shewed such a Worship of God to be rational But says he Men must have a care that they do not worship God so where he reigns by Covenant as by the Covenant of Abraham for there it is ill done whether it be done by the command of the Civitas or not But whether as among the Jews heretofore or with the Christians now for I hope he will not deny God to reign as much over Christians by Covenant as ever he did over the Jews how can any Man obey both where contraries are commanded if there be no passive obedience Yet he makes it an easie thing to obey both God and Men actively in the last chap. by distinguishing between things necessary and not necessary to Salvation as if humane power did never nor will forbid things necessary to Salvation but then Men may save themselves by saying one thing and meaning another and making themselves
Fishes are animalia vivipara that is bringing forth their young ones actual living Creatures and do generate viviparorum more should in that vast body of the Ocean when as by reason of the grosseness of the Medium they cannot use their sight at any small distance to perceive when they are neer one another at the seasons of generation find one another To proceed herein were proper for Plinies natural History or Aristotles History of living Creatures All Creatures are either animalia nociva hurtful Creatures which prey upon and devoure other living Creatures or innocua which feed and eate upon such vegetives as grow and are renewed by the earth or water or sociabilia which are only Men who are better or worse then other living Creatures accidentally If they suffer themselves to be enslaved by their depraved passions and appetitions then they become worse than any hurtful Creature but if they by depressing their passions and ill affections rule their actions by reason they far transcend all other Creatures The end of Government is twofold either to preserve the governed in peace within themselves or to protect them from forraign force or power in neither of which respects is Government requisite to other Creatures besides Men For animalia nociva are solivaga and therefore no Government is required to keep them in Peace one with another whereas they do not company one with another And many other living Creatures who are not by nature hurtful do not keep in companies and therefore no Government to preserve themselves in peace is requisite to them neither It is an admirable thing to contemplate how nature has granted to these hurtful and robustious Creatures armes consentaneous to their force to protect themselves from outward force and violence of those Creatures who are enemies unto them as the Lyon his paws and tayle the Bear his paw the Fox Otter Brock c. their Teeth whereas other Creatures who are by nature denied those armes to defend themselves what a strange cunning and dexterity has nature given them in the preservation of themselves from those Creatures who are hurtful to them and prey upon them Those Creatures who live in Community one with another by desiring the same things and avoiding the same things to direct their actions to a common end that their companies are obnoxious to no seditions and therefore Government is not necessary to them neither and of them is Man usually Protector against their ravening enemies Men differ from other Creatures for they are neither Animalia solivaga not gregalia but sociabilia that is living in conversation and subordination and Man is born a living Creature apted potentially for society and alike naked and unarmed as one whom nature intended a sociable peaceful and politick Creature and to be governed rather by reason than force in all his actions and therefore has endewed him with hands and ingenuity that having by his ingenuity purchased himself necessaries he might with his hands cloathe feed and defend himself In all other Creatures the Laws of Nature that is those bounds which God by Nature has set them are securely obeyed and never transgressed by them and are only transgressed and violated by Man and therefore the Laws of Nature are not sufficient for the preservation of mankind in Peace for by reason of the discords which arise naturally in Men for Honor and preheminence Secondly the appetite of possessing all things Thirdly the desire to excell other Men in wisdome and policy and to that end are studious of novelty which causes seditions and civil warrs that they might be esteemed wiser then the men of this present Age or their predecessorsby reason of which present coersive humane Laws are necessary for preserving peace among Men that the feare of a present punishment may deter men from those things which because of their Infidelity and Atheisme they otherwise would not feare Isay this Humane Power from whence all Humane Laws are derived is from the Law of Nature and if it shall seem strange to any Man that it should be Humane and yet derived from the Law of Nature let that Man consider that only Man is a Humane Creature and does Humane and reasonable actions and yet it is from the Law of Nature that only Man is a Humane Creature and can do Humane and reasonable actions And the Fathers and Husbands power is Humane yet I think no Man before Mr. Hobbs did ever deny that they were from the Law of Nature I know in usual speech the supream power of Nations is called Politick power which is a mistaking of the cause for the effect for it is not the power which is politick in the cause but in the effect and exercise as take an instance of my meaning A Father hath divers Children of several dispositions one disposed to learning another endewed with bodily strength and averse from learning another hath not bodily strength yet a desire to learning but by reason of his gross Minerva is not probably qualified to attain to any great progress in it c. The Father breeds up his Studious Son in literature his Active Son which hath no disposition to learning he makes a Soldier or Seaman his Duller Child he binds an Apprentice to some Trade c. Though the Fathers power be Natural yet this exercise of it is Politick so though Regal Power be from the Law of Nature yet must the exercise of it be Politick And therefore Humane Laws and the exercise or Politick use of Humane Power cannot though the Power of all Kings be alike and from the Law of Nature be the same in several Nations but different according to the nature manners and dispositions of the Inhabitants And we see the same King governing in divers places by divers Laws accordingly as his Subjects are different in manners and dispositions Humane Laws therefore and the Politick use of Regal Power cannot be as the Laws of Nature are immutable and the same in all parts of the world but ought to take their origination from the nature and disposition of the Governed and are alterable as Mens vices and manners do alter The Method observed in the subsequent TREATISE and the Reason of it ALl Science all Learning and all Reasoning by the Judgment of Aristotle is begotten from pre-existing Principles which being indemonstrable in themselves do demonstrate them And since that all Society or Power and Subjection whatsoever is created by Divine or Humane Laws and since it is impossible there should be Lex Lata where there was not Jus Legislativum Superior and the cause of it In the First Book we treat of Rights Laws Virtues the Obligation of Laws and of Pacts Promises Vows Leagues and Gifts and from whom Men become obliged to them These things thus premised the Second Book treats of the Causes of all Humane Christian and Legal Society of Regal and Magistrates Power of the Three Species of Government viz. Monarchy Aristocracy and
law of Nature All Ecclesiastical right is by divine positive institution By the 5. Propos it is not from any Humane law therefore by the 1. Notion it is by Divine positive law or institution 7. By the 2. Notion all Humane laws are made by men but it is impossible Jus primi occupantis is not from any humane law by the 4. Notion that men should make laws where no men are therefore cannot Jus primi occupantis be from any Humane law 8. This right of first possession not being only due before Gods revelation Nor from divine positive laws of himself in the Scriptures but also where they are not believed or received it cannot be by the 4. Notion from Gods divine positive laws 9. All Right by the 1. Notion being either from the law of Nature It is from the law of nature or some Divine positive or Humane law and this right by the 7. Propos not being from any Humane law and by the 8. Prop. not being from Divine positive laws it is by the 1. Notion due by the law of Nature It is proved lib. 3. cap. 11. that Subjection is natural and therefore no Annot. natural Subject can put himself out of the power of his Soveraign And by consequence this right of first occupying or finding by any Subject or Subjects is the right of the Soveraign in whose power such Subject or Subjects are and such Subjects are the Instruments of occupying or invention by which this right does accrue to the Supreme Power 10. Jus Gentium is a right which every Nation hath to send Ambassadors Jus gentium is from the law of nature to mediate Peace with any other although in publick hostility with them And this right not being topical but general by the 3. Notion it is from the Law of Nature 11. The Usufructuary right which separated persons for Gods divine The right which separated persons for the worship and service of God have to tythes is from the law of nature worship and service have to Tythes is not only general and therefore by the 3. Notion due by the Law of Nature but also being due and yet by no Humane Law and being due as well where Gods positive Institutions are not believed and received as where they are This right by the 1. Not. is due from the Law of Nature and by consequence the detaining of them by the Laity is a violence upon the Law of Nature for no Humane Law can dispence with the Law of Nature 12. The right of Subjects is either an Usufructuary right or a right Jus subditorum twofold Proprietatis or Usufructuarium is from humane laws of Propriety Jus Proprietatis is when any Subject or company of Subjects have by some Law a right to any individual thing excluding all other but him from whom this right is derived viz. the Supreme Power of the place An Usufructuary right is when any man or men have no right of Property to the thing but only a right to the profits arising from it as a Parson Vicar Judge and Fellows of Colledges have no Property in the Parsonage or Vicarage-house or glebes Judges place or Fellowships of Colledges And these rights neither being due from any Law of Nature nor any Divine positive Law are by the 1. Notion from the Temporal or Humane Laws of every Nation 13. Jura sanguinis nullo jure civili dirimi possint Nor is Primogeniture The right of Primogeniture is due by the Law of Nature only preferred where Gods revelation of himself in the Scriptures are received but where they are not received Their right therefore of Primogeniture is from the Law of Nature 14. It is true that Divine Laws oblige all men alike and so Humane No Divine or Humane laws give Right or Property to any man quà homo but quà talis Laws oblige all Subjects alike But the Right or Property created by Divine or Humane Laws by the Definition is in some man or men excluding all others but him or them from whom it is derived Right or Property therefore being such a mans excluding all others it cannot be where it includes all men either as Men or Subjects Thus the Legislative right is from the Law of Nature but every man as man hath not this Lawgiving right So Jus primi occupantis is from the Law of Nature but every man is not Primus occupans And so the right of Primogeniture but every man is not First-born c. And so Gods divine Laws in the Scriptures oblige all men alike but yet do not they give to all men alike the right of Preaching the Gospel Administration of Sacraments c. but only to such separated persons so qualified And so Humane Laws oblige all Subjects alike but they do not give Right or Property to all alike but to one man or more excluding all other 15. That is Right or Property which is such a mans or mens excluding How Community and Right or Property differ others That is Community which is common to one man as much as another as the Common Road the Air or Sea-water c. CHAP. II. Of Laws 1. AS in all Arts and Sciences there must be some Axioms and Principles Introduction which must prove those Arts and Sciences and these must be first granted and be the reason of those Arts and Sciences and yet no reason can be given of them before any man can deduce any thing from thence for no mans Reason can work upon nothing So in all just and legal actions there must always be some Law given which is superior to the Agents reason and the reason that such an act is just or legal and where there is no Law there can neither be Justice nor transgression It is not therefore the will or fancy of any Agent that makes any action just or legal but the doing of it in conformity to the precept of him who by right commands or permits it which makes it just and legal Et oportet neminem Regula sapientiorem esse legibus And if private mens wills judgments or reasons should be the rule of their actions what one Subject is there of a thousand that would be content with that condition wherein the Law has placed him It is not therefore what I or another judge fit or desire but the directing our actions in common to the rules and precepts of our Superiors by which we may hope to enjoy peace and unity and be before God Angels and Men truly accounted just and virtuous 2. All Laws may be divided into Divine Humane Ecclesiastical or Division of Laws Despotical 3. All Divine Laws are twofold either Natural engraven in the Divine Laws how manifold minds of all Mortal Men whereby they are to worship one God and by all just means to preserve peace with Men or supernatural viz. extraordinarily revealed by God in the Old and New Testament
accounted Abrahams faith St. James 2. 23. That he would have offered up Isaac though by the law of nature Abraham should have preserved his sonne and so God ceased the motion of the Sun and Moon upon Joshua's prayer Jos 10. 12. And caused the same to go retrogade ten degrees upon the prayer of Hezekias and Isaiah 2 Kings 20. 11. It is true that nothing less then that power which made a Law can alter it the Laws therefore of God whether positive or natural have an eternal and immutable obligation upon all the men in the world but whatsoever power may make a Law that power may alter it Divine Laws therefore whether positive or natural cannot have any obligation upon God but he may alter them when he pleases CHAP. VI. The Obligation of Divine and Humane Laws upon the Consciences and Persons of Men. 1. COnscience comes of con and scio to know together with reason Conscience or some law Conscientia est animi quaedam ratio lex quâ de recte factis secus admonemur Conscience is a certain reason or law of the Mind whereby we are well or ill advised of our deeds The laws therefore of Man may not only be violated by doing contrary to them but by consenting to them As he which does contrary to that he thinks though the doing of the thing be just yet 't is unjustly done by him for whatsoever is not of faith is sin Rom. 14. 23. 2. The affirmative precepts of God they do semper obligare yet they The obligation of the laws of God do not oblige ad semper As when he commands us to pray continually it is not to be expected a man should be always in the act of prayer but so to live as he does nothing which may indispose him from praying But Gods negative precepts do not only always oblige but oblige ad semper too for there is no time at all wherein it is lawful for a man to kill to steal to commit adultery c. Deut. 5. 17 18 19 20 21. negative in all instances 3. Ecclesiastical laws do oblige in Conscience If thy brother shall neglect Ecclesiastical laws oblige in conscience to hear thee tell it to the Church but if he neglect to hear the Church let him be to thee as a heathen man or Publican Mat. 18. 17. And the Scribes and Pharises sit in Moses chair all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe and do but do not after their works for they say and do not Mat. 23. 2 3. If then by the law of our Saviour the Jews were to observe and do whatsoever the Scribes and Pharises commanded them because they sate in Moses seat sure with as much or much more reason ought Christians to observe and do whatsoever the Church which our Saviour Christ himself hath planted doth command them 4. My kingdom is not of this world Joh. 18. 36. God sent not his Son In conscience only into the world to judge the world but that by him he might save the world Joh. 3. 17. And O man who has made me a Judge or divider amongst you If then our Saviours kingdom were not of this world if God sent not his Son to judge the world and if our Saviour were not a Judge among men then cannot the Church of Christ have any power from Christ in the kingdoms of the world nor to judge the world nor to be a Judge or divider among men 5. Ecclesiastical laws according to the usage and custom of England To what things Ecclesiastical laws have reference relate to Blasphemy Apostacie from Christianity Heresies Schisms Holy Orders Admissions Institution of Clerks Celebration of Divine Service Rights of Matrimony Divorces general Bastardy Subtraction and Right of Tythes Oblations Obventions Dilapidations Excommunication Reparation of Churches Probate of Testaments Administrations and Accounts upon the same Simony Incests Fornications Adulteries Sollicitation of Chastity Pensions Procurations Appeals in Ecclesiastical cases Commutation of Penance which are determined by Ecclesiastical Judges 6. So that there is a mixt Conusance in the Ecclesiastical Judicature All things determinable by Ecclesiastical Judges are not meerly spiritual viz. of things meerly Spiritual by which they are impowered to judge and take conusance of and that by no humane power but only as they are impowered and sent by our Saviour and are only his Ministers viz. the taking conusance of Blasphemy Excommunication Heresie Holy Orders Celebration of Divine Service c. And this Ghostly power the Church and Ecclesiastical persons had before ever Temporal powers received the Gospel of Christ or were converted to Christianity And also after it pleased God that Nations and Kingdoms were converted to Christianity and that Kings did become nursing fathers and Queens nursing mothers Isa 49. 23. to Gods Church then did Kings cherish and defend Gods Church and endued it with many Priviledges and Immunities which ere while was persecuted by them or other Powers but yet could not these Immunities or Priviledges divest them of that Ghostly power which our Saviour by divine institution gave his Church It is true no question but that originally not only all Bishopricks and their bounds and the division of all Parishes and the conusance the Church hath of Tythes of Probate of Wills of granting of Letters of Administration and Accounts upon the same the right of Institution and Induction and the erection of all Ecclesiastical Courts c. were all originally of the Kings foundation and donation and that to him only by all divine and humane laws belongs the care and preservation of all his Subjects none excepted in all causes And therefore not only all those things which relate to the extern peace and quiet of the Church although exercised by Ecclesiastical persons but all those priviledges and immunities which the Church or Churchmen have in a Church planted which the Primitive Christians and Apostles had not in the persecution of the Church when planting are originally Grants of Kings and Supreme Powers and so Temporal or Secular Laws but in regard they accidentally have reference to the Church and are exercised by Ecclesiastical persons they are not improperly called the Kings Ecclesiastical Laws And sure either ignorance of this or faction hath made men run into two contrary extremes one That Kings have no right to their Crowns but in ordine ad bonum spirituale and so cannot be Kings or That all power and jurisdiction in all causes is from the King and so cannot there be any such thing as Christian faith Religion or any Ghostly power left by our Saviour with his Church to continue to the end of the world which every Christian man de fide ought to believe and submit to before any Temporal Law or Power in the world Object But beeause Ecclesiastical laws have not infallibility affixed to them if they command any thing repugnant to Divine laws do they then oblige Answer No for God
another if the other accepts of any thing in acknowledgement that he will do that thing both parties are obliged by the Law or upon the giving or doing of one party the Law obligeth the other 4. Absolute promises receive their obligation from a precedent or Wherein a bare promise and a Contract differ present consideration or condition as if for a benefit received or any present consideration I promise c. Contracts from a subsequent as if I promise to another that if he will do for or give me or another such a thing that then I will do for him or give him such a thing this being a conditional promise or contract upon the performance of the others consideration or conditions being subsequent to my promise I am obliged by Law to performe my promise made to him and therefore ex nudo pacto non oritur actio for I am not obliged by any act of the other to performe any thing All contracts are made by words of the futuretense as si aliquis dederit aut fecerit dabo aut faciam 5. A contract differs from a meere obligation in this a single obligation Wherein a Contract differs from a single obligation is when one or more for such a sum of Mony Lands Houses c. had and received from another acknowledgeth him or themselves liable to such a penalty to the other if they perform not such a condition as is specified in the obligation A Contract or Pact is when both or all parts are obliged to performe All Promises Vows Contracts and Obligations ought to be only of Annotat. things in possession and that are mens so as by an act of their wills they may be anothers as they are theirs and therefore where any man hath a meere right to any thing this being a shadow another having the substance or as our Lawyers say A chose in Action he cannot by any Contract or otherwise alien his right to another but he can only release it to him in possession otherwise the right remains still in him notwithstanding any Contract c. that he would alien it And I would gladly be satisfied how Mr. Hobbs in the generation of his Civitas can make meere rights to be tranferred and aliened by the Pacts of men and those natural rights too This being granted Mr. Hobbs may by his Contract with another Man make himself no Man but a Horse or an Asse notwithstanding that by nature he is a Man 6. Every Oath is either a calling God to witness that what a Man testifies is true or false or else a speech added to a promise whereby the What is an Oath promiser does renounce Gods mercy if he performs not what he promises But if a Man Promises Vows Contracts or swears to do any thing which is unlawful he ought not to performe it for it is ill done to promise c. but worse to do any thing unlawful 7. A League is when two or more do mutually give their faith to Foedus how different from a Pact observe such conditions as are agreed between them and herein it differs from a Pact or Contract A Contract or Pact is when there is a precedent humane Law obliging the parties contracting to performe all the conditions specified in the contract A league is where there is no humane Law obliging but only the Law of Nature And therefore all stipulations made by Princes one with another are confederacies or leagues not Contracts or Pacts because there is no precedent humane Law obliging them to performe their leagues 8. A Gift is what I do give to another so as it is mine do and Donum though a gift be alwaies in the present or preterperfect tense yet the Habendum may be in the future as if I make a lease freehold or create a State in taile to one and grant the reversion to another and his heires here though the deed or gift be in the presenttense yet the reversion or Habendum is in the future But no Man can give another any thing but what depends upon his will and is his so by some positive humane law that by his giving he may so make it anothers For whatsoever is mine by the Law of Nature cannot be aliened or made anothers by my Will nor by the Will of all the Men in the world for it is impossible natural causes and relations should be dissolved by Mans Will 9. Feoffment is derived of foedum a Fee quia est donatio foedi and this A Feoffment is the most ancient and necessary Conveyance which is used by the Common Law that is that Law which concerns tenures and estates used only here in England and this deed or conveyance is either of absolute estates of corporeal inheritances absolutely passed to another by livery and seisin made according to the intent and purport of such Feoffment he which conveys such estate of inheritance being called the Feoffor he to whom such inheritance is conveyed is called the Feoffee or of absolute estates of inheritance which are not corporeal as Advousons Commons rents issuing out of lands which do lye in grant and do not pass by livery and seisin but by delivery of the deed or feoffment 10. Do or dedi as our Lawyers say which implies a warranty to A Estates-Taile and his heirs for ever makes a Feoffment Do or Dedi to A. and the heires of his body lawfully begotten or to A. and the heires male or female of his body lawfully begotten or to A. and the heirs male or female on the body of such a Woman or to a Woman and the Heirs of her body lawfully begotten or heirs male or female of her body lawfully begotten by such a man creates a state taile and he which creates such an estate is called Donor he to whom such estate is granted Donee 11. Do or Dedi to such a man or woman for term of either of their Freehold lives or to such a man or woman during the life of another creates a freehold 12. Do or Dedi or concedo or concessi to such a man if he shall live so Lease long an estate for years or to such a man and his heirs for such a term reserving or not reserving such a rent or service creates a lease In both the latter he who gives is called Lessor he who takes Lessee and humane Laws oblige as well to gifts as contracts For natural Laws oblige in conscience only but men are obliged by mulcts and corporal punishments to contracts and gifts So that in most proper speaking In every gift it is the Law which gives the property to another by an act of the Donors will and the Donor is the instrument by which the Law conveys the property of any gift to another 13. Humane Laws therefore obliging men to the performance of No Law or Legislative Right arises from any Pact or Contract their Pacts Contracts and Gifts
it is impossible they should receive their origination and first power from the Pacts and Contracts of Men For where there is no precedent humane Law obliging men can neither make Pacts Contracts or Gifts nor have any thing to give and contract for And to suppose that humane laws must precede and oblige men to thei Contracts and Pacts and that Contracts and Pacts must precede humane laws and give them their power is most manifestly absurd and contradictory THE CONTENTS of the Second Book Chap. I. HAving thus far treated of Rights and Laws which are the prime and efficient cause of all Humane Christian and Legal Society We in the first Chapter of this Book proceed to declare the Causes of all Society Chap. II. This Chap. shews the cause and end of Regal power Chap. III. Declares the attributes of it and incidently the causes of Magistrates power Chap. IV. Compares the three species of Government viz. Monarchy Democracy and Aristocracy wherein the excellency of Monarchy appears above either of the other as well by reason and experience as by the institution of God and consent of the world Chap. V. Shews the internal causes disposing men to sedition as well from the Party governing as from the Subjects or party governed Chap. VI. Declares the causes and attributes of the Fathers power And Chap. VII The causes and attributes of the Husbands power In this Chap. is demonstrated that though the Fathers and Husbands power be from the Law of Nature yet may the exercise of them be restrained by the Supreme power of any place without any wrong or prejudice to them which could not be done without a violence upon the Law of Nature if the Fathers and Husbands power were an institution of God and Supreme powers an institution of Man Chap. VIII Contains the causes and attributes of Despotical or the Masters power wherein is declared that if it be impossible for any man to make another his Master then necessarily is it impossible any man should make another his Prince or Soveraign Chap. IX Treats of the causes and attributes of Ecclesiastical power DEFINITIONS 1. SOciety Aristotle in lib. 1. Pol. cap. 5. truly defines to be made up of many What is Society divided parts or persons so that there must necessarily be Unum quid quod imparet alterum quod pareat 2. There are six sorts of Society First of Supreme powers and Subjects How manifold is the Society of Men. Secondly of Magistrates and those committed to their care or government and this is most properly called the Civitas especially where the Magistrates and those in their jurisdiction have a priviledged or exempted authority peculiar to them and not the same with that which is not contained in their jurisdiction Such are the Societies of our Civitates Boroughs and Corporations in England where the Magistrates jurisdiction is exempt and priviledged from the ordinary jurisdiction of Magistrates where these priviledges and immunities are not Thirdly of Husband and Wife and this Society the Greeks called Gamaca Fourthly of Fathers and Children which is called Patrica Fifthly of Masters and Servants which is called Despotica Besides these there is a sixth Society which is proper only to Christians viz. of Bishops Curates and Congregations committed to their charge 3. Potestas est jus imperiale in aliqua persona cujus praeceptum continet What is power rationem obedientiae 4. There are four kinds of Powers viz. Divine Humane or Natural Legal How many kinds of powers are there What is Divine power and Ecclesiastical 5. Divine power or right of Command is that power which is by highest right solely and originally in God and incommunicable to any Creature from whence all other Powers are mediately or immediately derived 6. Humane power is a right of Command created immediately by God or What is Humane power immediately derived from the Law of Nature 7. Legal power is a right of Command which is not immediately derived What is Legal power from any positive or natural law of God but from some Humane law 8. Ecclesiastical power is an institution of our Saviour and left to continue What is Ecclesiastical power What is force or Tyranny in the Church of Christ until his second coming to Judgment 9. Force or Tyranny is an usurpation of Command of any Creature or company of Creatures not created by any law of God or Man Nor is it the commanding of one alone which makes Tyranny the very Grecians could account the Athenian Thirty to be Tyrants and so could the Romans the Decemviri and Triumviri And no question but it was malice and spight which made the Grecians call all Kings Tyrants and both Romans and Grecians to make all Kings to be Ravenous creatures And all those Kings who abuse their power are by men usually called Tyrants not justly I find no such title given to Saul Ahab Ahaz Nabuchadnezzar but Wicked and Idolatrous often Nor is a Father or Husband less a Father or Husband if they abuse their powers because they have a right of Command 10. Dominion or Government is the exercise of Command by any Creature What is Dominion or Government or company of Creatures who have a right or no right of Command So that though all Government or Dominion be the exercise of Command yet is not all Government the exercise of Power as the Dominion or Government of Thieves Robbers and Pyrates c. is the exercise of Command who yet have no right of Command 11. All Power is Right but all Right is not Power as Jus Proprietatis How Potestas differs from Jus. Usufructuarium is Right not Power Common Notion ALl Created Powers are from the Law of Nature or Divine posisive Institution or Humane Laws THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. Of Society or the mutual offices of Commanding and Obeying 1. IF all Commanding and Obeying had To command and to obey is no humane artifice or invention been an Humane artifice or invention then was there a time when Men lived out of Society and in a parity or equal condition without commanding and obeying But there is no such time recorded in Sacred or Prophane history wherein Men lived so or when or who first invented or introduced these offices of commanding and obeying Besides we see that Arts and Sciences are received in one place and not in another and in the same place and by the same men at one time and neglected at another But at no time or place did ever men live out of society or commanding and obeying All commanding therefore and obeying is no Humane artifice or invention 2. If then there was never any man born but was born in subjection To command and to obey is natural and all subjection being in the predicament of relation which must suppose something commanding and if all things which are not artificial or invented are natural Then is it as evident as that Homo
Monarchy Aristocracy Democracy I answer that God hath made Man upright but he hath sought out many inventions Therefore let Aristocracies Democracies answer for themselves anciently there was no Government in the world but Monarchy nor does God ever command obedience to others and the very Athenians for above 800 years could find a Government under Kings hereditarily before any footsteps of Aristocracy or Democracy was ever heard of in the world nor did they ever transgress the bounds of Europe unless in the Carthaginian State and when the Magi usurped in Persia It was Pride in the Romans and Grecians who not only esteemed all the world barbarous besides themselves and all Kings to be of the kinde of ravenous beasts but were the first inventers of these Aristocracies and Democracies and made all Power in Government to be Artificial and Political not only in the exercise which is true but also in the cause This Jus Politicum was of a more large extent with the Grecians then the Jus Civile was with the Romans For the Grecians esteemed that to be Jus Politicum which is common to all Men conjoyned with any society the Romans called that Jus Civile which is proper to any City So to buy and sell was by the Grecians called Politick the Romans called not those things Civil unless to sell by such a measure and at such a time the Romans called the Cloaks and other habits of vestments used by themselves and other people civil But let any Man judge whether these Men Mr. Hobbs White and Grotius being Christians and two of them very learned Men do reasonably not only to reject all precepts and examples of Sacred writ and all Testimonies of the consent of the present World and Testimonies of all most antient Histories from the examples of those most unreasonable Men besides the case between them is as unlike as can be For though they agree that this Jus Politicum or Civile is so as well in the cause as exercise and all power to be originally with the people yet by the people did neither Romans nor Grecians understand a company of Men in a rout or promiscuous parity but they who were Civitate donati nor did ever the People of Athens or Rome acquire their Dominion from the people subject to them by do or dedi and not dabo or faciam as these men feign all power to be originally deduced but by rapine extorting it from their rightful Kings in whom it undubitably was If it be questioned how originally this power came into the world if not Annot 3 by the Pacts of Men or consent of Families I answer Rem teneo modum nescio for the manner of it how it came originally I am not bound to give an account where the Scriptures and most antient Historians do not confirm it it is enough that I having proved it to be natural and Gods Ordinance it was never otherwise especially having the practice of the present world and the Records of all prophane and sacred History 14. It is true indeed that the Humane Laws and the exercise of Regal Not only Kings but Kingdoms have their being from God and by the Law of Natore Power is Politick Voluntary and Artificial but that these Laws are received and exercised in those places where they ought to be which makes Kingdoms is expresly said by the Prophet Dan. cap. 4. in three places The most Highest ruleth in the kingdoms of men and giveth it to whom it pleaseth him ver 7. And it was Nebuchad-nezzars punishment for his pride that he should have his dwelling with the beasts of the field untill he knew that the most Highest ruleth in the kingdoms of Men and giveth it to whomsoever he will ver 25 and 32. So that it is evident not only Kings but Kingdoms not only their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their Right but also Government is from God immediately and that this is a Declaration of the Law of Nature not only long before God by the Prophet Daniel speaks this were Kingdoms upon the earth but also no Kingdom or King which at the time that this was spoken that did receive or believe Gods Revelation of himself in the Scriptures Kingdoms therefore or the exercise of Regal Power is Gods Ordinance as well where the Scriptures are received as not and due by the Law of Nature and by consequence the obstinate resistance of Kings in their Government by their subjects is a violence upon the Law of Nature 15. Sir Francis Bacon in his life of Henry 7. relates that Perkin Warbeck How many waies Regality comes to pass by the often affirming himself to be Richard Duke of York second son of Ed. 4. did at last believe himself to be so indeed The violent and frequent usurpations of usurpers in this Island and some other Northern and European Region hath invested such a habit in Men that renouncing reason as well as all faith and belief of God in the Scriptures they with much confidence affirm nothing but possession or possession and submission of Subjects to be requisite with Kings Both which do no more make a rightful King then a Mans Deseisin Abetting or Intruding into the signiory of another and the Tenants attorning to him does make him rightful Lord of the Mannor But neither humane Laws nor Man nor any thing under Heaven can endue any Creature with a power over anothers life and fortune who is of the same kind with himself and without which there can be no supreme power and by consequence no society among Men. There are but four waies by which Regality can happen First When it is immediately and expresly given by God as it was to Saul David Solomon Hazael Cyrus c. Or Secondly derived from him who had Regality truly vested in him but this derivation must not be from the Election Adoption or the will of him who was invested with the Regal Power which at highest cannot amount higher then a humane Law which by the 3 para of this chap. cannot create Regal Power It must therefore be derived by Primegeniture which is derived from a higher cause then humane Laws for jura sanguinis nullo jure civili dirimi possint Or Thirdly by Lot which we have shewed to be by the Law of Nature Or Lastly Jure Primi Occupantis if its Occupant be capable thereof for Man being a sociable creature by Nature and society according to Aristotle being contained in many divided parts therefore in the society of Men there must be unum quid quod imparet alterum Lib. 1. cap. 5. Pol. quod pareat But whether Aristocracy and Democracy be unum quid that may jure imperare to me is a question neither of them being any Institution of God or from the Law of Nature but brought in by unjust usurpation and violence and against the universal consent and practice of the world for above Three
was I conceive that Athaliah desired to cut off all the Royal seed of the house of Judah 2 Chron. 23. And that all Usurpers do not think themselves fafe in their usurpations unless they secure themselves by attempting greater viz. in destroying all the Progeny of those men who can make a better and more superior claim then they have Where therefore Democracies and Aristocracies if such many-headed beasts by the Law of God or Nature be sufficiently qualified to be capable of this power and Elective Monarchies have been of that continuance that no superior claim can be made justly by another let them continue their possessions still for all me Yet would I not for any good in the world venture my life in any of them or judge any man to death in any of them unless it could be made appear that God or the Law of Nature did ever institute any such things or that any where in the world they were not usurped or introduced by them who had no right to do it But however it is a most unreasonable thing that their actions of Adoption and Election should be taken for precedents in rightful Hereditary Monarchies which cannot admit them without a total dissolution and do justly attribute their Governments to a higher then humane cause 21. Where in Hereditary Monarchies the whole Line is extinguished Wherein the decision is to be by Lot there the decision is to be by Lot for The lot is cast into the lap but the whole disposition of it is of the Lord Pro. 16. 33. But if any one gets the possession before such disposition his Title by the antecedent proposition is good enough besides we have demonstrated by para cap. 1. lib. 1. that Jus primi occupantis is good by the Law of Nature 22. If it be Misera servitus ubi Jus est vagum aut incognitum a miserable How blessed and happy men are where Supreme powers and Laws are certain servitude where the Law our Lawyers by Jus. understand Law is wandring or unknown Then by the Rule of contraries it is a happy Freedom where the Law is certain and known to which a man may safely and securely direct his actions If it be a miserable slavery where the Law is wandring and unknown how much more miserable a slavery is it where the Supreme Power is wandring and unknown What confusions murders rapine and spoil of all things sacred and civil must men necessarily fall under The woful and miserable condition of this Nation since our late Distractions hath sufficiently manifested the consequence of it If then such a condition be so miserable how happy then is that Nation where by Gods mercy men are certain who is their Prince and to whom they may securely pay their obedience and assuredly expect protection in their lives and estates If there be nothing more servile and base then to be insulted and tyrannized over by them who by no right command over us how ingenuous and virtuous is it to be subject where by all Divine and Humane laws we owe our obedience For out of the offices of commanding and obeying did never any man live and where men will not be subject to them who may by right command over them they shall be slaves either to their own ambition or to others who by no right command over them And if it be most woful and horrible by resisting Higher Powers to incur damnation Note the Apostle does not say You must Rom. 13. needs be subject to Governments and whoso resists Government shall receive to himself damnation for the Empire of Thieves Robbers and Usurpers is Government but to Higher Powers who have a right of command from God to what a condition then have men brought themselves where either they are uncertain of the Supreme Power and so are either uncertain whether in their actions they incur this dreadful sentence or else where they are certain where the Supreme Power is and yet dare not for fear of their lives actively submit to it Who is the rightful English Soveraign and to whom all Englishmen by all Laws of God and Man owe their obedience is so evident that I never heard any man deny or dispute it 23. The ratio finalis or the end for which God hath ordained Kings The end for which Regality was ordained by God is for the protection of them whom God hath committed to their charge and government not only by all just and due means to protect them from the outward violence and oppression of their outward Enemies but also in peace inwardly and by all means to suppress all faction and sedition of ambitious men who would disturb it He chose David his servant and took him Psal 78. 71 72 73. from the sheepfolds as he was following the ewes great with young he took him that he might feed Jacob his people and Israel his inheritance So he fed them with a faithful and true heart and ruled them with all his power And that Kings may be nursing fathers and Queens nursing mothers to Gods Church Isa 49. 23. And consonant to these revelations of God by these noble Prophets is the declaration of the Saintly King Edward Confessor Rex auiem qui est summi Leg. S. Edw. cap. 19. Regis Vicarius ad hoc constitutus est ut regnum populum Domini super omnia sanctam ecclesiam regat defendat ab injuriosis maleficos autem distruat 24. By this which hath been said it is evident that the power of all No power arises from Conquest Kings is alike and equal viz. Supreme and Gods Ordinance and from the Law of Nature The difference between Kings is only in the exercise of their power some being contracted into narrower terms and others of a more vast extent and dilatation Where therefore one King extends the exercise of his power into the dominion of another by conquest or otherwise no new power ariseth from hence but only an extension of the exercise of the old And so by consequence the invasion usurpation or conquest of Subjects or others who before had no Regal power cannot create any after 25. Naturalia determinantur ad maxima minima There is nothing How far and when Conquest is to be obeyed and submitted to in Nature but bath its beginning termination and ending And so Regal power hath its beginning termination and ending from the Laws of Nature and all men are to be subject to those powers wheresoever they are For no man when he comes into the power of any Prince whether he be his natural Soveraign or nor but is obliged and subject to the power of that Prince wherein he is therefore if a Frenchman goes into Spain or a Spaniard comes into England they are subject to the powers of Spain and England so long as they continue there And since it is impossible that two Supreme powers can be in one place where any one
least Liberty and that which in other men is termed Anger in them is called Pride and Tyranny Besides in private men it is enough that they themselves do well but Princes must have a care that neither they nor their Ministers do ill 6. Tibi soli peccavi says the Psalmist Psal 50. Humane Laws are the The Supreme power is not obliged by his own Laws organs or instruments of the Power that governeth they cannot therefore extend themselves to bind him from whom they are derived for Omnis potentia activa est principium transmutandi aliud Besides the Prince may free other men from the obligation of the Laws and therefore much more himself And if Supreme Princes were obliged by their own Laws then were Humane Laws as well as the Laws of Nature eternal and immutable which is absurd nor could Humane Laws protect Subjects when any thing happens which comes to pass every day that was not foreseen at the making of the Laws Humane Laws are made to oblige and preserve the governed necessitate coactionis but they cannot have any obligation upon Lawgiver who is the Supreme power unless a man will grant that an Effect may be prime and superior to the Cause Nor were ever other Governments subject to their own Laws No man hath any thing proper against the Supreme power 7. No Subject hath any Property except Ecclesiasticks but by the Laws of his Country But by the precedent Proposition no Supreme Prince can be obliged by his own Laws and therefore no Subject can have property against him If any Subject had property against the Supreme power then could not the Supreme power impose a Forfeiture of Goods in case of Praemunire Attaint Conviction of Treason or Felony But the Consequence is false and therefore the Antecedent is false That any man hath any property against the Supreme power Besides there could no Fine nor Fine and Recovery be levied or suffered if he in Reversion or Remainder had property against the Supreme power Nor could an Act of Parliament enable Tenant for life to make sale of his Estate It is remarkable that the Children of Israel should not be content to Annot. have God to reign over them immediately who did himself give them Laws being enquired of by the High-Priest Samuel might well say therefore unto them Ye shall cry in that day because of your King which not ye shall choose but which ye shall have chosen you and the Lord shall not hear you in that day 1 Sam. 8. 18. For Gods ways and actions are always perfect whereas by the reason of humane frailty the best mans actions are subject to imperfections But if it seems grievous to any man that he holds his goods at the will of another let him consider that God since Adam did never give any Nation but only the Children of Israel Property but always used the mediation of his Vicegerents And since Property must be derived from some Humane act for the Law of Nature gives none but to Supreme Princes and therefore the possessions of Kings are called Sacra patrimonia because Kings have no Superior but God Almighty Proedium Domini Regis est directum dominium cujus nullus Author est nisi Deus How Sir Ed. Co. Com. on Lit. p. 1. 6. much better is it for Subjects to hold of one Man then of many For nothing can be objected against one but will have more force against many And let any man shew me in these last five hundred years any Subjects estate taken from him without due and legal proceeding by the act of any of the Kings of England and I will shew him five hundred who not being liable to any punishment by Law have been ruined themselves and their families in seven years and that for observing the Laws and against the will of the King Obj. But many Actions have been brought against the King which if no Annot. 2. man hath Property against him may seem inconsistent Answ But the question here is not what the King may do but what he hath done Not what the King may declare Law but what he hath already declared Law 8. Majesty is from the Law of Nature immediately but the power Power of Magistrates from him of Magistrates is not so but mediately that is from him who hath the Supreme power Magistracie is the instrument or organ by which Majesty is conveyed to every place whither its own power is extended And as Majesty is restrained to the Laws of Nature and is accountable to God for all the omissions and transgressions of them so Magistrates are restrained to Humane Laws and ought to give an account of their actions to him that hath the Supreme power And as no man can offer violence or contempt to Humane Majesty but it is a contempt and violence to the Majesty of Heaven so no man can offer violence to or contemn Magistrates but it is done to Humane Majesty from whence their authority is derived Wherefore Subjects must submit to Governors who are sent by Kings 1 Pet. 2. 14. By this Proposition it is evident that although Supreme power cannot Annot. be divided yet the exercise of it may For where a King is an Enfant he cannot exercise his power who can neither act any thing nor expres what he would have done nay it is impossible for the best and wisest King that ever was to exercise his power every where for one body can be but in one place at once though the power thereof may be diffused every where as the light and influence of the Sun is diffused every where although the body of it can be but in one place And the exercise of power by Magistrates is like Gods governing the world by natural causes who being the first Mover of all things produceth natural effects by the order of second causes Jethro his counsel to Moses therefore is to be taken Thou wilt surely weare away both thou and this people that is with thee for this thing is too heavy for thee thou art not able to perform it thy self alone Exod. 18. 18. 9. Quando lex aliquid alicui concedit concedere videtur id sine quo res The Right of calling Assemblies belongs to Christian Kings ipsa esse non potest where any Law Divine or Humane does give any thing it gives all the means by which this otherwise could not be had And that God by the Law of Nature has given Kings a power to protect their Subjects we have sufficiently demonstrated but it is impossible Princes should protect and govern their Subjects if they might not rule their actions Now all actions and motions are either regular or irregular All regular motions and actions may be reduced to one certain beginning where the beginning is not one and certain there they may be called commotions or confusions rather then motions or regular actions But all Assemblies are motions and therefore they
must be reduceable to some one certain principle or they are irregular or commotions If then Christian Princes have not a right of calling Assemblies but others as well as they then must it either necessarily follow that Christian Princes have not power sufficient to govern and protect their Subjects and that their Subjects motions cannot be regular and orderly but confounded and irregular and so the law of nature and the end for which God ordained Princes inverted For my part I will not dispute the Power of God in the planting of the Church either under the old or new Law how that he did dispence with the actions and motions of his People and Ministers and set Father against Son c. and that to make his Power known he would plant his Church notwithstanding all Temporal Powers whatsoever but this I do affirm that God after the deliverance of the Israelites out of Egypt did give to Moses only this right of calling Assemblies as appears clearly by Numb 10. 2. for only to him is the charge of making the Trumpets to call the congregation together It is true that vers 8. the sons of Aaron shall blow with their Trumpets but neither Aaron nor the Priests had any Power to make them but only Moses they must therefore have them from him and be his Instruments and this Power was given to Moses as the supreme Magistrate and not as High Priest for Aaron was then High Priest being before consecrated Levit. 8. Nor was this Right given personally to Moses but as a Law to last for ever If any allegation be made against Moses because he was a Priest it must cease with Ioshua and the Kings after him who were none for Ioshua by virtue of this ever lasting Law did call an Assembly of all the Tribes and therefore of Levi to Sichem and vers 28. dissolved it After him did David Joshua 24. 18. 1 Chro. 15. 4. 11. call the High Priest and other Priests not to consult of any secular affair but about the removing the Ark and afterward 1 Chron. 23. 2. he gathered together all the Lords of Israel with the Priests and Levites and as he called them together so his dismissed them 1 Chron. 16. 43. The like did Solomon when the Temple was dedicated called the Assembly 2 Chron 5. 2. dissolved it cap. 7. 10. The like did Asa when Religion was restored and a solemn Oath of association for the restoring of it Jehosophat did it when 1 Chro. 15. 2 King 10. 20. 2 Chro. 34. 29 30. 2 Chro. 29. he proclaimed a publick Fast 2 Chron. 20. 3. Jehu assembled them when a solemn Sacrifice was to be performed Joash in a case of Dilapidations Josias when the Temple was to be purified and a mass of superstition to be removed Hezekiah made a law for the Priests and all their brethren to assemble and in conformity to that law they did assemble nor was this v. 15. Assembly for any other thing then to cleanse the house of God and for the affairs of the service of God being things meerly spiritual And since that God hath promised that Kings shall be nursing fathers and Queens nursing mothers to his Church it must be meant of Christian Kings for this could not be of Josias because he was a King at the time of this prophecy or before it could not therefore be meant of him for the prophecy is de futuro Kings shall be c. Nor could it be meant of the Kings of Judah after him for they were all Idolaters and persecutors of Gods Church It was therefore meant of Christian Kings And how Kings can be Kings or Supreme powers without this right I do not understand Nor can that saying of our Saviour's causing of wars and distraction be otherwise reasonably understood but only where Kings and Supreme powers have not received the Faith And that Christian Kings did generally exercise this power after they became Christians we shall shew hereafter 10. He is a rightful Supreme Governor who is a Sword-bearer that is Who is arightful Supreme Governor whom God hath chosen to be his Minister who hath not taken the sword excited thereunto neither from any ambitious or spightful passion or affection either of himself or other men That may make and abrogate Laws determine all Controversies by himself or such Judges as he shall appoint choose Magistrates and Councellors and in whom is the power of making War and Peace Nor did God give Kings to them only over whom he did reign by Covenant but also to Heathens who had not known him as to the Persians Syrians Assyrians c. he gave Cyrus Hazael Nebuchadnezzar c. And all antique History speaks only of the Government by Kings as Justin says Principio rerum gentium nationumque imperium penes Reges erat before any other Government was usurped and made by Men. 11. He is a Tyrant who is a Sword-taker who in stead of executing Who is a Tyrant the wrath of God upon offenders against all Law kills and murders them who are not of his own faction who hath no power from God but only force from the wills of inconstant and seditious men As Hos 8. 4. says They have set up Kings but not by me they have made Princes and I knew it not Nor is it the Command of One which makes Tyranny The Grecians themselves called the Council of the Thirty after the Athenians were subdued by the Lacedemonians the Thirty Tyrants of Athens I am confident there was never any thing so wildly and variously Annot. 1. ghessed at as the manner how Dominion and Power came into the world by those men who derive all power from the People originally Bodin cap. 6. de Rep. p. 46. makes all Dominion to be gotten at first by force and pag. 46. d. he says It is very like that without greatest force and breaking down the Laws of Nature Liberty could not be taken away And many men will not distinguish between Force and Power but only in the possession And sure Athaliah was as much possessed of the Crown of Judah and as quietly as any King before or after her for six years and yet I do not find Jehojadah or the people reprehended for restoring Joash And the children of Israel did not rebel while they could quietly place 2 Chro. 13. 7. Jeroboam over them but Jeroboam was declared a Rebel after he was possessed 12. When they over whom God hath given power shall submit themselves What is a rightful Government to that power this is a rightful Government When all who owe their subjection shall accept and receive the Laws of him who by Right that is by Birth Revelation Lot First possession or just Conquest ought to command As the Children of Israel answered Joshua All that thou commandest we will do and whithersoever thou sendest we will go According as we hearkened unto Moses in all things so will we
Temporal Dominions and therefore may punish disturbers of the peace of the Church as well as the State Yet when the Temporal Magistrate shall arrogate to himself a power which our Saviour only left to his Church and make all Ecclesiastical rights and constitutions depending and subordinate to the Civil whereby the Enemies of our Church have taxed our Religion not for Christian but Parliamentary no doubt but it is a crying sin and I wish there had never been any such thing among us 19. And as God is to be obeyed before men in all things which concern Or the Laws of Nature Faith and Religion so in the observance of the Laws of Nature is God to be obeyed before men As if a King commands me to dishonor my parents this can be but a Humane law but to honor my parents is a law which God hath written in my heart and therefore ought to be preferred If a King commands his Subjects to dishonor him or to deny obedience to him this is but a Humane law whereas by the law of Nature I ought to honor and obey my King I therefore ought not to obey such a law Amurath the Second of that name King of the Turks upon a Vow resigned his Kingdom to his son Mahomet yet upon the League made by Uladislaus King of Pole and Hungary with other Christian Princes against him he resumed his Regal authority and so kept it until his death And so might Charls the Fifth if he had pleased nor was Philip any other then an Instrument of his Fathers during his Fathers life The King makes a Law giving the succession of the Crown from the right Heir This ought not to be received for Princes inherit by a higher Law then Humane 20. The King commands a Judge to pervert Judgment the Judge Or to pervert Judgment ought to give true Judgment for all Humane Laws in peaceable times ought to be â priori and proclaimed that all men after such a time should observe them This verbal command of the King wanting this formality and it being impossible for the Judge to observe both these commands he ought notwithstanding this verbal command to give Judgment according to Law The King when there is no necessity or publick danger commands me Quaere who am no publick Executioner without any Judicial sentence to put a man to death for which he can make no compensation As Davids commanding Joab to murder Uriah although we find David only reprehended and punished therefore yet sure if Joab had not fulfilled Davids wicked command he had not sinned But you may object Who shall judge whether this thing commanded be repugnant to Gods Majesty Mans faith Religion or the Law of Nature the King or the Subject I say though the Subject hath not an equal right of judging with the King whether this thing should be a Law or not yet every Subject hath a Conscience as well as the King which must dictate Whether Kings divest themselves of Regality by commanding what they ought not to him whether he ought to do or not to do such a thing 21. But if the King commands things contrary to Gods Majesty and Divine Laws ought he not to be obeyed in those things which do not contradict them It is so mad and wild an objection as it is scarce worth an answering unless a man will affirm that my doing of an act which I ought not to have done does divest me of Humane nature or that a Fathers or Masters commanding his Son or Servant what he ought not doth annihilate the relations of Father and Son Master and Servant or that Humane acts may dissolve Humane relations A Prince therefore ought to be obeyed in those things which he ought to command as Prince although he command such things as he ought not 22. It may be it will be objected That Temporal punishments being Though inflicting punishment for not observance the usual concomitants for not observing Humane Laws a good and conscientious man may be punished for what he ought not to have done I say his case is the same with his Lords and Saviours and all those blessed and glorious primitive Christians and Martyrs who suffered for the testimony of a good conscience Nor hath God made Heaven so easie a prize that it should be always won easily and delicately but many times by suffering and martyrdom 23. It is the most usual thing with seditious men before they enter Whether Princes ought to be resisted where they are not to be obeyed into open sedition to prepare mens mindes with certain Cases wherein Princes commanding things derogatory to Gods Honor or the Subjects Liberty that then in the preservation of themselves and Gods honor they ought to defend themselves from the raging Tyrannie of Princes and to be sure that whatsoever they command these good men will judge contrary to Gods Honor and the Liberty of the Subject It is worth the while if a mans patience will give him leave to look back upon the thing calling it self Parliament how after they had made the King grant whatsoever they could think might be beneficial to the Subjects though I might be sworne they never intended as plainly appeared afterward the good benefit or liberty of the Subject what pious ways they invented to make themselves great and so good a Prince nothing and odious to his Subjects As the demanding of six men holding intelligence with his Subjects who had been in open hostility and rebellion against him an affront not to be endured by any King to an ordinary and Legal Trial this was not only denied but Voted a Breach of the Priviledge of Parliament whenas the Priviledge of Parliament extends not to so much as breach of the Peace much less to Treason They pretend though most falsly that in case of extreme danger and necessity the Militia is in the Parliament meaning themselves excluding the King And then create Dangers and write Letters how great Fleets of Danes Swedes Hollanders c. were seen at Sea It must be from Westminster then for there were the Letters written and the Fleets never since heard of Then permit if not command the most insufferable affronts and indignities that ever were offered to Majesty yet if the King but offers to increase his Guard this is Voted no less then a raising of War against his Parliament and Subjects whilst all the while against the Lex consuetudo Parliamenti Inst par 4. 14. without any cause moving them they maintain an illegal Rout of men for their Guard and go armed themselves Nay what needs a man instance particulars All the Kings commands in prosecution of the Laws were Voted breaches of the Priviledges of Parliament and the Liberties of the Subject We will therefore shew that this Assertion is not only contrary to all Faith in both Testaments but also destructive to all Humane Society 24. There is no man sure will deny but
one more then another so here all are Governors Now Government being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the predicament of relation This One Person and Freeborn People must forgive me if I do not understand it 11. Now if Monarchy be the best Government then Democracy is the Democracy the worst of Governments worst because most different from it He that will look further into the inconveniences of Popular Government let him read Hobbs de Cive cap. 10. 12. The woes pronounced by God to that Kingdom whose King is a The woful estate of men in Aristoracies Child Pro. 8. 15 16. Isa 3. 4. are as much or more to be feared in an Aristocracy For why may not Great men as well agree where the King is a Child as where there is no King at all If any of these Governments be monstrous and usurped This and Democracy are for God never instituted any such nor ever commanded any obedience to either nor was there ever any but originally were introduced by unjust violence and usurpation It is therefore just with God that they who would not be content to be governed and protected by his Ordinance should be perpetually obnoxious to Seditions Conspiracies and liable to serve many Masters and always liable to pay Soldiers wages to force them to perpetual slavery and poverty Under bad Kings innocent Subjects are protected from the Ambitious and their Tyranny extends usually to Courtiers and those who would unjustly usurp dominion over their Fellow-subjects Whereas bad Governors in States and Popular Governments bring unavoidably confusion and ruine upon the Governed in general Object I do expect to have the State of Venice opposed to this assertion of all Democratical and Aristocratical Governments being originally usurped Sol. But if it be true as we shall hereafter demonstrate that subjection of Subjects to rightful Princes does depend upon higher then any humane or voluntary causes And therefore it was truly resolved by all the Judges of England That Natural Allegiance is not circumscribed to any place Then although the Empire was much rent with divisions could not the Calvins case tit 4. page 7. Venetians although driven by the fury of Attila's excursions into those Isles of the Adriatique sea where Venice now stands for their preservation free them from their obedience and subjection due to Valentinian nor without usurpation and wrong to him could they erect themselves into an Aristocracy 13. Perfection consists in Integrals and where any thing is not Aristocracy and Democracy are imperfect Governments made up of all the parts of it there that thing is deficient and imperfect But the Government of Aristocracy and of Democracy does not consist of the whole part of the Men governing but of the major part The Governments therefore of Aristocracies and Democracies are deficient and imperfect Governments Socrates asks Euthyphro Whether in every action one and the same Annot. Plato Euthyphro thing be the same thing to it self pious or holy and in like manner Whether an impious or profane thing plainly contrary to an holy thing Euthyphro assents to it Socrates bids Euthy define what is holy what profane Euthy defines holy to be the doing the will of the Gods and profane to do contrary to the will of the Gods Socrates asks Euthy Whether the Gods had all the same will and whether it were true which the Poets Painters and Preachers report of the Gods that there was war great counterfeiting and fights among the Gods Euthy confesses it and more marvellous things which the common people were ignorant of Socrates asks Euthy If a holy thing be grateful to God and a holy man be acceptable to God whether holy and profane can be the same thing or whether they be not plainly contrary to one another Euthy confesses it Socrates asks Euthy if the controversies wars and dissentions among the Gods were concerning things just and unjust good and bad honest and dishonest Euthy confesseth it Socrates asks Euthy Whether in all matters of controversie men must not have recourse to some certain Rule to which with an indifferent mind they must submit Euthy confesseth Socrates asks Euthy Whether they might not have recourse to the will of the Gods whether that thing and controversie between them were good or bad just or unjust Euthy assents Socrates asks Euthy Since that the dissentions of the Gods were concerning things just and unjust whether this thing might not put them into dissentions and wars Euthy confesseth Socrates asks Euthy Whether the Gods do think other things just and unjust honest and dishonest good or bad and that they could not be at strife unless about these things Euthy assents they could not Socrates asks if the Gods love things good and just and hate and persecute those things contrary to them Euthy grants Socrates asks Whether some of the Gods might not think the same things just others unjust and while they dissent about those things stir up sedition and wars among themselves Euthy confesseth The same things therefore the Gods both love and hate and those things which are envied by some are grateful to other of the Gods and the same things sacred and prophane which Euthy could not deny Such is the condition of men in Aristocracies and Democracies that while they seek to please one part of their Governors they displease another Nor can men in such a condition be secure that obeying one part they shall displease another part and so excite them to endless debates and war The sad and woful truth of these things this poor Nation hath of late made sufficient trial of 14. There is nothing in this world but is subject to humane frailty The incommodities of Monarchy no Roses without prickles And though Monarchy be the best of Governments yet so long as it is exercised by Men and since Kings are but Men and therefore subject to humane frailty it cannot be expected that all Kings should so perfectly exercise their authority but that some mischiefs will happen from them Nor indeed can it be imagined but some mischiefs will happen to particular men from the best of Humane Laws yet without Humane Laws and Government can never the inconvenience of Tumults and Confusions be avoided The Objections against Monarchy are usually First That in the infancie of a King all things are subject to confusion and alteration It is true and therefore God pronounceth such an estate Prov. 8. 16. woful Yet is such an estate no worse then Aristocracy which is better then Democracy Secondly That subsequent Kings do not desire to rule by the Laws made by their Ancestors but by Laws made by themselves and so their Subjects are always in an unsetled condition and subject to alterations The Laws of the Medes and Persians were unalterable yet the Government was always Monarchy And let a man look into all places of the known world where the Government is Hereditary Monarchy if the Government be not
done in Church is against conscience no minding of what is their duty all their talk is judging their superiors and this buzzed into the heads of light and inconstant men begets all the talk of the Country and is beleeved with the same Faith they beleeve the Gospel or their Creed and if Authority shall endeavor to suppress the further growth of such seditious practice by punishing the Authors it will be deemed by the well-affected no less then an invasion upon the liberty of the subject and persecution of the Gospel 6. If Lex lata had any obligation upon the Legislator then were the Creature subject to the Creator and the Father obliged to what he commands That supream Princes are obliged by their own Laws is a seditious opinion his Son and the Master to what he bids his Servant and God to what he commands Man which is absurd nor is it less absurd that the supreme power should be obliged by the Laws given to Subjects They who assert that supream Princes are obliged by their own Laws should do well to make their Children shooes and cloathes to serve them when they are men For as mens vices and manners vary so must humane Laws But men neither consider themselves nor Princes in asserting this For Princes are in a more vile condition then the poorest man not to have the freedom of will and they themselves are left to the rigor of the Law without hope of mercy How can any man accuse Hen. 7. for his rigid exacting the penal laws when by this opinion he had not power to remit any thing of them And why do men tax H. 8. for a cruel man and a Tyrant because he put so many men to death for not acknowledging his headship of the Church the not subscribing the six Articles c. if he were obliged by his own Laws Nay they do not allow Queen Mary a power to releive any Protestant given over to the secular power by Bishop Bonner From this very opinion sprang all the miseries for these last 18 years Scots had liberty to invade us but the King was obliged by his own Laws not to relieve his oppressed and afflicted Subjects This was that which gave the Turks first entrance into Christendom for while the wrangling Grecians not content with their rightful Emperors place usurpers in their rooms who to gratifie them again and to strengthen themselves against the right heirs care not what they grant their well-affected Subjects which so weakned the power of the Grecians that contesting with their Emperors about their liberties and priviledges which their usurping Emperors had granted them and neglecting their common and at first despised enemies the Turks they were all overcome in a short time by a handful of men obedient to their Prince And what private man can assume to himself the knowledge of good and evil that is ascribe to himself a power over his Superior by judging whether he hath transgressed the Law or not And let any man shew that ever our Parliaments as they call themselves Councils of State or Safety were ever obliged by their own Laws and I will submit that rightful Princes are obliged by their own Laws 7. There is nothing more to be wished in this world then that the That supreme power may be moderated Will of them which command might be moderated and restrained to Reason as that Kings Fathers and Masters should never exact any thing of their Subjects Children and Servants but what were reasonable But it is impossible that the Supreme power can be moderated unless it be divided or subject to the Moderators It is therefore a seditious opinion That Supreme power may be moderated 8. All right that any Creature hath to any thing is either from the That any man has any thing proper against the Supreme power Law of Nature or from some Humane Law but no Subject can have Praedium directum cujus nullus author est nisi Deus Sir E. Co. Com. Lit. pag. 1. b. qui dominium non habet dominus non est And he that holds of none is Lord of all which no Subject can be It is therefore a seditious opinion That any Subject hath any thing proper against his Soveraign 9. There has not any thing for more then this last Century caused so That the people may reform where Princes will not much dissention and bloodshed among Christians to the shame of Christianity as the specious pretence of Reformation The Turk either restrained by God or not willing to be an Enemy to Mankind hath been only a spectator not actor in this Tragedy The end doth sanctifie the means was a doctrine generally received among these Reformers if the end were Reformation it was no matter by what means it was brought to pass Hence it was that every where in the Western world men disposed to sedition made Reformation their pretence No Prince must use his power to restrain them if he do Calvin gives them a lesson Abdicant se potestate terreni Comment on Dan. 6. 21. Principes dum insurgunt contra Deum immo indigni sunt qui censeantur in hominum numero potius ergo oportet conspuere in illorum capita quam illis parere ubi sic proterviunt ut velint spoliare Deum jure suo Earthly Princes do divest themselves of power when they set themselves against God yea they are not worthy to be accounted in the number of men Men ought therefore rather to spit upon their heads then obey them where they deal so saucily as if they would spoil God by their right And Luther Ab omnibus hominum legibus exempti sumus libertate nobis Christiana per Lib. de captiv Babil de baptismo baptismum donata We are freed from all Laws of Men liberty being given us by Baptism Et scio nullam rempublicam feliciter legibus administrari I know there is no Commonwealth happily governed by Laws And Turpe enim est iniquiter servile Christianum hominem qui liber est aliis Cap. de matrimonio quam coelestibus divinis subjectum esse legibus It is a filthy and unjust servile thing that a Christian man which is free should be subject to any Cap. de sacrord but Heavenly and Divine laws And whether these mens followers have not well practised their Lectures wheresoever they have been tolerated either in Germany Bohemia Austria Upper and Lower Hungaria Transilvania Sweden France England Scotland Low-Countries Geneva c. let any man who hath read the Combustions of Christendom judge and the Anabaptists and all other Sects may from their principles justifie all their actions 10. There is nothing more manifestly commanded by God in the That temporal good follows in order to spiritual Old and New Testament then obedience to Temporal Princes yet there is nothing more endeavored to the shame of Christians then by pretence of Religion to usher in Rebellion By
of the Times which brought so great a calamity upon himself his Queen and Posterity 18. If there be any happiness in this world or the world to come which Resuming any thing granted to Subjects may be hoped for by any man no question but it is to be attained by Justice and Obedience and Justice and Obedience is in receiving and doing the Commands of our Superiors nor can any one be a just or obedient man in any thing wherein he makes not his Superior that is God Church King Father Mother or Master the reason or rule of it Yet there is nothing more desired and pretended by ignorant and seditious men then liberty And wherein do they place this liberty but in weakening the power of him to whom they owe their subjection And the more any Prince grants to his Subjects the more liberty the Subjects ascribe to themselves and the less power to their Soveraign and will rather be devoured by forein Enemies then endure that their true Prince shall infringe their liberties by resuming any thing granted them although it be for their necessary defence and preservation 19. Government is endangered either by intestine broils which are Granting priviledges to particular places causes sedition raised by factious and seditious men or forein war and Princes ought to be more careful to preserve their Subjects in general from intestine then forein war For besides that civil wars are more dangerous to the Crown then forein so intestine wars always end in loss of subjects in general whereas by forein wars much benefit may arise to King and subjects And there is nothing so much desired and that can so much conduce to the suppression of factions and seditions as the equal and due administration of the same Laws to Subjects in general But in vain shall Princes endeavor to suppress factions and seditions when they make them by making so many Factions as they make Corporations For who does not see what an antipathy there is between the Country-Justices and the Magistrates as they call them of Corporations where they agree not in aliquo tertio that is in some mischief plainly in advantage of the Corporation And let any man shew one Corporation of an hundred which hath not used the Priviledges granted them by Princes to the dissolving of that Power which granted them their Priviledges Ecclesiasticus says That without Handicrafts men and Tradesmen Cap. 38. 32 33. a City cannot be inhabited but they shall never sit in the place of Judicature And indeed what thing can there be more abhorrent then that men who by fraud and unjust gains have gotten much money should therefore sit in Judicature and judge and condemn poor men to death for small offences in comparison of theirs and different only in this that the one committed their offences fraudulently and covertly and the other forcibly and violently 20. As in mens natural bodies well-ordered action is much conducing Long peace disposeth men to sedition to the preservation of health and overmuch ease and sloth the original of many distempers which cannot be recovered without bloodletting and physick so in the bodies of Kingdoms and Empires a well-ordered Militia constantly kept in action conduceth much to the preservation of a Nation whereas sloth and neglecting military discipline makes a Nation not only unfit and unweildy to defend it self against its outward Enemies but also contracts infinite Civil distempers within it self all tending to a Civil war Well therefore might Cato Major in his great wisdom cry out in open Senate That soldiers and men of war were to be still busied in arms far from home for that in so doing all should go well with the State and the glory thereof increase And the Romans always judged an external war the most requisite and necessary remedy to prevent an intestine And no doubt but this is See Bod. de rep lib. 5. 563. at this day the Politick reason of the long wars which France makes against Spain rather then any fear or hatred of the Nations one to another It is therefore a miserable condition in which Princes are without Gods great and special favor to them that either they must maintain a forein war and so become accountable to God for all the blood which shall be spilt if unjustly undertaken or else by long peace and ease dispose their own subjects to the ruining and destroying of one another It is said of Q. Eliz. that she would never consent to the total subversion of Dunkirk lest that by a careless neglect of providing for themselves the Seamen should be forgetful and unfitting for Naval warfare And Scipio African would not give his consent to the utter subversion of Carthage lest that the Romans Carthage being destroyed should not find another Nation which might keep the Roman Valor exercised and so by its own unactivity and sloth it should degenerate and be dissolved Besides the excellencies of Military discipline not but that any thing may be abused by which Nations are protected from Foreign enemies not only Religion Justice Peace Learning c. are internally preserved it also makes men industrious and active in busines valiant in dangers temperate in their desires and to be wary and prudent in their actions It is indeed an admirable thing to consider how the most wise greatest and best God hath attempered all things Not only that all things are differing if not contrary to one another but also hath made and placed all Nations so enemies one to one another that he may by the help of one revenge the injury and injustice which is done by another that so from fear of danger all might be kept within the bounds of their duty Hence it was that God said I will henceforth not cast out before me one man of the nations which Josuah left when he died that through them I may prove Judg. 2. 21 22. 3. 1. Israel whether they will keep the way of the Lord and walk therein as their forefathers did or not And these are the nations which the Lord left that he might prove Israel 21. There is nothing more establisheth a Throne than Judgment Selling of places of Judicature causeth sedition which is giving sentence according to Law but he that buyes the place must needs sell judgment or else he will be a looser by it And what can more dispose Subjects to seditions and to seek for judgment and right in an extraordinary way then that they cannot hope for it from corrupt Judges Well therefore said King Jugurth when he departed from Rome Vade venalis civitas mox peritura si emptorem inveneris Besides who will fear to violate Laws and endeavor to raise sedition if he may hope to buy off his punishment which should deter him from it by corrupting the Judge 22. Though no man hath any thing proper against him who hath supreme Imposing and raising Taxes disposes to sedition power and
might not be aliened or made worse by the Possessor yet so that she left a gap open for herself and her Favorites to prey upon it which was after shut by King James and with great care secured by King Charls All this while grew up a Faction in Church and State which became the ruine of both For not only in the Church the Publique Liturgy Communion or Religion was vilified and defamed but the Governors reviled with all opprobrious names of Tyrannical Antichristian c. It is true the Majesty of the King was not so openly reviled yet was it insensibly daily undermined by them in which they were much assisted by a company of half-headed Lawyers who in all Assemblies distilled this doctrine into ignorant men That the Law was above the King and that they had Property against him in their estates and goods Whereby not only Citizens and Great places became generally inclined to this new doctrine of the Teachers and Lawyers but the Country-Gentleman thought himself independent from the King both in his life and estate the Yeoman cared not for the Gentleman and as little regarded the King so that the veneration of the Royal Name became every day more contemptible and despised all honor and reverence due to the King Church was converted unto these Patriots of their Countries Liberty and New Lights Nor could the Church relieve the Crown although the Governors were well-affected towards it being by all the Faction more hated than the King became despised until in the end the chief Governors both of Church and State not only became Victims to the rage and lust of seditious men but the Revenues of both a prey to their avarice And now what is left for this miserable Nation to expect having forfeited all Piety and Allegiance to Gods Church and his Anointed but after all this consumption of the Blood and Publique and Private Revenue of the Nation and having lost all Reputation and Commerce abroad for the future to be Turk-like governed by armed and hungry Soldiers without any probable hope of Redemption Object It may be it will be here objected That though poor and contemptible Princes be rarely long obeyed especially where their Subjects are opulent yet had the Church never so great veneration both for power and piety as when in the Primitive times it was poor whereas afterward when it became rich and mighty it did degenerate into many vices and heresies and lost much of estimation and piety which it had in its poverty Answ I grant that God did by his grace and power originally by a company of poor men and Fishermen against all the greatness of worldly power miraculously plant a Church and that those poor men sent by God were supernaturally inspired by his grace which not their poverty was the cause of their piety and sanctity and that they were so highly honored by primitive Christians yet sure when God hath supernaturally planted his Church it cannot be in reason expected he should preserve it always by miracle And sure those are very ungrateful men not to contribute ordinary means for the preservation of what God hath extraordinarily planted Nor is there any thing more vain then to imagine that men are better for being poor or that according to the ordinary course of things they will not be by men in general esteemed vile and contemptible who are so Nil habet infaelix paupertas durius in se Juveual Quâm quod ridiculos homines facit CHAP. VI. Of the Fathers power 1. UNumquodque resolvitur in id ex quo componitur Dust shall return to the Introduction earth as it was and the Spirit to God who gave it Eccle. 12. 7. It is not the good will and pleasure of the All-prepotent God that only the individuals of one age should see the greatness of his Majesty and power therefore he was pleased to create man as well as other Creatures in this inferior or be in a * If Adam had not been created in a Mortal State the Sacrament of the Tree of life had been a vain institution mortal state yet he endewed him generativa facultate that though he does dye in his person yet he should live in his posterity and as one generation passeth away so another commeth but the earth abideth for ever Eccle. 1. 4. 2. There is nothing more evident then that in perfect Creatures of The power of Parents alike over their Children which man is the most perfect that God is the prime and efficient cause or God working by naturall causes the Sun is the efficient cause and Male and Female the Instrumental Sol per hominem generat hominem See Harvey de generatione Animalium Cap. 33. Man and Woman therefore being the means whereby God does renew the species of Mankind and all Creatures having power over themselves in all things wherein they are not restrained by some natural or humane Law and every Child being alike part of either of his Parents the Power of Father and Mother is alike over their Children and so by consequence the subjection and obedience of every Child is alike due to Father and Mother And to honor thy Father and thy Mother is the First precept of the second Table of the Decalogue 3. Man and Wife being but one person and the Husband being the Why in Matrimony the power is in the Father head of the Wife and the Wife being in the power of the Husband the Husband hath the power and command as well of the Children as of the Mother yet the piety and observance of Children to their Mother is as much due as to their Father 4. Grotius cap. 5. art 2. de jure belli pacis out of Arist pol. 1. cap ult Grotius his opinion of the Fathers power eth 5. cap. 10. distinguisheth the Fathers power over Children into three times viz. 1. The time of their imperfect judgment 2. The time of their perfect judgment 3. The time when they are out of the Fathers family In the first all the actions of the Children are under the command of the Parents In the second time whenas judgment is matured by age and are of the family they are subject as part of the family In the third when he is matured by age and out of the family the Son is in all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his own right Yet he says and truly parag 5. The Fathers power so follows the Fathers person that it can never be pulled off nor transferred to any other for the Fathers power arising from generation is due to him by the Law of Nature and so always the same if not aliened by the act of God And therefore * Confuted Quando Ubi make no alteration in the Fathers power for it is the same when the Son is an Infant and when adult when he is part of the family and when not 5. Where the Law of Nature gives a
institution and therefore incommunicable or alienable yet after it pleased God that Kings should be nursing fathers and Queens nursing mothers to his Church the exercise endowment priviledges and immunities of Christian power is of positive humane institution The obedience therefore or subjection due to them who have oversight over us in the Lord is not formally due to such Bishops and Priests who have once had the oversight over us but to such Bishops and Priests who are legally constituted to exercise the jurisdiction or function in such Dioceses or Parishes where they are so constituted which exercise is alienable or transferrible though not at the will of the Incumbent yet at the will of Supreme powers and legally at the will of the Donor CHAP. II. Of Inheritance and Succession 1. NO humane law can create a humane right Jura sanguinis nullo jure No Humane law can make a Royal heir civili dirimi possint Nor is this right of succession from Divine positive laws but observed as well where Gods revelation of himself is not received as where it is And if according to the resolution of all the most learned and reverend Judges in Calvin's Case subjection is from no humane law but from the law of nature Then of necessity must Regal right and inheritance be from the law of nature for no man supposeth subjection where he does not presuppose power The Will therefore of Henry the Eight where for want of issue of Edward Mary and Elizabeth he gives the English Monarchy to the issue of Frances and Elianor daughters of Mary his younger sister before the right heirs of Margaret his eldest sister wife of James the Fourth of Scotland was void and not to be allowed and so was that of Edward the Sixth who did disinherit his sisters Mary and Elizabeth and gave the Crown to Jane daughter of Frances the French Queen aforesaid by Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk and so were the Acts of Parliament made by H. 4. 5. and 6. which entailed the Crown upon their Heirs so was the Acts of the last of Henry the 6. which entailed the Crown upon him and the heirs males of his body and so were the Acts of the first of Rich. 3. and H. 7. which entailed the Crown upon them and their heirs Neither is succession and inheritance of Crowns declared by any humane Law in the world that I know of but only the pretended French Salique Law which we shall examine afterwards 2. None but God can make an Heire to a Crown solus Deus haeredem None but God can make an Heire to a Crown facere potest non homo Co. Lit. Sect. 7. And this Heire which Sir E. Co. here speaks of is but heire in fee to Lands or Tenements according to common Law or Custom if then only God can make such an Heire then sure none but God can make an Heire which makes humane Laws and permits Customes 3. It is not only humane Laws which say a bastard is filius terrae None can inherit not born in Matrimony Gen. 22. 2. quasi nullius filius Et qui ex damnato coitu nascuntur inter liberos non computentur but God calls Isaac Abrahams only Son although at the same time Abraham had his Son Ismael by Hagar his Handmaid or Concubine And Abraham gave all he had to Isaac but to the Sonns of the Concubins which Abraham had he gave gifts Gen. 25. 5 6. So though Ismael were Isaacs elder brother yet in comparison of Isaac born in wedlock God himself did not account him Abrahams Son Nor can one instance be given that ever by Gods either command or permission any born out of marriage did inherit By the Law therefore of God aswell as humane Law none can inherit which are born out of matrimony 4. That which no humane Law prescribes and yet is observed by all The Issue male shall inherit before the Issue female in Royalty men generally in all ages is from the Law of Nature But no humane Law prescribes the male to inherit before the female in regality yet it is observed by all men generally therefore that the issue male shall inherit before the female in regality is from the Law of Nature 5. If primogeniture had not been a sacred thing and inheritance annexed Of the Issue male the first born is to be preferred to it by the Law of Nature then could not Esau have been pronounced a prophane person for selling his birthright Heb. 12. 16. although he did it to save his life Gen. 25. 34. but being due by the Law of Nature I say Esau by his sale could not transfer it to Jacob yet because Esau did despise it Gen. 25. 34. it was just with God to transfer it to Jacob neither can it be shewed any where in sacred writ but that alwaies primogeniture in royal descent was a good title where God did not interpose 6. Only the King can inherit and succeed because his Royal capacity is Why only the King is said to inherit and succeed and Subjects do either inherit or succeed but never both affixed and inseparable with his person In the Oath therefore of Ligeance Subjects swear to beare faith to the King his Heirs and Successors but no Subject can both inherit and succeed because there is no succession can be affixed to the person of any Subject by vertue of inheritance All Corporations therefore do not descend by inheritance but are acquired as they are nominated or elected in such manner as is granted by the King or supream power 7. There are but two waies by which hereditary or successive Monarchies How many waies hereditary Monarchies descend do descend the one is Lineal descent the other Lineal Agnatical Cognatical or Collateral or as we say the one descends to the heire general the other to the heire male This latter by vertue of a Salique law takes place only in France we will therefore see what may be said and objected against the former and how the latter hath been observed in France and of what Authority it is 8. That cannot be against the Law of God which he has owned and Gynococratia or inheritance of Women not unnatural nor against the Law of God given a blessed president of but that God has owned Gynaecocraty and that in a great and miraculous delivery of his own people is evident in Deborah And that Women may inherit when the daughters of Zelophehad made their plea for their inheritance Numb 27. They first pleaded negatively Our Father was not of the company of them that gathered themselves against the Lord in the company of Corah which is a plain argument that rebellious Subjects have no property against supream powers but forfeit their goods aswell as lives for God saies ver 7. the daughters of Zelophehad spake right why should the name of our father be done away from his family because he has no Son And God himself
saies ver 8 9. 10. If a man dye and have no Son then shall the inheritance pass to the daughter and if he have no daughter then shall the inheritance go to his brethren and if he have no brethren then ye shall give the inheritance unto his fathers brethren c. And that inheriting by the daughter when there is no Son in Britain consonant to the Law of God is as old as any record we can find when Voadicea led the Britans against the Romans it was alwaies a thing observed among them Neque enim sexum in imperiis discernunt Tacit. Lip in vita Agric. 457. Wherein Regality differs in descent from Estates by Civil Laws 9. Although Gynaecocraty be neither against the divine Law of God or Nature yet it is only to be understood that in regality the female shall inherit when she is the eldest sister and lineally descended from the Ancestor which has no Heir male of his body lawfully begotten For in Regality possessio fratris non facit sororem esse haeredem But if a King or Queen by inheritance have issue by several venters or extractions and by the latter a Son who does inherit who dyes without issue yet shall the Heir male descended from the Father although but of half blood to him inherit before his sister and the elder sister descended from the Father shall inherit before his sister although she be of whole blood to him from the reason aforesaid and therefore Queen Mary and Eliz. although but of half blood to Ed. the 6. did inherit before the Queen of Scots or the issue of the Queen Dowager of France by the Duke of Suffolk Charles Brandon although they were of whole blood to him and thus much does Sir Ed. Coke testifie Com. Lit. cap. 1. Sect. 8. p. 15. 10 Before we examine the authority and observance of the Salique Law First Charge let us see the heinous charge which Monsieur Bodin brings against Gynaecocatry Bodins charge and incommodities against Gynaecocatry cap. 5. lib. 6. pag. 738. de rep He says Gynaecocraty is inimicitious to the laws of Nature which gives prudence strength magnanimity of mind force to command to Men takes them away from Women Answ A fine general charge this If I can form an argument out of it this is it All Government wherein prudence strength magnanimity c. do not command is inimicitious to the Laws of Nature But in Gynaecocraty neither prudence c. do command Therefore Gynaecocraty is inimicitious to the Laws of Nature Now the Major proposition requiring strength prudence and magnanimity in command the Conclusion will be as strong against all Government as Gynaecocraty for he hath not defined what strength prudence c. is nor who shall be Judge what it is and so any man who will but deny that there is strength prudence c. in the Governor may by the Laws of Nature not obey nay it is against the Laws of Nature to obey But in what case are all Pupil Kings Sure the man intended to make good Pepins and Hugh Capets Titles from this Proposition against Childerick and Charls of Lorrain But that which is most monstrous and impious is that it is inimicitious to the Laws of Nature for any Child to obey and honor his Mother because she hath not prudence magnanimity and force of command The Law of God not only took from Women the Government of Common-wealths Second charge but also of Families whenas he deservedly subjected them to the command of their Husbands The argument out of this is Whom God hath subjected to the command of their Husbands cannot by the Law of God command in Families But God hath subjected Women to the command of their Husbands Therefore by the Law of God Women cannot command in Families Answ Yes such Women as never were married nor subject to their Husbands may granting the Major proposition But I deny the Major proposition for sure it is no where against the Law of God for a Widow to govern her Family As often as God testifies that he will take terrible vengeance against the enemies Third charge of his Name he threatens them to be subject to commands and laws of Women for this he cites Isa 8. although I cannot find any such thing there as if that were the utmost of evils and extremity of calamities Answ That this is false is evident by Gods miraculous delivery of the children of Israel by the leading and command of Deborah Besides how can God command Women to command and give Laws if it be against the Law of Nature Which is all one to say God does command against the Law of Nature that is his own Law The Roman Laws did seclude Women from all Civil offices and Publique Fourth charge employments Answ But though the Roman Laws did forbid it yet if the Laws of France did not allow it how came Blanch the wife of Lewis the Eighth Katherine de Medici wife of Henry the Second and Mary de Medici wife of Henry the Fourth and Anne the Mother of the present King to manage the Regencie of France as imperiously during the minority of their Sons as if they had been absolute Princes That in Gynarchy the Wife is not subject but superior to her Husband Fifth charge Answ So heavy bodies will against their nature ascend to supply a Vacuity Answ His sixth charge is an Invective against Vasti Joan of Naples called the Sixth charge Wolf Athaliah Cleopatra Zenobia Hirene As indeed telling of stories is usually the greatest part of his reasoning and that he will do so amply that Scaliger justly reprehends him with making not writing Histories Now if I should fall into the commendation of Ruth Hester Judith Deborah c. I am quit with him It is true indeed that 't is a great blessing to any Nation that God gives them a Masculine Heir endued with all those qualities he speaks of But when God doth give a Child which he pronounceth a woe to that Nation Eccles 10. 16. or a Female Subjects must be content and submit themselves to Gods pleasure For in going about to alter what God hath done they will make themselves in a much more woful condition Nor could that be a judgment of God upon a Nation to give Fools and Children or Women for Heirs if Subjects at pleasure might alter them and set up others in their stead 11. The Salique Law took its name either from the Country Salia The etymologie of the Salique Law or the River Sal or from contraction of Si aliqua so often mentioned in the Law 12. There are three things observable in the Salique Law the authority A short view of the authority and observance of the Salique Law of it the eternity of it and the reason of it For the authority of it it was made by the Lord knows whom for the eternity of it it shall end the Lord knows when
special matter they cannot well discern or judge I have therefore been particular herein as well to shew into what cause Annot. not only both Houses conjunctly but every particular Member in either have a right of being as also since Non datur progressus ad infinitum the Parliament being a body compounded of heterogenial or dissimilar parts if they sever or divide into what Subjects may ultimately with good conscience resolve their faith and obedience And no question it is better any thing should be Law then that every thing should be lawful And that is the greatest slavery where Subjects know not where to pay their obedience and from whence to expect protection but where different Factions shall with equal right or injury impose their lusts and wills for Laws to their Fellow-subjects The Jurisdiction of Parliament is so transcendent that it maketh inlargeth The Jurisdiction of Parliament diminisheth abrogateth repealeth and reviveth Laws Statutes Acts and Ordinances concerning matters Ecclesiastical Capital Criminal Common Civil Martial Maritime and the rest It may make Daughters and Heirs apparent of a man or woman during the life of the Ancestor Com. Lit. 110. adjudge an Infant or Minor of full age attaint a man of Treason after his death it may Bastard a Child that is Legitimate it may make a Bastard Inst 2 par 36. Legitimate A Parliament was called before the Conquest Michael Sinoth Michael By what other names called Gemote Ealsa Witenage Mote that is to say the Great Court or Meeting of the King and of the Wise men sometime of the King with the Council of his Bishops Nobles and wisest of his people The French call it Les estates and L'assemble des estates the Parliaments in France are no other Inst par 1. 110. a. then our Courts of Kings-Bench Common-Pleas Exchequer and Chancery in England The Germans call it a Dyet And Inst 4. p. 2. it was antiently called Witenage mote Conventus sapientum Commune concilium regni Generale concilium regni Concilium regni Assisa generalis Tully calls it Consessum Senatorum à considendo c. Object But it may be it will be objected That though the King be principium caput finis Parliamenti and that every Member as well as both Houses have their original right and sitting there from him and that though Laws of right ought to pass in Parliament at the rogation request or petition of the Commons by the counsel and advice of the Lords yet the Kings of the Nation have long since divested themselves of this power and have granted the Lords and Commons a concurring power in the making of Laws or by custom and usage it hath been so time out of mind and so ought to be observed as a Law To the first I say Kings reign by a higher then any humane law and Ans 1 therefore no act of any King can divest himself or successor of any attribute due to him or his successor And if Kings actions did oblige themselves or successors then were this Crown not free but subject to the Pope because King John made it so But I deny the assertion for it is false that ever any King of this Realm did ever grant the Parliament or either House a concurring power of making Laws with him For the second No usage prescription or custom can take place Ans 2 where there are records or proofs to the contrary Whether we cannot give proofs enough to the contrary judge good Reader David's calling all the Lords of Israel the Lords of the Tribes the Lords of the Companies that ministred to the King by course the Captains over thousands and over hundreds and the Lords that had the oversight over all the substance and possession of David and of his sons with the Chamberlains and all the mighty and all the valiant and all the active men unto Jerusalem to consult concerning the building of God a house 1 Chron. 28. 1 2. was a Parliament So was that Convention of Solomon's Inst 4 par 3. Ibid. 2 Chron. 2. and that Convention of the Israelites Judg. 20. 11. Ego Inas Dei gratia Westsaxonum rex exhortatione doctrina Cenredes patris mei Heddes episcopi mei Erkenwaldes episcopi mei òmnium Aldremannorum meorum Seniorum sapientum regni mei multaque congregatione servorum Dei sollicitus de salute animarum nostrarum statu regni mei constitui rectum conjugium recta judicia pro stabilitate confirmatione populi mei benigna sedulitate celebrari nullo Aldremanno vel alicui de toto regimine nostro conscripta liceat abolere judicia was an Act of Parliament Proem par 9. Reports Edwardus rex admonuit omnes sapientes suos qui fuerint Exoniae ut investigarent simul quaererent quomodo pax eorum melior esse possit quà m ante fuit was an Act of Parliament by Edward King Alfreds son Ibidem Haec sunt instituta quae Edgarus rex consilio sapientum suorum instituit were Acts of Parliament Ibidem Hoc est consilium quod Etheldredus rex omnes sapientes sui condixere ad emendationem pacis omni populis apud Woodstock Haec sunt verba pacis prolocutionis quae Etheldredus rex omnes sapientes ejus cum exercitu firmaverunt qui cum Anulano Justino Guemundo Stigrani filio venit Et haec instituerunt Etheldredus rex Sapientes ejus apud Habam were Acts of Ibidem Parliament Edmundus rex congregavit magnam Synodum Divini ordinis Seculi apud Londonum civitatem in Sancto Pasch solenni hae sunt institutiones quas Ed. rex episcopi sui cum sapientibus suis instituerunt apud Culinconam c. paulo post Ego Edmundus rex mando praecipio omni populo senior ' junior ' qui in regione mea sunt qui investigans investigari cum sapientibus Clericis Laicis were Acts of Parliament Ibidem Haec sunt statuta Canuti regis Anglorum Danorum Norvegar ' venerando sapientum ejus consilio ad laudem gloriam Dei sui regalitatem commune commodum habita in Sancto Natali Domini apud Wintoniam c. were Acts passed in Parliament Ibidem Rex Canutus an regni sui 5. per 130 annos ante copilationem decretorum quae an Dom. 1150. fuer ' copilat ' anno 7 pontificatus Papae Eugenii tertii ante copilation ' aliorum Canon ' quorumcunque cunctos reg ' sui praelat ' proceresque ac magnates ad suum convocans Parliam ' in suo publico Parliam ' persistentibus personaliter in eodem Wulstano Adelnodo archiepisc ' Ailwino episc ' Elmehamense aliis episcopis ipsorum suffragan ' septem Ducibus cum tot Comitibus nec non diversorum monaster ' nonnullis Abbatibus cum quamplurimis gregariis milit ' ac
therefore in all men and therefore in all sorts of men As if any man promises another that he will do or give him such a thing although it be to his hinderance he wilfully breaks his promise I say this is a sin of injustice in the promiser for he abuses and falsifies the Law of Nature which obliges every man to the performance of his promise to his hinderance to whom he made his promise And though this be the Law of Nature which does onely oblige in Conscience yet is such a promiser an unjust man nor does he deserve to be trusted as a friend or honest man But this must always be understood of private men and they not pre-engaged Annot. before for the first promise is to be performed Neither must the performance of a private mans promise be to the hurt or damage of another man for by the Law of Nature he was obliged to hurt no man and to give to every man his due before he made such promise A publick person promises to another to do or give him such a thing which will be prejudicial to his trust I say he ought not to perform it for he was obliged to perform his trust before he made such promise What then does preengagement the not injuring of another or publick employment free men and let them loose from all Law of God and Nature I answer nothing less for they sin not less then private freemen in not performing their promise but commit a greater sin in breaking their first promise and betraying their publick trust c. then if they should perform their promise So that in promising they sin but in the performance they commit a greater sin 5. A King promiseth he will not hurt any of his Subjects in their persons How Kings promises are to be interpreted and performed or estates without due Process and after judgment given according to the known Laws He being a King was obliged as King to do to the best of his power all things in order to the good and preservation of his subjects in general and therefore is obliged to this latter promise onely as it is consistent with his former He ought onely to protect his subjects in particular as it does relate to the good and benefit of his subjects in general I say therefore notwithstanding any such subsequent promise is not any King obliged to it but may in case of publick necessity govern by Martial Law and destroy any particular Subjects estate rather then enemies or seditious men should make advantage thereof to the endangering of the publick Nor is this any new thing but always was in all species of Governments since the World began nor does any King sin in making such promise for he may justly do it and thereby secure the mindes of his Subjects who would otherwise be in a continual diffidence nor does he sin in not performing this promise when it becomes inconsistble with the publick good for no King can possibly foresee all the publick necessities and dangers which may happen 6. No mans being greater or lesser does free him from his duty which Injustice in Princes he owes to the Laws of God all men being alike as compared to God Kings therefore being so are not disobliged to the Laws of God and Nature It was therefore a sin of injustice in Ahab to take the possession of Naboth's Vineyard the property and inheritance of the Israelites being given by God and unalienable by the Children of Israel I say this was a sin of injustice in Ahab for his being a King did not free him from Gods Laws but did without any publick necessity abuse the power and command which God had given him as King to the damage and hurt of Naboth and his posterity Davids putting Uriah to death and Ahabs consenting to Naboth's death although after his death were sins of injustice for they were entrusted by God to be Kings for the good of their Subjects Whereas they did abuse and falsifie their trust to the highest wrong of others whom they ought to have protected Princes are Gods Ministers for their Subjects good 7. Man being a reasonable and sociable Creature which being inconsistible Rom 13. 4. Kings by right command next after God with community and parity and mankinde being onely conservable in Society that is in the mutual commanding and obeying of different parties And as God by highest right ought in all things to be obeyed so Kings ought to be obeyed next after God in all things For every Soul ought to be subject to the higher powers for there are no powers but of God and the powers that be are ordained of God And through me Kings reign Rom. 13. 1. Prov. 8. 15. and Princes make just Laws All things therefore which Princes command where God hath not left necessary Laws for the good and governing of their Subjects which he was onely pleased to do to his peculiar people the Israelites are therefore just because they command them they commanding nothing repugnant to the Laws of God 8. A Prince commands a Judge to execute the known Laws uprightly Injustice in Subjects he becomes corrupt and sells or otherwise purloyns judgment I say this is a sin of injustice in the Judge for he abuses the command of his Prince who by right might command him to the damage of another against whom false judgment is given It is an act of injustice in all Subjects in general to abuse the trust committed to them by their Soveraigns for he by right may command and entrust them nor can they abuse their trust but it must be to the damage of the Prince or some other But besides express Obedience of Subjects to their Soveraigns when they are particularly entrusted by them there is a general and implied Obedience which Subjects ow to their Soveraigns and the Laws of their Countrey as Subjects whether they be employed in any place of trust or not For subjection being in the predicament of Relation does imply a right of command and no man can be subject where there is nothing to which he is subject It is therefore a sin of injustice in any Subject to pretend or abuse any of his Countries Laws to the hurt or damage of another 9. Since therefore Kings by highest right next after God may command Highest injustice in Subjects then by consequence is that the highest sin of injustice next after Luciferian pride of Creatures making themselves equal or superior to their Creator for Subjects to tread under foot all Sacred and Civil Laws to make themselves superior to their Soveraigns to whom by all Divine and Humane Laws they ow their obedience to the ruine and destruction of so many thousands of innocent men women and children and families of all sorts which must necessarily come to pass in the attaining their ends And that Subjects do abuse all Humane Laws in pretending them to the advancing of themselves above
all Humane Laws and their rightful Superiors There neither is nor ever was any Government in the World good or bad just or unjust that did ever permit subjects without authority from it to take up arms And by our countrey-Countrey-Laws If any man levy war to expulse strangers to deliver men out of prison or against any Statute or any other end pretending Reformation of their own head this is a levying war Nota. against the King because they take upon them the Royal Authority which is against the King Inst 3. p. 9. 10. All Stipulations Oaths Promises c. made by Subjects against All Oaths Promises c. made against Prince or Laws are void Husbands by right may command their Wives their Prince or Laws are void and not to be performed for they were Subjects and obliged to their Prince and Laws before they made such Oath Stipulation Promise c. 11. God is not onely the Author of Government and Obedience of Order and Society in Nations and Kingdoms but also in Man and Wife for being reasonable and sociable Creatures does imply a necessity of mutual commanding and obeying God first created man and by so creating him gave him the power and dominion over the woman It is therefore an act 1 Tim. 2. 13. Justice and injustice in a Wife of Justice in every Wife uprightly to fulfil the Law or Command of her Husband to the benefit of him or another he commanding nothing derogatory to the Laws of God or his Countrey and a sin of injustice in the Wife to falsifie or abuse any Law or Command of her Husband to the hurt or prejudice of her Husband or another 12. God is not less the Author of Power or Right of Command in Of Justice and injustice in Wives and Children Parents then in Husbands As therefore it is an act of Justice for Wives and Children uprightly to do any act which is commanded them by their Husbands and Parents they not commanding contrary to the Laws of God or their Countrey so it is injustice in Children as well as Wives to falsifie any Command or Law of their Parents to the hurt or prejudice of another 13. Suppose the Father and the Husband command the Wife contrary Whether the Wife ought to obey the Father or Husband things whereby it becomes impossible that the Wife should serve both Which ought she to serve I say the Husband For though the Fathers power be from God and so inseparable by any act of Man yet is not God obliged to his own Laws but may give that which he gave the Father to another And Matrimony being an Institution of God in Paradice and the Husbands power from the Law of Nature that is from God the Wife becomes subject to her Husband retaining notwithstanding her piety and observance which is always due to her Father 14. All Societies that is all companies of Men whether of Master Masters of Families by right command their Servants Cicero lib. 1. de leg and Servants of Father and Children of Husband and Wife of King and Subjects are contained in the mutual Offices of commanding and obeying It is true that Cicero says Cum dico legem à me dici nihil aliud intelligi volo quam imperium sine quo nec domus ulla nec civitas nec gens nec hominum universum genus stare nec rerum natura omnis nec ipse mundus potest Where therefore the Laws of Nature are not sufficient there must be a supply of Humane Laws Object We have shewed before that the Power or Right of Command which Kings have over their Subjects which Husbands have over their Wives which Parents have over their Children is from the Law of Nature that is from God immediately I say they command by the Law of Nature For all right of command which is not from any Humane Law is from the Law of Nature but Kings Parents and Husbands have a right of command and not from any Humane Law they have it therefore from the Law of Nature Sol. But though Masters of Families have a right of command over their Servants yet formally they do not command by the same right that Kings Fathers and Husbands do For I deny that ever any Master of a Family had his power from any Law of God I except the Israelites or Nature but that ever since there were Families the Masters or Mistresses of the Families derived and had their power or right of command over their Servants from their Countries Laws If Adams Family be objected I say that Adam commanded not as Master of a Family onely but as a Universal Monarch not onely over all the Creatures irrational that God had made but also over his Wife and Posterity as King and not as Father and Husband onely For no Father or Master of a Family can create any property in his Son or Servant nor had ever any Subject who was not an Israelite property from any Law of God or Nature But it is evident that Cain had property in the Fruit of the Gen. 4. 3 4. Ground and Abel in his Flocks they therefore derived it from Adam as King 15. Since Humane Laws are necessary for the conservation of all Of Justice and injustice in Servants Societies of Men and the Masters power not being contrary to any Law of God or Nature the Master of every Family hath right of command over his Servants by the Laws of his Countrey he commanding nothing repugnant to the Laws of God or his Country It is therefore Justice in every Servant uprightly to execute such commands of their Masters and injustice to falsifie or abuse such commands to the hurt or prejudice of another 16. Suppose the Father makes his Son a Servant for every Father hath Whether the Son ought to prefer the commands of of his Father or Master the same right over his Childes person that a King hath over his Subjects and the Father and Master command the Son contrary things Which shall the Son serve I say the Fathers power being from the Law of Nature and so inseparable by any act of Man the Son ought to serve the Father but the Father being as much in the power of his Soveraign as the Son in his Fathers the Father shall make good to the Master whatsoever he shall be damnified by such command the Laws of the Fathers Countrey obliging Subjects to perform their Contracts 17. Suppose the Master command contrary to the Laws of God or his How far the Servant owes his Master subjection Country and the Servant executes such command shall this excuse the Servant No for being a Servant does not free him from the obligation of the Laws of God or his Country as a Subject Well but if the Master commands upon corporal punishment for the Masters power obligeth to corporal punishment to do something contrary to the Laws I answer That jus vitae necis which Masters had
over their Servants is generally restrained every where as well among Mahumetans as Jews and Christians where men are of the same faith So that Masters cannot put their Servants to death as Masters for any crime If they otherwise punish them unjustly the Servants have their remedies by the Laws of their Country Object 1 But who shall judge whether this be contrary to the Laws of God or his Country the Master or the Servant I say not the Servant Object 2 But if the Servant may not judge yet has he not a Conscience as well as his Master I answer That Ignorance and an ill-set Conscience excuseth no more from doing what he ought and Servants actions in general ought to be done about the Masters persons or affairs in which it is a very hard matter for the Master to command any thing contrary to the Law of God or his Country But if the Master does command his Servant to do any act in prejudice to another if it be not so much as the Master cannot make satisfaction as to kill or maim another the Laws do make a favorable construction of what is done by the Servant as Servant and punish the Master as commanding and not the Servant as doing in order to such commands In a Masters commands to a Servant is usually implied a Warranty which secures the Servant for doing what he commands him 18. It is Injustice in any man to tell another that he gave such a price Injustice in Commutation for such a commodity whenas he gave not so much thereby to deceive another who believes him and gives him thereafter to a greater value then the thing is worth I say this is a sin of injustice in the Seller for in Lying he did falsifie the Law of the God of Truth to the damage of the Buyer 19. In Justice commanded no man ought to do more or less but to the Of permissive Justice in a King utmost of his power ought to do what is commanded him in that formality as it is commanded In Justice permissive it is not always so but the utmost or rigid exacting of what is permitted is highest injury As a King is permitted to execute his Laws but the rigid executing of all Laws against all Offenders at all times without any consideration of inability or other circumstance of person time or place is highest injury to his Subjects For it is impossible though Laws should be general and not respect the persons but the good of the Subjects that all Laws can at all times be alike observed by all Subjects And therefore though it be permitted to a King to execute all his Laws or else he should have none to be executed yet in the execution of them he ought to weigh circumstances of person time and place whether it were the malice or defence of the person offending or whether he were able to fulfill such Law or not c. Or otherwise Summum jus est summa injuria 20. As a King so ought not a Subject rigidly to exact of another In a Subject whatsoever is by Law permitted him at all times As a Tenant by sterility of the year inundation of waters c. is so damnified that he is not able fully to satisfie his Landlord but to his utter ruine I say in such case the Landlord ought to remit of what by rigor of the laws he might justly take Or if in such case the Landlord shall rigidly exact his utmost due to his Tenants ruine when it is not the Tenants fault such exaction such summum jus est summa injuria A man is permitted to sue any man for triflings tres passes of pedibus ambulando c. yet if upon all occasions a man shall sue every man that steps out of the footpath such a man will be counted a wrangling knave and such suing summa injuria Yet is not the Law in fault but the men for if it were not permitted to men to exact their rents and sue for small trespasses then would no Tenant pay rent nor should any man be secure of enjoying what he is possest of 21. It is true that Aristotle says That he is a just man that keeps the laws Who is a just man Eth. lib. 5. cap. 2. 3. and that he is an unjust man who commits contrary to laws and that therefore one Justice contains all other virtues God having made Man as well a sociable as reasonable creature and a free Lord of all his actions whose will may freely imperate his actions not as it is with irrational creatures whose objects determine their actions as he pleaseth neither did ever yet in this world any man do any act virtuous or vitious but it was freely in his own choise whether he had done it or not And by making him sociable made him more excellent then the other creatures of this orb We do not therefore look for Justice in so large a sense as Aristotle here takes where every particular or personal virtue may be taken for Justice 22. We take that virtue to be Justice which conduceth to the preservation The excellency of Justice of Society for other personal virtees as Temperance Chastity Frugality c. although not as virtues yet may they be found in other creatures which is only proper to Man and wherein Man does excell all other creatures And no question but that the meanest Servant uprightly and conscientiously performing the trust and command which his Master commands him is as just and honest a man as the greatest man whatsoever 23. Nor is it less true that Aristotle says That he that commits any Who is an unjust man thing against the Laws is an unjust man and so the commission of any thing against the Laws is a sin of injustice and every sin a sin of injustice But by reason of humane frailty it is very difficult if not impossible for the most just man not to be an unjust man where injustice is taken in such a latitude And in this sense the most just and righteous Subject that ever was stands in need of Gods mercy and the Kings But the injustice we look for we take in a more restrained notion not every unlawful act done upon ignorance or passion c. but where men premeditately and wilfully make the laws of God or man a cloke and pandar to shelter and hide their unjust and illegal actions They that tread under foot all Sacred and Civil sanctions intended for the conservation of peace and society among men to set up themselves above all laws of God or man and to make way for their own lusts in stead of Divine and Humane laws They who the Prophet David says imagine mischief as by a law Such men such actions are Psal 94. 20. most properly unjust men and acts of injustice 24. Injustice differs from Injury only in agencie and patiencie in him How Injustice differs from Injury who does and in
him who suffers It is injustice for any man unjustly to make use of any law of God or man or Temporal power which must be from some law of God or man to the hurt or prejudice of another and such hurt or prejudice is injury to whom it is done 25. Damage is nothing else but loss Injury is loss unjustly done So How Injury differs from Damage that all Injury is damage but every damage is not injury As a man hath a house c. burnt by lightening this is damage no injury A man is punished justly for some fault this is damage no injury Injury always is done by injustice that is when the doing is countenanced by some Law or Greatness Damage is when the doing is neither countenanced by Law or Power as Neighbors who live by one another do usually do one another Trespass whith is damage but no injury 26. We have declared before that no man ought to make use of Volenti non fit injuria how to be understood or abuse indeed any gifts whereby he does excell another to the damage and hurt of another who is not so well qualified And no question but that God will require of every man an account of all those talents wherewith he did entrust him for good And if he were pleased to punish him so severely who had hid his talent because he had not increased it and done S. Matth. 25 26 c. good how severely then will God take revenge upon him who abuseth those natural gifts wherein he excells another to the hurt and prejudice of his weaker brother But humane laws being made for the rule of outward actions for only God sees the hearts and inward thoughts of men Courts of Judicature cannot judge whether it were this mans folly abused by the craftiness of another but whether this man did this thing or not and no Fool or Madman shall be received against his own act although his Heir shall It is not therefore that an innocent or foolish man may not be injured although he will willing but that he shall not be judged injured by any Civil Court where it may be made appear he was willing 27. Bodin in the sixth book cap. 6. de repub says That Plato judged that pag. 747. Plato's opinion of Justice the best form a Commonwealth which was compounded of Popular command and a Tyrant Note the Grecians did usually call Kings Tyrants and did many times take Tyrant in a good sense yet dissenting from himself he made his Civitas not only in State but also in manner of Governing Popular as one who gave to the multitude of all the Citizens the power of making Laws of creating Magistrates of indicting War of making Peace and lastly of giving rewards and punishments A Civitas being established after this manner he denied it could be happy unless it were governed by a Geometrical proportion for he thought that God the most antient Moderator of this world whom every best Lawgiver ought to imitate does preserve all things in Geometrical proportion He was often wont to boast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which things although they be Plato's yet are no where found in his writings But a Popular Empire Rejected by Bodin as repugnant to himself constituted by Plato is plainly contrary to Geometrical proportion because the people follow an Equality of things And Equality agrees with Arithmetical proportion no ways with Geometrical 28. And because Xenophon emulous of Plato thought that Cities and Laws Xenophons opinion of Justice ought to be constituted and distributed in Arithmetical equality induces Cyrus as yet a boy beaten because created a King by his companions he had so commanded the Vestments to be exchanged that the greater were given to the greater and the lesser to the shorter Cyrus so beaten by his Master is taught that he is born a Persian and therefore should use the laws and manners of the Persians which give that to every one which is his property not the Medes who thought that that was to be given to every one that was fit and commodious for him Plato when he was advertised the stripes were to be inflicted upon him not Cyrus rejected Cyropoedia This contention therefore of Xenophon and Plato being divulged by speeches among the Grecians afforded increase to two factions of the Great men and People Some following the Popular state did greatly love the Arithmetical proportion of Justice Others because they did excell in Riches and Nobility were not less in love with the Geometrical proportion agreeing with Aristocracy But it is strange Plato bred in a Popular State should assert Justice to be in Geometrical proportion and Xenophon in a Mungrel Aristocracy made up of two Kings and the Ephori should assert Justice to be in Arithmetical 29. Justice in Arithmetical proportion he says was like Polycretus rule Pag. 751. a. compared of all the most right and as it were Iron macerated with Vinegar so as it should be inflexible The Geometrical form of governing a City did imitate a Lesbian Rule for this was made of Lead and flexible in every part that so it might be accommodated to every thing that nothing might be lost of the matter of it so far as it might be done But this he says after being so flexible loses the name of a Rule 30. But neither of these forms of Justice will down with him For in the Arithmetical form he says That women tender and young children 76◠Xenophons 〈◊〉 rejected by Bodin and why old men and those afflicted with sickness should have the same punishment for the same offence with robust and stout men which might be fatal to one and not scarce felt by the other Yet was this against the practice of all Democratical States for neither in the Roman nor Athenian States were all men alike punished for the like offence The Romans who were civitate donati were not by the Laws to be put to death nor punished as Slaves for any offence Nor were the Popular States less dissenting from their Principles in conferring rewards and greatness upon men For when were men ever so great as in Popular States as Pompey Caesar Crassus Lucullus Pericles c. 31. Nor is he less out of love with the Geometrical form of Governing Plato's rejected also and why or Justice for then he says all Patricians or Noblemen must marry only with Patricians and Plebeians with Plebeians all places of Honor must be always conferred not for virtue or desert but as men were Great or Noble So that from hence he says were almost perpetual dissentions p. 774. a. between the Senators and Plebeians until the Consulship Censure Preture and the High Priesthood were communicated to the Common people some few excepted 32. Well but because Bodin cannot find Justice to consist in Arithmetical Bodins opinion of Justice nor Geometrical proportion he will try what may be done by Harmonical and says That
from the company of Tamar whenas he hated her because he had abused her but it was in Joseph that he refused to accompany his Mistress whenas he might have securely enjoyed her Nor is it any virtue for any man to do or forbear any thing for feare of punishment for so horses dogs and other irrational creatures will do or not do many things for feare of stripes which are commanded or forbidden by their Masters Nor is it any virtue in a Judg to pronounce true judgment if he be hired thereunto by any reward or bribe Where therefore neither worldly pleasure profit love feare hate nor any sublunary thing but it may be loss to all these do not move a man to the doing or not doing of what in conscience he ought to do or forbear there nothing less then Gods grace and power in such a man can be the true and efficient cause of such an action 6. It is a most admirable thing to consider how notwithstanding all Why only Man can do virtuous Actions the various natures dispositions and events of things this one Providence foresees and provides for all created things in the whole universe until she brings them all to their designed end Nor does this providence foresee and provide for all things from an eternal and fatal decree impelling all actions of all creatures For then there could be no such thing as good or bad men but God were the efficient cause of vice as well as virtue in men but by a mean foresight or knowledg does often determin necessary effects from contingent causes Which does not only plainly appear from very many places of Scripture as that the men of Keilah would have delivered David if he 1 Sam. 23. 12. had not escaped thence that God would have destroyed Niniveh within forty daies if the men had not repented that God would have gathered the children of Jerusalem together as a Hen gathereth her Chickens but Matth. 23. 27. they would not that if the mighty works had been done in Tire and Sidon which were done in Chorazin they had repented in dust and ashes c. Matth. 11. 21. but also all Gods promises and cursings upon men do depend upon their obedience or disobedience to what he commands And however this rigid opinion of Fate and the eternal determination of all things be asserted by the Stoicks yet do not I think that the most wicked man that ever was did ever attribute any wicked action to any such cause but pretended conscience pleasure profit or his own will never Gods It is true indeed that God hath made man in flesh and blood and so prone to desire many things which he ought not But though diverse men do naturally affect and desire things they ought not yet God hath so made every man a free Lord of all his actions that there is no man but may chuse whether he will do or not any thing to the attaining of his appetitions and affections And mans excellency above other creatures consists in this that his actions are not determined by his objects as other creatures are but he may freely do this action as it is moved in him from the appetition of pleasure profit pride c. or abstain from it as he apprehends it forbidden by him who may forbid And so may any man freely do or endeavor to do any thing which he ought to do though to his temporal disadvantage but this having no Temporal motive must proceed from Gods grace which no creature upon earth can do but only man only man therefore can do virtuous actions CHAP. III. Of Judgment 1. JUdgment is the definitive of him who by right commands permits What is Judgment or forbids a thing either by himself or instrument whether any thing be done conformable to a Law commanding permitting or forbidding it 2. Herein judgment differs from a Law A Law is the declared will of How it differs from a Law him who by right commands permits or forbids a thing together with a penalty annext for not observance after some reasonable time fixt whereby the obliged may take notice of such declaration Judgment is the sencence of him who so commands forbids or permits whether such an act were an omission or transgression of any Law so declared 3. Justice is the upright doing of any just or legal action conformable to the Law of him who by right commands Judgment is the discerning of How Judgment differs from Justice a good or bad action 4. All judgment must necessarily be the act of three persons at least What persons are necessary in Judgment viz. the Judge the accuser and the party accused or as we say the Judge the Plaintiff and Defendant 5. The end or ratio finalis of Judgment is either to determine differences The end of Judgment or punish offenders CHAP. IV. Of Equity 1. EQuity is twofold either a remission or moderation of the Laws How manifold is Equity when the execution of Laws will rather kill then cure a distemper in the Subject as when many Subjects either upon passion or being seduced have so far transgressed Laws that they have forfeited by Law their lives and estates yet in such case are not supream powers rigidly to exact all which the Law gives them but it is equity so to punish the principal Authors and other Subjects that others may be deterred from the like and the generality offending preserved So where the Law commands upon penalty and it becomes impossible for the Subject to perform as it ever was and will be there it is equity to remit the penalty Where therefore the Law obliges a Tenant to pay his Landlord such a Rent yet if by inundation of waters sterility of the season c. it comes to pass that the Tenant by no fault of his either cannot or it will be the ruine of himself and family to pay it there it is equity in the Landlord to remit or moderate what by Law he might justly exact Or secondly a supplement of the Law in cases wherein things in conscience ought to be done yet for want of some formalities or niceties they cannot in strictness of Law be exacted 2. Equity is when with a sincere intention men although it be to How Equity differs from Judgment their prejudice endeavor to please God Judgment a giving sentence according to Laws 3. In Courts of Judicature the Judges proceed according to the declared The necessity of Courts of Equity Laws and ought not in judgment to vary or swerve from them but proceed as they are impowred by Law and their Commission and Laws are made usually ad terrorem rather to affright men then to punish all offenders which Laws were they not moderated it were impossible for all men to subsist under the burden of them nor is there any man but has need of Gods mercy and the Kings Courts of Equity therefore are as necessary
vero Regi prout ipsa feret facti ratio satisfacito aut graves sceleris admissi poenas rex ipse repetito Christiana siquidem fide imbuti regis est Deo illatas graviter pro facti ratione ulcisci injurias If any one entred into Holy Orders or one living with him be imposed upon or cheated in those things which belong to his estate or life then let the King himself unless he can procure it otherwise be to him in place of Patron and Kindred but the Cheator shall make the King satisfaction according to the valure of the fact or the King himself shall take great punishment of the wickedness committed for it is the part of a King endued with Christian religion severely to punish injuries according to the quality of the deed offered to God 10. For the proving of this Sir Edward Coke in the Proeme to the The antient Common-law did not admit of Appeals to Rome in cases Spiritual sixth Part of his Reports cites an Act of Parliament made 10 H. 2. an 1164. where it was enacted As concerning Appellations if any shall arise from the Archdeacon they must proceed to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Archbishop and if the Archbishop do fail in doing Justice it must lastly come to the King that by his precept the controversie may be ended in the Archbishops Court so that there ought not to be any proceeding further without the assent of the King And that this among many other might not taste of innovation the Record saith This recognition or record was made of a certain part of the customs and liberties of the Predecessors of the King to wit of Henry his Grandfather and of other Kings which ought to be observed in the Kingdom and held of all for the dissentions and discords often arising between the Clergy and our Soveraign Lord the Kings Justicers and the Peers of the Realm And all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Clergy with the Earls Barons and all the Nobles c. have sworne and assuredly promised in the word of mouth in one consent to keep and observe the said recognition toward the King and his heirs in good sooth without evil meaning for ever 11. The Revenue of Danegelt was first enacted because of Pyrates The Kings before the Conquest by their own authority did impose Taxes upon Church-lands For infesting the Country they did persist as much as they could to the devastation of it And to repress their insolence the yearly return of Danegelt was enacted viz. Twelve pence for every Hide of all the Country Mr. Selden in lib. 2. cap. 4. Analecton Anglobritannicon fol. 77. makes a Hide of land to be as much as could be tilled by one plough in a year Mr. Lambert in the Laws of King Edward fol. 128. makes a Hide to be one hundred acres of land to maintain them who should resist the irruption of the Pyrates when they met them But from the Danegelt every Church should be free and quiet and all land which was in the dominion of the Church wheresoever it lay paying nothing at all in such redemption for men did more confide in the prayers of the Church then in the defence of arms But if Lex vult non supervacaneum then is it clear that the Church-lands were liable to be taxed by the King for it had been a supervacaneous thing to have excepted the lands of the Church in this Law if the lands of the Church had not been liable to have been taxed at all And to manifest more clearly that the exemption of Church-land from Taxes was a meer concession of our Kings take the Stat. of Ethelulph the successor of Egbert written Analect Angl. lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 77. with his own hand Our Lord reigning for ever Whilst that we see perillous times in our days the fire of war the taking away of our goods together with the cruel depredations of our destroying enemies and barbarous Pagan nations do lie upon us the multiplied tribulations do afflict us even to utter destruction Wherefore I Ethelulph King of the West-Saxons with the councel of the Bishops and my Princes giving wholsom councel and the only remedy have consented I have determined that every portion given to the holy Church whether of either Sex serving God or to miserable Lay-men always the tenth Mansion where it is least or the tenth part of all Goods be made for ever free that it be safe and defended from all secular services yea from the Kings greater or lesser tributes or the taxations which we call Winterden and that it be free of all things for the forgiveness of our souls and sins to serve God alone without Expedition building of Bridge and fortifying of Castle 12. If King Ethelbert were obliged to S. Gregory for the Conversion At what time the Pope first usurped jurisdiction over the Crown of England of the English Saxons to the Faith Prince Edgar Athelin was smally beholding to Pope Alexander 2. For Edgar being Grandson to Edmund Ironside and the undoubted Heir to the English Monarchy after the death of Edward the Confessor Alexander not only allows the Conquerors pretensions to the Crown of England but interdicts all those who should Speed fol. 405. par 27. See the effects of the Popes curse Speed fol. 415. par 2. oppose him So that though Harold were an Usurper yet was his Holiness his Interdiction as much against the undoubted Title of Edgar as against Harold Nor were all titles of rights and interests of the English Monarchy ever perfect and compleat from that time until they were all united and perfected in King James 13. How far the Britanick Churches were from any dependence upon At what time the first contest hapned between the King Pope about the investiture of Bishops the Church of Rome we have already shewed And so free were the Churches of England under the Saxon Kings before the Conquest that before the Appeal of Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury to Pope Paschal 2. scarce any Appeal was ever made to Rome but that of Wilfreds which was overruled by the King and Church So that for near a thousand years after the Conversion of the Britains and Saxons to the Faith although by means of S. Eleutherius and Gregory the Great we do not find any thing which may prove the superiority of the Roman Church over either the Britanick or English And how strange a thing the investiture of the English Bishops by the Pope was to the King and Kingdom of England appears by the Letter of Paschal to Anselm in answer to Anselm's Significasti Reges De Elect. Pet. cap. 4. Regni Majores admiratione promotos c. You have signified to me that Kings and Nobles were moved with admiration that the Pall was offered to you by our Ministers upon condition that you should take an Oath which they brought you written from us And the King not only opposed
your souls sad rather then instructed you with sound and wholesome Doctrine it seemed good to us being met together to send to you Barnabas and Paul who had ventured their life for the Name of Christ With them we send Judas and Sylas who shall speak the same words It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and us not to impose more necessary burden then these things upon you That ye abstain from things offered to Idols and Blood and things strangled and from fornication and that ye will that which ye would other men should do to you From this one Commandment it is manifest That a man should restore every man his right neither is there need of any other Law-book This he should remember who sits a Judge over other men That he should not give that judgment upon other men which he would not have given upon himself After the Gospel of Christ was preached many Nations as also the English by Faith joyned themselves to the Word of God Some Bishops and other famous men as well in England as other Regions held a Council of wise men and these men taught by Gods mercy imposed upon every sinner a pecuniary mulct and left the power of exacting it to the Magistrates without any offence to God having obtained leave onely to the betrayer and forsaker of our Lord they did not judge fit that this light punishment should be inflicted because they deemed such a man not worthy to be spared as well because God would have such contemners of him unworthy of all mercy as also that Christ Gods Son would not have mercy on them that betrayed him to death and he bid them to worship God before any other They therefore in many Synods constituted punishments for all sins and commanded them to be written These Laws have I Alfred the King gathered together and commanded to be written a good part whereof our Ancestors have religiously observed there are also many things worthy to be observed of us with like Religion in this age yet some there are which seem less profitable to us by the advice of wise men I have altered some I have made new And because it may seem rashness for any one to command to be written more then his own Decrees as also it would be an uncertain thing how they would be esteemed afterward of which we make great account Whatsoever are worthy to be observed in the acts of Inas my Kinsman of Offa King of the Mercians or Ethelbert who was the first of Englishmen that was baptized I have collected them all and the other left And in taking them I Alfred King of the West-Saxons have used the counsel of the most wise men and it hath pleased them all to judge them worthy to be kept Of the Priviledge of the Church Cap. 2. If any man guilty of any crime shall flee to a Religious house if that belong not to the Farm of the King or some Honorable family let him there remain three nights in which let him heed his salvation unless in the interim he return into favor And if any one shall during that time weaken him with fear of stripes bonds or wounds let him be free as the custom of the Nation is with the price of his head and with fine and the damage of violation of the liberty of the Church with One hundred and twenty shillings to boot Of the Priviledge of Sanctuary Cap. 5. We do further grant this peace to every Church consecrated by a Bishop If an enemy afflict another and he implores help of the Temple let him in seven days be taken out by no man if for hunger he can live so long and not opened his way by force If a man does otherwise let him be held a breaker of the King and Church and also of a more grievous crime if he shall have stoln any thing thence If the Governor have more then ordinary occasion to use that place provide for him in another house which has not more doors then that which shuts the Church and let the Governor take care that in the mean time he gets no meat But if he will give his arms into the power of his adversaries let them keep him safe thirty days and then give him into the hands of his kindred Also the freedom of the Church is if any guilty man flee to the Church before he be accused and there confess it in Gods name he shall be remitted half of his mulct Of Sacriledge Cap. 6. If a man steal any thing in a Church let him pay the value of the thing stolne and that punishment belonging to that value and that hand wherewith he stole be cut off if he will redeem his hand and it be granted him let it be with the price of his head If a man steal upon a Sunday Christmas-day Easter-day Holy Thursday or upon a Communion-day let him pay double as also in the Fast of Lent Of them who steal money out of Churches 8. If any man shall take money out of a * * Church Minster without the Kings leave or the Bishops he shall pay 120 shillings half to the King half to the Bishop and the Lord of the Church Of the Fighting of Priests 21. If a Priest slea any man let all he has acquired be confiscate and the Bishop degrade him and let him be thrust out of the Church unless the Lord of the house will forgive him the price of his head Of him who binds himself to God or enters into Religion 28. If any other accuse a man entred into Religion or bound to God that he hath not performed something of those things which he has mentioned let him give a Fore-oath in four Churches and the other if he will justifie himself let him do it in twelve Churches Of Fight 38. This Chapter gives a Priviledge for the honor of the Church in case of Manslaughter to him who flees thither Of Mass-Holidays 39. All Freemen have freedom granted them on these Holidays but not Servants The twelve days in Christmas the day on which Christ subdued the Devil the Anniversary feast of S. Gregory and seven days before Easter and seven days after the Feast-days of S. Peter and S. Paul In Autumn the whole week which is before the Feast of Mary the Feast-days of all Saints and the four Wednesdays in Ember-weeks let servants have all holy liberty given and freedom that they may spend all their endeavor upon the benefit of those things which they have heretofore received in Gods name or for whatsoever benefit he shall hereafter earn The League of King Edovard and Guthrun Preface THese are the institutions of King Alfred and King Guthrun and then King Edoard and King Guthrun made in those very times when the Danes and English made league and bound themselves that those things which are afterward recited should be often amplified and increased to the common benefit of the Realm
Before all things they propounded one God to be devoutly and holily worshiped and that there should be no Heathen worship c. Therefore they first decree that the peace of the Church be kept within Cap. 1 the walls holily and inviolably and also that tranquillity which is delivered into the Kings hand Furthermore if any man shall renounce the Christian faith so as by words or deeds he advance the Heathen worship he shall forfeit the price of his head or the punishment of the Law according to the offence If a man entred Religion or bound to God by promise steal or fight or forswear or commit adultery he shall forfeit the price of his head or suffer punishment for transgressing of the Law according to the nature of the crime at least he shall satisfie God according to the rules of the Church and be cast into prison if he cannot find Sureties If a Priest upon Feasting-days or Fasting-days shall go astray if it be among Englishmen let him be fined thirty shillings but if it happen among the Danes let him pay half a mark If a Mass-priest upon appointed days provide not Oil or deny Baptism as the use is among the English let him be fined and with the Danes the breach of the Law is twelve * * Quaere the value of an Oran Oran If any man of Religion commit any thing worthy of death let him be taken and held to the Bishops judgment Of Incest Furthermore it seemed good to the wise men that of men guilty of Incest the King shall have the higher and the Bishop the lower unless he shall abundantly make recompence to God and men and shall perform what is enjoined them by the Bishop If two brethren or two of the same alliance commit fornication with the same wife let them be fined the value of their head or be punished for the transgression of the Law according as is meet and as the crime deserves If a man condemned to death desires ingenuously to confess his sins to a Priest let it be granted him And let all men Gods laws so follow that they obtain Gods mercy and be acquitted of wise men If a Dane pay not his Tythes let him undergo the punishment of the breach of the Law let an Englishman be fined If a Dane withhold what is due to Rome let him be punished for the breach of the Law let an Englishman be fined If any Dane pay not to the Candles let him be punished for breach of the Law let an Englishman be fined If a Dane shall not pay the just Alms of the Plough let him be punished for breach of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Law let an Englishman be fined If a Dane shall suppress or retain any Divine Laws or Duties let him be punished for breach of the Law let an Englishman be fined If any man wilfully wound another offering Divine service let him be guilty of death but if he shall die let him be outlawed and all Ministers of Justice apprehend him hurt or unwilling And if it were his fault that he was stricken or did against Gods law or resisted the King if a man so flatter himself let him be without recompence or as we say he has the means in his own hands Of working on Holidays If a Dane sell any thing upon Sunday let him forfeit the thing and twelve Ora's an Englishman thirty shillings If a Freeman do any work upon an Holiday let him forfeit his freedom or be fined and punished for breach of the Law let a Servant be beaten or be made to fear being beaten If a Dane shall make his Servant work upon a Holiday let him be punished for breach of the Law and an Englishman be fined Laws Ecclesiastical made by King Aethelstan Who began to reign in the year of our Lord 924. I Aethelstan King by the prudent counsel of Walshelmes mine Archbishop and other my Bishops command all Governors that are in my Government in the name of God and all his Saints and for their good will towards them that before all things they pay just Tythes as well out of our property as the duties of living creatures and fruits of the earth and that all Bishops Ealdermen and Sheriffs do the same thing And I will that my Bishops and Sheriffs who sit in judgment upon other men that they observe this rule and that they finish all these things upon the day we have appointed viz. the Anniversary of S. John Baptist beheaded Further when we think with our self what the most excellent Father Jacob said to God I will offer my tythes and a peace-offering to thee and what the Lord spake in the Gospel To the all-having man shall be given and he shall abound We moreover may think on those things which are so terribly written in this very book If you will not pay your tythes giving us only the tenth part the nine parts shall be taken from you Also we are admonished that Heavenly things are more excellent then Earthly and eternal things then our frail bodies Whensoever therefore ye hear what the Lord commands and what we ought to follow those things only I would have you to do which you can justly and lawfully prepare Of Church-breaking Cap. 5. Concerning the Ordal see Versteg an Seld. annal Anglo lib. 2. cap. 8. and Lamberts pref Saxon laws Cap. 23. And we command concerning Church-breaking if he be a man of the threefold * Ordal let him give satisfaction as is rehearsed in the Judgment-book Of them willing to undergo the Ordal If any man will undergo the Ordal then let him come three days before the Mass-priest hallow it and feed himself with bread and salt and water and worts before he go to Trial and let him go to Mass every day and The trial of the Ordal was either to be soused over head and ears in cold water or to thrust his hand a cubit deep into boiling hot water or to go barefoot or hold a burning hot iron in the Triers hand If they neither shak'd the rope to be pulled out of the water nor burned nor scalded their hands or feet they were acquited offer his gift and upon the day he shall undergo the Ordal let him take the Eucharist and swear that he is innocent and knows nothing of the wickedness whereof he is accused If it be of cold Water that the Question made let him be plunged over head and ears half an ell in the water but if it be of Iron let him hold it three days before he put it out of his hand And the Accuser shall proceed to follow the oath he made before and both shall fast by the command of God and the Bishop and let there be on neither side above twelve men but if the Accused comes with more then twelve men then unless they will depart let the Ordals be void And upon each Friday let every one of Gods Ministers in every Church
sing the 50. Psalm for the King and for all that will as he willeth and for all other who deserve well of him If a man accuse another of any crime let him make him recompence unless he did it upon * * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Procession-days and if he do so afterward let it be as before it was Ecclesiastical Laws made by King Edmund Who began to reign in the Year 940. EDmund the King in the Solemn Feast of Easter gathered to London a great company as well of Ecclesiasticks as of the People There was Oda and Wulstan Archbishops and many other Bishops that they might as well take care for the health of their own souls as for the souls of them committed to their charge Of the Man who hath vowed Chastity Cap. 1 First they who are entred into Religion and who should give Gods people an example of virtue to imitate according to their Order be they Men or Women let them live chaste But if they shall not do it then let the Canon punish them that is let them forfeit all they have in the world and if they mend not their manners not be buried in the Sanctuary Of Tythes and Church-scot Every Christian which shall not pay his Tythes his First-fruits and his Alms let him be accursed Of him who shall defloure a Nun or commit Adultery If a man shall carnally know a Nun let him be as if he had killed a man or be denied Burial in the Sanctuary and let the same Law be to him who commits Adultery Of Re-edifying the Church We will that every Bishop at his own costs shall repair the House of God and also minde the King that all Gods Houses be well adorned which thing is very behooful Of men Perjured and worshiping Heathen Gods They who are Perjured and offer Heathenish sacrifice shall be for ever shut out from things pertaining to God unless they soon repent and mend their manners Ecclesiastical Laws made by King Eadgar Who began to reign in the year of our Lord 959. THe Laws which Eadgar the King in a great Assembly ordained to the glory of God the ornament of himself and the profit of all his Nation First let the Church of God enjoy all its rights and immunities and let every man pay his Tythes to each Church to which he is subject whether it be of Plow-land or Inland of men of free condition or lands of Villains Of Church-tribute If a man of free condition hath a Church upon his freehold which hath a place of Burial belonging to it let him bestow one third part of his Tithes upon the Church but if there be no place of Burial about the Church let the Lord of the ground give to the Priest of the nine parts what he will And let the Church-tribute of every Church be paid out of the lands of all Freemen Of Tithes And let every one pay tithes of young living creatures before Pentecost and the tithes of the fruits of the earth before the * * Sure it is meant the Autumnal Equinox for no tithes can be renewed before the Vernal Equinox and Church-tribute at the feast of S. Martin If any one shall not pay let him incur the punishment expressed in the Doom-book And if any one shall not pay his tithes as we have set down then may the Kings Sheriff and the Bishop and the Mass-priest of the Church meet and take the tenth part due to the Church and return the ninth part back again to him without thanks as to the other eight parts let the Lord have one half the Bishop the other Let this be though he be the Kings man or of free condition Of the Hearth-penny And let the Hearth-penny be paid before the Feast of S. Peter and if it then be not paid let him carry that penny and thirty pence more to Rome and confirm by a certain Certificate in writing that he did detain it and let him pay over and above one hundred and twenty shillings to the King If afterward a man shall not pay it and carry the penny and thirty pence to Rome he shall pay two hundred shillings to the King but if he shall make default the third time he shall forfeit all he hath Of Festival and Fasting-days Let every Sunday be held a Feasting-day from noontide of Saturday until the twilight of Munday he which will not celebrate it let him undergo the penalty in the Judgment-book and other Feast-days shall be bidden and let all Fasting-days be held with all godliness Canons set forth under King Edgar THese things which follow belong to the Constitutions of King Edgar concerning the Manner of Life of Men ordained to Gods service 1. We teach that the Minister of God do zealously serve and minister to God and intercede to God for all Christian people and that every one of them be faithful and obedient to their Superiors and unanimous in common necessity affording help to one another before God and men and that they be firm and faithful to their Secular Lords 2. And we teach that every one give another honor and that the younger do religiously pay love and obedience to the elder and that the elder do diligently instruct the younger 3. And we teach that at every Synod every year be had Books and Vestiments agreeable to the service of God and Ink and Parchment to write their Constitutions and moreover a Three-days assembly 4. And we teach that every Priest coming to the Synod have his Clerk and man fed at his hand or faithful in service and none unknown or given to folly and let them all come together in the faith and love of God almighty 5. We also teach that if any ill happen to a Priest or any one do him wrong it be referred to the Synod and let all take it as offered to them all and bring help that reparation may be made according to the will of the Bishop 6. And we teach that the Priest make known to the Synod if any in his Parish be found contumacious against God or who does nourish any grievous sin and that he is not able or dares not produce him to amendment for fear of the world 7. And we teach that among Priests there be no strifes and wrangling nor let them be deferred to the Secular power but let them be composed among themselves or if need be put off to the Bishop 8. And we teach no Priest whether consecrate at Benedict shall forsake his Church at his own will but have it for his rightful wife 9. We also teach that no Priest meddle with those things which belong to another Priest whether in his Church or Parish or acquaintance or fraternity nor in any other thing belonging to him 10. And we teach that no Priest take away the Scholar of another not having first asked leave of him to whom he belonged 11. And we teach that every Priest diligently learn to increase the learning
right faith to him Christ himself first sang the Lords Prayer and taught it his Disciples And that godly Prayer is made up of seven petitions which whosoever shall not counterfeitly but from his heart speak speaks with God himself of all those things which are necessary to this life and the life to come How then can any man with any reason pray to God from his soul unless he believes on God and inwardly hath a right faith For he that will not learn these things after death shall neither partake of any part of rest with Christians neither alive shall he be admitted to the Eucharist nor lastly shall be deemed worthy the name of a Christian man Nay it shall not be lawful for him to answer for any one in Baptism or before the Bishop in Confirmation unless he shall learn these and throughly con them That deadly sins be avoided 23. And we teach that every man does alwaies and carefully avoid all dangerous and deadly sins and if he by chance offend by the impulse of the Devil let him make amends therefore by the instruction of the Priest And among these Avoutery Cap. 24. And we teach that every one as long as he lives does avoid all Avoutry and forbidden lust and breach of wedlock That men be fearful of the dreadful Judgment 25. And we teach that the fear of God may alwaies so sink into the souls of men that days and nights they may fear punishments for their sins and dread the day of Judgment and be affrighted for the torments of Hell continually think of the last day of their life That Bishops and Priests faithfully perform their duties 26. Truly Bishops are Gods proclaimers and Interpreters of Gods law It is their part openly to set forth the benefit of Divine things and expose themselves by well living an example to imitate and they who will may give their ears and mind to these things He is a bad Keeper who will not defend his Flock at least with his voice if he can do no more against him who shall go about to spoil it And there is one most hurtful Devil of all other who alwaies mightily endeavors to bring destruction upon the souls of men Wherefore it will be expedient that Pastors watch ward and proclaim to the people what dangers hang over them from their mighty adversaries and that they be provided against them We call Bishops and Priests Pastors to whom it belongs by teaching and doctrine to look to and defend the flock of the Lord lest at any time the Wolf enflamed by rage and wickedness should bite and tear them with his teeth But yet if any one will shut his ears against the Divine precepts and admonitions be it between God and himself and let the Name of God be alwaies praised To whom be all praise glory and honor world without end Amen Among the Humane Laws so stiled of Canutus I find these inserted Of Casting out of Witches and Sorcerers 4. And we command that this our Dition be every where purged and cleansed from all deadly wickedness And if Witches Fortune-tellers secret Murderers or any Common Bawds be any where taken in our Kingdom let them be banished out of the confines of it or in the Kingdom unless they become of a better mind and mend their manners let them be put to a vile death Who will not obey right and Divine and Humane Laws unless they repent and make abundant satisfaction be commanded to be banished c. Of abolishing the Superstition of the Gentiles 5. We plainly forbid all Heathenish Adoration It is barbarous Worship whether any one worship Idols viz. the Gods of the Gentiles the Sun the Moon Fire or Running water Fountains or Stones or any kind of Trees or Wood or hath observed the superstition of Witches c. Although at any time no leave is given for Injustice yet without doubt Iniquity is most forbidden upon Holy daies and in Holy places and by how much a man is richer and placed in dignity above other men by so much more abundantly shall he make amends to God and men for wrong done And how he shall compensate to God we refer to the precepts out of Scripture and to Men as is set down in Humane laws Of killing a Minister of the Altar Cap. 36. If any of them who serve at the Altar be killed of any man let that man be excluded out of the patronage of all Divine and Humane laws unless together with banishment he make abundant satisfaction for that wickedness and give satisfaction to the Kindred of him who was killed or at least together with sufficient men who may be sworne wash out all suspition of the crime And this satisfaction ought to be made to God and men within thirty daies upon the penalty of the forfeiture of all he hath Vide Para. 9. of the antecedent Chap. 37. Vide Para. 10. of the antecedent Chap. 38. Of Arresting or beating one in Orders 39. 39. If any one shall imprison beat or use a man bound to God ignominiously let him make amends as is meet Let him pay to the Bishop for the dignity of his order a mulct by the name of * * Cleansing the Altar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to the Lord or King full satisfaction for breach of the Peace or at least wash out the crime with a full and perfect excuse Of a man Ordained guilty of Death 40. If any one in Holy Orders be guilty of Death let him be taken and held to what punishment shall be inflicted upon him by the Bishop Of a man condemned who desires a Confessor 41. If any man condemned to death freely desires a Confessor to confess his sins let it be granted him But if any one shall deny it him let him pay the King an hundred and twenty shillings or at least purge himself from the crime and have five men joined with him and be himself the sixth Of observing Sunday and Festivals 42. No man as much as possible can be condemned for any crime unless he did resist or flee shall be put to death upon a Sunday but shall be kept bound until the feast be passed If any Freeman work upon a Holy day then let him stand in the pillory and give satisfaction to God as it shall be commanded him If a Servant do any work let him be beaten or be put into fear of beating for it If a Master command his Servant unwilling to work upon a Festival let him be fined to his Servant and the Servant free for the time to come And if the Master be a Dane let him pay the mulct of the Law-breaking An Englishman shall be fined according to the nature of the fact or excuse it That men observe Lent and Festivals 44. If a man break Lent by Fighting Marriage Rapine or by committing any other wickedness let his compensation be double The
like Law is according to the nature of the fact if any of these be committed upon any solemn Festival And if any one will purge let him bring a threefold purgation Of deteining the Duties of the Church by force Cap. 45. If a Dane shall resist by force any one desiring the rights or duties belonging to God let him be punished for breach of the Law An Englishman shall be assessed in a deeper mulct unless he purge himself with eleven men and be himself the twelfth man But if he wound any man let him make amends and pay a grievous mulct to the Lord and let his hands be bored through unless he shall redeem them from the Bishop But if he killed any one let him be outlawed and pursued by all Magistrates with all the harm that they lawfully may And if afterward that man so pursued be killed let it be confirmed and unpunished and no further enquired after Of a man breaking Holy Order 46. If any man violate his Order or Rule of living let him be fined according to the dignity of his Order or price of his head for punishment of the breach of the Law or forfeit all he hath Of Repairing the Church 63. All men by right ought to use their endeavor to repair the Church Of him who keeps a man Excommunicated or Outlawed 64. If any man shall unjustly keep any Fugitive from Gods law let him be restored to right and forgiven those things which did appertain to him and let him pay to the King the price of his head But if any one shall keep and hold any other excluded from the protection of Divine or Humane laws he shall endanger himself and all he hath The Conclusion of Canutus his Laws Now I beseech all men and in the name of Almighty God command every man that they be truly from their heart converted to God and with all care and diligence search out what is to be followed and what avoided And truly it does much conduce to our souls health that we love God and hold his precepts and admonitions and hear his word by his teachers For we shall bring forth these to be seen in that day wherein God shall come to give judgment upon all men according to those things they did whilst they lived And then at length shall that blessed Keeper bring the Flock committed to his charge into the Heavenly kingdom and the joys of Angels for those things which he had done in his life and also that blessed Flock follow that Pastor who hath wreathed it out of the hands of the Devil and give the gain to God And further we study that all men may so agree to please God that for the time to come we may avoid the flames of Hell-fire The Interpreters of Gods Law ought often to preach the benefit of Divine things and indeed it is their function and does much benefit all men to salvation And all men ought with a good mind diligently to hear and have Gods admonitions always fixed in their soul for their profit And lastly that every one by his words and deeds all he can holily and thankfully do well to the greater amplitude and glory of God his Lord for so at length we shall abundantly all of us obtain Gods mercy Let the name of the Lord be praised to whom be laud honor and glory for ever God Almighty be merciful to us all according to his will Amen Ecclesiastical Laws made by Good King Edovard Who began to reign Anno Salutis 1042. Of Clerks and their Possessions Cap. 2. LEt every Clerk and also Scholars and all their goods and possessions wheresoever they be enjoy the peace of God and his Church Of the Times and Dayes of the Kings Peace 3. From the coming of our Lord until eight days after Epiphany let the peace of God and his holy Church be all over our Kingdom also from Septuagesima until eight days after Easter also from the Ascension of our Lord until eight days after Whitsuntide also all the days in Ember-weeks also upon every Saturday from the ninth hour and all the day following until Munday also upon the Vigils of S. Mary S. Michael S. John the Baptist of all the Apostles and Saints whose solemnities are celebrated by Priests upon Sunday and All Saints upon the Kalends of November alwaies from the ninth houre of the Vigil and the following Solemnity Also in Parishes in which the Dedication is observed also in the Parishes of Churches where the proper Feast of the Saint is celebrated And if any one will come devoutly to the celebration of the Saint he shall enjoy peace going staying and returning Also to all Christians going to Church to pray be peace in going and returning In like manner at Dedications Synods to men coming to Chapters whether they be summoned or of themselves have any thing to do be highest peace Also if any man excommunicated flee to the Bishop for absolution let him freely in going and returning enjoy the peace of God and his Church But if any man shall do otherwise with him let the Bishop do justice therefore But if any arrogant man will not amend for the justice of the Bishop the Bishop may make the matter known to the King and the King may constrain the malefactor to make him amends whom he hath outlawed viz. first to the Bishop then to him and so they shall be two swords and the sword shall help the sword Of the Justice of the Church 4. Wheresoever the Kings Justice is or before whomsoever Pleas are holden if one sent of the Bishops coming there opens the cause of the holy Church it shall first be determined For it is just that God be every where honored before others Of all Tenents of the Church 5. Whosoever shall hold any thing of the Church or have a mansion upon the ground of the Church shall not be compelled to hold Pleas out of the Ecclesiastical Courts although he be outlawed unless which God forbid he shall have default of right in the Court Ecclesiastical Of Guilty men fleeing to the Church 6. Whosoever guilty or nocent shall flee to the Church for protection after that he hath gotten the entrance of the Church let him not be apprehended of any man pursuing him unless by the Bishop or his Minister but if in fleeing he enters into the House or Court of any Priest let him enjoy the same security and peace he should have had at the Church so as the house of the Priest and his Court stood upon the ground of the Church Here if the thief or stealer be what he hath evil gotten if it be at hand let him restore but if he hath wholly consumed it and hath wherewith to restore of his own let him make full satisfaction for the damage he brought to him who was damnified But if as is usual the Thief hath not wherewith to do it and by chance hath
have their origination from God we Introduction have already in its proper place asserted And that these Kingdoms thus created by God have periods alterations and conversions set by him which cannot be foreseen or prevented by man is certainly as cleer and evident as the former and often owned by God himself in Sacred Writ as well over his own people as others But that therefore any man or men should therefore endeavour to make alterations in Kingdoms is like to a man who becaufe all men naturally die thinks he may kill any man and father the fact upon God And if God even over his own peculiar people did for the sins of the Kings and people especially the Israelites so often convert the line of the Kings then can it not in reason be expected in this Iron and much more sinful Age that God should every where continue a fixt and certain succession of Kings according to the ordinary course of Nature viz. Primogeniture But that therefore the Pope or any other creature may arrogate to themselves a right or power superior to the Law of Nature is no less absurd then that a Son may kill his Father because all Fathers have periods set by Nature which they cannot pass And that all Subjects do by birth owe a natural subjection to rightful Princes in whose dominion they were born which relations can never be dissolved but by God himself we have in their proper places demonstrated Yet may the exercise of this power be suspended so long as such Subjects come into the power of other Princes whether it be by conquest or otherwise and do owe them a temporary obedience so long as they continue there and their posterity born in their dominions owe such Princes a natural obedience which can never be dissolved And also that since there is no other Judge under Heaven to decide the controversie of Princes but their swords which can never be alledged by any Subjects who have Laws to decide their differences such decision is good as to the exercise of any Princes power over all them who fall under ir and all Subjects born in such exercise of power or dominion become natural Subjects to any Prince who by conquest acquires the dominion of another we have also demonstrated in its proper place Yet whether it were of old that Popes did arrogate to themselves this right of deposing Temporal Princes or debarring them of their right which about this time was frequently asserted by and practised by the Popes and which Pope Alexander was pleased to confer upon the Conqueror against all Right and Law to the manifest prejudice of Eadgar Athelin let us see the Epistle of S. Eleutherius to King Lucius as it is cited in chap. 17. of S. Edovards Laws In the year from the passion of Christ 169. or 156. our Lord Eleutherius the Pope wrote to Lucius King of Britain at the Petition of the King and Peers of the Kingdom of Britain You have required of us that the Roman Laws and of Cesar be transmitted to you which you would use in the Kingdom of Britain We can always reprove the Roman Laws and those of Cesar but not at all the Law of God For ye have by Gods mercy of late received into your Kingdom of Britain the Law and Faith of Christ you have of your self in your Kingdom sufficient Authority from whence through Gods grace by the advice of your Kingdom to make a Law and by it through Gods patience you shall rule the Kingdom of Britain And you are the Vicar of God in your Kingdom according to the Kingly Prophet The earth is the Lords and the fulness of all the world and all who inhabit therein And again according to the Kingly Prophet Thou hast loved Justice and hated iniquity and therefore thy God hath anointed thee with oyl of gladness above thy fellows And again according to the Kingly Prophet God is thy Judgement c. Therefore neither the Judgement nor Justice of Cesar for they are sons of the King Christian Nations and people of the Kingdom who live under your Protection and Peace and Reign and are according to the Gospel Even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings c. But they are Nations and your People of the Kingdom of Britain and who divided you ought to congregate recall nourish hold with your hand protect and rule into one for concord and peace and to the Faith and to the Law of Christ and his holy Church and always to defend it from evil doers and malitious men and its enemies Wo to the Kingdom whose King is a boy and whose Princes eat together in the morning I Do not call a King because of his small and tender age but because of his folly and iniquity and rage according to the Prophet King Men of blood and deceitful shall not live out half their days c. By eating we understand the Pallat by the Pallat Luxury by Luxury all things filthy and evil according to King Solomon Wisdom shall not enter into the soul of the evil doer nor shall dwell in a body subject to sins Rex dicitur à Regendo non à Regno A King thou shalt be so long as thou rulest well which thing if thou wilt not do the name of King shall not remain in thee and thou shalt lose the name of King which God forbid God Almighty grant to you so to Rule your Kingdom of Britain that you may Reign with him for ever whose Vicar you are in the Kingdom aforesaid who with the Father and Son c. Of the Right and Ecclesiastical freedom of Asylum's Cap. 1. That is to say Peace to the holy Church Of whatsoever forfeiture any one is guilty this time and he can come to the holy Church let him have peace of life and member and if any one hath set his hand against that which the Mother-Church shall require whether it be an Abby or Church of Religion let him restore that which he hath taken out and one hundred shillings for forfeiture and concerning the Mother-Parish-Church twenty shillings and concerning a Chappel ten shillings And according to the peace of the King in the Laws of the Mercians he shall make amends with En perchenâ—laâ— one hundred shillings accordingly as of Heinefare and prepensed lying in wait Of Peter-pence or Romescot Cap. 18. A Freeman who hath Field-Beasts valued at thirty pence shall pay a Peter-peny For four pence which the Lord shall give all his Borderers and his Boner and his Servants be quit A Burger who hath of his proper goods so much as shall be esteemed half a Mark let him pay a Peter-peny He who in the Law of the Danes is a Free-man and hath field-cattel which are valued worth half a Mark in silver ought to give a peny to St. Peter and for that peny shall all be quit who reside in his Demains Of them who do not pay the Roman
cannot prove what he saith by the testimonies given the accuser may take the excommunication of the accused and let no man believe him concerning himself declaring upon another crime but a confession extorted by fear or fraud is invalid Let a Priest beware that whosoever confesses his sins to him he tell no body of them because he confesseth to him not to his neighbors or strangers which thing if he do let it be set down and repent all the days of his life ignobly in Pilgrimage And if at any time a Bishop says any man hath confessed to him any proper crime and he deny it let not the Bishop think it does not belong to his injury that he is not believed for himself alone and if for scruple of his conscience he says he will not communicate to him oftentimes good men are silent and suffer the ill things which they have known because they are forsaken in their documents and cannot allow of their Judges for although they are true yet are they not believed of the the Judge unless they be proved by certain appearances But we cannot at all forbid men from the Communion although this Prohibition be not mortal but medicinal unless men confess of their own accord and be convicted by judgement From hence it is such a man is to be named as the Apostle says who confesses or is convinced by ordinary judgement but if by judgement it cannot be taken away let it rather be tolerated lest some man in perversly avoyding ill men departing from the Church should go before them to Hell The Communion does not defile any man by partaking the Sacraments but the confession of their deeds other mens sins hurt not him who lives well in the Church Of habit and clothing we read nothing commanded by God what things are for pomp are forbidden And if you shall ask Canst thou not have an humble heart in a proud dressing as Hester God not onely in his anger but also pitty overthrows sinners And they are overthrown two ways either as the Sodomites where the men were punished for their sins or as the Ninivites where the very sins of the men were punished and destroyed and all men are alike to beloved but you cannot alike profit with all these are rather to be advised with who for the opportunity of time and places and of other things are more strictly joyned together To thee either is guilty both he which hides the truth and he which tels a lie because this will not profit and that desires to hurt arrogance is not so to be shunned that truth should be left He that at any time shall accuse a Priest before friendly admonition to his Judges or Secular Judges let him be excommunicated If a Bishop shall have strayed from the faith or secretly admonished of his subjects hath appeared incorrigible then let him be accused at the Archbishops or Apostolical seat for his other actions he ought rather to be tolerated then corrected If any Bishop be accused for certain crimes let him be heard of all the Bishops in his Province not condemned nor judged before he has lawful accusers present and of his Province not aliens and he may not refuse Judges elected by him unless there be an Appeal which thing is lawful for them designed for punishment but no affliction or the keeping the thing detained ought to injure the Appellant or the vitiated Cause ayded by remedy of the Appeal Some men have demanded a year and six moneths to be granted for filling up the Machinations of unskilful men and to prepare their Reasons and confirm Witnesses and seek Counsel some men a year in which time most men agree but less then six moneths cannot be found But if Bishops or Clerks were ejected by force or fear or first dispoyled of their goods let all their goods be legally restored to them and have so much time as appeared they were disseised before that they be Canonically called in to Judgement Gregory in the Decrees A Presbyter or Deacon or any Clerk accused by the people if the Witnesses who should prove the truth were not certain of the crime committed let an Oath be in the mean and bring him for a witness of the purity of his innocency to whom all things are naked and open Also this thing St. Sixtus the Pope remembers he had done to one Bassus although made guilty by much examination he could sufficiently evade the suspicion and avoid the emulation Jerom upon Jeremy lib. primo not giving this to them who would not or of their own accord had not made choice of making a form An Oath ought to have companions Truth Justice and Judgement if those things be wanting it is not an Oath but perjury For if any one by compulsion be compelled to abjure that thing which for many years he hath quietly held the perjury shall not be by him swearing but by him compelling It makes not a man guilty where the minde is not guilty Let no man circumvent or deceive himself He who by a false stone swears is perjured by whatsoever art of words any one swears God so takes as he to whom men swear does understand But without doubt it is a less evil to swear truly by a false God then to swear falsly by a true God for by how much more that by which men swear is more holy so much more punishale is perjury Who exacts an Oath it is much to the purpose if he knows that to be a false Oath or not knows or knows and gives sentence the Laws are mine as my faith stands I dare not say it is no sin yet it is a humane temptation if he knows him to have done it and compels him to swear it is Homicide Siquis juret falsumte sciente si te non audierit utrum sit procedendus si proditus periculum mortis incurrat difficillima questio est cui plus noceat illi cui juratur an Sacerdoti Mihi videtur quod ille cui magis prodest vel obest veritatem jurare necessitate cogente non est peccatum An Oath is not to be kept when bad it is unadvisedly pronounced The Oath of a son and daughter the father not knowing it and Vowes of a Monk the Abbot not knowing of it and the Oaths of a childe are void Of the Pleas of the Church belonging to the King Cap. 11. There are some Pleas of Christianity in which the King hath part in this manner If the King should suffer that he who in the Church hath committed Homicide let him come to amendment First let him restore to the Bishop and King the price of his Nativity and so he may in-inlaw himself and then let him dispose five pounds for the peace of the Church and seek to be reconciled to the Church as belongs to it and fully make amends both to Kindred and Donation If any man detains the right Tenth let the Sheriff of the Bishop and King and of
the Lord of the Ground go with the Priest and without thanks take away and restore to the Church what shall belong to it and leave the Ninth part to him who would not pay the Tenth let them divide the rest into two parts let the Lord have one half the Bishop the other be he a Kings man or another Romfeath ought to be restored upon the Feast of St. Peter in bonds he who shall keep it beyond that time let him restore that penny to the Bishop and thirty pence let him add to the King 50 s. Who shall keep Cherisceat beyond the Feast of St. Martin let him restore it to the Bishop and pay eleven fold and to the King 50 sol Who married shall commit adultery let the King or Lord of him have the superior the Bishop the inferior Who shall commit perjury upon holy things * * Laying his hand upon the book I think let himlose his hand or half his were viz. half the Cap. 11 price of his head and this is common to his Lord and the Bishop Who shall bear false witness let him not afterwards be admitted for witness but restore to the King or the Lord of the Soyl Helfeng ' * * Neither Mr. Lambert nor Whelock give any construction of Helfeng that I can finde Who shall kill a man in Orders or malign him let him make him amends as is right and the amends of the Altar according to the dignity of his Order to the King or Lord sufficient breach of the peace or deny it with full purgation Plena lada neget If any man guilty of death desires confession let it never be denied him but if any man shall do it let him pay the King one hundred and twenty shillings or swear with five men that he did it not If a free-man work upon Holy days let him amend his helfeng and at least diligently make composition with the Lord. If any man by force holds the Rectitudes of God Rectitudines Dei let a Dane pay lahite an Englishman full witam or deny it with eleven * * Or twelve in Mr. Seldens Ms and Mr. Whelocks if he should there wound any man let him amend this and restore full witam and redeem his hand of the Bishop or lose it If he kill a man let him be outlawed and every man that desires right follow him with clamor if it comes to pass that he be killed by this that he resisted right if this thing be verified let him be unrevenged He who shall make a breach of his Order let him amend it according to the dignity of the Order wera Wita Lahilita * * Lastita Mr. Seldens Mr. Whelocks Ms and with all mercy Let every widow be without a husband twelve moneths afterwards she may choose whom she will and if within a year she take a husband let her lose her Morgangifan * * Dower and all her money which she had from her first husband and let her husband forfeit to the King the price of his head or to whom the King shall grant it If a man unjustly hold a fugitive of God let him restore him to right and pay to him whose he shall be and satisfie the King according to Legergild If any man hath a man excommunicated or keep him outlawed and all his forgiveness and all amendment commonly made better by Christ and the King is utterly lost wheresoever the Law of God shall be refused to be justly kept according to the word of the Bishop and it will be expedient that he be compelled by the Secular power Because Justice and Secular distriction are necessary for the most part in Divine Laws and Secular Institutes for that otherwise many men cannot be recalled from their ill ways many will not be inclined to the worship of God and observance of the Law from whence by the much infesting of ill men it is provided for the profitable dispensation of peace that the more weighty pleas and things more to be punished be brought to Justice alone or the mercy of the Prince that pardon may be more abundantly had to men desiring it and punishment to sinners but in causes which may be amended for the compassion of the Saints it is permitted that the earthly Lords by their leave may presume to take pecunial amends according to the Law of the Countrey Of the kindes of Causes Cap. 21. There are also some kindes of Causes put before as we have said to be more freely expedited in the amendment of which the King does more particularly communicate wheresoever they are done in Divine or Secular things over Kings men and Ecclesiastical and of Barons men and he hath totally or particularly * * Or acephalos âcefalos pauperes sive socham of which are Adultery Fornication homicide in a Church breach of the peace or order or Christianity or Legality if it be needful to be done by the Secular power that right may be done De Christianâ consuetudine locutionum secundum quod sunt 64. Towards the latter end interline 25. and end A Priest who leads a regular life in a simple accusation may swear alone in a threefold with two of his Order a Deacon in a simple compellation may accompany himself with two Deacons in a threefold with six A Countrey Priest may purge himself as a regular Deacon a Priest accused by his Bishop or Archdeacon may swear himself the sixth of lawful Priests as they are prepared at Mass Of killing a Minister of the Altar 66. If any should kill a Minister of the Altar let him be outlawed before God and man unless he repent with worthy satisfaction and justly compound with his parents or throughly deny it with purgation of his head * * Werilada and begin this within thirty nights before God and man above all he hath If any Minister of the Altar kill any man or if it be extraordinarily declared by bad actions let him be both deprived of his Order and go on Pilgrimage as the Pope shall enjoyn him and amend the work But if he will purge himself he may do it triply but unless he shall begin this within thirty nights let him be outlawed before God and men If any man any ways afflict any man Ordained with stripes or bonds let him make him amends as is meet and to the Bishop the amends of the Altar according to the dignity of his Order to the King or Lords sufficient breach of the Kings peace * * Mundbrecho or deny it with sufficient purgation * * Plenlada If any man condemned to death desires to be confessed let it never be denied him but if any man should deny him let him give the King in satisfaction one hundred shillings or swear with six men that he did not do it If any man by force takes away Gods rights let a Dane amend with Lah sliht full Wytam with
an Englishman or thus deny it let him take eleven and he be the twelfth c. Of Homicides by men Ordained Cap. 73. If a Bishop kill a man let it be recorded and let him repent twelve years seven years in bread and water and five let him fast three days in a week and on others let him use common sustenance If a Priest kill a man or a Monk let him lose his Order and repent ten years six in bread and water and four let him fast three days in a week on others let him use his meat If a Presbyter wound a man let him fast one hundred day If a Deacon kill a man let him be degraded and repent seven years four in bread and water and three let him fast three days in a week upon other let him use common meat If a Clerk shall kill a man let him repent six years four in bread and water two years three days in the week If a Laick kill a man let him repent five years three in bread and water and two years let him fast three days in the week If a man kill a man in Orders or his neighbor let him depart out of his Countrey and go to Rome and make the Pope and his Councel let him in like maner repent of Adultery or Fornication or lying with a Nun. These Laws are likewise set out by Mr. Abraham Whelock in the Appendix to his History of Bede Sir Ed. Coke Candrys Case says Henry the first did Ordain Anno 16. Regni sui as well in regard of his Ecclesiastical as Regal power that whensoever the Abbot of Reading shall die that all the Possessions do remain entire and free But how this should make any thing for the Kings Ecclesiastical Right in all Cases I do not understand for this Ordinance was onely concerning the Possessions of the Abbey and it is no Question but all the Bishopricks as well as Abbeys were originally of the Kings foundation and it appears by the Margent that the King was the particular Founder of this Abby what then hinders but that the King might dispose of the Revenues as he should think fit without having any Ghostly power in him Ecclesiastical Laws made by Henry the third Magna Charta FIrst we have granted to God and by this our present Chapter have confirmed Cap. 1. for us and our heirs for ever that the Church of England shall be free and shall enjoy all her whole Rights and Liberties inviolable Reserves to all Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Templars Hospitalers Cap. 38. According to Sir Edward Coke Inst 2. yet the Statute-book in large divides this Act but into thirty seven Chapters and all persons Ecclesiastical all their free Liberties which they have had in time passed and all these Customs and Liberties aforesaid which we have granted to be holden within this Realm as much as appertains to us and our heirs we shall observe And all men as well Spiritual as Temporal as much as in them is shall observe the fame against all persons likewise And for this our Gift and Grant of these Liberties and of other contained in our Charter of Liberties of our Forest Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons Knights Freeholders and other our Subjects have given to us the fifteenth part of their moveables and we have granted to them on the other part that neither we nor our heirs shall procure or do any thing whereby the Liberty in this Charter contained shall be infringed or broken And if any thing be procured by any person contrary to the premisses it shall be of no force nor effect In the Reign of Hen. 3. Cawdries Case 3 H. 3. tit Proh 13. 4 H. 3. c. In all the time of Henry 3. and his Progenitors Kings of England and ever since if any man did sue afore any Judge Ecclesiastical within the Realm for any thing whereof that Court by allowance and custom had not any lawful cognisance the King did ever by his Writ under the Great Seal prohibit them to proceed Answ It is true indeed that not only Probate of Testaments but Cognisance of Tythes Granting of Letters of Administration Mortuaries Pensions Reparation of Churches do not belong to Ecclesiastical cognisance by any Divine positive institution but by allowance and custom of England And if all Customs suppose some Grant originally from Supreme humane Powers then what hinders but that the King might prohibit any Judge Ecclesiastical within the Realm for any thing whereof that Court by allowance and custom had not lawful conusance for Cujus est velle ejus est nolle And if the suggestion made to the Plea King whereupon the Prohibition was grounded were after found untrue then the King by his Writ of Consultation under the Great Seal did allow and permit them to proceed Also in all the Reign of H. 3. and his Progenitors Kings of England if any Issue were joyned upon Loyalty of Marriage General Bastardy or such like the King did ever write to the Bishop of the Diocese as Mediate Officer and Minister of his Court to certifie the Loyalty of the Marriage Bastardy or such like All which prove that those Courts were under the Kings jurisdiction and commandment It is true that not only all Courts and planting of Christianity were originally by the Kings command or permission but the persons of all men within the Realm are in his power And Marriage and Bastardy being so essential and whereupon the strength of mens estates and inheritances do depend what hinders the King to write to the Bishop to certifie the Loyalty of the Marriage And if it pleases him to do it as his mediate officer who shall contradict is Well let it be granted the Kings of England in cases of Bastardy and Loyal Matrimony have written to the Bishop of the Diocese as his mediate officer yet it will not follow that the Bishop is the Kings mediate officer in all things and cases which relate to his Episcopal function and jurisdiction Ecclesiastical Laws made by Edward the First THe King willeth that the peace of the holy Church be maintained in Stat. West an 3. Ed. 1. 1275. all points and that Religious Houses shall not be overcharged nor any Purveyance be made of any Prelate without the owners consent They who shall offend and be thereof attainted shall be committed to the Kings prison and after shall make fine and be punished according to the quantity and manner of the trespass and after as the King in his Court shall think fit c. It is provided also That when any Clerk is taken for guilty of felony Cap. 1. and is demanded by the Ordinary he shall be delivered to him according to the priviledge of the holy Church on such peril as belongeth to it after the custom aforetimes used And the King admonisheth the Prelates and enjoineth them upon the faith that they ow to him and for the common profit and
It was afterwards in open Parliament by grievous complaint of all the St. 25. Ed. 3. Commons of this Realm shewed that the grievances and mischiefs aforesaid did daily abound to the great damage and destruction of this Realm more then ever before viz. that of late the Bishop of Rome by procurement of Clerks and otherwise had reserved and did reserve daily to his collation generally and especially as well Archbishopricks Abbeys and Priories as all other dignities and other benefices of England which were of the Advowry of people of the holy Church and gave the same to Aliens as well as to Citizens and taketh of all such benefices the first fruits and many other profits and a great part of the treasure of this Realm was carried away and dispended out of the Realm by the Purchasers of such graces and also by such privy reservations many Clerks advanced by the true Patrons which peaceably holden their advancements by long time were suddenly put out Wherefore the said Commons did pray the said Soveraign the King that since the right of the Crown of England and the Law of the said Realm was such that upon mischiefs and damages which hapned to this Realm he ought and was bound of the accord of his people therefore to provide remedy and Law c. The said King Ed. 3. seeing the mischiefs and damage aforesaid c. and forasmuch as he was bound by his Oath to see the same to be kept as a Law of this Realm though that by sufferance and negligence it had been sithence attempted to the contrary also having regard to the grievous complaints made to him by his people in divers his Parliaments holden heretofore willing to ordain remedy for the great damage and mischiefs which had hapned and daily did happen to the Church of England by the said cause by the assent of all the great men and the commonalty of the said Realm to the honor of God and profit of the said Church of England and of his Realm did order and establish that the free election of all Archbishops Bishops and all other dignities and benefices electory in England should hold from henceforth in the manner as they were granted by the Kings progenitors and founded by the ancestors of other Lords and that all Prelates and other people of the holy Church which had Advowsons of any benefices of the Kings gift or of any of his progenitors or of other Lords and Donors to do divine service and other charges thereof ordained should have their collations and presentments freely as they were enfeoffed by their donors and in case that reservation collation or provision be made by the Court of Rome of any Archbishoprick Bishoprick Dignity or other Benefice in disturbance of the election collation or presentments aforesaid That at the time of the avoidance that such reservations collations and provisions ought to take effect the said Ed. 3. and his heirs should have and enjoy for the same time collations to the Archbishopricks and other dignities elective which is of his Avowry such as his Progenitors had before that free election was granted since that the elections were first granted by the Kings progenitors upon a certain form and condition as to demand license of the King to chuse and after the election to have his Royal assent and not in other manner which condition not kept the King ought by reason to resort to his first nature Upon complaint made by the great men and commons it was assented St. 27 Ed. 3. and accorded by the King great men and commons aforesaid that all the people of the Kings Allegiance of what condition that they be which shall draw any out of the Realm in plea whereof the conusance pertaineth to the Kings Court or of things whereof Judgement were given in the Kings Court or which did sue in any other Court to defeat or impeach the Judgments given in the Kings Court should incur the danger of a Premunire Made to confirm the Acts made the 25. and 27. years of the said Kings Reign but those that made those good Laws against such capital offenders St. 28 Ed. 3. Cap. 1. 2. 3. 4. were cursed defamed and reproved by such as maintained the usurped jurisdiction of the Church of Rome against which an especial Act of Parliament was made by the King and his whole Realm prohibiting thereby such defamations and reproofs In the Reign of Richard the second Against an Incumbent of the Church of England another sueth a provision 12 Rich. 2. tit Jurisdict 18. in the Court of Rome and there pursueth until he recovereth the Church against the Incumbent and afterward brought an action of account against him as receiver of divers sums of money which in troath were the oblations and offerings which the Incumbent had received and the whole Court was of opinion against the Plaintiff and thereupon he became nonsuit It is declared by that Parliament that the Crown of England hath been St. 16 R. 2. Cap. 5. so free at all times that it hath been in subjection to no Realm but immediately subject to God and none other and that the same ought not in any thing touching the Regality of the same Crown be to the Bishop of Rome nor the Laws and Statutes of this Realm by him frustrated or defeated at his will to the perpetual destruction of the King his Soveraignty Crown and Regality and of all his Realm And the Commons in that Parliament affirmed that the things attempted by the Bishop of Rome be declared against the Kings Crown and his Regality used and approved in the time of all his Progenitors In the Reign of H. 4. H. 4. fol. 9 It is resolved that the Popes Collector though he hath the Popes Bull to that purpose hath no jurisdiction within this Realm and there the Archbishops and Bishops c. of this Realm are called the Kings spiritual Judges By the ancient Laws Ecclesiastical of this Realm no man could be convicted of Heresie being high-Treason against the Almighty but by the Archbishop Fitz. nat B. 269. Candries Case and all the Clergy of that Province and after abjured thereupon and after that newly convicted and condemned by the Clergy of that Province in the general councel of the convocation but the St. of 2 H. 4. Ca. 15. doth give the Bishop of the Dioces power to condemn a Heretick and that before that Statute he could not be committed to the secular power to be burnt until he had once abjured and was again relapsed to thar or some other Heresie whereby it appeareth that the King by the consent of Parliament directed the proceedings in the Court Ecclesiastical in case of Heresie and other matters more Spiritual Well but suppose the King did so it proves nothing for it is but matter of Fact But it does not appear neither that this direction of the King by consent of Parliament did direct the proceedings in the
St. 27 H. 8. cap. 15. Spiritual and sixteen Temporal to examine the Laws and Constitutions heretofore made according to the Statute of 25 H. 8. 9. But no Laws or Constitutions shall be made without the Kings assent nor contrary to the Kings Prerogative or the Laws of the Land If any person shall extoll the Authority of the Bishop of Rome he shall 28 H. 8. c. 10. incur the penalty of a Praemunire provided Anno 16 Ric. 2. Every Ecclesiastical and Lay-Officer shall be sworne to renounce the said Bishop and his Authority and to resist it to his power and to repute any Oath taken in maintenance of the said Bishop or his Authority to be void And the refusing of the said Oath to be Treason Makes all Bulls and Dispensations from the Bishop or See of Rome to 28 H. 8. c. 16. any of the Subject of this Realm void The King may nominate such number of Bishops Sees for Bishops 31 H. 8. c. 9. Cathedral Churches and endow them with such possessions as he will 1. If any person by word writing printing ciphering or otherwise do preach teach dispute or hold opinion That in the blessed Sacrament 31 H. 8. c. 14. called the Statute of the Six Articles of the Altar under form of bread and wine after the consecration thereof there is not really the natural body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary or that after the said consecration there remains any substance of bread or wine or any other substance but the substance of Christ God and man Or that in the flesh under the form of bread is not the very blood of Christ Or that with the blood under the form of wine is not the very flesh of Christ as well apart as though they were both together Or affirm the said Sacrament to be of other substance then is aforesaid Or deprave the said blessed Sacrament Then he shall be adjudged a Heretick and suffer death by burning and shall forfeit to the King all his lands tenements hereditaments goods and chattels as in case of High Treason 2. Or if any person preach in any Sermon or Collation openly made or teach in any Common School or Congregation or obstinately affirm or defend That the Communion of the blessed Sacrament in both kinds is necessary for the health of mans soul or ought to be administred in both kinds Or that it is necessary to be received by any person other then by Priests being at Mass and consecrating the same 3. Or that any man after the Order of Priesthood received may marry or contract matrimony 4. Or that any man or woman which advisedly hath vowed or professed or should vow or profess chastity or widowhood may marry or contract marriage 5. Or that Private Masses be not lawful or not laudable or should not be used or be not agreeable to the Laws of God 6. Or that Auricular confession is not expedient and necessary to be used in the Church of God He shall be adjudged suffer death and forfeit lands and goods as a Felon If any Priest or other man or woman which advisedly hath vowed chastity or widowhood do actually marry or contract matrimony with another Or any man which is or hath been a Priest do carnally use any woman to whom he is or hath been married or with whom he hath contracted matrimony or openly be conversant or familiar with any such woman both man and woman shall be adjudged Felons Commissions shall be awarded to the Bishop of the Diocese his Chancellor Commissary and others to enquire of the Heresies Felonies and offences aforesaid And also Justices of Peace in their Sessions and every Steward Under-Steward and Deputy of Steward in their Leets or Law-day by the oath of twelve men have authority to enquire of the Heresies Felonies and offences aforesaid See the 7. Chap. of B. Bramhalls Just Vindication of the Church of England where he endeavours to shew that not only the Emperor the King of France nay and the King of Spain have in effect done the same things with Henry the Eighth upon occasion or at least plead for it although for their interests they have not continued the exercise of their Jurisdiction as the Kings of England have done A short view or reflexion upon Henry the Eight and his Reformation How zealous a Defender of the Pope and See of Rome Henry the Eight K. H. 8. a zealous defender of the Pope and Papacy was in the beginning of his Reign is evident by his book written against Martin Luther For not being born Henry the seventh's eldest son his Father being a wondtrful frugal Prince and observing good natural parts in him bred him up in literature and destinated him to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury as being the cheapest and highest preferment he could give him But his elder brother being dead and after him his father The King esteeming it a great honor to imploy himself in so famous a controversie as was then maintained by the Wits of Christendom in defence and opposition of the Church of Rome wrote a book of the Seven Sacraments defending also the Papacy and oppugned the Doctrine of Luther This thing was so grateful to the Pope that Leo 10. honored him with the Title of Defender of the Faith But after he had been married to his brothers wife above twenty years and inflamed with lustful affection to Anne Bullein a Paragon and Minion From what cause the King became estranged from the Pope of the Court he became he said troubled in conscience for having married his brothers wife and therefore desired that the Pope would examine the case and satisfie his scruple of conscience It is a very remarkable thing that this ungodly Dispensation of Julius 2. for H. 8. his marrying with his brothers wife should be the cause of the King and Kingdoms defection from the Papacy under Clement 7. The Pope to satisfie the King gave the Cardinals Wolsey and Campeius a power Legatine to hear and determine the validity or invalidity of the marriage but the Queen refusing to submit to their determination appealed from them to the Pope The Pope had now a Wolf by the ears whom he could neither keep nor well let go For in pronouncing the marriage void he feared to incense Charls the Fifth being Nephew to Queen Katherine and the most potent Prince in Christendom and in confirming it he feared to lose Henry the then most beloved Son of the Church and great Defender of the Papacy not only in writing but also in joining with and assisting the French King Francis the First for freeing him from captivity being a prisoner under Charls The Pope therefore desires the advantage of time and proceeds slowly towards a determination The King as impatient in his desires expects a sentence from the Pope which not being to be had he procures Instruments from the Universities of Cambridge Oxford and Paris together
with the Opinion of Learned men That the marriage with his Brothers wife was contrary to the Law of God and void The King not expecting the Popes sentence anno 1533. marries his beloved Anne but such love is usually too hot to hold for about two years after he cut off her head yet the King did not wholly renounce the Papacy but still expecting the Popes sentence The Pope for the reasons aforesaid not desiring to end the business The slow proceedings of the Pope but to expect advantage from time reduces the matter into several points or heads which he would have particularly disputed and at the time of the Kings marriage with Anne was not got further then the article of Attentates in which the Pope gave sentence against the King that it was not lawful for him to put away his wife by his own authority without the Ecclesiastical Judge For which cause the King in the beginning of 1534. denied the Pope his obedience commanding his Subjects not to pay any money to Rome nor to pay the ordinary Peter-pence This infinitely troubled the Court of Rome and they daily consulted of a remedy Some thought to proceed against the King with censures and to interdict all Christian nations all commerce with England But the moderate counsel pleased best to temporise with him and to mediate a composition by the French King K. Francis accepted the charge and sent the Bishop of Paris to Rome to negotiate a Pacification with the Pope where they still proceeded in the cause gently and with resolution not to come to censures if the Emperor did not proceed first or at the same time with his forces They had divided the cause into twenty three articles and then they handled whether Prince Arthur had had carnal conjunction with Queen Katherine in this they spent time till Midlent was past when the 19. of March news came that a Libel was published in England against the Pope and the whole Court of Rome and besides a Comedy had been made in presence of the King and Court to the great disgrace and shame of the Pope and every Cardinal in particular For which cause all being inflamed with choler ran headlong to give sentence which was pronounced in the Consistory the 24. of the same month That the marriage between Henry and Katherine was good that he was bound to take her to wife and that in case he did not he should be excommunicated But the Pope was soon displeased with this precipitation For six days His rash censure repented of after the French Kings letters came That the King was content to accept the sentence concerning Attentates and to render obedience upon condition that the Cardinals whom he mistrusted should not meddle in the business and that persons not suspected should be sent to Cambray to take information â—and and the King had sent his Proctors before to assist in the Cause at Rome Wherefore the Pope went about to devise some pretence to suspend the precipitate sentence and again to set the cause on its feet But the King so soon as he had seen it said It was no matter for the Utterly loses the obedience of England Pope should be Bishop of Rome and himself sole Lord of his Kingdom And that he would do according to the antient manner of the Eastern church not leaving to be a good Christian nor suffering the Lutheran Heresie or any other to be brought into his Kingdom From that time forward Henry the Eighth of a zealous Assertor of the No anger lost between the King Pope Papacy both by pen and purse became the first and greatest Opposer of it of all the Western Christian Princes for the Eastern Christian Princes except sometimes the Emperors of Greece and the Kings of Holy Land did seldom or never submit to the Papacy in her Spirituals yet did he afterwards seed to be reconciled to the Pope even by means of his Nephew Charls the Fifth Nor were the Popes much behind hand with him For besides Clement's petty Excommunication Paul the Third Anno 1538. thundred out such a terrible Excommunication against him as the like was never heard of which deprived him of his kingdom and his adherents of whatsoever they possessed commanding his Subjects to deny him obedience and Strangers to have no commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against and persecute both him and his followers granting them their states and goods for their prey and their persons for slaves But the Popes anger ended in words whereas the Kings deeds took place against the Pope But what there was in all the Kings reign which might be called Reformation What was the Kings Reformation I do not understand For whatsoever the King took from the Pope except Peter-pence he ascribed to himself If the Pope would be Head of the Catholique Church the King would be Head of the Church of England If the Pope challenged Annates and First-fruits of the Bishops and Clergy the King would do no less If the Pope did give Abbots and Priors power being Ecclesiastical persons to make divers Impropriations to their benefit the King will take a power to take them all away and convert them into Lay-fees and incorporate them so into particular mens estates that they shall never return to the Church more Nor had he any love or desire of Reformation of the Church but only to the Church-lands for all the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of the Church of Rome was continued and that with such bloody cruelty that a Stranger going over Smithfield one day and seeing two men there executed one for denying the Kings Headship of the Church and another for subscribing to the Six Articles cryed out Bone Deus quomodo hic agunt vivi hic suspenduntur Papistae ibi comburuntur Antipapistae And so zealous did he continue herein that Pope Paul the Third after he had fulminated so dreadfully against him Hist Conc-Trid fol. 90 proposed him for an Example to be imitated by Charls the Fifth Although such was the temper of this Prince that he never spared man The exclusion of the Papai jurisdiction was an act of the King Kingdom and Church of England in his rage woman in his lust nor any thing which might be called sacred in his avarice yet so absolute was he that his Divorce was attested by both the Universities at home besides that at Paris abroad his freeing himself and the Nation from the jurisdiction of the Pope was not only assented to by a Synod and Convocation of all the Clergy of England but the English and Irish Nobility did make their submissions by an Indenture to Sir Anthony Sellinger then chief Governor of Ireland wherein they did acknowledge King Henry to be their lawful Soveraign and confessed the Kings Supremacy Bram. Vind. of the Church of England p. 43. in all causes and utterly renounced the Pope But Divorce banishing the Papal authority
suffet imprisonment for six moneths without bail or mainprize And for the second offence shall suffer a years imprisonment and be deprived of all his spiritual promotions and for the third offence shall suffer imprisonment during life It was Enacted that the Justices of Oyer and Terminer and Justices of Assize should have power and authority in the open and general Sessions to hear and determin the offences committed against this Act yet so that every Archbishop and Bishop had liberty to joyn and associate himself to the said Justices of Oyer and Terminer or to the Justices of Assize All books called Antiphoners Missals Grails Portuasses Primers in Latine An. 3. 4. Ed. 6. Cap. 10. or in English and other books used for service in the Church saving such as are set forth by the Kings Authority shall be clearly abolished All Images graven painted or carved taken out of any Church or Chappel and the aforesaid books shall be defaced or openly burnt Such form and manner of making and consecrating of Archbishops and Anno 3 4. Ed. 6. Cap. 12. Bishops Priests and Deacons and other Ministers of the Church as by six Prelates and six other men of this Realm learned in the Law of God by the King to be appointed and assigned or by most of the number of them shall be devised for that purpose and set forth under the Great Seal before the first of April next coming shall be lawfully exercised and used and none other An Act for uniformity of Prayer and administration of the Sacraments An. 5. 6. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. in the English Tongue and that every person upon every Sunday and Holiday having no lawful cause to be absent do resort to his Parish-Church and they which refuse are to be punished by the censure of the Church and that all persons who shall be at any other common prayer or Sacraments shall for the first offence suffer Imprisonment for six moneths without bail or mainprise for the second Imprisonment during a whole year and for the third Imprisonment during life All the Sundays of the year the Feast of our Lord Jesus his Circumcision of the Epiphany of the Purification of the blessed Virgin of St. Matthew An. 5. 6. Ed. 6. Cap. 2. the Apostle of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin of St. Mark the Evangelist of St. Philip and Jacob the Apostles of the Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist of St. Peter the Apostle of St. James the Apostle of St. Barthelomew the Apostle of St. Matthew the Apostle of St. Michael the Archangel of St. Luke the Evangelist of St. Simon and Jude the Apostles of All Saints of St. Andrew the Apostle of St. Thomas the Apostle of the Nativity of our Lord of St. Stephen the Martyr of St. John the Evangelist of the holy Innocents Munday and Tuesday in Easter-week Munday and Tuesday in Whitson-week are to be observed and kept for Holy days and none other And that every even or day next going before any of the aforesaid days of the Feasts of the Nativity of our Lord of Easter of the Ascension of our Lord Pentecost of the Purification of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin of all Saints and of all the Feasts of the Apostles other then the Feasts of St. John the Evangelist and Philip and Jacob shall be kept for fasting days and none other Archbishops Bishops in their Dioces and all other having Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction may enquire of every person offending in the premises and punish every offender by censures of the Church and enjoyn him such penance as by the spiritual Judge shall be thought meet This Statute does not abrogate abstinence from flesh in Lent and Fridays and Saturdays or any day appointed to be kept by vertue of an Act made the second and third Ed. 6. Cap. 19. When any Holy day happens on the Munday the fast of that day shall be kept upon the Saturday immediately before and not upon the Sunday A view of the Reformation of Ed. 6. and of the lawfulness of it That the Book of commom Prayer Administration of the Sacraments The Reformation made by Ed. 6. was not meerly a civil sanction and other rites and ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England was framed and composed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops of the Land assembled to that purpose by the King is clearly expressed in the Preface to the Act of the 2. 3. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. The right that Christian Kings have to call and assemble Synods It is no new thing for Kings to assemble the Bishops and Church to redress and reform errors Councels and Convocations for the redress and reformation of errors and corruptions in the Church is properly the subject of another Treatise but that the Kings and supream Powers before Christianity under the old Law from Moses to Maccabees did always use it and that the first great Nicene Councel the second general Councel at Constantinople the third at Ephesus the fourth at Calcedon the fifth at Constantinople the sixth at Constantinople the seventh at Ephesus were all called by Christian Emperors is manifested by the Bishop of Winchester Andrews in the Sermon of the Right and Power of calling Assemblies nor were the general Councels convoked by Emperors but the Emperors and Kings did convoke and assemble Provincial and National Assemblies and Synods He shews that the Bishop of Syracuse in Sicily and Restitutus Bishop of London in Britain were summoned to a Synod in France by the Emperor Constantine ' Writ onely this was in the beginning of his Reign in the latter end of it in the thirtieth year of his Reign and the year before his death he called the Councel at Tyre and from thence removed it to Jerusalem and from thence called them to appear before himself at Constantinople After him Constans called one at Sardis Valentinian at Lampsacus Theodosius at Aquileia Gratian at Thessalonica Nay when the Emperors were professed Arrians even then did the Bishops acknowledge their power to call Councels came to them being called sued to them that they might be called came to them as Hosius to that of Arimine Liberius to that of Sirmium and that of Seleucia sued for them as Liberius to Constantius as Leo to Theodosius for the second Ephesine Councel Innocentius to Arcadius and sometime they sped as Leo and sometime not as Liberius and Innocentius and yet when they sped not they held themselves quiet and never presumed to draw themselves together of their own heads After the Empire fell in pieces and the Western Empire fell into the hands of Kings in Italy Theodoric called one at Rome Alaric at Agatha In France Clowis the first Christian King there called one at Orleans Childebert at Auvern Theodebert called another at Orleans and Cherebert at Toures And
after them Gunthramn Clowis Carloman and Pepin at Masscon first and second at Chalons That which is called Francia and that which is in Vernis Twenty of them at least in France In Spain by ten several Kings in two Councels at Braccara and in ten at Tolledo by the space of three hundred years together And how under what terms Peruse the Councel themselves their very acts spake Ex praecepto Imperio Jussu Sanctione Nutu Decreto Ex evocatione Dispositione Regis One saith Potestas permissa est nobis another facultas data est nobis a third Injunctu est nobis á rege and this for about eight hundred years after Christ Then arose another Empire here in the West under Charls the Great and he called six several Councils at Frankfort Arles Tours Chalons Mentz and Rhemes And what says he in them In that at Rhemes In conventu mere priscorum Imperatorum congregato à piissimo Domino nostro Carolo That he called that Convention by no other right then as the manner of the antient Emperors had been to do After him Ludovicus Pius Lotharius Ludovicus Balbus Carolus Calvus Carolus Crassus and Arnulphus at the several Councils of Aken Mentz Melden Wormes Colen and Tribur and so held it nine hundred years after Christ for about that year a year or two over or under was holden the Council at Tribur in Germany by the Emperors decree and himself President in it Nor are the Kings of England less absolute then either Emperors Kings of Spain or France And see B. Bramhalls Just Vindication of the Church of England cap. 7. how the Emperors Kings of France Spain and Portugal have by their own authority convened National and Provincial Councils which have not only determined without the Papal authority but very often in contradiction to it Nor are either the English or British Churches or ever were less free then the Gallicane the liberties whereof in the Chapter aforesaid are set down viz. 1. The Pope cannot command or ordain any thing directly or indirectly concerning any Temporal affairs within the Dominions of the King of France 2. The Spiritual authority and power of the Pope is not absolute in The priviledges of the Gallican Church France but limited and restrained to the canons and rules of the antient Councils of the Church and received in that Kingdom 3. No command whatsoever of the Pope can free the French Clergy from their obligation to obey the commands of their Soveraign 4. The most Christian King hath had power at all times according to the occurrence and exigence of affairs to assemble or cause to be assembled Synods Provincial or National and therein to treat not only of such things as concern the conservation of the Civil estate but also of such things as concern Ecclesiastical order and discipline in his own dominions and therein to make Rules Chapters Laws Ordinances and Pragmatique Sanctions in his own name and by his own authority Many of which have been received among the Decrees of the Catholique Church and some of them approved by General Councils 5. The Pope cannot send a Legate à latere into France with power to reform judge collate dispence or do such things accustomed to be specified in the autoritative Bull of his Legation except it be upon the desire or with the approbation of the most Christian King Neither can the said Legate execute his charge until he hath promised to the King in writing under his oath upon his holy Orders not to make use of his Legantine power in the Kings dominions longer then it shall please the King and that so soon as he shall be admonished of the Kings pleasure to forbid it he shall give it over And that whilst he doth use it shall be exercised conformable to the Kings will without attempting any thing to the prejudice of the Decrees of General Councils or the Liberties and Priviledges of the Gallicane Church and the Universities of France 6. The Commissions and Bulls of the Popes Legate are to be seen examined and approved by the Court of Parliament and to be registred and published with such cautions and modifications as that Court shall judge expedient for the good of the Kingdom and to be executed according to the said cautions and not otherwise 7. The Prelates of the French Church although commanded by the Pope for what cause soever it be may not depart out of the Kingdom without the Kings commandment or licence 8. The Pope cannot by himself or his delegates judge any thing which concerns the state preheminence or priviledges of the Crown of France nor any thing pertaining to it nor can there be any question or process about the state or pretensions of the King but in his Courts 9. Papal Bulls Citations Excommunications c. are not to be executed in France without the Kings command or permission and after permission only by the authority of the King and not by authority of the Pope to shun mixture and confusion of Jurisdictions 10. Neither the King nor his Realm nor his Officers can be excommunicated or interdicted by the Pope nor his Subjects absolved from their Oath of Allegiance 11. The Pope cannot impose Pensions in France upon any Benefices having cure of souls nor upon any others but according to the canons according to the express condition of resignation or ad redimendum vexationem 12. All Bulls and Missives which come from Rome to France are to be seen and visited to try if there be nothing in them prejudicial in any manner to the estate and liberties of the Church of France or to the Royal authority 13. It is lawful to appeal from the Pope to a future Council 14. Ecclefiastical persons may be convented judged and sentenced before a Secular Judge for the first grievous or enormous crime or for lesser offences after a Relapse which renders them incorrigible in the eye of the Law 15. All places of France are obliged to swear fealty to the King and to receive from him investitures for their fees and manors 16. The Courts of Parliament in case of Appeals as from abuse have right and power to declare null void and to revoke the Popes Bull and Excommunications and to forbid the execution of them when they are found contrary to Sacred Decrees the liberty of the French Church or the Prerogative Royal. 17. General Councils are above the Pope and may depose him and put another in his place and take cognisance of Appeals from the Pope 18. All Bishops have their power immediately from Christ not from the Pope and are equally successors of S. Peter and of the other Apostles and Vicars of Christ 19. Provisions Reservations Expective graces c. have no place in France 20. The Pope cannot exempt any Church Monastery or Ecclesiastical body from the jurisdiction of the Ordinary nor erect Bishopricks into Archbishopricks nor unite them nor divide them without the Kings licence 21. All those are not Hereticks
excommunicated or damned who differ in some things from the doctrine of the Pope who appeal from his decrees and hinder the execution of the ordinances of him or his Legates Although the Sesession of the Church King and Kingdom of England The reformation of King 1 d. was not Schismatical from the Papacy were an Act of Schism yet being done in the Reign of H. 8. one of the greatest favorers of the Papacy that ever was King of England and to his death as great an assertor of the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of it and in such a state independent from the Church of Rome was the Church and Kingdom at the time of Edwards Reformation whatsoever therefore his Reformation was yet could it not be Schismatical Whatever the Romanists pretend to unity and peace in their Church yet The rites and ceremonies of Edwards reformation were more uniform then before it is most manifest that in the Realm of England and Dominion of Wales in several places were used divers forms of Prayer commonly called the Service of the Church viz. that of Sarum of York of Bangor and Lincoln but also of late divers and sundry forms and fashions were used in the Cathedral and Parishes Church of England and Wales as well concerning the mattens or morning prayer and evening song as also concerning the holy Communion commonly called the Mass with divers and sundry rites and ceremonies concerning the same and in the administration of other Sacraments of See preamble to the Statute of 2 3. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. That the Scriptures Lords Prayer and Creed should be read in the English tongue is no new thing in England the Church whereas the service enjoyned in the Reign of Ed. 6 was uniform in all places of England and Wales as well in Parish Churches as Cathedrals In the Reign of King Ethelbald in the year of our Saviors incarnation 748. in a convocation held in the Prouince of Canterbury Cuthbert the Archbishop of his Clergy did Enact that the sacred Scriptures should be read in their monasteries the Lords Prayer and Creed taught in the English tongue Speed in the Reign of Ethelbald para 4. page 343. and how much it was against the Word of God and the custom of the ancient Church to use a tongue unknown to the people in common prayer and administration of Sacraments see the conference at Westminster an primo Eliz. which were never yet answered that I know of If any thing Heretical had been contained in the common Prayer administration Edwards reformation was not Heretical of Sacraments c. made in the Reign of Ed. 6. it would have been sufficiently shot at having so many adversaries at home and abroad but no such crime was ever that I ever heard of imputed to it if there be let the adversaries of it yet shew it affirmanti incumbit probatio If then not onely the Kings and supreme powers always under the old Covenant King Edwards Reformation was warrant-able materially and formally had this right of invoking the high Priest and other Priests and if God always punished the Kings of Judah and Israel for suffering the people to commit Idolatry and if God himself so often commends the zeal and reformation of Jehoshaphat Hezekiah Asa Josiah c. and if ever since Christianity the Bishops by that Divine Canon to Timothy have always had in 1 Tim. cap 2. their particular Churches right of composing publick Liturgies and in national Synods a right of composing publick and national Liturgies And the Liturgy of Edward being composed and received by the Bishops of the Church of England to that end convened and assembly by the King this Liturgy being neither schismattical nor containing any thing heretical is both for matter and form warrantable Object If the Sacriledge and extention of the civil Jurisdiction in giving the civil Magistrate licence to take cognizance of the publique Liturgy and administration of the Sacraments be objected The answer is easie Let the Courtiers and Parliament answer for it the Church was patient not agent in them The Church of Rome having robbed the poor laity of one half of the institution of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper and kept the people in such The King and Church had great reason to make Reformation in Religion stupid ignorance that in the publick worship and service of God they should neither use their reason nor understanding by imposing it upon them in an unknown tongue as if in the publick worship and service of God he were not to be served by intellectual and rational creatures and had filled the Mass with more prayers to the Virgin Mary and Saints which could no ways relieve them and so at best super fluous and vain there was great reason in the King and Church to a make a reformation of the Religion and publick Worship and Service of God Of Queen Maries Ecclesiastical Laws Although King Ed. were a Prince of transcendent Vertue and Learning far above his years yet doubtless his youth was not onely much abused in his Reign where a man might have seen all the woes pronounced by God upon that Nation where the King is a childe or where a company of men in Parliament arrogate to themselves the Politick capacity of a King abstracted from his person but also at his very death caused not without suspicion of poyson was he deluded upon specious pretences by his whole Councel but principally by the Duke of Northumberland to make way for the Lady Jane Gray in the time of his sickness married to his fourth son Guilford Dudley to declare the said Lady Jane the rightful heir and successor to the English Monarchy to the manifest wrong and injury not onely of Queen Mary and Elizabeth afterward Queens of England but also of Mary Queen of Scots heir to Margaret the eldest daughter of Henry the seventh whereas the Lady Janes Title was descended from Mary the younger daughter of H. 7. yet it so pleased God that this unjust Will should onely bring destruction both to the Lady Jane and her husband whereas the Ladies Mary and Elizabeth and the Posterity of Mary Queen of Scots did all succeed and enjoy the possession of the English Diadem of which they were debarred by this Will of King Edward That the Title of Head of the Church was continued by Queen Mary appears by the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the fifth of October in the first year of her Reign in the first and second session of it where she is stiled our Gracious Soveraign Lady Mary by the Grace of God Queen of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and in Earth Supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland but in the second Parliament of her Reign being holden at Westminster the second of April the first year of her Reign the Title of Supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland is not mentioned Declares
convict shall be committed to prison without bail or mainprise untill they conform to come to Church and hear Divine Service according to Law and make such submission and declaration as in this Act is afterward declared and appointed If any person who shall offend as aforesaid shall not within three moneths after they be convicted conform themselves to the obedience of the Laws in comming to Church to hear Divine Service and in making such publick confession and submission as in this Act is appointed being thereunto required by the Bishop of the Diocesse or any Justice of Peace where the person shall happen to be or by the Minister or Curate of the Parish that in every such case every such offendor being thereunto warned by any Justice of Peace of the County shall upon his or their corporall oath before the Justices of Peace in the open Quarter-sessions or at the Assises abjure the Realm and all other the Queens Dominions for ever unless her Majesty shall licence the party to return and shall depart out of the Realm at such Port and within such times as shall be appointed by the said Justices before whom the said abjuration was made unlesse the offendor be letted by such lawfull and reasonable means as by the common Lawes are permitted in cases of abjuration of Felony and in such cases of let or stay then within such reasonable time after as the Common Law requires in case of Abjuration for Felony the Justices of Peace before whom any such abjuration shall be made shall cause the same to be presently entred into record before them and shall certifie the same to the Justices of Assizes and Goal-delivery of the said County at the next Assizes If any such offender which by the tenor of this Act is to be abjured shall refuse to make such abjuration and shall not goe to such Haven within such time appointed and depart out of the Realm or after such departure shall return without licence that in such case the party offending shall suffer as in case of Felony without benefit of the Clergy If any person offending against this Act shall before he be required as aforesaid to make such abjuration repair to some Parish Church on some Sunday or Festivall and then and there hear Divine Service and before Sermon or reading of the Gospell make publick and open submission and declaration in conformity to the Lawes according to this Act that then every such penalties inflicted by this Act be discharged The submission to be made is I A. B. doe humbly confess and acknowledge that I have grievously offended God in contemning her Majesties Godly and lawfull Government and Authority by absenting my self from Church and hearing Divine Service contrary to the Godly Lawes and Statutes of this Realm and in using and frequenting disordered and unlawfull Conventicles and Assemblies under pretence and colour of exercise of Religion And I am heartily sorry for the same and do acknowledge and testifie in my conscience that no other person hath or ought to have Authority over her Majesty And I doe promise and protest without any dissimulation or any colour or means of any dispensation That from henceforth I will from time to time obey and perform her Majesties Lawes and Statutes in repairing to the Church and hearing Divine Service and do my uttermost endeavor to perfom the same The Minister of every Parish where such submission and declaration shall be made shall presently enter the same into a book to be kept by every Parish for that purpose and within ten dayes after certifie the same in writing to the Bishop of the Diocess If any such offendor after such submission shall afterwards relapse and obstinately refuse to repair to some Church or usuall place of Divine Service or shall be present at any such Conventicles c. under colour of exercise of Religion contrary to her Majesties Lawes That then every such offendor shall lose the benefit he might have had by virtue of his Submission If any person shall hereafter relieve maintain or keep in his house or otherwise any person which shall obstinately refuse to come to some Church or usuall place of Common-prayer or shall forbear the same by the space of a moneth that then every such person so offending after such notice given him by the Ordinary of the Diocesse or any Justice of Assize of the Circuit or any Justice of Peace of the County or any Minister Curate or Church-warden of the Parish where such person shall be shall forfeit to the Queen for every person so relieved after such notice forty pound for every moneth that he or they shall relieve c. any person so offending This Act shall in no wise extend to punish or impeach any person for relieving or keeping his Father Wife Mother Child Ward Brother or Sister or his Wives Father or Mother not having any certain place of habitation of their own or the Husbands or Wives of any of them or for relieving maintaining or keeping any such person as shall be committed by Authority to the custody of any by whom they shall be so relieved or maintained These two last clauses are repealed by the 3 Jac. 4. All duties forfeitures and payments due to the Queene by virtue of this Act or the Act of the 23 of Eliz. concerning Recusants may be recovered and levyed to her Majesties use by action of debt bill plaint information or otherwise in any of the Courts called the Kings bench Common-pleas or Exchequer in such sort as by the ordinary course of the Common-Law any other debt due by any person in any other Case might be recovered or levyed where no Essoin Protection or Wager of Law bee admitted The third part of the Penalties had or received by virtue of this Act shall be imployed and bestowed to such good and charitable uses in such manner and forme as is limited and appointed in the Statute made in the 29 Eliz. c. 6. concerning Recusants No popish Recusant or feme covert shall be compelled to abjure by this Act. Every person that should abjure by virtue of this Act and refuse being thereunto required as aforesaid shall forfeit to the Queene all his goods and chattels for ever and his Lands and Tenements during life the wife of any such offendor shall not lose her Dowre nor any corruption of blood shall grow or be by reason of any offence mentioned in this Act. Every Person above sixteene yeeres of age borne within any of the Stat. 35 Eliz. cap. 2. Queenes Dominions or made a Denizen being a popish Recusant and before the end of that Session of Parliament convicted for not repairing to some Church or usuall place uf Divine-service but forbearing the same contrary to the Lawes established and having a certain place of abode within the Realme shall within forty dayes next after the Session of Parliament if they be in the Realme and not restrained by imprisonment or by command of
her Majesty or by order of six or more of the Privy-Councell or by such sicknesse and infirmity of body that they shall not be able to travell without imminent danger of their life and in such cases of absence out of the Realm restraint or stay then within two daies next after they shall returne into the Realm and bee enlarged of such imprisonment or shall be able to travell repair to their usuall place of abode and shall not at any time after remove above five miles from thence Every person born in any of the Queens Dominions or Denizen which had or should have any certain place of abode within this Realm which being a Popish Recusant and thereof lawfully convict for not repairing to some Church or usuall place of Divine Service and being within the Realm at the time they shall be convicted shall within fourty dayes after such conviction if they be not restrained by imprisonment or otherwise as aforesaid and in such cases of restraint then within twenty dayes after they shall be enlarged or be able to travell repair to the place of their usuall dwelling and not at any time after remove above five miles from thence upon pain of forfeiture of all his Goods and Chattels and all his Rents Lands Tenements and Hereditaments to the Queen during the life of the offendor Every Person above sixteene yeeres of age borne in any of the Queenes Dominions who hath no certain place of abode within the Relme and being a popish Recusant and not usually repairing to some Church or usuall place of Common-prayer but forbearing the same contrary to the Lawes established shall within 40 daies after the Session of Parliament if they be within the Realm and not imprisoned or stayed as aforesaid and in such case of absence out of the Realm imprisonment or stay then within twenty dayes after returne into the Realm and be enlarged or able to travell repaire to the place of byrth or where the Father or Mother of such person shall then bee dwelling and shall not remove above five miles from thence upon paine of forfeiting all his goods and chattels and all his Lands Tenements Hereditaments Rents and Annuities to the Queene during the life of the Offendor Every offendor aforesaid that hath Lands or Tenements by copy of Court-Roll c. shall forfeit all such copy-hold estates during the life of the offendor if his estate so long continue to the Lord of whom they are immediatly holden if the Lord be not a popish Recusant nor convicted for not coming to Divine Service nor seized upon trust for such Recusant and in such Case the forfeiture to bee to the Queenes Majesty All such Persons as by this Act are to make their repaire to their place of dwelling or to the place of their byrth or where their Father and Mother shall be dwelling and not to passe above five miles from thence shall within twenty dayes after their comming to any of the said places notifie their coming thither and present themselves and deliver their true names in writing to the Minister and Curat of the Parish and to the Constable Headborough or Tything-man of the Town and thereupon the Minister or Curate shall presently enter the same into a booke to be kept in every parish for that purpose and afterward the said Minister or Curate and the said Constable Headborough or Tything-man shall certifie the same in writing to the Justices of Peace of the same County at the next quarter Sessions and the said Justices shall enter or cause the same to be entred by the Clerke of the Peace in the Rolls of the same Sessions Every popish Recusant not being a Feme covert and not having a state of inheritance of free-hold to the cleere yeerely value of twenty marks or in goods and chattels to the value of forty pounds that shall not within the limited time repaire to the usuall place of his abode or to the place of his birth or the dwelling of his Father or Mother and thereupon notifie their coming and present themselves and deliver their true names in writing to the Minister or Curate of the Parish and to the Constable Head-borough or Tything-man of the Towne within such time and in such manner as aforesaid or shall after remove five miles from thence and shall not within three moneths next after such person shall be apprehended conform himself to resort usually to divine Service and in making such publique confession and submission as hereafter is expressed being thereunto required by the Bishop of the Diocesse or any Justice of Peace in the County where the same person shall chance to be or by the Minister or Curate of the Parish That in every such case every such offendor being thereunto warned by any two Justices of Peace or Coroner of the County where such offendor shall be shall upon his corporall Oath before any two Justices of Peace or Coroner or the same County abjure this Realme and all Dominions of the Queenes for ever and thereupon shall depart the Realm in such time as shall be assigned by the said Justices or Coroner unlesse hindred by such reasonable means as by the Common Law is allowed in cases of abjuration of felony and in such cases within such reasonable time after as the Common Law requireth in case of abjuration of felony Every Justice of Peace and Coroner before whom any such abjuration shall happen to be made shall presently cause the same to bee entred of Record before them and shall certifie the same to the Justices of Assize or next Goale delivery of the said County If any such offender which is to be abjured shall refuse to make abjuration or after abjuration shall refuse to goe to such Haven within the time appointed and depart the Realme or after shall returne without licence from the Queen that then in every such case the person offending shall suffer as a Felon without benefit of the Clergy Every person suspected to be a Jesuite or Seminarie-Priest who being examined by lawfull authority and refuses to answere directly whether he be a Jesuite or not shall be committed to prison without baile or mainprize untill he answere directly Every person confined as aforesaid to the compasse of five miles that hath necessary occasion of businesse upon license from two Justices of the Peace in the same County under their hands with the assent of the Bishop of the Diocesse in writing or of the Lieutenant or of any deputy Lieutenant of the same County may travell about his necessary businesse for such time only as is contained in the License No person so restrained as aforesaid which shall be urged by Process without fraud or covin and be bound to make appearance in any of her Majesties Courts or shall be sent to by three or more of her Majesties Councell or by foure or more Commissioners appointed by her Majesty to make appearance before her Councell or Commissioners in every such case
she was rather carefull to conserve peace at home then to maintain it abroad and was more mindfull of the present age then of posterity and sure that King that succeeded her might justly expect to finde a hard taske so to Govern as to preserve the love and obedience shee had for besides her prudence and frugality in Government and expences she was single had not any kindred in the Nation which were any charge to her whereas the King succeeding not only having a Queen but also Posterity must multiply expence whereby hee shall lose the affections of his Subjects from whom it must be raised or abate of the magnificennce which is necessary for the reputation and Regality and which every Monarch ought especially to be carefull of for Where Majesty or Power is contemptible the exercise of them is never permanent Ecclesiasticall Lawes made by King James THis Statute doth Enact That all Statutes made by Queene Elizabeth Anno 1. Jac. cap. 4. against all Jesuites Priests and Seminaries made in the Church of Rome and all those Statutes made against all manner of Recusants be put in due and exact execution Every Recusant that shall conforme himselfe to the Lawes and Ordinances of the Church of England and repaire to Church and continue there during the time of divine Service and Sermon according to the true intent of the statute in that case made in the time of Queen Elizabeth shall be discharged from all penalties of Recusancy so long as he continues in such obedience and conformity The heir of any Recusant who is no Recusant shall not incur any penalty for the Recusancy of his ancestor if at the death of any Recusant the heire of the Recusant be a Recusant and after become conformable to the Lawes and Ordinances of the Church and take the oath of Supremacy made in the first yeere of Q. Eliz before the Archbishop or Bishop of the Diocess then every such heir shall be discharged of all penalty hapning in respect of the Recusancy of his Ancestor If the Heire of any Recusant bee within the age of sixteene yeeres at the death of his Ancestor and after become or bee a Recusant that then hee shall not bee discharged from the penalty of Recusancy untill hee submit to the Lawes and Ordinances of the Church and take the said oath of Supremacy in manner and form expressed 23 Eliz. cap. 1. Where any seisure shall be had of the 2 parts of any Lands or Tenements c. for the not payment of the 20. l. due and payable for each moneth according to the Statute in that case lately made * in such case two third parts shall goe to the payment of the said twenty pound a moneth the third part shall not be extended by the King nor forfeited by the Recusant where any seisure hath beene made by the King and the debt or duty by reason of Recusancy not paid then the King may continue the seisure untill the residue of the debt be fully satisfied and discharged The King and his Heirs shall not seize nor extend any third part descending to any such heirs or any part thereof either by reason of the Recusancy of such heir or the Recusancy of his Ancestor Every person under the Kings obedience which at any time after the end of the session of that Parliament shall send any childe or other person under his Government into any parts beyond the Seas out of the Kings obedience to be resident in any Colledg or house of any popish Order or Profession whatsoever or repair to the same to be instructed in the popish Religion or in any sort to professe the same shall for every such offence forfeit to the King the summe of one hundred pounds and every person so passing or sent beyond the Seas in respect of himselfe or her selfe only and not in respect of his or her posterity be made incapable to inherit or purchase in any of the Kings Dominions If any person borne in any of the Kings Dominions at the making of this Act were in any such house or Colledg to be instructed in the popish Religion and should not return into some of his Majesties Dominions within one yeere next after the session of that Parliament and submit himself as is aforesaid shall be in respect of himselfe only and not in respect of his heirs and posterity utterly uncapable of inheriting or purchasing within any of the Kings Dominions Provided that if any such person shall afterward become obedient and conformable to the lawes and ordinances of the Church of England and repaire to Church according to the true intent of the said statutes and ordinances and continue so to doe that then every such person shall be discharged of such disability No woman nor any childe under the age of twenty one yeeres except Saylors and Ship-boyes or the Apprentice or Factor of some Merchant in trade of Merchandize shall be permitted to passe over the Seas without License from the King or six or more of the privy Councell under their hands upon paine that the officers of the Port that willfully or negligently did suffer any such to passe and did not enter the names of such passengers so licensed shall forfeit their office and all their goods and chattels and that every owner of any ship or vessell that shall willfully carry over seas any such person without license shall forfeit his ship or vessell and all the tackle and every Mr. or Mariner of or in any such ship offending as aforesaid shall forfeit all their goods and suffer imprisonment by the space of 12 moneths without baile or mainprize No person shall keepe any Schoole or be a Schoole-master out of any of the Universities or Colledges of this Realme except it bee in some publick or free Grammer-Schoole or in some such Noblemans or Noblewomans Gentlemans or Gentlewomans house as are not Recusants or where the said same Schoole-Master shall not be licensed by the Archbishop Bishop or Guardian of the Spiritualties of that Diocesse upon paine that as well the schoole-master as the party that entertains him shall forfeit for every day so offending the sum of forty shillings the one halfe to the King the other to him who shall sue for the same in any of the Kings Courts of Record in Westminster by Action of Debt Bill Plaint or Information in which no Essoine Protection or wager of Law shall be allowed Because some popishly affected did repaire to Church monethly whereby Stat. Anno. 3. Jac. cap. 4. they did evade the penalties imposed by precedent Parliaments as is alledged It was therefore Enacted That if any Recusant so conformed shall not once a yeere at least after the Session of Parliament receive the Sacrament in the Church of that parish where he or she usually abides or if there be no Church then in the Church next adjoyning shall forfeit for the first yeere the summe of twenty pounds for the second yeere
shall retain in service see or livery any person which shall forbear to goe to some usuall place of Divine service by the space of a moneth shall forfeit for every such moneth he knowing the same the summe of ten pounds This Act shall not extend to punish any person for maintaining relieving or harbouring his Father or Mother wanting without fraud any other habitation or sufficient maintenance or the ward of any person committed by authority to the custody of any by whom they shall be so relieved maintained or kept The Sheriff or other Officer upon lawfull Writ Warrant or Processe to him awarded to take or apprehend any Popish Recusant standing excommunicated for recusancy may break open the house where any such person excommunicated shal be or raise the power of the County for apprehending such person Every offence committed against this Act may be heard and determined before the Justices of the Kings Bench and Justices of Assize And all offences other than Treason shall be enquired heard and determined before the Justices of Peace in their next Generall and Quarter-sessions No attainder of Felony by this Act shall extend to forfeiture of Dower or corruption of blood The Defendant in any action commenced or brought against him by virtue of any thing in this Act may plead to the generall Issue by an Evidence that shall prove his doings or proceedings warrantable by this Law This Act nor any thing contained therein is said not to extend to take away or abridge any authority or jurisdiction of Ecclesiasticall censures No person shall be charged in any penalty by force of this Act which shall happen for the wifes offence in not receiving the Sacrament during her Marriage nor any woman shall be charged with any penalty for not receiving during Marriage In all cases where the Bishop or Justices of Peace by virtue of this Act may take of any Subject not a Nobleman this oath above mentioned The Lords of the Privie Councell or any 6 of them where of the Lord Chancellor Lord Treasurer or principle Secretary to be one have authority to require the same at any time of any Noble-man or Noble-woman being above the age of 18. years and if such Noble-man or Noble-woman other then the woman married refuse the same they shall incurre the penalty of a Premunire Where any person shall pass out of the Cinque-Ports or any member thereof to any parts beyond the seas to serve any foreign Prince State or Potentate the Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports for the time being or any person by him appointed have power to take bond and minister this oath to such passengers If any man discover any Recusant or other person which shall entertain or Stat. Annn. 3 Jac. cap. 5. relieve any Jesuit Seminary or Popish Priest or shall discover any Mass to have been said and the persons which were present and the Priest or any that were present within three daies shall not only be freed from any penalty but shall have the third part of the forfeiture of all such summes of money goods and chattels which shall be forfeited for such offence if the forfeiture exceed not 150 l. if it doth exceed 150 l. then the discoverer to have 50 l. and the discoverer after conviction of the offendor shall have a certificate from the Judges or Justices of Peace before whom such conviction shall happen to be directed to the Sheriffe or other Officer that shall seize the goods commanding him to pay the same accordingly No Popish Recusant shall come into the house where the King or the Heir apparent shall be unlesse commanded by the King or by Warrant from the Lords of the privy Councell upon penalty of one hundred pound the one moity to the King the other to the discoverer who will sue for the same in any Court of Record where no Essoine Protection or Law Gager shall be allowed All convicted Popish Recusants dwelling in London or within five miles within three moneths after the Session of Parliament shall depart out of it and not dwell within ten miles and deliver up their names to the Lord Major if they dwell in London and if such Recusant shall dwell within ten miles of London to deliver up his name to the next Justice of Peace within fourty dayes after the Session of Parliament upon the penalty of one hundred pounds the one halfe to the King the other to him who will sue as aforesaid All Recusants which shall dwell or remain in London or within ten miles thereof shall within ten dayes after indictment or conviction depart out of the said compass and deliver up their names to the Lord Mayor In case the said Recusant shall dwell in any County within ten miles of London then within ten daies after conviction or indictment shall give up his name to the next Justice of peace the person offending shall forfeit one hundred pounds the one halfe to the King the other to the Informer as aforesaid Tradesmen Recusants who have no other habitation may continue within London and the compass of ten miles This Act repeals that branch of the 35 Eliz. cap. 2. touching licence of Recusants to remove or pass above five miles from their place of abode The King or three or more of the Privy Councell under their hands may licence a Recusant to travell out of the compass of five miles So may four Justices of Peace of the County with the privity of the Bishop of the Diocesse in writing or of the Lieutenant or any of the Deputy Lieutenants the party taking his corporall oath that he truly informes them of the cause of his journey and making no causless stayes No convict Recusant shall practise the Common Law as a Councellor Clerk Atturney or Solicitor nor shall practice the Civill Law as Advocate or Proctor nor practise Physick nor be an Apothecary nor shall be Judge Minister Clerk or Steward of any Court nor keep any Court nor shall be Register or Town-clerk or other Minister or Officer in any Court nor shall bear Office as Captain Lieutenant Corporall Sergeant Auncient-bearer or other Office in Camp Troop Band or Company of Souldiers nor bear any office in any Ship Castle or Fortresse of the Kings upon penalty of one hundred pounds to be forfeited as aforesaid No popish Recusant convict or having a Wife convict shall bear any publick office in the Common-wealth Every married woman being a Recusant convict her husband not being convict shall forfeit 2. third parts of her Joynture and Dower during her life and be made uncapable of being Executrix or Administratrix to her husband Every Popish Recusant convict shall be deemed as a person excommunicated so long as he continues not conformable and not come to Divine service and receive the Sacrament and take the oath appointed by this Parliament in the first chap. Yet such Recusant may sue for such of his Lands Tenements c. and for the profits thereof which are not
said Justices of peace or any of them or shall hinder or disturb any such Justices or any person authorised by them to seize the same shall forfeit all such armour and amunition to the King and beimprisoned by warrant from any of the Justices of the County during the space of three moneths without bayl or mainprize This Act nor any thing therein shall not abridge the authority and jurisdiction of Ecclesiasticall censures See Statute 6 anno 7 Jacobi who shall take the oath of obedience to the King and by whom it shall be ministred and within what time If any married woman being lawfully convict as a popish Recusant for not coming to Church shall not within three moneths after such conviction conform her self and repair to Church and receive the Sacrament according to Law then shall shee be committed to prison by one of the Kings Privy Councell if she be a Baroness or if she be under that degree by two of the Justices of the peace of the County whereof one of the Quorum without Bail or Mainprise untill she conform her self to come to Church and receive the Sacrament unlesse the Husband shall pay to the King ten pounds a moneth or the third part of his Lands and Tenements so long as the Wife remaining out of prison shall continue a convicted Recusant during which time and no longer she shall have her liberty If the giving of the temporall powers cognizance of crimes meerly spirituall Annot. be objected to Edw. 6. Queen Elizabeth and King James I think no man will undertake to answer for all things done by men yet thus much may be answered that it was no new thing for the Statute of 2 H. 5. cap. 7. gives Justices of peace and Justices of assise full power and authority to enquire of these who hold Errors Heresies and Lollardy and of their maintainers and that the Sheriff and other Officers may arrest and apprehend Anno 1. Sess 2. cap. 2. them and that this was done by Queen Mary See Mary Of King James AS there was never any Prince who had a more clear and undoubted King James his Title and Reception right and title to the English Diadem then King James for besides that he was Heir to both Houses of York and Lancaster as is most truly acknowledged by both Houses of Parliament Anno 1. cap. 1. Jac. he was derived by a long descent of Royall Ancestors from Malcolm Conmor or Cammore King of the Scots and the Lady Margaret being the name of her from whom the united Title of both Houses of York and Lancaster descended upon him Sister and sole Heir of Edgar Atheling Son and Heir of Edward eldest son of Edmond surnamed Ironside so that all titles as well of right of blood as of conquest might so truly be ultimately resolved into him that in the whole world no just exception could be taken against them so never was any Prince received with so little opposition and contradiction by all sorts of his Subjects both in England and Ireland where all those long rebellions and commotions did expire with Queen Elizabeth and in both Kingdomes all became so pacate and calme that during all his Reign in neither Nation was any sword drawn in opposition to him There was such havock made in the Reign of H. 8. Ed. 6. of all Church His care of the Church Lands upon pretence forsooth of Reformation that to stay it there was a Law made in the first of Queen Eliz. cap. 19. that all Gifts Grants Feofments Fines and other Conveyances made by any Arch-bishop or Bishop of any Honours Castles Manors Lands Tenements or other Hereditaments being parcell of the possession of his Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick or united or appertaining or belonging to any of the same to any person other then the Queen her Heirs and Successors whereby any Estate should or might pass from the Arch-bishop or Bishop other then for the term of 21 years or three lives reserving the old Rent or more shall be utterly void Cambden Eliz. Reg. pag. 36. takes notice of the great abuse made by the Courtiers of that clause or exception of the Queen c. And indeed William of Burley had by the Queens permission so gelt the Bishoprick of Ely by virtue of this clause that it lay void above twenty years before any man of abilities or honesty would take it so pol'd and maimed although some were conunitted to prison for refusing of it But King James as his first and chiefest care by an Act of Parliament in the first year of his Reign cap. 3. made a Law that all assurances afterward made to the King of any of the Lands of Arch-Bishops or Bishops should be void so that the rapine and prey made upon the Church was first restrained totally by him King James was not only a devout observor of the Government Rites His care of Religion and Ceremonies of the Church of England but made it one of his chiefest cares to have brought an Uniformity as well in Scotland as in England and proceeded so far as to settle Episcopacy among them naming thirteen new Bishops for so many Episcopall Sees as had been anciently in that Church three of which received consecration from the Bishops of England and conferred it on the rest of their Brethren at their comming home Which Bishops he armed also with the power of an High Commission the better to keep down the insolent and domineering spirit of the Presbyterians In order to the other he procured an Act to be passed in the Assembly at Aberdeen 1616. for composing a Liturgy and extracting a new book of Canons out of the scattered Acts of their old Assemblies At the Assembly held at Perth anno 1618. he obtained an Order for the receiving the Communion kneeling for the administring Baptisme and the Lords Supper in private houses in cases of extreme necessity for Episcopall confirmation and finally for the celebrating the Anniversaries of our Saviours birth his Passion Resurrection and Ascension and the coming down of the Holy Ghost all which he got confirmed in the following Parliament So far did this wise King advance the work of Uniformity before his engaging in the cause of the Palatinate his breach with Spain and the warre which issued thereupon did divert his thoughts To his peacefull disposition and his care of the Church and Religion His great learning and clemency in the next place may be truly added his great abilities in learning so far transcending not only the Kings of the present age his contemporaries but all his predecessors and surely scarcely to be paralled by any of his time as his many learned works testifie To these other virtues may be added a mind no wayes vindicative although sometimes transported with present passion yet of some small continuance that in person or estate he was never noted to punish any man rashly or extrajudicially And although he was no great lover
are the English and Scottish And also since the corruption of the best thing is worst it will not be amiss before we conclude this Chapter and Book to discourse this Probleme whether upon all occasions it be the only and necessary way to cure all distempers of State by a full convention in Parliament according to the usuall constitution And first we will see what may be said for it That the passing of Lawes in Parliament where the major part of the Object 1 Freeholders are represented creates and begets a right understanding between the King and his Subjects that it is not the intention of the Prince to alter the old Lawes and introduce new ones to their prejudice To this I subscribe That when Lawes are so passed it confirmes and strengthens the Prince both by the person and purse of his Subjects in any designe he shall undertake because the representatives of the Freeholders consent unto it To this I subscribe That Parliaments have been of that antiquity and the Nation so habituated to them that it will never long be governed peaceably without them To this I subscribe That the grievances of the Nation can never be so well represented and redressed as in Parliament where the major part of the Freeholders are represented To this I subscribe That men will lesse dare to abuse their Prince or Country by any sinister or indirect means when Parliaments are frequent and free To this I subscribe The frequent use of Parliaments takes away all strangenesse between the King and his Subjects and begets a confidence and right understanding between them To this I subscribe That since it is necessary that every Prince in governing must necessarily ultimately resolve his confidence into something besides the Lawes to which upon all occasions he may betake himself for the Execution and defence of himself and Subjects and this must be by a constant Army in pay of his Subjects according to the institution of the Roman Legions or out of a diffidence of his own Subjects or from some reason of state trust the protection of his Person and Lawes into the hands of Foreigners as did the Kings of Aegypt before Sclymus conquered them or as the King of France now does in the hands of Switz and Scots or he must betake himself to the protection of a mercinary Army made up of his Subjects and Foreiners as the Turks Janizaries and Spahi are or establish his security and refuge up-the affection of his subjects and intrust them with the Militia in such manner as hath beene used heretofore in England and that this agrees better with the nature and constitution of English-men then any of the other as being established as well by common-Law as many Acts of Parliament To this I subscribe To these may be added that Tacitus in the life of Agricola makes it one great cause of the Romans conquering our Ancestors That they consulted not in common Nec aliud adversus validissimas Gentes pro nobis utilius quam quod in commune non consultant Rarus ad Propulsandum commune periculum conventus It a dum singuli pugnant aniversi vincuntur Quaere Yet quaere whether Rising-Chase in Norfolke and old Sarum in Wilts where are no Inhabitants but a few meane Tenants sending twice the numbers to the Parliament with the county of Yorke and whether the County and City of Durham sending none at all and whether Cornwall's sending ten times as many as either Warwick-shire or Leicestershire and yet eyther of them bigger and far more rich Counties Or whether Cities and Boroughs not only sending a like number of Citizens and Burgesses with the County having alike Vote with them of the County be an equall representative of the Freeholders Or whether the waies used in the Elections doe not animate the Electors and those that stand in Competition against one another and that to such a height That many of the Electors and those who stand are never after reconciled Answer It is true indeed that if God had determined all things in this inferior Orbe without any variation and that this thing were alwaies to be attained only by some one means that this in governing were by councell in Parliament then could there be neither reason or discourse upon variation and alteration of things and no difference betweene the wisest of Princes and the most foolish but this is so far from truth that there is nothing sublunary not only variable but doth vary every moment neither is there any thing in Reason Physick or State alike to all men nay in all of them the same thing may be at one time good and profitable at another time bad and hurtfull What man sees not that in health nature is not repaired by any man without a proportionable measure of diet which when he is indisposed may surcharge nature to the overthrow of it in him Strong physick may be proper to a man at one time and kill him at another Parliaments although ordinarily are the Kings surest refuge yet by how much they are more excellent by so much the worse are they corrupted Times are and will be bad when they are not made so by any cause in the Prince and so bad that in such conjuncture it may prove the utmost evill if the Houses or eyther of them shall assume the title of Parliament or give head to such Factions and distempers And no question when the Scots invaded England in 1640 it was unsafe Councell that advised the King to summon a Parliament and worst of all to convene it at London as things then stood For that saying of Tacitus it is rather Rhetoricall and makes against the Antiquity of Parliaments then any way proves necessity of them upon all occasions unless he could make consulere and pugnare the same thing nor could Agricola ever have obteined such victory against our Ancestors if he had fought with no more then had councelled him Epilogue WHen I looke back and consider the unstable condition of mankinde especially among Islanders and that often times the fate of good religious and just men is in this World more calamitous then of bad and vicious men I did then conclude with my self that Religion Justice and Piety cannot of themselves procure peace and society to mankind nay what is yet more lamentable that first sublunary cause from whence all Subjects derive and expect their protection is more subject to calamity then the condition of the meanest of mortall men Let a man take a survey of all the Kings in Britain since there were any Records of time and see whether neer one halfe of them did attain a naturall death nor is this confined within the Seas which encompass our Isle or a new thing in other parts of the world for Adgenerum Cereris sine caede sanguine pauci Juvenal Sat. 10. Descendunt Reges I shall therefore before I conclude endeavour to shew whether any peace and happinesse may be reasonably
not truly have ever made use of any thing in his writings to their advantage certainly therefore in his writings he was no seditious man but it may be our reverend Historian though blinde yet sees more then any body else It is true indeede that he lived in disfavour with two Kings yet as it becomes not subjects to dispute the actions of Prince so is no man therefore to be censured because in disfavour often times the best of Princes have not things and men truly represented to them This I am sure of having so powerfull opponents at Court if any crime much lesse then that of sedition could have been found against him it would have beene improved to the utmost advantage nor did he neglect to be reconciled to his chiefest adversary and to that purpose married his youngest daughter to his brother being in person and fortune little inferior to any Subject of her time which did him no good Othermen though little versed in the things they lay to his charge doesay in the generall That in his writings he was no friend to eyther King or Church This is so generall a charge as no particular answere can be given to it yet thus much may be said that being a Lawyer by profession I hope it is not to be a crime in any Subject much lesse in him to be a lover and honourer of the Lawes but being a Subject and no Legislator and commenting upon the Laws he must comment upon the Lawes as they were made hee could not make them better nor worse if Lawes made were derogatory to eyther Crowne or Church it was the vice of the times and no fault of his Yet I have often heard that hee was the first Grantor and a great favourer of Prohibitions to the utter ruine of all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction How unjust the first charge is there is no man any way versed in our Lawes but must needs understand and for the latter if any one can shew wherein he so far favored them that he ever granted any not warrantable by the Law and they say somthing For his care of the Church it sufficiently appeareth in his endeavoring the passing of a Law that every Patron should be sworn as well as the incumbent against Simony and also that Patron who should Symonically promote any Clerke should not only forfeit that avoydance but the advowson to the King as also when upon pretence of concealement the Deane and Chapters Lands of Northwich were begged of the King he did not only freely proffer the Chapter to have defended their cause in person though then very aged but stated it and gave it them in writing to be kept for the future in case any after that pretence might be made which was preserved by the Deane and Chapter among their Archives untill the generall deluge of our late dissention swallowed up this among their other things and so gratefull an acknowledgment did the Society make that upon his next Progresse into Norfolke they desired that he would lay his bones in that Cathedrall whose right he had so defended So devout a Son he was of the Church of England in the observation of the Rites and Liturgy thereof that I am confident that in neere forty yeers before his death if sicknesse or publick imployment or somthing extraordidinardy not divert him scarce one day passed wherein he was not twice a devout assistant in the offering up of the publique Service of the Church nor was he lesse severe to himselfe in his person then just to his publick imployments being never so much as suspected of any notorious or scandalous vice These virtues and his learned labours wherein he has as well deserved of his Country as any man before him shall erect him a monument of same to posterity when as the malice and ignorance of his adversaries shall be forgotten For mine owne part it is true that I have ultimately resolved my subjection as a man and my faith as a Christian into two principles the one into the Law of Nature the other into the Scriptures Dominium fundatur in natura at no time or place did ever men live out of Society and Dominion is necessary to Society but faith is divinely revealed in the Scripture and this hapned in succession of time neyther is it yet received by neer one tenth part of mankinde nor will I ever hope to mend what God hath made It is therefore an idle thing to object Imperium in Imperio against it neyther is the objection to any purpose or understood by the objectors for it is the same God which hath engraven lawes of Nature in the mindes of men and who hath divinely revealed himselfe in the Scriptures not is there any thing in either which is repugnant on contrary but rather the one doth confirme and support the other there is no better plea for mens subjection to eyther Kings Fathers or Masters then is contained in the Scriptures nor doth Christianity any waies repugne the Regality of Princes but it is as entire over the persons of all men in all Cases as where men are not Christian Were not those the best Christians who in the primitive times lived under heathen Emperors and persecutors without any civil disturbance on their parts and cannot Christians be as good under Christian Kings or is the case of Kings worse for their being Christian Let any one shew me any thing in all the Scriptures which doth countenance sedition and I will abjure my Christianity yet I will shew him almost infinite places which without all contradiction commands obedience to higher Powers They are therefore Wolves in Sheeps clothing who abuse that ghostly Power left us by our Saviour for the benefit of mans salvation into licentiousness against their temporall obedience due as well by the Law of Nature as those by divine positive institution as if men being qualified to perform the acts of Ghostly power were free from naturall subjection which as Priests they ought to preach as Gods Ordinance R. 13. deserve rather to persecuted to death then obeyed when they do so and by consequence Master Hobbs understands not himself when hee makes his convenient argument against Christianity upon supposition Cap. 6. Art 11. de cive that if one man may command the same thing upon the penalty of temporall death and another forbid it upon pain of eternall the whole structure of his civitas might be dissolved which is no great matter if it were But I pray what doe those men doe which resolve all subjection into the civitas and the civitas into the civil part and the civil part into the wills of men into do or dedi and not dabo or faciam which make the Lawes of Nature voluntary and depending upon the wills of men which make this civitas made by the wills of men superiour to the Law of Nature and impossible to command any thing contrary to it and yet as ridiculously as blaspemously make tyranny
a rational Ground is necessary to humane Action Observ WHat our Author means by Rationality I do not understand nor I beleeve he neither for reason must presuppose something before any mans Reason can operate and this thing granted must be superior to Reason and the Reason of the Inference Conclusion or discourse Author And page 180. our Author saies God has no irrational or dead title over his Creatures Observ True but though God has no irrational title over his Creatures yet cannot God have a rational or derived title over his Creatures For if it be rational or derived then would I know from whom is it derived If it be absolute and underived then how can it be rational or what can be the reason of it Author Well but our Author saies As he has none in himself so likewise has he not given any to those he hath put in Authority Observ And I say that if Authority be originally in God from whence it must be derived then cannot it be an artificial or invented thing by our Author or any body else And indeed I must confess to our Author that I can never hope for a rational belief of ever understanding any one Proposition in this Third Ground nor tell how to deduce one Proposition from it I shall therefore observe nothing more upon it then that this whole Chapter is a general Canting The Fourth GROUND Of the vertue of Obedience and wherein it consists Author OUt of this we may easily understand what Nature intends by the vertue of Obedience If any ingenuous man understands one Proposition out of it I will submit and what are the limits and laws of it For it is plain that the immediate end is that our works and all that concern us may be well done even to those things wherein our selves have no skill or not enough and the more remote end to be atchieved by this is that our life may be good and happy and the end of nature arrived at by us Observ Wisely spoke Lucullus It were worth an enquiring whether this be a definition notion or proposition But whether it be sence or nonsence our Author saies it is easie to be understood not what Obedience is but what the Laws and limits of it are And then takes leave both of the Laws and limits of it and saies it is plain that the immediate end is that our works all that concerns us may be well done even to those things wherein our selves have no skill or not enough and the more remote end to be atcheived by this is that our life may be good and happy and the end of Nature arived at by us So here are three ends and all plain viz. the Immediate end the more Remote end and the end of Nature but where the easie to-be-understood Laws and limits of Obedience are or which of the three ends is the plain and immediate end of it and yet we our selves to have no skill in those things it concerns is sure an easie to be understood plain and immediate end only to our Author and no rational or intellectual creature beside What would our Author have I cannot tell Now because aswell in Theologie as in Geometry Physick Philosophy and in all Arts and Sciences whatsoever there must be quaedam postulata some Axiomes and Principles given which must be so plain and perspicuous that no exception can be taken against them and these Aristotle calls Indemonstrable Propositions for if there be any so much as equivocation in any of them the Conclusions and Inferences from them must be infinitely more uncertain And because that Definitio est exclusio aequivoci before we proceed let us define what obedience is Obedience then is the conformation of ones will to the rules precepts of his superior As when a Creature conforms his will to the rules and precepts of God or when a subject conforms his will to the Law of his Soveraign or when a Son conformes his will to his Fathers Commands This is Obedience and he that does not obey sins Author Well our Author goes on and tells us The Conditions are three First That the matter of the action be such as our selves are not sufficiently skilful in and yet Ground first he says The perfection of Government is to make the obeyer understand Secondly That our Commander be a Master in that Art Observ Now how can I tell whether my Commander be skilful in what I do not understand Object Why he tells you in the precedent Ground That I must trust my Lawyer and my Physitian though I be neither Answ True but I am not bound to this Lawyer or that Physitian but in case of subjection I am bound only to my Prince Nor do I sin if I follow not the advice of either which I do in not obeying my Superior Author Thirdly That he be an Honorable person in whom we deal Observ Our Author no doubt is a wise Fellow and likely hopes that he or his Patron may be this Honorable person when this Fustian shall be acted Now here let any man see if any thing may be collected out of this mystical nonsense or what follows hereon in the two next subsequent pages whether our Author does not make Obedience to consist on the Obligors part in conformity to a delegate and subordinate power of their own making As if I give my Servant power to receive my Rents or my Bailiff power to oversee and order my grounds which my Servant and Bailiff do that then I obey my Servant and Bailiff Well therefore may our Author say that it is a fallacious principle to maintain Obedience to be a principal vertue Pag. 22. since he understands no better Why then I will tell our Author that at worst 't is better then the Sacrifice of Fools and therefore better then any thing he can say or do without it But how mean a thing soever he makes Obedience here yet he rarely keeps long in a mind to any thing for pag. 98. he says We know by consequence Ground 12. how excellent a vertue this act of Obedience is having a motive of so great a price and high elevation above other ordinary employments which reach no farther then to his private good And then most senselesly he confounds the offices of Command and Obedience and as absurdly prefers the obedience of the Commander because it is not commanded or limited before the idiotical good of the Subject observing the same method in Obedience as he does in his Laws sometimes they are the Peoples Laws which restrain their Supreme Trustee or Governor otherwhile they are the Trustees Laws who may with our Authors licence at other times do what he list Such plain certain and easie to be understood things are our Authors Laws and Obedience Observ But oh our Authors Will is such a thing as you know who rage and are most confident that by no means he will part with it 'T is all a
same Wills with their Ancestors Whether the Ten Tribes did not rebel in giving up their Wills to make Jeroboam King though neither they or their ancestors ever made Rehoboam Solomon or David King by giving up their Wills Whether the King or Civitas claiming all right and power from the Multitude and every one of the Multitude claiming all right and power from the King or Civitas be not Idem per idem And let any man judge whether there be any thing more unreasonable then this mans Dictamen rectae Rationis OBSERVATIONS ON HVGO GROTIVS De Jure Belli Pacis LEt us see whether Grotius his Fabrick built upon this Popular foundation be not as absurd and monstrous as either our Author 's or Mr. Hobbs's and adde him to these two and see whether these Three be in Harmonical proportion But before we proceed we will take some direction from the greatest Light of Nature Aristotle who says All men Metap l. 1. c. 1. naturally desire to know but there is but one way by which men can attain to knowledge viz. That they proceed from things known to find out things less known and from things manifest to find out things more obscure Which is evident Naturaliter constituta est via ab iis quae sunt nobis notiora clariora ad ea Phys lib. 1. tit 2 3. quae sunt clariora notiora naturâ Non enim eadem sunt nobis nota simpliciter quare necesse est hoc modo progredi nimirum ex iis quae naturâ quidem sunt obscuriora nobis tamen sunt clariora ad ea quae sunt notiora clariora naturâ Ea verò sunt nobis primum perspicua manifesta quae sunt magis confusa Idcirco ab universalibus ad singularia progredi oportet totum enim secundum sensum notius est universale autem est totum quiddam Well Grotius says In the beginning of Mankind Community was another Mare Lib. c. 5. p 34. thing then what Dominion now is For now Dominium signifies something proper which thing to wit is so one mans as it is not anothers in the same manner We call that thing Common whose propriety is collated amongst many by a certain consort or consent excluding other men Linguarum paupertas coegit voces easdem in re non eadem usurpare The poverty of Tongues hath forced men to use the same words in a thing not the same The Community which then was was nothing else but what was simply opposed to Property But in his Preface to this Book De Jure Belli Pacis para 3. lib. 1. cap. 1. He shall not need to complain that the poverty of Tongues compells him to use the same words in a thing not the same For he himself useth things not the same viz. Communitas Societas in the same word viz. Communitas Observ Now that Community and Society is not the same thing There is not nor ever was since the beginning of the world any Family where men did not live in Society but in no Family did men ever live in Community Nor did ever men desire such a Community as he here and before in his Mare Lib. speaks of Nor can Mankind subsist in such a Community and Lib. 1. cap. 1. para 3. Lib 2. cap. 2. para 2. so he himself confesses And Man may be therefore not improperly said to be a reasonable creature because he does not love and affect another because he is of the same kind with himself as other creatures who live in companies do but chooses his society as his Reason or conversation leads him But this Community he says which Man desires is not of whatsoever Community but of peaceable and ordained for the manner of his understanding with them who are of his own kind which Community the Stoicks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Observ Does any Creature that lives in flocks and herds not desire the community of its own kind and therefore Hogs Deer and Goats keep in herds and Sheep in flocks Or does any man think that Grotius could ever imagine that his Countrimen did desire Society or Community with other Nations for their Understanding or Profit If they desire this Society or Community for Profit then are they out of Grotius his first Principle proper to Man and for ought I can understand as very Beasts as any who desire to live in Community But Cynthius aurem vellit For says he Quod ergo dicitur natura quodque animal ad suas tantum utilitates ferri ita universe sumptum concedi non debet What thing therefore is called Nature and that every Creature is carried only to their profits ought not to be granted so universally taken For even some of other living Creatures the study of their profit partly in respect of their young ones partly in respect of others of like kind with themselves aliquatenus temperant Observ Is not here a Principle well defined What so much as Equivocation can be taken against this or the other Principle of Men and Beasts or indeed what Man or Beast does understand any thing clearly from either of them How does this man take Aristotles one onely way to attain to knowledge viz. from known and manifest things to find out things less known and more obscure whenas his very Principles are so obscure and equivocal as either they are not to be understood or may signifie one thing as well as another Nay let any man see if he makes not his Countrimen generally verier Beasts then many other for they have no respect of others of like kind with themselves but only study their own profit * Grotius Which thing we believe in them does proceed from some outward understanding principle Ex principio aliquo intelligente extrinseco Observ Has he not now well mended the matter thus by a new term I believe never before heard of nor for ought I understand to be understood to explane a thing obscure by a term more obscure But the matter in controversie is not from what Principle Beasts desire Society but whether they desire Society or not When he is got loose from these Principles he then saies But this Grotius keeping of society which in a rude manner we have expressed convenient to humane intellect is the fountain of that right or law ejus juris which is properly so called by which abstinence from what is anothers obligation to perform promises reparation for wrong done c. do appertain Observ But sure the Man does much forget himself for in this Community he here speaks of there can be no meum or tuum and therefore no alienum and by consequence no alieni abstinentia nor can any Man perform any promise who can have nothing wherewith to perform nor make reparation for wrong when he can neither do any nor has any thing to repair it withall Then he tells us From this signification of
but our Saviour Patriarchs and Kings were the Lords anointed Nor is Gods anointed peculiar to them not the material anointing and the receiving and believing Gods revelation of him-self in the Scriptures is essential to the making of Gods anointed here but all rightful Kings are so whether they be materially anointed or believe Gods revelation of himself in the Scriptures or not For not only Cyrus was not Isa 45. 1. materially anointed and an unbeliever yet Gods anointed but Nabuchadnezzar also a cruel persecutor and destroyer of Gods people But Lam. 4. 20. God calls them Mortal Gods too Psal 82. 6. And is it not strange that our Saviour should say No power can be but from above data desuper and that Joh. 19. 11. Men should be so impudent as to affirm that there is no power unless data de subter and that against all sense and reason as well as faith For it is impossible that any Power should be superior to the cause of its being or that any thing should give that to another which it self hath not How then can an imaginary rout of Men give a power of life and death and of creating property which not any of them nor all of them together have to another 3. Humane Laws being the accidents or effects of Regal Power they Regal power not made by Humane laws cannot be superior to give or create a being to the cause Regal Power therefore cannot be made or created by Humane Laws 4. That in Regality as well as in Subjects estates jus proprietatis The possession or exercise of Regality does not create Regal power possessionis have been divided and Regal power usurped and exercised by them who had no right thereunto is not only testified by infinite Authorities out of prophane History but also many times in Sacred Writ as in the cases of Absolom Adonijah Athaliah c. It is true indeed that there is no visible power under Heaven but only Mens Consciences that can judge between an Usurper and a rightful Prince Yet ought men principally to have a care how they offend herein for God no where denounces a more dreadful sentence nor shewed a more terrible judgement then upon such Rom. 13. Men Num. 16. And if in Regality possession alone did create a just title then were summa injuria summa justitia it being no question the highest injury to invade the highest authority or dominion of another 5. If possession conjoyned with the submission and acknowledgement Possession with the Subjects acknowledgment and submission does not create Regal power of the Subjects did create regal power or right of command which Kings have over their Subjects then were the dominion of Theeves and Pirates where others submit to them just and Jeroboams title good to the kingdom of the Ten Tribes nor the Children of Israel Rebels but true Subjects after they had quietly submitted themselves to Jeroboam But this is false for God does denounce them Rebels to the house of David unto this day 1 Kings 12. 19. And Jeroboam himself a Rebel after he was quietly 1 King 12. 19. possessed and acknowledged by the Ten Tribes 2 Chron. 13. 6. It is a very remarkable thing that the Subjects of this Nation although Annot. pretending to be Christians have against all rules of Christian Faith placed all power in Government to be from the people and their obligation to it to be from their own submission to it and have by their often forswearing themselves to this and that Government not only habituated themselves into a belief that there is no such thing as right or power in Government but only possession but also taken away all Religion and Obligation of an Oath in things lawful and indifferent God no doubt permitting it that they who would not stand and be protected by his ordinance and institution should fall into all infidelity and perjury and never be true to any thing they sweare to and set up instead of it 6. If the Law of God or Nature did create Regal Power by the acknowledgement The Law of God or Nature does not create Regal power by the submission or any act of the Subject or submission of Men thereunto or that Subjects were the essential instruments by which Regal Power was originally created and yet is continued in the world then were not Men only free from Regal or Higher Powers before they did submit thereunto but also free to make whom they would their Prince and so by consequence there can be no such thing as Hereditary Monarchy in the world which for many Hundred nay Thousand years where God was not pleased to reign himself immediately over his peculiar people was in the old time the only Government in the world For above 3000 years after the Creation was neither Aristocracy Democracy or Elective Monarchy ever heard of in the world and yet Hereditary Monarchy is in above 19 of 20 parts in the world the only Government Nor would any Government that ever was or is in the world grant this liberty to any one born in their dominion but upon resisting it or renouncing it whether he ever submitted to it or not proceed against him not as an Enemy but as a Rebel and Traitor To suppose therefore that Subjects acknowledgment and submission is previous the essential means by which God does create Regal or Higher Powers is upon the matter to give the Lye to all the Powers and Governments that are or ever were in the world 7. None of these things therefore but some higher cause must create Regal power and that Regal Power is the Ordinance of God the Apostle Regal Power is the Ordinance of God and created by the Law of Nature saies expresly where he saies Rom. 13 that he which resisteth the Higher or Regal power resisteth the Ordinance of God And that this is not Gods Ordinance only to them who receive and believe his revelation of himself in the Scriptures is evident by his ordaining of Hazael Cyrus Nabuchadnezer c. and to put all out of question the Apostle here calls Higher or Regal Power Gods Ordinance and at that time whenas there was no King in the world which did receive the Scriptures for the revealed word of God Besides Kings reign by God c. Pro. 8. 5. and that Kings reign by God not only where he is believed as having extraordinarily revealed himself in the Scriptures Job in the state of nature long before the Job 3. 6 7. Moral Law was given by Moses saies Reges in solio collocat in aeternum Regal power therefore is Gods Ordinance and from the Law of Nature 8. Regal power being Gods Ordinance and created by the Law of Adam had Dominion over all Creatures and not as Father Husband or Master of a Family Nature there was never any time wherein Men were borne out of subjection to it not but that the Laws of Nature
are often violated by Men and that God created Adam an universal Monarch or King over all his other Creatures is clearly said Gen. 1. 27 28. And God created man in his own image in the image of God created he him male and female created he them And God blessed them and God said unto them Be fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth and subdue it and have dominion over the fish of the sea and over the fowl of the air and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth And that this supreme power was given to Adam not as Father Husband or Master of a Family is manifest for he was neither Father Husband nor Master of a Family there being no Man or Woman in the world at that time 9. The Scripture does not only command Wives to be subject Adam had Dominion over Eve and not as Husband only to their Husbands but the Apostle gives reasons wherefore viz. That the man is not of the woman but the woman of the man Neither was the man created for the woman but the woman for the man 1. Cor. 11 8 9. Nor does he prove this subjection to be only due from the end of the womans creation and her being a part of Man but from Mans being first created and to whom God had first given Dominion over all Creatures before the Woman was made 1 Tim. 2. 13. 10. Although God gave to Adam only of Dominion over all Creatures yet was it not intended that he alone should so enjoy that his Dominion Adam had Dominion over his Children and not as Father only that others of his own kind should be wholly deprived of the use and benefit of them without which they could not possibly subsist When therefore that Cain and Abel were born although the Dominion of all the Creatures continued still in Adam yet had Cain and Abel property in the Fruit of the Ground and of Sheep But this property could not be given Gen. 4. 3. 4. to them by Adam as Father for the Fathers power arising from generation and the person being only generated the Fathers power extends no further The property therefore that Cain and Abel had in the Fruits of the Ground and Cattel was given them by Adam as King or Monarch 11. Not only the Scriptures and all Writers many times express different The state of Man before the flood and after Adams death was not Anarchy but in Society and under Monarchy Hereditary Gen. 23. 6. things equivocally by one word but also the same thing equivocally in different words As a Chief Governor is often called not only King but Prince Duke Sultan Pharoah Ptolomy Cham c. Paterfamilias signifies the Master of a Family whether he hath a son or daughter in it or not Our Saviour as the highest attribute of power begins the Lords prayer with Our Father So the Scriptures by Patriarch Prince and King understand the same thing The Patriarch Abraham is called a Prince of God or a mighty Prince A Prince sure he was that could give battel and overthrow four Kings at once Gen. 26. 16. And the King and Prince David is called by S. Peter the Patriarch David Act. 2. 29. And Patriarchs as well as Kings are called Christi Domini And that the Patriarchs mentioned in Gen. 5. were not only men endued with the ordinary power of Parents but Princes in their generations is manifest otherwise it had been a vain thing for the Scripture to have mentioned a Genealogie of the Patriarchs from Seth to Noah if every Father had had the same power with them Besides Cain who was elder then Seth had a wife and children yet was none of Gen. 4. 17. the Patriarchs and the reason was because God for the murder of his Gen. 5. 12. brother Abel made him a vagabond and fugitive upon the earth And as this Patriarchal or Regal power was with the Patriarchs before the Flood so was it hereditary where God did not interpose For from Seth to Noah only the First-born had it or are mentioned for Patriarchs in Scripture God no doubt by this great example teaching men that where he does not interpose this Patriarchal or Regal power is hereditary and descends only to the Eldest Son and Heir General 12. If as Grotius affirmeth the state of Man had been Jure naturali in The state of Man immediatly after the flood was not Anarchy but Society by the testimony of Scripture a parity or promiscuous condition immediately after the Flood and that this Jus naturale be immutable by God himself and that this Dominion which is now in use the will of Man brought in and that not the will of the party commanding but in subjection It had been a very vain curse in Noah or rather of God by Noah to have cursed Chanaan and made him a servant of servants to his brethren or that God should bless both Sem and Japheth and make Chanaan a servant to them both And let a man see the generations of Sem Ham and Japheth where the Grandchildren of Japheth by Javan divided the Isles of the Gentiles not in a promiscuous condition but Gen. 10. 5. after their tongue kindred and in their nation And so Nimrod the Grandchild of Ham by Chus became a mighty Hunter in the earth c. And the beginning of his Kingdom was Babel Erech Acad and Calneth in the land of Sinar There is great division among Writers about Nimrod whether he were the same with Belus and Ninus or not And as the posterity of Japheth did not inhabit the earth in a parity and equal condition so did not the posterity of Ham but in their kindreds tongues countries and nations Verse 20. And so did the posterity of Sem v. 31. And Gen. 11. gives the genealogie of Sem to Abram which came to pass in less then three hundred years after the Flood And in Abrahams time Pharaoh ruled in Egypt cap. 12. and Amraphel was King of Sinar Arioch King of Elazar Chodorlaomer King of Elam and Thidal King of the Nations and Bera King of Sodom Birsa Gen. 14. 1 2 3. King of Gomorrha Sinab King of Adma Semeber King of Seboiim and the King of Bela. There is no reason that I understand why men should affirm Nimrod to be Annot. the first Monarch after the Flood from Gen. 10. 8. He began to be a mighty one upon the earth and that the beginning of his kingdom was Babel Erech Accad and Calneth Which proves it no more then if a man should say That David was a mighty one upon the earth and the beginning of his kingdom was Judah and Jerusalem that therefore there was never any King before him 13. We begin with Diodorus Siculus who after that in the first Part The state of Man most antiently was never Anarchy but Monarchy by the authority of the most antient of Vulgar Histories of his first Book