terra cujus Rex est Puer But here Sir there is exception of further consequence against them That they were not borne in lawfull Marriage the King having than another Wife living Dame Elizabeth Butler Besides the great dishonour and reproach he received by disparaging his Royall bloud with a woman so far unmeet for his bed These Considerations have resolutely turned all their eyes and Election towards your Grace as only worthy of it by your singular vertues and that interest in the Crownes of England and of France with the Rights and Titles by the high Authority of Parliament entailed to the Royall bloud and issue of Richard Duke of Yorke whose lawfull begotten Sonne and heire you are which by a just course of inheritance and the Common Lawes of this Land is divolv'd and come to you And unwilling that any inferiour Bloud should have the Dominion of this Land are fully determined to make your Grace King to which with all willingnesse and alacrity the Lords and people of the Northerne parts concurre And the Maior Aldermen and Commons of this City of London have all allowed and gladly embraced this generall Choice of your Grace and are come hither to beseech you to accept their just Election of which they have chosen me their unworthy Advocate and Speaker I must therefore againe crave leave in the behalfe of all to desire your Grace will be pleased in your noble and gracious zeale to the good of this Realme to cast your eyes upon the growing distresses and decay of our Estate and to set your happy hand to the redresse thereof for which we can conceive no abler remedy then by your undertaking the Crowne and Government which we doubt not shall accrew to the laud of God the profit of this Land and your Graces happinesse This speech of the Duke is recorded by Doctor Morton Sir Thomas Moore and other Chronicles and Historians to which the Protector gave this reply MY most noble Lords and my most loving friends and deare Country-men Albeit I must confesse your request most respective and favourable and the points and necessities alledged and urged true and certaine yet for the entire love and reverend respect I owe to my Brother deceased and to his Children my Princely Couzens you must give me leave more to regard mine honour and fame in other Realmes for where the truth and certaine proceedings herein are not knowne it may be thought an ambition in me to seeke what you voluntarily proffer which would charge so deep a reproach and staine upon my honour and sincerity that I would not beare for the worlds Diademe Besides you must not thinke me ignorant for I have well observed it there is more difficulty in the Government of a Kingdome then pleasure especially to that Prince who would use his Authority and Office as he ought I must therefore desire that this and my unfained Protestations may assure you the Crowne was never my ayme nor suits my desire with yours in this yet I shall thinke my selfe much beholding unto you all in this Election of me and that hearty love I find you beare me and here protest that for your sakes it shall be all one whether I be your King or no for I will serve my Nephew faithfully and carefully with my best counsels and endeavours to defend and preserve him and this Kingdome nor shall there want readinesse in me to attempt the recovery of that hereditary right in France which belongs to the Kings of England though of late negligently and unhappily lost There the Protector became silent and thought it not safe in his discretion or policy to open all the disgusts he had of the Soveraignty for that would have been matter of Exprobation of the Barons and toucht too neare the quicke though he had well observed by sundry experiences of the leading times and moderne too the inconstant ebbing and flowing of their dispositions how variable and apt they were to take up any occasion of change pursuing their Kings if once stirr'd so implacably that many times they never left without death or deposing Examples he had in the Raignes of King Edward his Brother and Henry the sixth not long before that in the time of Richard the second and his Grandfather Edward the second more anciently the extreame troubles and distresse of King Iohn and Henry the third all by the Barons being dreadfull warnings and insolent monuments of their haughtinesse and Levitie and this was Altamente repostum with the wise Prince But the Duke of Buckingham thinking the Protector set too slight a consideration upon so great a Concernment and the affection tender'd by himselfe and the Nobilitie and over hearing something he privately spake to the Lord Maior and Recorder tending to his mislike for an Epilogue or close to his former Oration he thus freely addes SIR I must now by the Priviledge of this Imployment and in the behalfe of those and my Countrey adde so much freedome unto my dutie as to tell your Grace It is immoveably resolved by the Barons and people that the Children of King Edward shall not Reigne over them Your Grace hath heard some causes nor need I intimate how these Estates have entred and proceeded so offensively to other men and so dangerously to themselves as is now too late to recall or retire And therefore they have fixt this Election upon you whom they thinke mostable and carefull for their safetie But if neither the generall good the earnest Petitions of the Nobility and Commonalty can move you wee most humbly desire your Answer and leave to Elect some other that may be worthy of the Imperiall Charge in which wee hope wee shall not incurre your displeasure considering the desperate necessitie of our welfare and Kingdome urges it And this is our last Suit and Petition to your Grace The Protector toucht by this round and braving farewell which made him very sensible For as Sir Thomas Moore disertly confesseth the Protector was so much moved with these words that otherwise of likelyhood he would never have inclined to their Suit And saith That when he saw there was no remedy but he must either at that instant take the Crowne or both he and his heires irrecoverably let it passe to another paradventure one that might prove an Enemy to him and his especially if Richmont stept in betwixt whom and this Prince the hatred was equally extreame Therefore it behoved the Protector to Collect himselfe and fixing his Consideration upon the effect of that necessitie they last urged gave this Reply MY most Noble good Lords and most loving and faithfull friends the better sense of your loves and most eminent inconveniencies insinuated by your Noble Speaker hath made me more serious to apprehend the benefit of your proffer and Election And I must confesse in the meditation thereof I find an alteration in my selfe not without some distraction when I consider all the Realme so bent
THE HISTORY of the Life and Reigne of RICHARD The Third Composed in five Bookes By GEO BUCK Esquire Honorandus est qui injuriam non fecit sed qui alios eam facere non patitur duplici Honore dignus est Plato de legibus Lib. 5. Qui non repellit a proximo injuriam si potest tam est in vitio quam ille qui infert D. Ambros. offic Lib. 3. LONDON Printed by W. Wilson and are to be sold by VV. L. H. M. and D. P. 1647. The true Portraiture of Richard Plantagenest of England and of France King Lord of Ireland the third King Richard TO THE FAVOVRABLE ACCEPTANCE Of the Right Honourable PHILIP Earle of Pembrooke and Mountgomery c. Sir HAving collected these papers out of their dust I was bold to hope there might be somthing in them of a better fate if mine obscure pen darken not that too Please your Lordshipp to let your name make them another witnesse of your noblenesse it may redeeme and improve them to a clearer opinion and acknowlegedment of these times in which I am to meet every Critick at his owne weapon who will challenge the Book at the very Title The Malicious and Malevolent with their blotted Coments the Captious Incredulous with their jealous praecisianâ—sines whose inclinations shewes them of envious perplexed natures to looke at other mens actions and memory by the wrong end of the perspective and me thinks I fancy them to our shaddowes which at noone creepe behind like Dwarfes atevening stalke by like Gyants they will haunte the noblest merits and endeavors to their Sun-set then they monster it but to the Common-rout they are another kind of Genius or ignis fatuus leades them into darke strange wanderings there they stick for to perswade the opinionated vulgar out of their ignorant selves is of as high a beliefe to me as to transpeciate a Beast into a man I therefore shall crave favour to protest these papers beyond their Censure and humour But to those they are wished I hope their weak accesses may be the more pardonable since they are the kindlings and scintillations of a modest Ambition to truth and gratitude which gives me the encouragement to assure your Lordship that if mine Authors be sincere and faithfull my penis free and innocent having learned that a story as it ought must be a just perspicuous Narration of things memorable spoken and don The Historiographer veritable free from all Prosopolepsyes or partiall respects and surely his pen should tast with a great deal of Conscience for there is nothing leaves so an infected a sting or scandall as History it rankles to all posterity wounds our good names to all memory places by an Authentick kind of preiudice I am with his opinion in his excellent Religio Medici who holds it an offence to Charity and as bloody a thought one way as Nero's in another My Lord under these humble addresses this sues to your honoured hand Presented by the unfained wishes of your Honours avowed and humble Servant GEO BUCK The ARGUMENT and CONTENTS of the First Booke The Linage Family Birth Education and Tirociny of King Richard the third THe Royall house of Plantagenest and the beginning of that name What Sobriquets were The antiquity of Sirnames Richard is created Duke of Gloucester his marriage and his issue His martiall imployments His Iourney into Scotland and recovery of Barwick The death of King Edward the 4 th The Duke of Gloucester made Lord Protector and soone after King of England by importunate suite of his Barons and of the People as the next true and lawfull heire Henry Teudor Earle of Richmond practiseth against the King He is conveyed into France The Noble Linage of Sir William Herbert his Imployment He is made Earle of Pembrooke King Edward the 4 th first and after King Richard sollicite the Duke of Brittaine and treat with him for the delivery of the young Earle of Richmond his Prisoner The successe of that businesse The quality and title of the Beauforts or Sommersets The Linage and Family of the Earle of Richmond The solemne Coronations of King Richard and of the Queene his wife his first at Westminster the second at Yorke Nobles Knights and Officers made by him Prince Edward his Son invested in the Principallity of Wales and the Oath of Allegeance made to him King Richard demandeth the Tribute of France His Progresse to Yorke His carefull charge given to the Iudges and Magistrates He holdeth a Parliament wherein the marriage of the King his Brother with the Lady Gray is declared and adjudged unlawfull their children to be illegitimate and not capable of the Crowne The Earle of Richmond and divers others attainted of Treason Many good Laws made The K. declared and approved by Parliament to be the only true and lawfull heire of the Crowne The King and Queene dowager are reconciled He hath secret advertisemeÌ„ts of Innovations and practises against him Createth a vice-Constable of England His sundry treaties with Forraigne Princes Doctor Morton corrupteth the Duke of Buckingham who becometh discontent demanding the Earledome of Hereford with the great Constableship of England He taketh Armes is defeated and put to death by marshall Law THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE HISTORY OF RICHARD THE THIRD OF ENGLAND AND OF FRANCE KING AND LORD OF IRELAND RIchard Plantagenet Duke of Glocester and King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland the third of that name was the younger sonne of Sir Richard Plantagenet the fourth Duke of Yorke of that Royall Family and King of England designate by King Henry the sixth and by the most noble Senate and universall Synod of this Kingdome the High Court of Parliament The Mother of this Richard Duke of Glocester was the Lady Cecily Daughter of Sir Ralph de Neville Earle of Westmerland by his wife Ioane de Beaufort the naturall Daughter of Iohn Plantagenet alias de Gaunt Duke of Guiene and Lancaster King of Castile and Leon third Sonne of King Edward the third for in that order this Duke is best accounted because William of Hatfield the second Sonne of King Edward the third dyed in his infancy and this Duke of Yorke and King designate was propagated from two younger sonnes of the same King Edward the third whereby he had both Paternall and Maternall Title to the Crowne of England and France But his better and nearer Title was the Maternall Title or that which came to him by his Mother the Lady Anne de Mortimer the Daughter and heire of Phillippa Plantagenet who was the sole Daughter and heire of Lyonell Plantagenet Duke of Clarence and second Sonne of King Edward the third according to the account and order aforesaid And this Lady Phillip was the Wife of Sir Edmond de Mortimer the great and famous Earle of March and that Duke Richard King designate by his Father Richard Plantagenet Duke of York sirnamed also de Conningsbâ—rrough issued directly and in a
se proprio cerebro omnia concilia habere recondita And to give us yet further character of Bishop Morton Sir Thomas Moore sometimes his Master tels us his best inclinations were swaid to the dangerous positions and rules of pollicie and Doctor Iohn Hird in his metricall History of England brings him in an Ambodexter and observer of fortune one while yorkeizing another while Lancastrizing thus delivering himselfe Si Fortuna meis fauisset partibus olim Et gnato Henrici sexti diadema dedisset Edwardi nunquam venissem regis in aulam Sed quia supremo stetit haec sententia Regi Henrico auferre ac Edwardo reddere sceptrum Tanta mea nunquam lusit dementia mentem Vt sequerer partes regis victi atque sepulti Adversus vivum c. Which may be thought well said by a meere Politician But from a friend it wants something of a Christian for true friendship and piety will owne us in the blackest adversity and silence of the grave as the divine Ariosto hath something neare observed in this elegant Stanza Nessum puo super du chi sia amato Quando felice in sula â—rota si ede Pere ch' haiveri ifiniti amici alato Chi mostran tuti una medessima fede Se poi si cangia in tristo il he'sto stato Volta laturba adulatrice il piede Et quel di cu or ' ama riman ' forte Et ama il suo amico doppola morte No man whilst he was happy ever knew Assuredly of whom he was belov'd For then he hath both feigned friends and true Whose faith seemes both alike till they be prov'd But he is left of all the flattering Crew When from his happy state he is remov'd But he who loves in heart remaines still one And loves his friend when he is dead and gone Doctor Mortons aimes were drawne from other rules which with good Alacrity made him Archbishop and Lord Chancellour of England and put him the next list into a Cardinallship and then he stood on tiptoes by the King according to the Roman Marshalling of states for in the Popes list of ranges and presence his holinesse is the first then the Emperour next a Cardinall then a King and in this Sir Tho. Moore notes the extremity of his pride to abuse his wisdome and piety which otherwise might have kept him and his memory unfullyed in these preferments so much our vices impostumate our fames hypocrisie leaving the scarre but of a deformed cure upon it at best But Doctor Goodwin Bishop of Hereford presents him nearer as it were in his Domesticke nature and reports when Doctor Morton was Archbishop of Canterbury he exacted and exrorted a far greater Summe of money from the Clergy of his Diocesse then was ever before and for his private Commodity which he covetously sought brought certaine Leames or bigger Ditches to his owne grounds about Wisbitch from the River Nine which was before navigable and of much publike use but hath since served for little or none And Iohn Stow saies he was the stirrerup of those great and grieveous taxes which raised the people to Armes and Rebellion These notes of his naturall dispositions stucke like wennes upon the face of his Religion and from that mind where by affections justle Religion and conscience out how hazardous may the Power and Counsell of such be to the inclinations of a wise Prince but this Prelate made his so Canonicall and fitted them to the times and his Mr temper that they deceived not his expectation but brought him home to his ends and to the favor of aprovident wise Prince that he was so the world must justly avow and in all his actions we may see-him of a safe and contracted wisedome governed by a most cautelous spirit as great a husband of those vertues he had as of his Glory not too modest if I be not much mistaken to heare of either of both which he hath left us pious tastes But the most surviving addition of memory is that great example of Majesty and her Sexe Queene Elizabeth who was said to be like this King her Grandfather as well in composition of qualities as favour and lineaments that she was his lively and perfect Image and to use an even hand in the extention of himselfe and his power it must not be denyed how far off soever he was at first after the Crown yeilded to him he was the true proprietary of all the Rights and Titles which carried it or had dependency thereon and to colleague all in a full and perfect strength the Title of Yorke was confirmed to him by marriage of Elizabeth Plantagenet Eldest Daughter of Edward 4 Prince or head of that Family to whom the Title of Lancaster instantly escheated as he was King which before was in controversie or in nubibus or Abeyance as our Lawyers say for no man being a Subject how Capitall and chiefe a Judg or of what judicatory power soever could give a definitive Sentence in any ambiguous cause or Act of the King but the King himself which is an ancient and Authentique paragraph in the Laws of England as learned Judge Bracton affirmeth De Chartis Regijs de factis regum non possunt Iusticiarij disputare nec si disputatio oriatur possunt eam interpretari sed in dubijs obscuriâ— ubi aliqua dictio contineat duos intellectus domini Regis erit expectandâ— interpretatio voluntas c. The reason is given in the Bookes of the Civill and Imperiall Lawes peremptorily quia de principali Iudicio non est disputandum So that Controversie whether the Beauforts or Sommersets were of the House of Lancaster and capable of the Crowne or no could not be determined untill there came a competent Judge a King and King of England who by that vertue and power decreed to himself the Title of Lancaster with all the Royall Apurtenances confirmed by the Pope as proper to him and then the Writers both English and French had some colour to say he was de la ligne de Lancastre caput gentis regalis Princeps familiae Lancastriensis But the Chancellour Morton by a more happy plausible insinuation termed the Marriage an union of Yorke and Lancaster and not improperly nor without a very favourable acceptance to the King at least in the beginning of his Raigne though after as may be observed he thought those attributions but small wyers to hold the weight and consequence of his Crowne nay so slender was his Affiance or rather none at all in his Titles of Yorke and Lancaster much lesse of Sommerset that he seemed tacitly to wave and quit them and stucke to that of his Sword and Conquest For the more publike vote and knowledge whereof there was at his Coronation Proclamations made with these Titles Henricus Rex Angliae jure divino jure humano jure Belli c. which the Barons could not fancy
or attained of any thing Capitall Therefore now their innocence must bee made guilty And in this I say no more then all our Hâ—storians or others say who agree in one opinion that The KING could not take away the lives of Perkin Warbecke and this Earle of Warwicke untill this practise of their escape was layde to them and they made guilty thereof Therefore they were not Traytors before neither was Perkin now to bee thought a Counterfeit but a Prince of the Bloud clayming the Crowne for otherwayes Hee was Perkin of Flanders a base fellow and a most culpable and notorious Traitor then what neede they looke further for a Crime to put him to Death And if Hee were not a Traitor surely it was a Tyranny to make of an Innocent and guiltlesse Man a guilty Folon and by Traines and Acts to forge an offence out of nothing For doubtlesse an Innocent and a true man may seeke freedome and purpose an act of escape also commit in and yet be still an honest Man and a faithfull good subject for nature and reason teacheth and alloweth all men to eschew injuries and oppression Besides this Practise of those young men to escape was found as Pollidor well observeth Crimen Alienum and not Crimen proprium then how much greater was the wrong to take away their lives But however it may bee laid upon them it was nothing but a desire of liberty out of durance in which they were kept for a small or no offence The Civill law holdeth suspition of flight or escape to bee no crime Suspicio fugae quia non solet detrimentum reipublice ad ferre non censetur crimen so ulpian And by the Lawes of England if a Prisoner doe escape who is not imprisoned for Treason or felony but some lesser fault of trespasse according to the old Law of England Escapae non adjudicabitur versus eum qui Commissus est prisonae pro transgressione Escape shall not bee adjudged for Felony or other crime in one who is committed for trespasse For the offence of the escape is made in the common Law to be of the same nature and guilt with the crime whereof the Prisoner is attainted And certainely neither the Earle of Warwicke nor Richard alias Perkin were attainted of Treason or Felony c. before But to close this dispute and tragedy not long after some of the Instruments which betrayed them into this as Walter Blunt Thomas Astwood servants to the Lieutenant of the Tower finished at Tiburn because they should tell no tales And to this succinct relation there can be no better testimony then the hands of those witnesses who have sealed their confession and knowledge with their bloods Men of all conditions and estates all maintaining at the last gaspe that Perkin was the true Duke of Yorke whose Affirmations I will produce give mee but leave by the way to answer one Objection or Cavill brought against this Duke called in scorn Perkin Warbecke A new Writer affirming him to bee an Impostor whose learning may be as much mistaken in this as other things though he laid a great pretence to knowledge especially in the History of England and other Countreyes indeed his judgement and reading are much exprest alike in his Pamphlet which he cals the History of Perkin Warbecke wherein he forfeits all his skill to make him a parallel in advers fortunes and supposed base quality to the unhappy Don Sebastian late King of Portugall who he also protests an Impostore And to arrive at this huge knowledge he would have us thinke hee tooke much paines in the sifting of Authors and indeed I thinke he did sift them concerning his ignorance in the case of Don Sebastian if he be not too wise to have it informed I will urge some reasons on Don Sebastians side who was King of Portugall and invading the Kingdom of Barbary Anno Dom. 1584. was overthrown in a fierce bloody Battel in the fields of Alcazer by the King of Morucco where it was thought he was slaine but escaped and fled secretly traver stiâ—e or disguised travailing in that manner through many parts of Africa and Asia some 30. yeares in which time and travaile he suffered much lived in Captivity and misery but at last got away into Europe with purpose to have got into Portugall if possible to repossesse the Kingdome In this returne he came to Venice there discovered himselfe and desires aide of the Venetian States they entertained him as a Prince distressed gave him good words but durst not lend him Assistance fearing the King of Spaine Yet the chiefe Senators and many of the wisest of the Sigmory made no doubt of him Among them Signieur Lorenzo Iustiniano of the Senators Order a man of wise and great abilities was appointed by the States a Commissioner with others to hear and examine this cause of Don Sebastian in which they tooke much paines And this Signieur Lorenzo being lieger Ambassadour in England affirmed and protested solemnly he and all the other Commissioners were clear and very confident he was Don Sebastian King of Portugall notwithstanding they durst not give him aide but councelled him for France where the King favoured right without feare of anothers displeasure But taking Florence in his way in the habit of a Fryer he was observ'd and discovered by some spyes which the Grand Duke of Tuscany had set upon him from Venice who to in sinuate with the King of Spaine Philip the second and for some other commodious considerations delivered Sebastian to the Governour of Orbattelli a Spanish Port in Tuscany from thence sent him by Sea to the Count De le Mos Vice-roy of Naples who conveyed him into Spaine there for a while his entertainment was no better then in the Gallies what other welcome hee had I know not but the fame went certainly he was secretly made away after Philip the third was King The said Vice-roy of Naples confessed in secret to a friend of his he verily believed his prisoner was the true Sebastian King of Portugall and was induced to be of that opinion by the strong Testimonies and many strange and peculiar markes which some Honourable Portugesses did know him by all found about the body of this Sebastian And the French King Henry the 4 th it should seeme was perswaded no lesse for when the newes was told him the Duke of Florence had sent this Sebastian to the King of Spaine he told the Queene what an ill deed her Unckle had done in these words Nostre Uncle a faict un act fort indigne de sa Persone Doctor Stephen de Sampugo in a letter to Ioseph Texere Councellour and Almoner to the most Christian King writes thus The King Don Sebastian is here in Vonice c. So soone as hee arrived here where he hoped to find support the Ambassadour of Castile persecuted him very cruelly perswading the Signeury that he was a Calabrois c. I sweare
against the Sonnes of King Edward And therefore being certaine there is no man to whom the Crowne by just Title can be so due as to our selfe the rightfull Sonne and Heire of our most deare and Princely Father Richard Duke of Yorke to which Title of blood and nature your favours have joyned this of Election wherein wee hold our selfe to be most strong and safe And having the lawfull power of both why should I endure my professed Enemy to â—surpemy right and become a Vassall to my envious Subject The necessitie of these causes as admitting no other remedy urges me to accept your offer and according to your request and our owne right we here assume the Regall Praeheminence of the two Kingdoms England and France from this day forward by us and our heires to Govern and defend the one and by Gods grace and your good aydes to recover and establish the other to the Ancient Allegeance of England desiring of God to live no longer then wee intend and endeavour the advancement and flourishing Estate of this Kingdome at which they all cry'd God save King Richard And thus he became King But yet his Detractors stick not to slander and accuse all that was said or done in these proceedings of State for meer dissimulation by which justice they may as well censure At siâ— Reverentia dictum all the Barons worthy and grave Commons which had their Votes therein which would fall a most impudent and intolerable Scandall upon all the High Court of Parliament for in short time after all that was alledged and acted in that Treatie and Colloquy was approved and ratified by the Court of Parliament so that their Cavills onely discover an extreame malice and envy For it was not possible therefore not credible he could upon such an instant as it were by any practice attaine to that power and credit with all the Barons Spirituall and Temporall and Commons to procure and perswade them from the Sonnes of King Edward so unanimously to become his Subjects and put the Crowne upon his head with such Solemnitie and publicke Ceremonies Whilst those matters had their current the Northerne Gentlemen and his Southerne Friends joyned in a Bill Supplicatory to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall earnestly expressing their desires for the Election of the Lord Protector with the former causes urged Also that the blood of the young Earle of Warwicke was attainted and his Title confiscate by Parliament This Bill was delivered to the Lords Assembled in the great hall at Westminster the Lord Protector sitting in the Chaire of Marble amongst them upon the 26 of June some six or seven dayes after he was Proclaimed the tenor of the Bill was thus written in the Chronicle of the Abbey of Croyland PRotector eodem die quo Regimen sub titulo regii nominis sibi vendicarit viz 26 o die Iunii Anno Dom. 1483. se apud Magnam Aulam Westmonasterii in Cathedram Marmoream Immisit tum mox omnibus proceribus tam Laicis quam Ecclesiasticis Caeteris assidentibus astantibus c. ostendebatur rotulus quidam in quo per modum supplicationis in nomine procerum populi Borealis exhibita sunt Primum quod silii Regis Edwardi erant Bastardi supponendo illum praecontraxisse matrimonium cum quadam Domina Elianora Boteler antequam Reginam Elizabetham duxisset in uxorem deinde quod sanguis alterius Fratris Georgii Scil Clarensiâ— ducis fuisset Attinctus Ita quod nullus certus incorruptus sanguis Linealis ex parte Richardi Ducis Eboraci poterat inveniri nisi in persona Richardi Protectoris Ducis Glocestriae jam eidem Duci suplicabant ut jus suum in Regno Angliae sibi assumeret Coronam acciperet But the Barons were all accorded before this Bill came both sides moving with an equall and contented forwardnesse And in July next following 1483. was Crown'd and receiv'd with as generall Magnificence and Acclamations as any King in England many years before For as a grave man writeth Fuit dignissimus regno c. non inter malos sed bonos principes Commemorandus That he was most worthy to Reigne and to be numbred amongst the good not bad Princes The Queene his Wife was Crowned with him and with no lesse State and Greatnesse Accompanied him from the Tower to Westminster having in their Traine besides the Nobilitie of the South parts foure thousand Gentlemen of the North. Upon the 19. of June 1483. in the 25. yeare of Lewis the French King he was named King of England the morrow Proclaimed and rode with great Solemnitie from London to Westminster where in the seat Royall he gave the Judges of the Land a strickt and religious charge for the just executing of the Lawes then departed towards the Abbey being met at the Church doore with Procession and the Scepter of King Edward delivered to him by the Abbot so Ascended to Saint Edwards Shrine where he offered the Monks in the meane time singing Te Deum From thence he return'd to the Palace where he lodged untill his Coronation Upon the fourth of July he went to the Tower by water with the Queene his Wife and the next day Created Edward his onely Son about ten yeares old Prince of Wales He Invested Sir Iohn Howard who was made Lord Howard and Knight of the Garter 17. Edward 4. in the Dukedome of Norffolke in a favourable admission of the right of the Lady Margaret his Mother Daughter of Sir Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norffolke and an heire generall of the Mowbrayes Dukes of Norffolke and Earles of Surrey descended from the Lord Tho. Plantagenet of Brotherton a younger Sonne of King Edward the first and Earle of Norffolke This King also made him Marshall and Admirall of England he was as rightfully Lord Mowbray Lord Segrave Lord Bruce as Lord Howard as I have seene him Stiled by Royall Warrant in a Commission for Treatie of Truce with Scotland His eldest Sonne Sir Thomas Howard was at the same time Created Earle of Surrey and made Knight of the Garter Henry Stafford Duke of Buckingham was made Constable of England for terme of life but he claimed the Office by inheritance Sir Thomas Moore writes That Sir Thomas Howard Executed the Office of Constable that day William Lord Berkley was Created Earle of Nottingham Francis Lovel Viscount Lovel and Chamberlain to the King the Lord Stanley restor'd to liberty and made Steward of the Household Thomas Rotheram Chancellour and Arch-Bishop of Canterbury having beene committed for delivering the Great Seale to the Queene Widow receiv'd to grace and many Knights Addubbed of the old Order and some of the new or habit of the Bath whose names I have set downe to shew what regard was had of their Family and in those times accused of so much Malignity Sir Edward De-la-Poole Sonne to the Duke of Norfolke George Gray Sonne to the Earle of Kent William Souch Sonne to the
concilio soceri persuasus Iethro Solus quod Populi nequijt componere lites Constituit populi praefectos atque tribunos Sic cum me praecelsa premant fastigia Regni Ardua magnarum teneatis muner a rerum Et primùm à vobis pravos secludite motus AEquis Iustitiae trutinis appendite causas Ob paupertatem miseros ne spernite cives Nec vota in cassum fundat pupillus in auras Denique largitio nè vos Corrumpat iniqua c. All things thus in a happy presage and good order the King with the Queene departed from London and makes Windsor the first gift in his Progresse for some few dayes From thence to his Mannor of Woodstock then to the Universitie of Oxford where the Muses Crown'd their browes with fragrant Wreathes for his entertainment Next he visited the circular Citie of Glocester and gave the Citizens for the love and loyaltie they exprest in holding the Castle and Towne so constantly against Queene Margaret and the forces of Henry the sixt for him and his Brother the King large Priviledges and Immunities And here the Duke of Buckingham takes his leave for Brecknock constantly disposed and affected in all outward appearance The King making small stay any where save at Coventry untill he came to the goodly and ancient Citie of Yorke the scope and goale of his Progresse which receiv'd him with all honour and Festivitie and was there the second time Crowned by Dr. Rotheram Arch-Bishop of that Sea in the Cathedrall Church and his Sonne invested in the Principalitie of Wales as the Prior of Croyland reporteth Eodem die quo Richardus Coronatus est Rex in Ecclesia Metropolitana Eboracensi mox filium Edwardum in Principatum Walliae eum insigntis virgae aureae c. evexit Pomposa sumptuosa festa convivia ibi fecit And indeed it was a day of great state for as Polidore saith There was then three Princes in Yorke wearing Crownes the King Queene and Prince In acclamation whereof there was Stage-Playes Turneaments and other Triumphall Sports as Sir Thomas Moore relates At this time the King Knighted Richard of Glocester his base sonne who was after Captaine of Calice and many Gentlemen of those parts But albeit this was an intermission as it were of all busie and serious agitations yet the King still where he travall'd had a just regard to the Administration and Execution of Justice and the more facinerous Malefactors And surely these respective inclinations of his had their solemn affections and desires Naturalized in him witnessed by the scope and integritie of those just Lawes which after followed The Progresse thus spent he returnes to London and having consulted some matters of State declares his first resolution for the Tribute detain'd by France which he had formerly by a friendly Message demanded but now sends stout menaces and threats for it The French would not have it cal'd a Tribute but a Pension as Philip de Comines insinuates though it had beene rays'd and payd to King Edward the fourth in lieu of the Dutchy and Countries of Aquitaine Normandy Poictou and Maine c. whereof the the French had deseis'd the Crowne of England which King Edward the fourth forced Lewis to acknowledge and to Covenant and agree That he his heires and Successors should pay unto the Crowne of England the summe of fiftie thousand Crowns with caution and securitie to be payd in the Citie of London or after Iean Tillet and Iohn Maierus seventy five thousand Crowns to be payd into the Tower with which the French King also granted in the name of Annuall Pension sixteen thousand pounds to some Noblemen and others of speciall credit with the King As to Sir Thomas Gray Marquesse of Dorset William Lord Hastings Chamberlaine to the King Doctor Thomas Rothram Bishop of Lincolne and Lord Chancellour of England Iohn Lord Howard Sir Iohn Cheyney Master of the Horse Sir Thomas Mountgomery Master Challoner and to the Master of the Rowles The chiefest of these had two thousand Crownes apiece per annum Besides which Pensions he gave rich Presents and sent rewards to such Lords as stood most for this accord Eugueraunt de Moustrolet avoucheth that the Lord Howard and the Master of the Horse were the chiefest of the mediators in it his reason is that they were the men most in favour with King Edward Iean Tillet with Philip de Comines tells us the Lord Howard in lesse then two yeares had the value of twentie foure thousand Crownes in Plate Coine and Jewels over and above his Annuall Pension the Lord Hastings at one time to the value of two thousand markes in Plate besides his Pension And if their owne Stories speake truth Richard de Nevil the great Earle of Warwick had of the Kings of France much more then any other English Nobleman which the Chronicle of Brittaine seconds And doubtlesse King Richard had still compel'd him to continue it had not eruptions of State and tumultuary practises fatally deterr'd his Sword For as Kings have vaster limits they have higher bounds then others If our vulgar paths be rugged theirs are slippery and all their mighty resolutions and ambitions have their fate and circle hither they must and no further yet as envious as fortune shew'd her selfe he brought King Lewis to termes of faire promises and mediation for time of payment as Comines obscurely implyes This yeare the King kept a very magnificent Christmas at Westminister and was reconciled to the Queene Dowager who left Sanctuary and to congratulate the Kings favour sent her five daughters to Court where they were received with all Princely kindnesse On the three and twentieth day of January in the first yeare of his Raigne he summon'd a Parliament to be holden at Westminster i◠which after the enacting of many good Lawes the marriages o◠King Edward were debated that with the Lady Gray adjudged unlawfull and her children illegitimate there being proofe of a former Contract and Marriage with the Lady Elianor Talbot daughter of the old Earle of Shrewsbury and Relict of the Lord Butler of Sudely then and long after living and all that had been inferred by the Duke of Buckingham or contained in the Bill supplicatory demonstrated was againe consulted and judgement given against that Marriage and incapacity of the Children also of the Earle of Warwicke and his sister the Lady Elizabeth Plantagenet all decreed and confirmed by Act of Parliament so that here to taxe so generall an Assent were to say there was not one honest nor just man in that High Court and what greater scandall to the whole Kingdome There was likewise notice taken of the Earle of Richmonds pretence to the Crowne by a Title derived from the House of Lancaster who was at that time in France labouring to engage the King and the Duke of Brittaine in the quarrell Oh the infinite windings and perplexed sleepes we labour through to get that we must bid goodnight
Anchor a while and claspe up this first Booke with the Relation of his better Fortunes Explicit Lib. I. THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE HISTORY OF KING RICHARD THE THIRD The Argument of the Second Booke THe Earle of Richmond practiseth with Forreigne Princes and with the English Nobles for assistance and Forces to make his first and second invasions of England He came first to Poole with ill successe secondly to Milford cum bonis avibus What Bastards are and whereof they are capable who be of the House of Lancaster how Lancaster and Beaufort or Sommerset differ Bastards of Kings must not take the Sirnames of the King or Kingdome The honourable priviledge of the name of Plantagenet Prince Edward and Queene Anne John de la Poole proclaimed Heire of the Kingdom by Richard the Third Bastards of John Duke of Lancaster made legitimate and capable of Offices Honour and of Heritage by Richard 2 and the Parliament What the Legitimation of the Pope is Armes and Names of Princes Bastards The Nobility of King Henry 7 th He affied not much in the Titles of Yorke and Lancaster The Pope giveth to him the Title de jure belli de domo Lancastriae The greatnesse of the Title of Yorke of Counsell and Connsellours The Prerogative of the King in Iudgements and Controversies The Earle of Richmond landeth at Milford Haven His entertainment there and in Wales His aptnesse for divers wives he marcheth to Bosworth King Richard and he sight Richard is overcome and slaine also the Duke of Norfolke by the Earle of Oxford ut Creditur The Earle of Richmond is straight Crowned King in the field The fatall Errour of King Richard Kings loved Combate The Titles of King Henry 7 th Kings go not now to warâ— Cruelties committed upon the body of King Richard He was attainted of Treason though against the Laws of Nature and of Royall Majesty with many of his followers and servants The Earle of Surrey how released out of prison his Geneology from Hewardus walter de Buck and his Progeny The Second Booke WE left King Richard the Third in the growth of a flourishing and promising Estate and his fate now in the rise of a peacefull and prosperous Raigne of a calme and hopefull presage But Fortune that lends her smiles as Exactors do mony to undoe the Debtor soone cald for the Principall and Interest from this Prince to whom she was meerly Novercall and he might well call her with the expert Heros in Euripides fortuna diurna i. e. fortune of a daies life for in her best mood she is most slippery in her favours and redious in her mischiefes as was aptly considered by a grave man Fortuna adversas res cupido animo inducit secundas parco she is a mother but a little while a stepdame a long time and for ever to some here then we are aggressing into the turbulent and luctuall times which were towards the end and period of his Life and Raigne the formall and finall causes happening from the invasions attempted by the Earle of Richmond I will begin the Second Booke there and may say invasions because he twice invaded the Kingdome though by errour or ignorance of our Vulgar Historians they are confounded and made one which corruptly maimes the Story and conceales and pretermits some very remarkeable agitations particularly the true cause of the Duke of Buckinghams ill successe and defeate is misunderstood or not at all known To come to it therefore more certainly we must take notice of the first preparation by the Earle of Richmond who was resolved to advance his claime that way and unbosomes himselfe to the Duke of Brittaine his possibility and advantage by friends if he could raise but sufficient strength to set him safely in England The Duke gives him all good wishes to his undertaking but opposes against all Arguments of drawing him in first his Amity and League with England which in honour and justice he was not to violate Then his wants by the long Civill and cruell Warres with his Barons that had so exhausted his Coffers as durst he dispense with the former cause yet that might render him excused being unable to furnish him at least in so short a time as his expedition required beyond which answer for the present the Earle thought not fit to presse him But having a prompt and strong affiance in his good fortune makes up to some of the Dukes most honourable and powerfull Friends to lay siege that way to him by private advantages for by his ingenious demeanour he had won the inclinations of many great ones being Master of a pleasant acute wit which was well supplied in him by the straine of all Courtly Acts to those he had the helpe of the French Tongue which he spoke excellently well and to give all the more plausible accesse and influence hee was as Philip de Comines who knew him testifies a very compleat and well featur'd Gentleman which makes the rule certaine and well animating Gratior est pulchro veniens e corpore virtus The beauties of the mind more gratious are When as the bodies features are more faire In the number of those eminent persons he had gained during his faire imprisonment more fortunately he had applyed himself unto the Lady Margaret Dutchesse of Brittaine Daughter of Gaston de Foix a great man in the Westerne parts of France whose Ancestors were well affected to the English and Madam de Bevier the Dutches so farre countenanced him in his designe that she became an earnest suitor unto the Duke her husband and prevailed both for his liberty and aide for caution and pledge herein he was only to kneele at the High Altar before the blessed Sacrament in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Vannes there to make his religious Vow justly and truely to observe what restitution he privately had promised to the Duke and Dutches which protestation made he had three Ships well rigged and furnished with Men Armes and Victuals as my Author relates Au Conte de Richmond furent aux despens du duo trois grosses Navires de Brittannia charges de gens de Armes c. qui se misent in mer. But by the favour of this Brittish Writer the Earle staid many daies at Saint Malo to receive and send intelligence and made it the beginning of October 1484 before he came to Saint Poole in Dorset where he lay some time at Anchor to send his Boates a shore as Explorers or Spies for discovery of the Coasts where the Kings Armie or his friends lay who returned without any particular satisfaction but that there was many Armed men about the Country The Earle who in all things was circumspect and cautiously rimerous resolved immediately to loose from thence but the night following a terrible tempest constrained them with all hast to weigh Anchor and make into the Maine the Storme and darkenesse of the night severing and dispersing their
in the time he kept this Katherine and had those Beauforts who were Sir-named so from the place of their birth a Town of his own in Aniow But to note transitu how obnoxious this Duke made his frailties that thinking to put a smoother face upon his sin gave it but the same blush by making this Katherine Swinford his Dutchesse against the liking of the King all his noble friends direct Tenor of the common Laws which pronounce marriages between such as have lived in Aldutery unlawfull Nay to make him the more marvaile and smiling discourse of the Court the glasse of his age was turn'd to his last yeare when he sacrifie'd these scatterd embers of his desires and passion But he obtained those children to be legitimated First by the Pope Vrbanus the sixt next by the Charter of King Richard the second and had both these indulgences afterward enlarged and confirmed by Parliament Yet neither these foure legitimate children nec qui nascebantur ab illis were permitted to the Princely familiar Title of Lancaster so long as that â—ame flourished much lesse of Plantagenet for that was the peculiar Sir-name in chiefe of the Kings of England and Princes of the blood Royall since the time of the second Henry Sonne of the Empresse Matilda the first founder of that name in the Royall Family of England Of which honour were partakers the Princely Family of Wales of Brotherton of Yorke of Lancaster of Clarence of Woodstock of Glocester c. And there are yet some Noblemen in Portugall who descended from Iohn Duke of Lancaster and are called and written de Lancastro others of the like Origine and Title may doe as much Neither would King Henry the fourth Henry the fift nor King Henry the sixt all Kings of the Lancastrian race indure to let the Lineage of Beaufort though they respected them as kinsmen and advanced them to many honours Assume the the Sir-name of Lancaster holding it an Arrogation and Usurpation of Royaltie and Royall Rights wherein they followed their Ancestors who devised other names for their base children As Fitz. Roy Oxenford Fitz-Herbert Clarendon Fitz-Henry Longuespee Cornwall and so they continued the name of Beaufort and Somersets untill the Earle of Richmond came and this was in imitation of the Kings of France as I conceâ—ve For within the reach of my observation since the time of Hugh Câ—â—â—t they never vouchsafed any of their base sons to be capable of the Crown of France or to have the Adven as they call it nor the Sir-name of France but the illegitimate daughters may take the Sir-name France or de France because they can make no claime to the Crowne by a pretended permission of the Sa lik-law which Iohn de Tillet witnesseth La troisiesme lignèe a du tout rejectè les Bastards non seulement de la Coronne mais aussi de l'aduen et Surnom de France qui Concession est permis aux Bastards de roy ' c. And as the Bastards of the Kings of England had other names so they tooke differenced Armes or elsewere permitted to beare their mothers if of any Family If tolerated to beare the armes of England then they were diversified in a Checking Debasing and Rebating manner with Bastons Bends Sinister Barres Bordutes Marks of Basenesse Obscuritie and Noveltie which any new Gentleman might beare such as the Learned call filios terrae novos homines and wee vulgarly upstarts But to object against the use of this in England the example of Hamelin is brought in and to credit it his Armes forged by some weake and negligent Heralds who call him Hamelin Plantagenet when the truth is this Hamelin base sonne of Ieoffry Plantagenet Earle of Aniow was simply called Hamelin and his sonne William tooke the Sir-name of his Mother Dame Isabel de Warren daughter and heire of William de Warren Earle of Surrey which their Posteri continued as Ioannes de Warrena the first and Ioannes de Warrena the second both Earles of Surrey and Isabella de Warren and Elianor de Warren c. mentionedin the Charters and Records but never Plantagenet which is acknowledged by our best Heralds and Antiquaries Master William Campden hath these words Isabella filla sola Gulielmi de Warrena Comitis Surreiae Hamelinum Nothum Galfredi Plantageneti c. titulo Comitis Surreiae maritum exornavit Hamelinus Gulielmum Surreiae Comitem genuit cujus posteri à Scito WarrenoruÌ„ nomine eundem titulum gesserunt And that the base sonne of King Edward the fourth was commonly called Arthur Plantagenet proves nothing neither well considered For in the times when this Arthur lived the name of Plantagenet being onely left in the house of Yorke the Lancasterian Plantagenet being more extinguished had not the former honour and reputation but was darkned and setting rather drawing a contempt and hate to them that bare it the White Rose dayly fading and withering and so malignant was their Planet then that as a Learned Gentleman hath further observed It was not safe in that time to be a Plantagenet therefore the permission of those times can be no warrant for the objections nor the ignorance of the Poeticall Heralds who have strain'd this fable of Hamelin Yet farther not onely giving him and his Posteri a false Sir-name but assign'd him by the like Fabulous Art a shield of familiar Ensignes the Armes of France border'd with an Orle of Normandy or Guyen which he nor yet any of the Antique Lineage of Aniow or their Progeny ever bare or could by just Title beare either simply or compounded or the Progenitors of our English Kings the Lillies of Gold in an azure field untill King Edward claimed the Crowne of France and assumed them in the right of Queene Isabel de Valoys his Mother who was the first that bare them quarterly with the Armes of England But the Armes of the ancient Earles of Aniow were a Scarboucle that is a Golden Bucle of a military Scarffe or Belt set with precious Stones not a Carbuncle or more precious Ruby for the terme is erroneous and absurd if considered The Princes of Aniow bare this Scarboucle in a shield party per Chiefe Argent and Gueules and the Heires of this Hamelin who tooke the Sir-name of Warren bare also the Armes of the house of Warren in their Shields and Caparisons but bare the Scarboucle of Aniow for their Crest as they were descended out of that House as I have seene upon a Seal of Ioannes de Warrena Earl of Surrey at a Charter dated 20. E. 3. An. Dom. 1346. apud Dom. Rob. Cotton which hath given me occasion to speake thus much to cure the Blemish that mistake hath thrust into History such absurdities having their infection and passing by an Age or two upon the easie and common judgments after grow up for tall and undeniable truths For some meerly reading the complexion of things as they do
Welsh-men and treates about a Daughter of Sir William Herberts a Gentleman of a Noble Allyance and principall power in the South part of Wales who had married the Eldest Daughter not long before to the Earle of Northumberland to whom the Earle of Pembrooke by a new created friendship betwixt them imbosomes the whole designe and presses his Comprobation in it for by this meanes it was presumed the greatest part of Wales would fall under their Command which had been no small addition to a Banished mans fortune Whilst those things were in their mould Doctor Morton gave him such assurance by Letters of the Countries readinesse to receive him that it was thought best to take the advantage of landing there and in the Month of July they loose from Harfleu and safely arived at Milford Haven in Pembrookeshire his native Country after some refreshing he Marches to a Town called Haverford West and was entring amongst his Brittish kindred who welcomed him as a Prince descended from their ancient Princes of Wales the Country generally very Noble and loving to their friends whilst he continued amongst them Sir Rice ap Thomas Sir Walter Herbert Sir Iohn Savage Sir Gilbert Talbot who drew his young Nephew the Earle of Salop into this Action with him and divers others of all qualities brought or sent their Forces his Army thus strong and united he passes the Severne and Marches to Lichfield purposing to hold on to London if the King had not interposed it who though he lay at Nottingham when the Earle landed and while he marched through Wales had constant Spies upon him But as no Policie or Law can secure their faith that thinke they may dispense with it so all Benefits are too narrow where Ambition and Ingratitude urges merit and to shew there is not much of our Fate in our own providence when this King thought the Nobility most firmly cimented to his side and was to put himself upon their constancy they make a present and general defluxion to the other But he had heightned and contracted his Resolution and judgement to the greatnesse of his Cause and was not now to be outbid by Chance or danger The next day which was Sunday about Evening passing through Leicester in open Pompe the Crowne Royall on his head with him Iohn Duke of Norfolke Marshall of England the Earle of Surrey the Earle of Westmorland the Viscount Lovell and other of the Nobility and Gentry at Redmore Heath the Armies came to an Interview and put themselves in Array the next morning early there was some conference held in the Kings Tent by those Peeres and others of principall trust who gave him particular information of all those secretly revolted and it much amazed him the Earle of Northumberland was one to whom he had ever been most constant and forward in his respects and favours therefore where he had conferred so much he suspected little But no Obligations are Religious if not held so and although in the conflict he stood but as neutrall yet the suddainesse and example of it drew many from the King even at the instant when he was ready to Arme himselfe yet this was not of so great and sensible amazement unto him as the Lord Stanleys defection who in pledge of his faith had left his Son George Stanley whilst his wife the Earles mother had made her subtill perswasions of stronger tye and subinduced him to the Lancastrian sice which he ayded with 26000 men if Phillip de Commines be not mistaken for our stories have but five thousand But it was a very great defection and made the Earles Army far stronger so that the chiefest point of Consultation now was how to preserve him by flight and the recovery of some strong hold untill the tempest had scattered or spent its violence which they conceived covld not be long if the Campe brake up and once dissolved But no Argument could fasten on him though the benefit of a swift Horse was offered at his Tent doore nor the fatality and portent of Prodigies related by his friends as presaging some inevitable Calamity and that Propheticall Prediction Iack of Norfolke be not too bold For Dickon thy Master is bought and sold. These things aggravated the weakenesse of his Army objected Counsels Perswasions Terrours Prodigies Prophesies could not make him heare so fatally resolute he stood in the jealousie and reputation of his Honour and Valour perempâ—orily protesting he would rather adventure Life Crowne and Fortunes than his honour to a cowardly and sinister construction this might taste of a desperaâ—e will if he had not afterwards given an apodixis in the battaile upon what plat-forme he had projected and raised that hope which as â—t had much of danger in it so of an inconcusse and great resolution and might have brought the odds of that day to an even bet for knowing the Earle to be thirsty and Appetent after Glory and Renowne but of an unpractised skill in Warre and as inferiour in courage to him he had projected in manner of Stratagem so soone as the Armies approached ready for the Charge to advance himselfe before his Troopes and give the Earle being Generall of his Forces the signall of a Combate And to provoke and single him with a more glorious invitation he wore the Crowne Royall upon his head the fairest marke for Valour and Ambition Polidore saies he wore it thinking that day should either be the last of his life or the first of a better which may aswell be a reason of his wearing it three daies before at Leicester when he rode from thence to Bosworth But doubtlesse by it he intended chiefly that the people might see know him to be their King and those that stood Armed against him looking upon that Imperiall evidence where their own hands and voyces had set it should by the awe and Soveraignty of it consider how lately they had avowed him their Lawfull King and by what Pledges of their Faith and Allegeances they stood solemnly bound to defend him and his Title in it against all other what ever was his mystery it rendred him a valiant and confident Master of his Right and in the constancy of hope and resolution he gives order for the Battaile The Armies confronted and whilst the Alarme and every blow began to be hot and furious forth breakes King Richard towards the Earle wafting him by a signall who seemed readily to accept it and pricking his Horse forward came on very gallantly as if but one Genius had prompted their Spirits and Ambition for a good Author testifieth that Comes Richmondiae directe super Regem Ricardum c. But his cariere soone faltred and Mars became Retrograde it being but a nimble traine to draw the King on to some disadvantages or else he liked not his furious approach for suddenly he makes a halt and with as much credit as he could no harme recovered the Vanguard of his Army whither
Goods Chattells and Debts These be the words of the Act and if jus then jus summum in all extremity Those of note that were taken lost their heads at Leicester two dayes after being Saint Bartholmews day and had a glimpse like that Bartholmew in France in our time all such slaughters from thence call'd Bartelmies and Bartelemies simply in a perpetuall Stigma of that Butchery It is suggested the Duke of Norfolke was slaine in the Battaile by the Earle of Oxford and the Story of Croyland seemeth to say as much Comes Oxoniae valentissimus miles in eam alam ubi Dux Norfolciae constitutus erat in agro de Redmore tum Gallicorum tum Anglicorum militum Comitatu stipatus tetendit c. Amongst those that escaped the sad destiny of that day was the Earle of Surrey Sir Thomas Howard Viscount Lovel Sir Thomas Stafford and his Brother N. Stafford with many other Nobles and Gentlemen that got into Forraigne Countries and Sanctuaries obscuring themselves till the storme and smart of that dayes memory were past But some would maintain Thomas Earl of Surrey to be one of them that submitted to the new King at Bosworth immediately after the overthrow which must not be believed if wee understand the composition of those times affairs for certaine it is the Earl Richmond had peremptorily proscribed all those he had cause to feare or hate whose names are partly in the Rowles kept in the Chappell of the Convertites in Chancery-Lane and partly omitted by the Scribes Now the Earle of Surrey of all the rest was so terrible and distastefull to him there could be no excuse left for his life And therefore let no man thinke he was taken or submitted but tooke aâ— happier season some moneths after The Relation and truth is by the warrant of one that well knew him and the inter-passage of his Fortune the Earle opportunely left the Field but so wounded that faintnesse and night constrain'd him to the house of a Gentleman not farre from Nottingham and one that bare a faithfull respect to the Earle and his Family untill he was well recovered In the meane time that terrible Parliament held in the next November was concluded and the Kings desires reasonably well appeased in seeing the execution of his new Lawes past upon some of them After which some small distance of time followed a gracious pardon to all the offenders in that Cause which proffered mercy this Earle layd hold on hoping to restore himselfe by his submission his offence considered being but an Act of Loyaltie to his Master But this confidence sent him to the Tower for though the violence of the storme appear'd well calm'd yet the King retain'd some heavings of it in his thoughts And this Imprisonment continued from his first yeare of raigne unto the fourth and towards the beginning of that being in the Tower with the Queene Elizabeth to whom he was shortly after to be married he tooke occasion to call for the Earle bearing still a gust of the same tempest in his brow and challenged him upon the old quarrell his service to the late Usurper Tyrant as he usually termed King Richard the Earle humbly moved his pardon and more favourable consideration to the nature of his offence which thousands more conceived to be but a due effect of their Liege duties and Allegiance to a Prince so lawfully and with all generall sufferance Crowned whose Title he held himselfe bound to defend by the law of God and Nations and would dye in defence of him and that Crowne though he should find it upon a Stake The King left him with a sterne and ruffling reply but in cold blood better acknowledged his integritie and thought he would come of no lesse value to him having the advantage to merit him by his pardon which soone after he granted him nor did the Earle loose ought of that opinion Shortly after being made of the Privie Councell then Lieutenant or Governour of the North and Generall against the Scots whom he overthrew as fatall was he to them at Flodden field where he tooke their King in the time of Henry the eight who made him High Marshall and Treasurer of England and restor'd him to his Fathers Dukedome the Inheritance of his Grand mother Mowbray being a man of such a happy direction in his carriage and wisedome that all his Actions came home with prosperous successe and accumulated what was sometime spoken of his great Ancestour Hewardus of whom it was questioned Vtrum faelioior an fortior esset so Fortunate and Honourable hath that house beene in the Service to this State and in the infinite Alliance and Cognation it holds with the most Ancient Families the Extractions and propagations from Mowbray Warren Bruce Dalbery Marshall Segrave Plantagenet Brotherton Bigot Fitz-Alan Matraver Buckingham Oxford and Dacres The Father of which Haward was Leofrick Lord of Burne and the adjacent Countrey in Lincolneshire his Mother was the Lady Edina descended from the great Ostac a Duke amongst the Easterlings in King Edgars time In whose Family I also find a Noble Kins-man of his called Haward to note obiter This Haward was of a Noble and Magnificent note a goodly Personage answer'd with an equall Strength and Valour Et nimium Bellicosus much or too much devoted to Mars He served in the Warres of Northumberland Cornewall and Ireland and after in the lower Germany where he made up much of his Fame and married a faire Lady called Turfrida the Daughter of a Noble man in Flanders where he continued untill the death of his Father called him home About which time William Duke of Normandy made his Conquest of this Kingdome and had gratified Iohannes Talbois the French Counte now Earle of Holland with Leoffricks Countrey of Holland in the Marshand and the Counte very rudely had expuls'd the Lady his Mother out of her Possessions and Dower Hawardus set upon him with such forces as he could speedily rayse tooke and held him prisoner in despight of the Conquerour untill he redeem'd himselfe and accompted for what he had done with a large summe of money This drew those of the Nobility to the protection of his sword which the Conquerour had chased out of their Countrey who had fortified themselves in the Isle of Ely and made Hawardus their Generall where he built a Castle that a long time after had his name But the Normans tooke that advantage to infest his Countrey and put him againe to the recovery of it which he so fortunately setled that the Conquerour was contented to make him his and hold him in good favour whilst he lived He was buried in the Abbey of Croyland Concerning his Issue by the the Lady Turfrida there is mention onely of a Daughter named Tarfrida married to Hugo Enermâ—a Lord of Deeping But circumstance will perswade us he had other Issue if wee consider him in the likelyhood of his strength and abilitie and
proceeding from the vanity and obstinacy of the Prince the other from the peoples opinion of him and his vices And then he must neither raigne nor live any longer Ennius said with Cicero quem oderunt perijsse expetunt And soe all that was practised upon the fortune fame and person of King Richard was by this rule though in the judgment and equity of the most knowing in those times their cunning translatio Criminis could take noe hold of him neither appeares it probable that the Earle of Richmond himselfe when he had got all justice and power in his hand did hold King Richard guilty of the murder and Subornation of those fellowes nor them the Assasines for doubtlesse then being so wise and religious a Prince he would have done all right to the lawes divine and humane And that I beleeve in the extreamest and publick'st way of punishment to make it more satisfactory and terrible to the people and times but they freely inioyed their liberty with security to naturall deaths without any question or apprehension Tirrell excepted who suffered for treason not long after committed by him against King Henry himselfe Neither was Iohn Greene named a party in this murder ever called in question nor doe the Historians of those times though meere temporizers charge him with this practise against his Nephewes untill after his Coronation some say they survived King Richard and giveing this respiâ—e of time there was no cause why after that he should make them away being then secure in his Throne and Title and they longe before pronounced uncapable First by the ecclesiasticall Iudges then by the Barons and Parliament and where was the cause of feare but if King Richard had beene of that bloody constitution the man whose life could be most prejudiciall unto him was the Erle of Warwicke lawfull Sonne of George Plant agenet Duke of Clarence Elder Brother to King Richard now there was a necessitie for the Lancastrian faction if they must have a King of that family to take those Princes away not to leave King Richard or his Sonne nor yet any legitimate issue of Lancaster for all those were before any of the house of Beauforts in the true order of Succession and stood in their way so did the Progeny of Brotherton of Woodstocke of both the Clarencies Glocester c. Though they feared few or none of those Titulare Lords being modest men not affecting Soveraignty but content with their owne private fate and feudall estate when all was one with the Lancastrians who were so vehement in their royall approaches that besides King Edward the Fourth and his two Sonnes King Richard and his Son the Prince of Wales there was afterward and as occasion served The Earle of Warwicke and Duke of Suffolke and others both male and female of that princly family laid in their cold vrnes and it must be so else there could be no place for the Beauforts and Somersets their turnes being last the Kings of Portugall of Castile and other being before them if not excluded by Act of Parliament In this Tragedy there was a Scene acted by Iohn de Vere Earle of Oxenford which may be worthy of our observation for example sake and makes not against the cause of Perkin This Earle of Oxenford much affected and devoted to King Henry the Seventh was a great enemie to this Richard Alias Perkin and I thinke the onely enemie he had of the great Nobility how this dislike grew I cannot say whether out of ignorance or incredulity or out of malice hateing King Edward and all that had a neare relation to that family or else to applyhimselfe to the honour of the King but he and the Cardinall are said to be the châ—ife vrgers of Perkins dispatch and hee being high constable pronounced the sentence against the young Earle of Warwicke which much distasted the Country and ne're to Heveningham Castle that was his cheifest Seate there lived in the woods an old Hermit a very devoute and holy man as the fame of those times admit him who seem'd much troubled to heare this newes for the love he bare to the ancient and Noble family of Oxenford of much anguish of Spirit saying the Earle and his house would repent and rue that guilty and bloody pursuite of the innocent Princes for the event of which prophesy this hath bine observed Not long after the Earle was arrested for an offence so small that no man considering his merit and credit with the King could have thought it worth the question for which he was fined at thirty thousand pounds in those dayes a kingly sum after this he lived many yeares in great discontent and dyed without issue or any child lawfully begotten by him and in much shorter time then his life time that great and stately Earldome of Oxenford with the opulent and Princly patrimony was utterly dissipated and como sal in agna as the Spaniard saith in the refran yet this Earle was a very wise magnificent learned and religious man in the estimation of all that knew him and one more like to raise and acquire a new Erledome But it thus fell and was wasted the Castles and Mannors dilapidated the Chappell wherein this Iohn de Vere and all his Ancestors lay intombed with their monuments quite defaced to the ground their bones left under the open Aire in the feilds and all this within lesse then threescore yeares after the death of the said Earle Iohn about the same time these unhappie Gentlemen suffered there was a base sone of King Richard the Third made away having beene kept long before in Prison The occasion as it seemeth was the attempt of certaine Irishmen of the West and South parts who would have got him into their power and made him their cheife being strongly affected to any of the house of Yorke were they legitimate or naturall for Richard Duke of Yorkes sake sometimes their viceroy and thus much in breife of that Now to resolve a question why the King deferred so long the death execution of the Earle of Warwick Perkin and tooke so much deliberation after he had resolved it one reason and the cheifest brought by some is That in regard Perkin was an Alien and in the allegeance of a Forraigne Prince therefore he could not be condemned nor executed for felony nor treason by our lawes which is a ridiculous evasion for we have frequent examples in our stories that the naturall subjects of France of Scotland Spaine Portugall Germany and Italy have had judgement and execution by our lawes for felony and treason as Peter de Gaveston a French man Sir Andrew Harcley a Scot and lately Dr. Lopez a Portugall therefore apparantly that was not the cause the King so doubtfully and as it were timerously deferred their Arraignments Executions The Heathens perhaps would have defined it some inward awe or concealed scruple such as they called Eumenides and
words the names Shire-motts Eolmotts and Halymotts that is the meeting or assembling of the men of a Shire of a Town and of the Tenants of a Hall or Mannor had their beginning also Now as Sinoth is more used in the Parliaments themselves so Gemott is more familiar to the Historians And this Parliament of Anno 1 Rich. 3. could be of no lesse power and vertue witnesse the many and good Laws made in it albeit the second Marriage of King Edward was adjudged unlawful and the Acts of that Parliament for the most part repealed and abrogated afterward yet the evidence is clear enough that the Judges and Law-makers of that Parliament were wise and religious men and their Laws upright and just Therefore whatsoever was adjudged by them was to be received and held as authentick and inviolable how roughly soever it was afterward handled And in this case of the disabling of King Edwards sons there is least reason to suspect them the cause being so new so plain and notoriously known that no man could be ignorant therein Therefore to have given any other Judgement but according to the truth of evidence and certainty of knowledge it might justly have been censured an act of errour and ignorance or partiality and injustice For it was not the opinion of a few nor raised out of a weak judgement and perverted knowledge but a strong and general evidence by the ablest and best knowing If it be objected The case was obscure and doubtful That cannot be for the Estates had all substantial and ready means to inform themselves of the truth and every circumstance whereby they might be fully satisfied and cleared in all the niceties and doubts for all the witnesses and dealers in that cause and such persons as were acquainted with it were then living and they must and would have truely and certainly informed the Court of Parliament For the special and reverend care of this Court is The advancing of Justice and Right Therefore all Subjects by nature or grace are bound in their Allegeance to give pious and religious credit to Parliaments and to believe in their Authority and Power as the former times did in Oracles We must also confidently hold the high and transcendent quality and vertue of that Court to have all power and authority And no question to repeal a good and just Law made in Parliament is a wrong and scandal to that General Councel and to the universal wisedom providence justice and piety of the Kingdom In the Parliament 1 H. 7. there is an Act attainting the King R. 3. of high Treason for bearing Arms against the Earl of Richmond intituled The Soveraign Lord this was at his proceeding from Milford-haven into Leicester But when he came to fight the Battel he was then no King nor Soveraign but a Chief of such as made head against their Soveraign In which Paragraph there appears three grosse faults First Certain it is Richard during his Raign was a Soveraign therefore no Subject Next there was no enemy in the field who was then a Soveraign but all liege Subjects to the Crown And Richard being the King and Soveraign could not be adjudged a Traitor nor lawfully attainted of High Treason Then let it be considered whether a person of sacred Majestie that is an Anointed Soveraign may commit the Crime of Treason Also in this Parliament all the Barons Knights and Gentlemen that bore Arms in the field for the King were attainted of Treason their goods and lands confiscate and one Thomas Nan dickâ— a Necromancer and Sorcerer who with others had been condemned to die for using that hellish Art was in this Parliament pardoned the horrible things he had committed And it seemed he had not then left his black trade for he hath in that Act of Parliament still the style of Conjurer viz. Thomas Nandick of Cambridge Conjurer which had been a fitter style for his Gibbet then his Pardon although he had not by his Sorcery or Inchantment hurt or destroyed any humane yet for his renouncing and abjuration of Almighty God for it is the opinion of a learned and religious Doctor Magos Incantores saith he hominum genus indignum quod vel ob solam Dei O. M. abjurationem capitali suplicio afficiatur Other such things there be in that Parliament which detract it in the opinion of some those of the best and wisest repute Now let us come to examine that Treaty the King had about marrying the Lady Plantagenet which is censured to be a thing not onely detestable but much more cruel and abominable to be put in agitation Item That all men and the Maid her self most of all detested this unlawful Copulation Item That he made away the Queen his wife to make way for this Marriage and that he propounded not the Treaty of Marriage until the Queen his wife was dead That there was such a motion for the marriage of this Lady to the King is true and which is more and most certain it was entertained and well liked by the King and his friends a good while also by the Lady Elizabeth and by the Queen her mother who received it with so much content and liking that presently she sent into France for her son the Marquesse of Dorset that was there with the Earl of Richmond earnestly solliciting him to renounce the Faction and return home to the Kings favour and advancement which she assured him and sends the Lady Elizabeth to attend the Queen at Court or to place her more in the eye so in the heart of the King The Christmas following which was kept in Westminster-Hall for the better colour of sending her eldest daughter she sends her other four thither who were received with all honourable courtesie by the King and Queen Regent especially the Lady Elizabeth was ranked most familiarly in the Queens favour and with as little distinction as Sisters But society nor all the Pomp and Festivity of those times could cure that sad wound and languor in the Queens brest which the death of her onely son had left The addresse of those Ladies to Court albeit the feigned wooing of the King was in a politick and close way gave cause of suspition to the Earl of Richmonds intelligencing friends that the King had a purpose to marry the Lady Elizabeth which must prevent the Earl both of his hope to her and to the Crown by her Title a clause that made them mutter very broadly against it for indeed what more concern'd them therefore the King treats it more privately and coldly but the Queen-widow and the Lady stood constant in their desires and expectation onely the Objection was The King had a wife as though he could not marry another whilst she lived not remembring how usual it was not onely for Kings but private men to put away one wife and marry another for venial crimes as well as Adultery and Treason The Romanes might repudiate their
traditory opinion more then justice and reason but equally examine his slanders they shall finde Malice and ignorance have been the Kings greatest accusers which can onely lay Suspition to his charge and Suspition in Law is no more guilt then Imagination for though Suspition many times lay a great blame upon a man men holding him to be guilty whom men suspect to be so though injuriously yet the Law holds it not a Crime because Suspition many times supposeth those to be culpable which are not for an Instrument may as easily be condemned as a Malefactor being an evil grown from the errour of men Wherefore Suspition of it self bringeth no sentence by Law Natural or Moral Civil or Divine according to that of the old Minographus Suspitio grave est hominibus malum And the Divine Chrysostome saith A good man hardly suspecteth another to be evil but an evil man scarcely supposeth any to be good far from the counsel of this Epigram Culparem quoquam quae non sunt nota malignum est Presertim si quam cognita sint bona sunt Non pateant faciles duris rumoribus aures Quae nescire juvat credere non libeat Linquantur secreta Deo qui quicquid opertum est Inspicit nullis indiget indicibus Accuse no man of faults to thee unknown And much lesse him from whom good fruits have grown Lend not thine ears to scandalous reports Believe not that which known nought thee imports Leave secret things to God who knows all hearts And hath no need of the Promoters arts But as Iulius Caesar who had many excellent Observations was wont to say Vir bonus tam suspicione quam crimine carere oportet That a good man must be as well without suspition as crime Yet none so innocent but may fall under the lash of the malicious for such like the Polypus will take any colour or make any tincture of a Crime to serve their ends Of such a vertue is the never-understanding Vulgar that like Kytes and Daws can digest nought but stench and filth their Ignorance being their Faith and that drawn from loose Pamphlets and the vomits of mercinary and mimick pens to which and their uncurable fits I leave them Explicit Liber quartus THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF KING RICHARD the Third The Contents WHat a Tyrant is and how a Tyrant and King Richard differ The destruction of the Plantagenets The daughters of King Edward the Fourth how bestowed The death of the Queen their Mother The Vertues of King Richard the Third The Elogie of the three Brothers King Edward the Fourth George and Richard The Magnificent Publike and Charitable Buildings of King Richard the third His good Laws and other good works That to die in the Wars is no Dishonour but an Honour Artes Regiae Crimen regale His Comparison with other Kings accounted good King James his gracious demeanour to his Cousins A Character and Elogie of King Richard the third The title of the Norman Race and of York defended The sundry titles of King James The Wedding King of England Lapis Regno fatalis King Richards Sepulchre and Epitaph The Authors Scope Peroratio Votum THE FIFTH BOOK OF King Richard The Third WE will next endeavour to understand that Vocable or term Tyrannus that is a Tyrant or an evil King cast upon King Richard which indeed comprehendeth all scandals and impieties whatsoever Tyrannus est qui suis propriis Commodis studet publicis adversatur And Tyrannus est qui dominatu crudeliter abutitur A Tyrant is by another wise man compared to a Dragon who becometh not a Dragon until he hath devoured many Serpents of which Conceit this Epigram was wittily framed Post plures Coluber Serpentes Dracosit esos Gust at â humanâ carne fit homo Lupus The Dragon which doth many Serpents eat Becomes a Dragon of huge shape and strength And so the man which makes his flesh mans meat Transformed is unto a Wolf at length Another Philopher differeth not much from these who saith that of all tame beasts the flatterer is most pernicious and of all wilde the Tyrant who forbeareth not for any respect of good or ill but studies Oppressions Wrongs Exactions Robberies Sacriledges Blood-shed Murder Adultery Incest Rape Riot Gluttony Luxuriousnesse Prodigality and all manner of Excesses These be his arts of raigning and these be his vertues Invident Tyranni claris fortesque trucidant Another saith Tyrannus miserum vetat perire foelicem jubet So it was truely said by the famous Orator of Athens Liberalitas Tyranni nihil aliud est quam translatio pecunâ—arum a justis Dominis ad alienos idque indignos His thirst and covetousnesse for his largitious riots and lusts are so inordinate that nothing can quench it Non Tartessiaris illum satiaret arenis Tempestas pretiosa Tagi non stagna rubentis Aurea Pactoli totumque exhauserit Hermum Arde bit majore siti c. Quicquid conspicuum pulchrumque ex Equore toto Res sisci est c. These may serve for the notions of a Tyrant to any of which Impieties our King Richard was very little or not at all obnoxious For first Whereas a Tyrant imposeth many grievous Taxes and Oppressions upon his Subjects he took away such grievances and particularly by Act of Parliament a hateful Tax though disguised with the name of a Benevolence forbearing to impose any upon the people Then A Tyrant doth not onely rapine his Subjects but spoils and robs Churches and Church-men But King Richard did many good things both for the publike good advancing Gods service and maintenance of his Ministers and Church-men Tyrannum pium esse non est facile as Sophocles well observed And the Oracle pronounced Portae foelicitatis ad Tyrannidem clausae Tyrants be cruel and bloody but this King by the testimony of his enemies was very merciful and milde who confesse he was of himself gentle and assably disposed These be their own words Therefore where tyrannical acts be objected against him they must be conceived done by other men or by their practice or else before he was King and what he did then was not nor could be properly called Tyranny Amongst those they impute to him when he was King which are called Tyrannies the beheading Henry Stafford Duke of Buckingham was the chiefest yet that act the cause and just motives of it being well perused cannot be censured Tyranny rather due and necessary Justice for if the King had not put down the Duke the Duke would have put down the King Then it is objected He bare a tyrannical hand over his nephew Edward Earl of Warwick True it is he sent him to Shery-Hutton a goodly and pleasant house of his own in York-shire where he had liberty large diet all pleasure and safety and if that were imprisonment it was a prison Curtoise as Iohn Froisard saith yet this must not be lesse
Principatus Princeps The Charter of H. 4 for entayling the Crowne This Charter I saw in the hands of Sir Rob. Cotton from it tooke these Summary notes The Noblenes and Family of H. E. of Rich. Glover 1413. Poli l. lib. 25. So King R. 2. called Iohn of Gaunt Avunculum nostrum Rec. in Tower But that was the fault of the barbarous Latine Clerks not knowing the difference between patruos avunculos In his Booke Le Recuerl des Ranges c. Part 2. Philip Plant. Lyonel Plant. D. of Clarence Pe. Henterus Ioh. Megerus Ariost. cant 19. Fra. Goodwin in Catalogo Episcoporuâ— Iohn Stow. Qu. Elizabeth â—raâ— li. 2. Cap. 16. King H. 7. only affected the Title de jure Belli Seneâ— An. Dom. 1 486. An. Dom. 1490. I have seene this Bull in the Cabinet of Sir Rob. Cotton The Popes Charter for the Title of Lancast. Eâ— de jure Belli c. for the dispensing with the Kings incestuous marriage The second invasion of the E. of Rich. Comines pag. 536. Leicest inquit Rex Richarduâ— cuâ— maxima Pompa portanâ— dâ—adema in capiâ—e Chron. Croy. Why K. Rich. wore the Crowne at Bosworth Chron. Croy. S. Wil. Brandon Father to Charles Brandon afterward Duke of Suff. Ovid. trâ—st l. 2. Eâ—eg 5. Dr Iohn Hird in Hist. Angl. Mathew Paris Henry â—untington Henry of Richmond Crowned in the Feild The Challeng of the 5 King of Scots to The. Duke of Norfolke Princes go not to Campe. Cruelties done to the body of King Richard Noble persons attainted by Parliament Sir Tho. Moor. Parliament ann 1. H. 7. The Duke of Norfolk slain by the Earl of Oxenford The Earle of Surrey escapeth at Bosworth Scots 〈◊〉 thrown by the E. of Surrey Iugulsus Lib. Eliensis The honour of Bastards Homer Livy Sir Charles Howard Camden in Octad Camdâ—n Octa. Lodow. Guicci du Paes Baess The Ancientry of Buck. M. Paris M. Westminst Redulphus de Câ—geshall Tho. Walsing Erasmus in Chiliad Terentius in Adelph * This Booke was lately in the hands of Mr. Roper of Eltham as Sir Edward Hoby who saw it told me Herodotus * He wrote many Poems and Epigrams sundry petty Comedies and Entâ—rludes often times personating with the Act ors as his so ving and familiar friend â— rasmus reports Brixius Antimore Ioan. Baleus de scriptoribuâ— Brit. â—ent â—8 cap. 69. Richard Grafton saith he died mocking and scoffing as he lived Courinus In scrinijs div Ro Cotton Terent. Phorm Iliad 20. The virtues of King Richard malitiously censured Cicero de Ossic. lib. 1â— * Pliny Livy valel Maximus Plutarch This Dutchesse of Yorke died about the 1â— of King Hen. 7. at Berkhamsted and was buried at Totheringam Iohn Stow. Seneca King Richard not deformed Rot. in an 2 R. 2. Sir Thomas Moor apud Harliâ—gton Doctor Shaw Socrates AEâ—opus Epictetus Galâ—a a great and excellent Captain of the Romans all of deformed stature Chron. Croyland Idem Croyland Anonymuâ— M. S. Rex Hen. 6. in custodia ut alij referunt gladâ—o alij meâ—ore deperijt Ioan Majerus Annall Flandr lib. 17. The slaughter of the Prince sonnâ— of H. 6. Polidor Virgil. lib. 24. Chron in quarto M. S. apud Dom. Regis Rob. Cotton Anna. uxoâ— Ed. filij reg H. 6. capta est cum marito Ioan. Majerus in Annal Fland. l. 17. Richard not guilty of the Duke of Clarence Polidor Virgil. â—rrour of Dr. Shaw That the Duke of Gloucester raised not the slander against the Dutchesse his Mother nor of his Brothers basterdy * Anno. 10. Edward 4. a Lib. M. S. in quarto apud Dom. Rob. Cotton b Chronicle Croyland c Loyalty bindeth men Father allie Quod vulgo corrupte Father in law dicitur In Parliament anno 17. Ed. 4. Iu. Stow. vidit legit Erasmus Câ—iliad Ioan de Seâ—res Invent. Who made away the sonnes of King Edward the fourth Poodir Virgill l. 2. 6. Dr. Morton Sir Tho. Moore Prior Croy. land Moore Hallingshed Graston Hall Stow. Dion Tacitus Sâ—eionius Counterfeit Princes It s written by some of the old Historians that King Harold was not shine at the Battaile of Hastings by the Conquerer but that he survived went to Ierusalem c. But it not importeth whether He were the true Harold or Pseudo Harold because he never came to claime any thing in England The practice of Hen. 7. with the Duke of Burgondy The meanes used by Hen. 7. to prevent the practises of Perkin in Ireland This Lady was so rarely faire and lovely that King H. 7 wondred at her beauty and was inamored of her sending her to London to be safely kept till his returne out of the West Countries where he theu was and first saw her The practice of H. 7. to the King of Scots and of Castile â—o get or supplant Perkins Don Pedro Aylau Hall in H. 7. Perkins Entertainment in the Court. * Raâ—k The force and mischiefe of Torture August in Civitate Dei The French â—all torture la Gehenne Yorke and Warwick paralels Of escape The French word escape is to seeke to be free and the French men translâ—â—e escape in to the Latine Salvus Escape what Just Stanford in pleas de la Corone lib. 1. cap. 26 27. Whether Don Sebastian of Portugall were a Counterfeit or not 162. Hiâ— legatus haec Domino Baroni Darcey retulit Edward 2. and Edward 3. Moor Hollinsh Stow Gainssord Moor Hollinsh Stow Grafton Gainsford Hal. Idem Autor a He was the Noble â—rogenitor of the Earles of York Hollinshed Grafton Hall Stow. Iohn Morton Thomas Moor. Grafton Mr. William Cambden Some think he dyed unnaturally Publike sword Private sword The arts of treachery Reasons why King Richard should not destroy his Nephewes Other great â—ones pâ—ivy to the deaths of those Princes especially of King â—â—â—â—â—â—ds Sons Ausonius Ennius apud Ci ceronem offic lib. 2. Sir Tho. Moor. Edward Hall Ralph Hâ—llinshead Iohn Stow c. The Earle of Oxen persecutor of Perkin a This Earle Iohn died Anno 4. H. 8. 1512 Dominâ—s de Arundell viva voâ—e b I may call it a stately Erledome for the Earle of Oxenford when he came to the possession of it was offered by some 12000 pounds per Annum and leave to his occupation all Man nors Houses Castles Parks Woods Forrests all the Demesn lands thereto belonging which might be more worth by yearly value then many Erldoms in this age c The Mathematicians that calculated the Nativitie of this Earle Edward told the Earle his Father that the Earledome would fall in his Sons time d Bastards of King Richard Grafton Chron. M. S. in quarto apud Dn. Rob. Cotton e Why the pub lique justice deferred the death of the Princes Dâ—mones Gâ—nij Plutaâ—â—â— in Anton. Philostrat in vita Appollon Vopiscus in Aureliano Angels good and bad Terentius in Phormio How extreme his desires ' were you may see in the Speech of the Duke of Buckingham set down by Sir Thomas Moor. Philip