the victory against this Tyrant of Achem and to permit us to regain that from him which with such notable treachery he hath taken from us in those places of Jacur and Lingua we will always most faithfully and sincerely acknowledg thee according to the Law of the Portugals and according to that holy Verity wherein consists the Salvation of all that are born in the world Furthermore in our Country we will build fair Temples unto thee perfumed with sweet odours where all living Souls shall on their bended knees adore thee as it hath been always used to be done unto this present in the Land of Portugal And hear what besides I promise and swear unto thee with all the assuredness of a good and faithful servant that the King my Master shall never acknowledg any other King then the great Portugal who is now Lord of Malaca Having made this protestation he presently imbarqued himself in the same Lanchara wherein he came thither being accompanied with eleven or twelve Balons which are small Barques and so went to the Isle of Vpa distant not above half a league from the Port. There the Bandara of Malaca who is as it were chief Justicer amongst the Mahometans was present in person by the express commandment of Pedro de Faria for to entertain him And accordingly he made him a great Feast which was celebrated with Hoboys Drums Trumpets and Cymbals together with an excellent consort of voyces framed to the tune of Harps Lutes and Viols after the Portugal manner Whereat this Embassador did so wonder that he would often put his finger on his mouth an usual action with those of that Country when they marvel at any thing About twenty days after the dâ—parture of this Embassador Pedro de Faria being informed that if he would send some Commodities from the Indiaes to the Kingdom of Batas he might make great profit thereof and much more of those which should be returned from thence he to that effect set forth a Iurupango of the bigness of a small Carvel wherein he ventured a matter of some ten thousand duckets In this Vessel he sent as his Factor a certain Mahometan born at Malaca and was desirous to have me to accompany him telling me that thereby I should not only much oblige him but that also under pretext of being sent as Embassador thither I might both see the King of Batas and going along with him in his journey against the Tyrant of Achem which some way or other would questionless redound to my benefit Now to the end that upon my return out of those Countries I might make him a true relation of all that I had seen he prayed me carefully to observe whatsoever should pass there and especially to learn whether the Isle of Gold so much talked of was in those parts for that he was minded if any discovery of it should be made to write unto the King of Portugal about it To speak the truth I would fain have excused my self from this Voyage by reason those Countries were unknown to me and for that the inhabitants were by every one accounted faithless and treacherous having small hope besides to make any gain by it in regard that all my stock amounted not to above an hundred duckets But because I durst not oppose the Captains desire I imbarqued my self though very unwillingly with that Infidel who had the charge of the Merchandise Our Pilot steered his course from Malaca to the Port of Sorotilau which is in the Kingdom of Aaru always coasting the Isle of Samatra towards the Mediterranean Sea till at length we arrived at a certain River called Hicandure After we had continued five days sailing in this manner we came to an Harbor named Minhatoley distant some ten leagues from the Kingdom of Peedir In the end finding our selves on the other side of the Ocean we sailed on four days together and then cast anchor in a little river called Gaateamgim that was not above seven fathom deep up the which we past some seven or eight leagues Now all the while we sailed in this River with a fair wind we saw athwart a Wood which grew on the bank of it such a many Adders and other crawling creatures no less prodigious for their length then for the strangeness of their forms that I shall not marvel if they that read this History will not beleeve my report of them especially such as have not travelled for they that have seen little beleeve not much whereas they that have seen much beleeve the more All along this River that was not very broad there were a number of Lizards which might more properly be called Serpents because some of them were as big as an Almadia with scales upon their backs and mouths two foot wide Those of the Country assured us that these creatures are so hardy as there be of them that sometimes will set upon an Almadia chiefly when they perceive there is not above four or five persons in her and overturn it with their tails swallowing up the men whole without dismembering of them In this place also we saw strange kind of creatures which they call Caquesseitan They are of the bigness of a great Goose very black and scaly on their backs with a row of sharp pricks on their chins as long as a writing pen Moreover they have wings like unto those of Bats long necks and a little bone growing on their heads resembling a Cocks spur with a very long tail spotted black and green like unto the Lizards of that Country These creatures hop and fly together like Grashoppers and in that manner they hunt Apes and such other beasts whom they pursue even to the tops of the highest Trees Also we saw Adders that were copped on the crowns of their heads as big as a mans thigh and so venomous as the Negroes of the Country informed us that if any living thing came within the reach of their breath it dyed presently there being no remedy nor antidote against it We likewise saw others that were not copped on the crowns nor so venomous as the former but far greater and longer with an head as big as a Calves We were told that they hunt their prey in this manner They get up into a tree and winding their tails about some branch of it let their bodies hang down to the foot of the tree and then laying one of their ears close to the ground they harken whether they can hear any thing stir during the stillness of the night so that if an Ox a Boar or any other beast doth chance to pass by they presently seize on it and so carries it up into the tree where he devours it In like sort we descryed a number of Baboons both grey and black as big as a great Mastiff of whom the Negroes of the Country are more afraid then of all the other beasts because they will set upon them with that hardiness as they have much ado to resist
Soldier as he was and verâ—t in the trade of Pyrat he got the wind of us that done falling down within a Musket shot of us he saluted us with fifteen Pieces of Ordnance wherewith we were much affrighted because the most of them were Faulconeâ—s but Antonio de Faria encouraging his men like a valiant Captain and a good Christian disposed them on the hatches in places most convenient as well in the prow as the poop reserving some to be afterwards fitted as need should require Being thus resolved to see the end of that which Fortune should present us it pleased God that we descryed a Cross in our Enemies Flag and on the foredeck a number of red Caps which our men were wont to wear at Sea in those times whereby we were perswaded that they might be Portugals that were going from Liampoo to Malaca Whereupon we made them a sign for to make our selves known to them who no sooner perceived that we were Portugals but in token of joy they gave a great shout and withall vailing their two top sails in shew of obedience they sent their long boat called a Bâ—lon with two Portugals in her for to learn what we were and from whence we came At length having well observed and considered us they approached with some more confidence to our Junk and having saluted us and we them they came aboard her where Antonio de Faria received them very courteously And for that they were known to some of our Soldierâ— they continued there a good while during the which they recounted divers particulars unto us necessary for our design That done Antonio de Faria sent Christovano Borralho to accompany them back and to visit Quiay Panian from him as also to deliver him a Letter full of complements and many other offers of friendship wherewith this Pyrat Panian was so contented and proud that he seemed not to be himself such was his vanity and passing close by our Junk he took in all his sails then accompanied with twenty Portugals he came and visited Antonio de Faria with a goodly rich Present worth above two thousand duckets as well in Ambergreece and Pearls as Jewels of Gold and Silver Antonio de Faria and the rest of us received him with great demonstrations of love and honor After that he and all his company were set Antonio de Faria fell to discourse with them of divers things according to the time and occasion and then recited unto them his unhappy Voyage and the loss he had sustained acquainting them with his determination to go unto Liampoo for to reinforce himself with men and make provision of Vessels with oars to the end he might return again to pass once more into the Streight of Cauchenchina and so get to the Mynes of Quoaniaparu where he had been told there were â—ix large houses full of lingots of Silver besides a far greater quantity that was continually melted all along the River and that without any peril one might be wonderfully enriched Whereunto the Pyrat Panian made this answer For mine own part Signior Captain I am not so rich as many think though it is true I have been so heretofore but having been beaten with the same misfortune which thou sayst hath befallen thee my riches have been taken from me Now to return to Patana where I have a wife and children I dare not by reason I am assured that the King will despoil me of all that I should bring thither because I departed from thence without his permission which he would make a most haynous crime to the end he might seize upon my estate as he hath done to others fâ—r far lesser occasions then that wherewith he may charge me Wherefore if thou canst be contented that I shall accompany thee in the Voyage thou meanest to undertaken with an hundred men that I have in my Iunk fifteen Pieces of Ordnance thirty Muskets and forty Harquebuses which these Signiors the Portugals that are with me do carry I shall most willingly do it upon condition that thou wilt impart unto me a third part of that which shall be gotten and to that effect I desire thee to give me an assurance undâ—r thy hand as also to swear unto me by thy Law to perform it accordingly Antonio de Faria accepted of this offer very gladly and after he had rendred him many thanks for it he swore unto him upon the holy Evangelists fully and without all fail to accomplish what he required and thereof likewise made him a promise under his hand to which divers of their company subscribed their names as witnesses This accord past between them they went both together into a River called Anay some five leagues from thence where they furnished themselves with all that they stood in need of by means of a Present of an hundred duckets which they gave to the Mandarin Captain of the Town CHAP. XX. Our Encounter at Sea with a little Fisher-boat wherein were eight Portugals very sore hurt and Antonio de Faria's meeting and fighting with Coia Acem the Pyrat BEing parted from this River of Anay and well provided of all things necessary for the Voyage we had undertaken Antonio de Faria resolvâ—d by the advice and counsel of Quiay Panian whom he much respected to go and anchor in the Port of Chincheo there to be informed by such Portugals as were come from Sunda Malaca Timor and Patana of certain matters requisite for his design and whether they had any news from Liampoo in regard the report went in the Country that the King of China had sent thither a Fleet of four hundred Junks wherein there were an hundred thousand men for to take the Portugals that reâ—ided there and to burn their houses for that he would not endure them to be any longer in his dominions because he had been lately advertised that they were not a people so faithful and peaceable as he had been formerly given to understand Arriving then in the Port of Chincheo we found five Portugal ships that were come thither about a month before from the places above mentioned These ships received us with great joy and after they had given us intelligence of the Country Traffique and Tranquillity of the Ports they told us they had no other news from Liampoo but that it was said a great number of Portugals were come thither from many parts to winter there and how that great Army which we so much feared was not thereabout but that it was suspected to be gone for the Islands of Goâ—o to the succor of Sucan de Pontir from whom the brute went a brother-in-Brother-in-law of his had taken his Kingdom and that in regard Sucan had lately made himself subject to the King of China and his Tributary for an hundred thousand Taeis by the year he had in contemplation thereof given him this great Army of four hundred Junks with the forces aforesaid for to restore him to his Crown and Signiories whereof he had
the good I have done you for Gods sake To conclude all the vessels where these things are exposed to sale are seldom less in number then two hundred besides thousands of others which sell such like wares in a far greater quantity We saw likewise many Barcasses full of men and women that played upon divers sorts of instruments and for mony gave them musick that desired it There were other vessels laden with horns which the Priests sold therewith to make feasts in Heaven for they say that those were the horns of several beasts which were offered in sacrifice to the Idols out of devotion and for the performance of vows that men had made in divers kind of misfortunes and sicknesses wherein they had at others times been And that as the flesh of those beasts had been given here below for the honour of God to the poor so the souls of them for whom those horns were offered do in the other world eat the souls of of those beasts to whom those horns belonged and thereunto invite the souls of their friends as men use to invite others here on earth Other vessels we saw covered with blacks and full of tombs torches and great wax lights as also women in them that for money would be hired to weep and lament for the dead others there were called Pitaleus that in great barques kept divers kinds of wild beasts to be shewed for mony most dreadful to behold as Serpents huge Adders monstrous Lizards Tygers and many others such like we saw in like sort a great number of Stationers which sold all manner of books that could be desired as well concerning the creation of the world whereof they tell a thousand lies as touching the States Kingdoms Islands and Provinces of the world together with the Laws and Customs of Nations but especially of the Kings of China their number brave acts and of all things else that happened in each of their reigns Moreover we saw a great many of the light swift Foysts wherein were men very well armed who cried out with a loud voice that if any one had received an affront whereof he desired to be avenged let him come unto them and they would cause satisfaction to be made him In other vessels there were old women that served for midwives and that would bring women speedily and easily a bed as also a many of Nurses ready to be entertained for to give children suck There were barques likewise very well adornâ—d and set â—orth that had in them divers reverend old men and grave matrons whose profession was to make marriages and to comfort widows or such as had lost their children or suffered any other misfortune In others there were a number of young men and maids that lacked Masters and Mistresses which offered themselves to any that would hire them There were other vessels that had in them such as undertook to tell fortunes and to help folks to things lost In a word not to dwell any longer upon every particular that was to be seen in this moving Town for then I should never have done it shall suffice me to say that nothing can be desired on land which was not to be had in their vessels and that in greater abundance then I have delivered wherefore I will passe from it to shew you that one of the principal causes why this Monarchy of China that contains two and thirty Kingdoms is so mighty rich and of so great commerce is because it is exceedingly replenished with rivers and a world of Chanals that have been anciently made by the Kings great Lords and people thereof for to render all the Country navigable and so communicate their labours with one another The narrowest of these Chanals have bridges of hewed stone over them that are very high long and broad whereof some are of one stone eighty ninety nay an hundred spans long and fifteen or twenty broad which doubtlesse is very marvellous for it is almost impossible to comprehend by what means so huge a masse of stone could be drawn out of the Quarry without breaking and how it should be transported to the place where it was to be set All the ways and passages from Cities Towns and Villages have very large causeys made of fair stone at the ends whereof are costly pillars and arches upon which are inscriptions with letters of gold containing the pray sers of them that erected them moreover there are handsome seats placed all along for poor passengers to rest themselves on There are likewise innumerable Aqueducks and fountains every where whose water is most wholesom and excellent to drink And in divers parts there are certain Wenches of love that out of charity prostitute themselves to travellers which have no mony and although amongst us this is held for a great abuse and abomination yet with them it is accounted a work of mercy so that many on their death-beds do by their testaments bequeath great revenues for the maintenance of this wickedness as a thing very meritorious for the salvation of their souls moreover many others have left lands for the erecting and maintaining of houses in deserts and unhabited places where great fires are kept all the night to guide such as have strayed out of their way as also water for men to drink and seats to repose them in and that there may be no default herein there are divers persons entertained with very good means to see these things carefully continued according to the institution of him that founded them for the health of his soul. By these marvels which are found in the particular Towns of this Empire may be concluded what the greatness thereof might be were they joyned all together but for the better satisfaction of the Reader I dare boldly say if my testimony may be worthy of credit that in one and twenty years space during which time with a world of misfortune labour and pain I traversed the greatest part of Asia as may appear by this my discourse I had seen in some countrys a wonderfull abundance of several sorts of victuals and provisions which we have not in our Europe yet without speaking what each of them might have in particular I do not think there is in all Europe so much as there is in China alone And the same may be said of all the rest wherewith Heaven hath favoured this clymate as well for the temperature of the air as for that which concerns the policy and riches the magnificence and greatness of their estate Now that which gives the greatest luster unto it is their exact observation of justice for there is so well ruled a Government in this Country as it may justly be envied of all others in the world And to speak the truth such as want this particular have no gloss be they otherways never so great commendable Verily so often as I represent unto my self those great things which I have seen in this China I am on the one
of Quiay Hinarol in the City of Nanquin whereupon Christophoro Borralho presenting them with the letter they received it with a new ceremony full of all curtesie saying Praysed be he who hath created all things for that he is pleased to serve himself of sinners here below Whereby they may be recompensed at the last day of all days by satisfying them double their labour with the riches of his holy treasures which shall be done as we believe in as great abundance as the drops of rain fall from the clouds to the earth After this one of the four putting up the Letter said unto us that as soon as the Chamber of Justice for the poor was open they would all of them give an answer to our business and see us furnished with all that we had need of and so they departed from us Three days after they returned to visit us in the prison and in the next morning coming to us again they asked us many questions answerable to a memorial which they had thereof whereunto we replyed in every point according as we were questioned by each of them so as they remained very well satisfied with our answers Then calling the Register to them who had our papers in charge they inquired very exactly of him touching many things that concerned us and withall required his advice about our affair that done having digested all that might make for the conversation of our right into certain heads they took our process from him saying they would peruse it all of them together in their Chambers of Justice with the Proctors of the house and the next day return it him again that he might carry it to the Chaem as he was resolved before to do Not to trouble my self with recounting in particular all that occurred in this affair until such time as it was fully concluded wherein six months and an half were imployed during the which we continued stil prisoners in such misery I will in few words relate all that befel us unto the end when as our business was come before the twelve Conchalis of the criminal Court the two Proctors of the house of mercy most willingly took upon them to cause the unjust sentence which had been given against us to be revoked Having gotten then all the proceedings to be disannulled they by petition remonstrated unto the Chaem who was the President of that Court How we could not for any cause whatsoever be condemned to death seeing there were no witnesses of any credit that could testifie that we had robbed any man or had ever seen us carry any offensive weapons contrary to the prohibition made against it by the Law of the first book but that we were apprehended quite naked like wretched men wandering after a lamentable shipwrack and that therefore our poverty and misery was worthy rather of a pitiful compassion then of that rigour wherewith the first Ministers of the arm of wrath had caused us to be whipt moreover that God alone was the Iudg of our innocency in whose name they required him once twice nay many times to consider that he was mortal and could not last long for that God had given him a perishable life at the end whereof he was to render an account of that which had been required of him since by a solemn oath he was obliged to do all that should be manifest to his judgment without any consideration of men of the world whose custom it was to make the ballance sway down which God would have to be upright according to the integrity of his divine Iustice. To this petition the Kings Proctor opposed himself as he that was our adverse party and that in certain articles which he framed against us set forth how he would prove by ocular witnesses as well of the Country as strangers that we were publique thieves making a common practise of robbing and not merchants such as we pretended to be whereunto he added that if we had come to the Coast of China with a good designe and with an intent to pay the King his due in his Custom-houses we would have repaired to the ports where they were established by the Ordinance of the Aytan of the Government but for a punishment because we went from Isle to Isle like Pirats Almighty God that detests sin and robberâ— had permitted us to suffer shipwrack that so falling into the hands of the Ministers of his justice we might receive the guerdon of our wicked works namely the pains of death whereof our crimes rendred us most worthy In regard of all which he desired we might be condemned according to the Law of the second book that commanded it in express terms And that if for other considerations no way remarkable in us we could â—y any law be exempted from death yeâ— nevertheless for that we were strangers and vagabonds without either faith or knowledg of God that alone would suffice at leastwise to condemn us to have our hands and noses cut off and so to be banished for ever into the Country of Ponxileytay whither such people as we were wont to be exiled as might be verified by divers sentences given and executed in like cases and to that effect he desired the admittance of his articles which he promised to prove within the time that should be prescribed him These articles were presently excepted against by the Proctor of the Court of Justice established for the poor who offered to make the contrary appear within a certain term which to that end and for many other reasons alleadged by him in our favour was granted him wherefore he required that the said articles might not be admitted especially for that they were infamous and directly contrary to the Ordinances of Justice Whereupon the Chaem ordered that his articles should not be admitted unless he did prove them by evident testimonies and such as were conformable to the Divine Law within six days next ensuing and that upon pain in case of contravention not to be admitted to any demand of a longer delay The said term of six days being prescribed the Kings Proctor he in the mean time producing no one proof against us nor any person that so much as knew us came and demanded a delay of other six days which was flatly denied him in regard it but too well appeared that all he did was only to win time and therefore he would by no means consent unto it but contrarily he gave the Proctor for the poor five days respit to alledge all that further he could in our defence In the mean time the Kings Proctor declaimed against us in such foul and opprobrious terms as the Chaem was much offended thereat so that he condemned him to pay us twenty Taeis of silver both for his want of charity and for that he could not prove any one of the obligations which he had exhibited against us Three days being spent herein four Tanigores of the house of the poor coming very early
and so many days of hawking and hunting all which amounts to such a sum of mony Then if he will not bestow so much the Xipaton shews him in another Chapter the feasts which are ordinarily made for the Chaems Aytaâ—s Ponchacis Bracalons Anchacis Conchalaas Lanteas or for Captains and rich men whereas other kind of persons of meaner condition have nothing else to do but to sit down and fall to on free cost so that there are usually fifty or threescore rooms full of men and women of all sorts There are also in other rooms most excellent and melodious consorts of musick namely of Harps Viols Lutes Bandoâ—es Cornets Sackbuts and other Instruments which are not in use amongst us If it be a feast of women as it often falls out to be then are the wayters on the table likewise women or young Dâ—mosels richly attired who for that they are maids and endued with singular beauty it happens many times that men of extraordinary quality fall in love with them and do marry them Now for a conclusion of that which I have to say of these Inns of all the mony which is spent upon such feasts four in the hundred whereof the Xipaton paies the one half and they that make the feasts the other is set apart for the entertainment of the table of the poor whereunto for Gods sake all manner of people are admitted that will come to it Moreover they are allowed a Chamber and a good bed but that only for the space of three days unless they be women with child or sick persons which are not able to travel for in that case they are entertained a longer time because regard is had unto the people according to the need they are in We saw also in this outward inclosure which as I have delivered invirons all the other City two and thirty great Edifices or Colledges distant about a â—light shoot the one from the other where such as apply themselves to the study of the two and thirty Laws which are professed in the two and thirty Kingdoms of this Empire do recide Now in each of these Colledges according as we could guess by the great number of persons that we saw there there should be above ten thousand Scholers and indeed the Aquesendoo which is the Book that treats of these things makes them amount in the whole to four hundred thousand There is likewise somewhat apart from the rest another far greater and fairer Edifice of almost a league in circuit where all those that have taken degrees as well in their Theologie as in the Laws of the government of this Monarchy do live In this University there is a Chaem who commands over all the Heads of the Colledges and is called by a title of eminent dignity Xileyxitapou that is to say Lord of all the Nobles This Chaem for that he is more honourable and of an higher quality then all the rest keeps as great a Court as any Tuton for he hath ordinarily a guard of three hundred Mogores four and twenty Loshers that go with silver Maces before him and six and thirty women which mounted on white ambling Nags trapped with silk and silver ride playing on certain very harmonious instruments of musick and singing to the tune thereof make a pleasing Consort after their manner There are also led before him twenty very handsome spare horses without any other furniture then their clothes of silver tinsel and with headstals full of little silver bells every horse being waited on by six Halberdiers and four footmen very well apparelled Before all this train goes four hundred Huppes with a number of great long chains which trailing on the ground make such a dreadful ratling and noise as does not a lit le terrifie all that are within hearing Then next to them marches twelve men on horsback called Peretandas each of them carrying an Umbrello of carnation Sattin and other twelve that follow them with banners of white damask deeply indented and edged about with golden frenge Now after all this pomp comes the Chaem sitting in a triumphant Chariot attended by threescore Conchalas Chumbims and Monteos such as amongst us are the Chancellors Judges and Councellors of the Courts of Justice and these go all on foot carrying upon their shoulders Cymiters rightly garnished with gold Last of all follow lesser officers that are like unto our Registers Examiners Auditors Clarks Atturneys and Solicitors all likewise on foot and crying out unto the people with a loud voice for to retire themselves into their houses and clear the streets so as there may be nothing to hinder or trouble the passage of this magnificnce But the most observable thing herein is that close to the Person of the Chaem march two little boyes on horsback one on the right hand the other on the left richly attired with their ensignes in their hands signifying Iustice and Mercy whereof I have spoken heretofore That on the right side representing mercy is clothed in white and that on the left representing justice is apparelled in red The horses whereon these little boyes are mounted have on them foot-clothes of the same colour their garments are and all their furniture and trappings are of gold with a kind of net-work over them made of silver thread After each of these children march six young youths about fifteen years of age with silver Maces in their hands so that all these things together are so remarkable as there is no man that beholds them but on the one side trembles for fear and on the other side remains astonished at the sight of so much greatness and majesty Now that I may not longer dwel on that which concerns this great inclosure I will pass over in silence many other marvels that we saw there consisting in rich fair buildings in magnificent Pagodes in bridges placed upon great pillars of stone on either side whereof are rayls or grates of iron finely wrought and in high ways that are straight broad and all very well paved whereof I think fit not to speak for by that which I have already said one may easily judg of what I have omitted in regard of the resemblance and conformity that is between them wherefore I will only intreat and that as succinctly as I can of certain buildings which I saw in this City chiefly of four that I observed more curiously then the rest as also of some other particularities that well deserve to be insisted upon This City of Pequin whereof I have promised to speak more amply then yet I have done is so prodigious and the things therein remarkable as I do almost repent me for undertaking to discourse of it because to speak the truth I know not where to begin that I may be as good as my word for one must not imagine it to be either as the City of Rome or Constantinople or Venice or Paris or London or Sevill or Lisbon or that any of the Cities of Europe
arrows but they recovered in a short time without the maâ—â—ing of any one As soon as the fortress was gained all that were found within it were put to the sword not sparing the life of any but that of the Pyrat and sixscore others of his company which were led alive to the King of Bramaa who caused them to be cast to his Elephants that instantly dismembred them In the mean time the taking of this fortress was so advantagious to the Portugals that were sent thither as they returned from thence all very rich and it was thought that five or six of them got each of them the value of five and twenty or thirty thousand duckats a piece and that he which had least had the worth of two or three thousand for his share After that the Ambassador was cured at Martabanâ— of the hurts which he had received in the fight he went directly to the City of Pegu where as I have declared the King of Bramaas Court was at that time who being advertised of his arrivall and of the letter which he brought him from the Calaminham whereby he accepted of his amity and allied himself with him he sent the Chaumigrem his foster-brother and brother-in-brother-in-law to receive him to which end he set forth accompanied with all the Grandees of the Kingdom and four battalions of strangers amongst the which were a thousand Portugals commanded by Antonio Ferreira born in Braguenca a man of great understanding and to whom this King gave twelve thousand duckats a year pension besides the Presents which he bestowed on him in particular that came to little less Hereupon the King of Bramaa seeing that by this new league God had contented his desire he resolved to shew himself thankfull for so great a favour wherefore he caused great feasts to be made amongst these people and a number of Sacrifices to be offered in their Temples where there was no spare of perfumes and wherein it was thought there were killed above a thousand stags cows and hogs which were bestowed for an alms among the poor besides many other works of charity as the cloathing of five thousand poor folks and imploying great sums of money in the releasing of a thousand prisoners which were detained for debt After that these feasts had continued seven whole days together with a most ardent zeal and at the incredible charge of the King Lords and people news came to the City of the death of the Aixquendoo Roolim of Mounay who was as it were their Soveraign Bishop which caused all rejoycings to cease in an instant and every one to fall into mourning with great expressions of sorrow The King himself retired the fairs were given over the windows doors and shops were shut up so that no living thing was seen to stir in the City withall their Temples and Pagods were full of penitents of all sorts who with incessant shedding of tears exercised such an excesse of repentance as some of them died therewith In the mean time the King departed away the same night for to go to Mounay which was some twenty leagues from thence for that he was necessarily to be assistant at this funerall pomp according to the antient custom of the Kings of Pegu he arrived there the next day somewhat late and then gave order for all that was necessary for his funerals so that the next day every thing being in a readiness the body of the deceased was about evening brought from the place where he died and laid on a Scaffold that was erected in the midst of a great place hung all about with white velvet and covered over head with three cloths of Estate of gold and silver tinsell in the middle of it was a Throne of twelve steps ascent unto it and an hearse almost like unto ours set forth with divers rich works of gold and pretious stones round about hung a number of silver candlesticks and perfuming pots wherein great quantities of sweet odours were burnt by reason of the corruption of the body which already began to have an ill savour In this manner they kept it all that night during the which was no little ado and such a tumult of cries and lamentations made by the people as words are not able to express for the only number of the Bicos Grepos Menigrepos Talagrepos Guimons and Roolims who are the chiefest of their Priests amounted to above thirty thousand that were assembled together there besides a world of others which came thither every hour When divers inventions of sorrow that were well accommodated to the subject of this mourning had been shown there came some two hours after midnight out of a Temple called Quiay Figrau god of the Motes of the Sun a procession wherein were seen five hundred little boys stark naked and bound about the neck and the middle with cords and chains of iron upon their heads they carried bundles of wood and in their hands knives singing in two Quires with a tone so lamentable and sad as few that heard them could hardly forbear crying In the mean time one amongst them went saying in this manner Thou that art going to enjoy the contentments of heaven leave us not prisoners in this exile whereunto another Quire answered To the end we may rejoyce with thee in the blessings of the Lord then continuing their song in manner of a Letany they said many otherthings with the same tone After that when they were all fallen on their knees before the Scaffold where the body lay a Grepo above an hundred years old prostrated on the ground with his hands lifted up on high made a speech to him in the name of these little boys whereunto another Grepo who was neer the hearse as if he had spoken in the person of the deceased came to answer thus Since it hath pleased God by his holy will to form me of earth it hath pleased him also to resolve me into earth I recommend unto you my children the fear of that hour wherein the hand of the Lord shall put us into the balance of his justice whereupon all the rest with a great cry replied in this sort May it please the most Almighty high Lord that raigns in the Sun to have no regard to our works that so we may be delivered from the pains of death These little boys being retired there came others about the age of ten or eleven years apparrelled in white Sattin robes with chains of gold on their feet and about their necks many rich jewels and pearls After they had with much ceremony done a great deal of reverence to the dead body they went and florished naked scymitars which they had in their hands all about the hearse as if they would chace away the divell saying aloud Get thee gone accursed as thou art into the bottom of the house of smoke where dying with a perpetuall pain without making an end of dying thou shalt pay without making an end also of paying the
age accounted amongst them for an holy personage very knowing in the customes and lawes of those Sects of the Gentiles and above all exceeding charitable to the poor With this election the King and all the great ones of the Court remained very well satisfied The King then speedily dispatched away the Chaumigrem his foster-brother to whom he gave thereupon the title of Coutalanhaa which signifies the Kings brother to the end he might be the more honorably qualified with an hundred Lauleas wherein was the Flower of all the Bramaâ— Nobility together with the nine Electors for to go and fetch him which had been newly chosen to the dignity of Roolim And having brought him nine dayes after with a great deal of respect and honor to a place called Tagalaa some five leagues from the Isle of Mounay the King met him with all the great men of the Court besides a world of other people and above two thousand vessells with oars When he was come in this equipage where the new Roolim vvas he prostrated himself before him and kissing the ground three times O thou holy pearl said he unto him which art in the midst of the Sun breath forth upon me by an agreeable inspiration of the Lord of uncreated power that I may not dread upon earth the insupportable yoke of mine enemies At these vvords the nevv Roolim putting forth his hand to raise him from the ground spake thus unto him Labour my Son that thy works may be pleasing to God and I will pray for thee without ceasing Hereupon the King rising up the Roolim made him sit dovvn by him and stroked him three times vvith his hand on the head vvhich the King took for the greatest honor he could do him then having said something unto him vvhiâ—h vve could not hear for that vve vvere a little too far off he blovved three times on the Kings head vvhilest he vvas on his knees again before him and all the people laid flat on the earth This done he parted from that place amidst the applauses that vvere given him from all parts and the sound of bells and instruments of musick and imbarqued himself in the Kings Laulea where he was seated in a rich chair of gold set with precious stones and the King at his feet which was also taken for a great honor done him by the Roolim round about and a little distant from him were twelve little boys attired in yellow sattin with scarfes of silver Tinsell golden Maces and Scepters in their hands All along the sides of the vessell instead of Mariners stood the Lords of the Kingdom with guilt oars by them and as well in the Poop as the Prow were two Quires of young striplings apparrelled in carnation sattin and having divers sorts of instruments in their hands to the tune whereof they sung the praises of God Some of our company observed that one of their songs said thus Children of a pure heart praise this admirable and divine Lord for as â—or me being a sinner I am not worthy to do it and if that too be not permitted unto you let your eys weep before his feet that so you may render your selves agreeable unto him In the same manner they sung many other songs to the tune of their instruments and with so much ardor and zeal as if they had been Christians it would have been able to have stirred up the devotion of them that heard them After that the Rooliâ— was in this sumptuous â—ort arrived at the City of Martabano he did not go to Land as it had been resolved because it was night for it was not lawfull for him at any hand to touch the ground with his feet in regard of the great dignity of his person but stayed till the next morning at which time the King disimbarqued him first of all upon his own shoulders and so too did the Princes and great Lordsof the Kingdom carry him alternatively to the Pagodâ— of Quiay Ponuedea as being the greatest and most sumptuous of the whole City in the midst whereof was a Theater richly set forth of yellow sattin which is the livery of that soveraign dignity There out of a new ceremony being laid all along upon a â—ittle bed of gold he made as though he were dead and then at the sound of a bell which gave three toles the Bonzes prostrated themselves all with their faces on the ground for the space of half an hour during which time all the assistants for a sign of sadnesse held their hands before their eys in saying aloud Lord recall this thy servant to a new life to the end we may have one to pray for us Instantly thereupon they took him from thence and put him into a Tomb adorned with the same livery then chanting out certain I know not what very sorrowfull words with tears in their eys they left him after they had surrounded the Temple thrice in a grave made expresly for that purpose covered over with a cloth of black velvet and inviâ—oned about with dead mens heads This done they said certain prayers after their manner weeping which very much moved the King and then all the throng of people that made a strange noyse being commanded to silence they gave three toles with a great bell for a sign to all the rest of the bells in the City to answer them as they did with so horrible and dreadfull a din that the earth even trembled therewith After the ceasing of this noyse two Talagrepos men of great reputation amongst them and very well versed in their Laws went up into two Pulpits prepared expresly for them and that were hung with rich Turky Carpets where they entertained their Auditors with the subject of this ceremony and gave them the explication of every thing making an ample relation unto them of the life and death of the deceased Roolim and of the election of this same together with the excellent qualities with which he was indued for to be raised to so high a charge whereunto he was called by a particular grace of God to this they added many other things wherewith the people were exceedingly satisfied and contented then the same bell having tolled three times more the two Priests descended from their Pulpits which together with all their furniture were presently burned with another new kind of ceremony whereof I will forbear here making a relation because it seems unnecessary to me to lose time in these superfluities having said but too much already thereof After all things were peaceable and quiet and that for the space of five or six Credoes nothing had been spoken there appeared coming from the next Temple which was about a flight shot off a very rich and sumptuous Procession of little children attired all in white taffets for a mark of their innocency and purenesse they had about their necks a number of jewells chains of gold upon their legs in form of bracelets white wax lights in their hands and
Captain of Malaca and by whom I had been sent as Ambassador to the Chaiubanbaa of Marâ—abano as I have declared heretofore To him I rendred an exact accompt of all that had past for which he shewed himself very sorrowfulL and accommodated me with divers things whereunto his conscience and generosity obliged him in regard of the goods which I had lost for his occasion A little after that I might not lose the oportunity of the season I imbarqued my self with an intention to go to the Southward and once more to try my fortune in the Kingdomes of China and Iapan to see if in those countries where I had so many times lost my coat I could not find a better then that I had on Being imbarqued at Goa in a Junck that belonged to Pedro de Faria which was bound in way of trade for Zunda I arrived at Malaca the same day that Ruy vas Pereyra termed Marramaque died who was then Captain of the fortresse there Being departed from that place to go to Zunda at the end of seventeen dayes I arrived at Banta where the Portugals are accustomed to traffique And because there was at that time great scarcity of pepper over all the country and that we came thither of purpose for it we were constrained to passe the winter there with a resolution to go for China the year following We had been almost two moneths in this Port where we exerâ—ised our commerce very peaceably whenas from the King of Demaa Emperor of all the Islands of Iaoa Angenia Bâ—la Madura and of the rest of the Islands of that Archipelago there landed in this country a widdow woman named Nhay Pombaya about the age of threescore years who came as Ambassador to Tagaril King of Zuâ—da that was also his Vassall as well as all the rest of that Monarchy for to tell him that he was within the term of six weeks to be in person at the town of Iapara where he was then making preparation to invade the Kingdome of Passaruan When this woman arrived in this Port the King went in person to the Vessell where she was from whence he carried her to his Palace with great pomp and put her into the company of his wife for her better entertainment whilest he himself retired to another lodging farther off to do her the more honor Now that one may know the reason wherefore this ambassage was executed rather by a woman then a man you must note that it hath alwayes been the custome of the Kings of this Kingdome to treat of the most important matters of their State by the mediation of women especially when it concernes peace which they observe not only in particular messages that are sent by the Lords to their Vassalls such as this was but also in matter of publique and generall affairs which is performed by ambassage from one King to another and all the reason they give for it is That God hath given more gentlenesse and inclination to courtesie yea and more authority to women then to men who are severe as they say and by consequent lesse agreeable to those unto whom they are sent Now it is their opinion that every one of those women which the Kings are accustomed to send about affaires of importance ought to have certain qualities for well executing of an ambassage and worthily discharging the Commission which is granted to them for first of all they say That she must not be a Maid for fear she chance to lose her honor in going out of her house because that even as with her beauty she contents every one so by the same reason she may be a motive of discord and unquietnesse in matters where unity is required rather then an accesse to concord and the peace which is pretended unto To this they adde that she must be married or at leastwise a widdow after a lawfull marriage that if she have had children she must have a Certificate how she hath given them all suck with her own breasts alledging thereupon that she who hath borne children and doth not nourish them if she can is rather a carnall voluptuous corrupted and dishonest woman then a true mother And this custome is observed so exactly over all this country principally amongst persons of quality that if a mother hath a child which she cannot give suck unto for some valuable consideration she must make an attestation thereof as of a thing very serious and much importing her honor That if being young too she happens to lose her husband and becomes a widdow she must for the better testifying of her vertue enter into Religion to the end she may thereby shew that she did not formerly marry for the pleasure which she expected from her marriage but to have children according to the pure and honest intention wherewith God joyned together the first married couple in the terrestiall Paradise Furthermore that there might be nothing to be found fault with in the purity of their marriage and that it might be altogether conformable to the Law of God they say that after a woman is with-child she ought no longer to have the company of her husband because the same could not then be but dishonest and sensuall To these conditions they add many others which I will passe over in silence for that I think it unreasonable to use prolixity in matters that I hold worthy of excuse if I do not relate them at length In the mean time after that Nhay Pombaya had delivered her Embassage to the King of Zunda as I have declared before and treated with him about the occasion which brought her thither she presently departed from this Towne of Baâ—ta whereupon the King having speedily prepared all things in readinesse he set sail with a Fleet of thirty Calaluzes and ten Iuripangâ—es well furnished with ammunition and victuall in which forty vessells there were seven thousand fighting men besides the Mariners and Rowers Amongst this number were forty Portugalls of six and forty that we were in all in regard whereof they did us many particular favours in the businesse of our Merchandize and publikely confessed that they were much obliged to us for following them as we did so that we should have had little reason to have excused our selves from accompanying them in this war CHAP. XLIV The expedition of the Pangueyran Emperor of Jaoa and King of Demaa against the King of Passeruan and all that which passed in this war THe King of Zunda being departed from the Port of Banta the fifth day of Ianuary in the year one thousand five hundred forty and six arrived on the nineteenth of the same at the Town of Iapura where the King of Demaa Emperor of this Island of Iaoa was then making his preparatives having an army on foot of eight hundred thousand men This Prince being advertised of the King of Zundaes coming who was his brother-in-brother-in-law and vassall he sent the King of Panaruca Admirall of the Fleet to
not be applied to his wound but because he was hurt just in the heart there was no hope of recovery so that he died within a very short time after Presently they seized on the Page whom they put to torture by reason of some suspitions which they had upon this accident but he never confessed any thing and said nought els save That he had done it of his own free will and to be revenged of the blow which the King had given him on his head by way of contempt as if he had struck some dog that was barking up and down the streets in the night without considering that he was the son of the Pate Pondan Lord of Surebayaa The Page then was impaled alive with a good big stake which was thrust in at his Fundament and came out at the nape of his neck As much was done to his Father to three of his brothers and to threescore and twelve of his kinsmen so that his whole Race was exterminated upon which so cruell and rigorous an execution many great troubles ensued afterwards in all the country of Iaoa and in all the Islands of â—ale Tymor and Madura which are very great and whereof the Governors are Soveraigns by their Lawes and from all antiquity After the end of this execution question was made what should be done with the Kings body whereupon there were many different opinions amongst them for some said that to bury him in that place was as much as to leave him in the power of the Passeruans and others that if he were transported to Demaa where his Tomb was it was not possible but that it would be corrupted before it arrived there whereunto was added that if they interred him so putrified and corrupted his soul could not be received into Paradisâ— according to the Law of the country which is that of Mahomet wherein he died After many contestations thereupon in the end they followed the counsell which one of our Portugals gave them that was so profitable to him afterwards as it was worth him above ten thousand duckats wherewith the Lords rewarded him as it were in vye of one another for a recompence of the good service which he did then to the deceased This counsell was that they should put the body into a Coffin full of Lime and Camphire and so bury it in a Junck also full of earth so that albeit the thing was not so marvellous of it self yet left it not to be very profitable to the Portugals because they all found it very good and well invented as indeed the successe of it was such as by means thereof the Kings body was carried to Demaa without any kind of corruption or ill savour As soon as the Kings body was put into the Iunck appointed for it the King of Zunda Generall of the Army caused the great Ordinance and the ammunition to be imbarqued and with the least noyse that might be committed to safe custody the most precious things the King had together with all the treasures of the Tents But whatsoever care and silence was used therein the enemy could not be kept from having some inkling of it and from understanding how things went in the Camp so that instantly the King marched out of the Town in person with only three thousand souldiers of the past confederacy who by a solemn vow caused themselves to be annoynted with the oyle which they call Minhamundi as men resolved and that had vowed themselves to death Thus fully determined as they vvere they went and fell upon the enemies whom finding busie in trussing up their baggage they intreated so ill as in lesse then half an hours space for no longer lasted the heat of the fight they cut twelve thousand of them in pieces Withall they took two Kings and five Pates or Dukes prisoners together with above three hundred Turks Abyssines and Achems yea and their Caâ—ismoubana the Soveraign dignity amongst the Mahometans by whose counsell the Pangueyran was come thither There vvere also four hundred ships burnt vvherein vvere the hurt men so that by this means all the Camp vvas neer lost After this the King retreated into the Tovvn vvith his men vvhereof he lost but four hundred In the mean time the King of Zunda having caused the remainder of the Army to be re-imbarqued vvith all speed the same day being the nineth of March they set saile directly for the City of Demaa bringing along with them the body of the Pangueyran vvhich upon the arrivall thereof vvas received by the people vvith great cries and strange demonstrations of a universall mourning The day after a revievv vvas taken of all the men of vvar for to knovv hovv many vvere dead and there vvas found missing an hundred and thirty thousand vvhereas the Passeruans according to report had lost but five and tvventy thousand but be it as it vvill and let fortune make the best market that she can of these things yet they never arrive but the field is died vvith the bloud of the vanquishers and by a stronger reason vvith that of the vanguished to vvhom these events do alvvayes cost far dearer then to the others The same day there vvas question of creating a nevv Pangueyran vvho as I have said heretofore is Emperor over all the Pates and Kings of that great Archipelago vvhich the Chineses Tartar Iapon and Lequio Historians are vvont to call Raterra Vendau that is to say the eye-lid of the world as one may see in the Card if the elevation of the heights prove true Novv because that after the death of the Pangueyran there vvas not a lavvfull successor to be found that might inherit this Crovvn it vvas resolved that one should be made by election for vvhich effect by the common consent of all eight men vvere chosen as heads of all the people to create a Pangueyran These same assembled then together in a house and after order had been taken for the pacifying of all things in the City they continued seven vvhole daies together vvithout being able to come to any agreement about this election for vvhereas there vvere eight pretendents of the principall Lords of the Kingdome there vvere found amongst these Electors many different opinions vvhich proceeded from this that the most part or all of them vvere meerly allied to these â—ight or to their kinsmen so that each one laboured to make him Pangueyran vvhich vvas most to his mind Whereupon the inhabitants of the City and the souldiers of the Army making use of this delay to their advantage as men vvho imagined that this affair vvould never be terminated and that there vvould be no chastisement for them they began shamelessly to break out into all kind of actions full of insolency and malice And forasmuch as there vvas a great number of Merchants Ships in the Port they got aboard them and fell pell-mell to rifling both of strangers and those of the country vvith so much licentiousnesse as it vvas said
Marriage of his Daughter vvith the King of Arimaa and therefore vvilled him to go and acknowledg unto him vvith all thankfulnesse this grace and honour which he did him for he assured him on the vvord of a King that he himself had desired him for his son-in-Son-in-Law Hereupon the Fucarandono cast himself presently at the Kings feet and in convenient terms for so great an obligation kissed them with much sense of so extraordinary a favour as he had shewed him That done he went home to his Palace where with much joy and contentment he gave an account of this Affair to his Wife to his Sons and his kinsmen who shewing themselves exceedingly satisfied therewith congratulated one another for it as they commonly use to do in such honourable Matches as this In the mean time the Mother of the Bride as she that had the best part in this Joy went unto a chamber where her Daughter was sowing with divers other young Maids that served her and taking her by the hand lead her into the room where her Father Brethren and kinsmen were who rejoyced with her for so happy a fortune and honoured her with the Title of Highnesse as being already Queen of the Kingdome of Arimaa and so all that day was spent in Feasts Banquets visits of Ladies and presenting her with many rich Gifts But whereas the good or evill of such like Affairs consists more in that which followeth then in the original thereof upon the good and joyfull beginning of this Marriage such great disasters ensued as they almost equalled them of the Kingdom of Siam whereof I have spoken heretofore which I stick not to say in regard I can affirm it with truth as having seen these two Successes with mine own eyes and been present at them wich danger enough of my person All this day was spent in the visits of the principal persons of the Kingdom But in this publick rejoycing there was none save the Bride alone that was discontented in regard she was desperately in love with a young Gentleman the son of one Groge Arum who was as a Baron amongst us but very much different in extraction and quality from the Fucarandono the Father of the Bride who as soon as it was night compelled by the violence of the love which she bore to him sent him word by her whom she had alwayes secretly made use of in this Affair that she would have him come and steal her away out of her Fathers house before some other mischief arrived Whereupon the young man vvho was no more free from this passion then shee failed not to come to her to a place in which they used to meet together where his Mistresse importuned him in such manner as he was constrained to carry her away from her Fathers house and put her into a Monastery of Religious women vvhereof an Aunt of hers was as it were the Abbesse in vvhich she continued nine dayes concealed without the knowledg or privity of any body The next morning her Governesse vvent into her chamber where she had left her the night before but not finding her there she presently repaired to her Mothers chamber imagining that she was gone thither to trick up her self extraordinarily in regard of the time or for some other such like occasion and missing of her there too she returned to her bed-chamber vvhere she found one of the vvindows that looked into a garden open together with a sheet fastned to one of the barrs and one of her sandals lying below on the ground Presently misdoubting the businesse she went without farther delay to impart the sad news unto her Mother who was still in her bed out of which in all haste she arose and diligently searching all the women chambers vvhere she conceived she might be and not finding her it was said that she vvas so overcome vvith grief as she fell down dead in the place In the mean time the Fucarandono vvho as yet understood nothing of the matter hearing the noise which the women made ran in haste to know the cause thereof Whereupon being assured of the flight of his Daughter he sent with all speed to acquaint his kinsmen therewith who amazed vvith the novelty of so unfortunate and unexpected an accident came instantly unto him Having consulted then amongst themselves vvhat they should do in this Affair they resolved to proceed therein with all the rigour that possibly could be used so that presently beginning with the vvomen of the house they cut off I know not how many of their heads under pretext of being complices of this rape or flight After this execution being of different opinions touching the place where this maid might be they were all of the minde not to proceed any further untill they had first acquainted the King with the businesse which instantly they did and withall very earnestly besought him to permit them to go and search the houses of some whom they named unto him where they beleeved she was Which the King refusing as well to exempt the Masters of them from such an affront as also to prevent the tumult which this disorder might cause the Fucarandono offended for that the King did not grant him his request returned with his kinsmen to his Palace where he resolved with them to do therein all that in such a case he thought was for his honour alledging that it was onely for men of little worth and base mindes to proceed by way of justice in matters which might be carried by force This resolution taken as it is the custome of these people of Iapan to be more â—mbitious of honouâ— then all the Nations of the world he determined to bring his designe to passe at any price whatsoever without regard to any thing that might arrive thereupon so that giving intelligence thereof to all his friends and kinsmen that were in the Court they came all to him that night and approved of this his resolution after he had declared it unto them insomuch that they went without further delay to the houses of them where they were perswaded this Maid lay hid but they being already fortified and furnished with men upon notice given them before-hand of their intent such a great and terrible uproar ensued thereupon as there were above twelve thousand persons killed that night To this disorder the King ran in person with his guard to see if he could pacifiâ— it but the quarrell grew so hot betwixt them as it was impossible to appease it so that after they had lost the respect which they owed to the King they turned all their fury against him and slew the most part of them that were with him so that he was constrained to retire unto his Palace where he gathered unto him as many as possibly he could upon a sudden but all that served him to little purpose for they pursued him thither and killed him together with very neer all them that he had drawn to his defence
THE VOYAGES AND ADVENTURES OF Fernand Mendez Pinto A Portugal During his TRAVELS for the space of one and twenty years in The Kingdoms of Ethiopia China Tartaria Cauchinchina Calaminham Siam Pegu Japan and a great part of the East-Indiaes With a Relation and Description of most of the Places thereof their Religion Laws Riches Customs and Government in time of Peace and War Where he five times suffered Shipwrack was sixteen times sold and thirteen times made a Slave Written Originally by himself in the Portugal Tongue and Dedicated to the Majesty of Philip King of Spain Done into English by H. C. Gent. LONDON Printed by I. Macock for Henry Cripps and Lodowick Lloyd and are to be sold at their shop in Popes head Alley neer Lumbar-street 1653. TO THE Right Noble Lord and worthy of all Honor William Earl of Strafford Vicount Wentworth Baron Wentworth of Wentworth Woodhouse Newmarsh Oversley and Raby My Lord PVrchas a Writer of good credit here in England gives this testimony of my Author that no man before him to his knowledg hath spoken so much and so truly of those Oriental parts of the World which are so little known to us as he hath done And that too not upon hearsay and report but for the most part as an ocular Witness and personal Actor of and in all that he hath related which is so full of Variety and strange Occurrences that as another Writer affirms the like will hardly be met withall elsewhere So that the most curious Wits which delight in reading of rare Books will I beleeve find all the satisfaction they can desire in this same of his where without so much as stirring out of their Studies or running the danger of Shipwrack they may traverse the Seas view the goodliest Provinces of the World entertain themselves with stupendious and unheardâ—of things consider in the manner of those peoples living whom we term Barbarians their Laws their Riches their Government in time of Peace and War and in a word represent unto themselves as in a picture all that is most exquisite and of greatest marvel in the extent of Europe Affrica and Asia These together with many other remarkable matters are contained in this Work which I have taken the presumption to present unto your Honor being invited thereunto by the example of two Translators of it into the Spanish and French Tongues whereof the one dedicated it to the Archbishop of Toledo in Spain and the other to the Cardinal Richelieu of France both of them the most eminent persons of their time in those Kingdoms And with whom your Honor may justly be ranked especially in respect of the Nobility of your Birth as well as for the great Hope which your many present Vertues and Abilities do give unto the World of your future Worth and Estimation Be pleased then my Lord to receive it favorably as a tender of the great desire I have to appear in all occasions Your Honors most humble and devoted Servant HENRY COGAN AN Apologetical Defence OF FERNAND MENDEZ PINTO HIS HISTORY IF it be true that Authors do render themselvs commendable by their Works there is no doubt but that Fernand Mendez Pinto hath by this same of his justly acquired such reputation as will make him be esteemed for ever He was a man of a strong wit and sound judgment and indued with a most rare and extraordinary memory as appears in the Relation of his Voyages and Adventures which sufficiently testifie how far he excelled therein retaining in his remembrance an infinitie of such strange and wonderful things whereof to his cost he was for the most part an eye witness as many great Personages of Asia and Europe took no little delight in hearing him recount them especially Philip the second King of Spain who at several times spent many houres in discoursing with him there about which questionless he would never have done being a Prince in the opinion of all the world of a most exact and profound judgment had he not been verily perswaded that what he delivered was true Nevertheless since there may be some who in regard of the stupendious things which he delivers wil seem to give no credit thereunto I have held it very necessary to cite here many several authentick Authors that in their writings have confirmed the verity of his Narrations as followeth Of the Riches and Grandeurs of these Orientall Countries and perticularly of the Kingdome of China Nicholas Trigault the Iesuite treates diffusedly in his book intituled De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas in the first part thereof principally in the 6 th Chapter Gasper de la Cruz in his book of China the third fourth fifth and nineteen Chapters John de Lucena in the life of Francis Xavier the Iesuite in the tenth Book from the seventeenth to the twenty fourth Chapter Anthony Galuan in his Treatise of the Discovery of those Parts fol. 39. and in his History of Florida Mendoza in his History of China the second Chapter of the third Book Trigault in his first Book the seventh Chapter Palatii Regis Doctor Babia in the third part of his Pontifical History the 18 Chapter in the life of Sixtus Quintus Boterus in his Relations John de Sanctis in his Orientall Aethiopian History Chap. 8. and in the Ecclesiastical History of Rebullosa Ribadeneyra Mathew and Lewes Gusman in divers Chapters of the Orientall Histories Josephus de Acosta Peter of Leon Zarate Michael Vazquez de Padilla Peter Martyr Cefas Bishop of Chiapa Francesco Lopez de Gomorra Hierosme du Pré Ferdinand de Cordoua Hierosme Romain Illescas Antonio de Herrera Pineda Prudentius de Sandobal and Garcilasso in divers places of his Royal Commentaries and in the 20 th Chapter of his third Book Touching that which Fernand Mendez writes of the Governors of those Kingdomes of the strict observation of Iustice of the Names of the Iudges Vice-Royes Magistrates Captains Governours and Ministers of the State Boterus in his universal Relations sayes the same Trigault in divers places particularly in the sixth Chapter of the first book de Senensis Reipublicae administratione Gaspar de la Cruz in the 16.17.18 and 19. Chapters Babia in the third page of his Ponticall book in the life of Sixtus Quintus Lucena in the life of Francis Xavier the tenth book Mendoza in the ninth and tenth chapters of his third Book and in many other Chapters of his new world Mafeus in his Oriental History and in the Letters of China written by Guerrier the Iesuit Concerning the great number of prisons and other particularities the same may be seen at large in the History of China Mendoza in the twelfth Chapter of his first book Gaspar de la Cruz Chapter ninth and twenty second Trigault in divers places of his History Lucena in the twenty first Chapter of his tenth book and Alexander Valignario in his Letters missive That which he speaks of the great multitudes of people that are in those Countries
and that which arrived to me in that Voyage THe next day our General Gonçallo vaz Coutinho arrived at Goa with so many of us as remained alive There he was exceedingly welcomed by the Vice-roy unto whom he rendred an accompt of his Voyage as also of that which he had concluded with the Queen of Onor who had promised to burn the Galley within four days and to chace the Turks out of all the Confines of her Kingdom wherewith the Vice-roy was very well satisfied In the mean time after I had remained three and twenty days in the said Town of Goa where I was cured of two hurts which I had received in fight at the Turks Trenches the necessity whereunto I saw my self reduced and the counsel of a Fryer my Friend perswaded me to offer my service unto a Gentleman named Pedro de Faria that was then newly preferred to the Charge of Captain of Malaca who upon the first motion was very willing to entertain me for a Soldier and promised me withall to give me something over and above the rest of his Company during the Voyage which he was going to make with the Vice-roy For it was at that very time when as the Vice-roy Dom Garcia de Noronha was preparing to go to the succor of the Fortress of Diu which he certainly knew was besieged and in great danger to be taken by reason of the great Forces wherewithall it was invested by the Turk and to relieve it the Vice-roy had assembled a mighty Fleet at Goa consisting of about two hundred and twenty five Vessels whereof fourscore and three were great ones namely Ships Gallions Carvels and the rest Brigantins Foists and Galleys wherein it was said there were ten thousand Land-men and thirty thousand Mariners besides a great number of Slaves The time of setting sail being come and the Foists provided of all things necessary the Vice-roy imbarqued himself on Saturday the fourteenth of November 1538. Howbeit five days past away before he put out of the Haven in regard he stayed for his men that were not all ready to imbarque the mean while a Catur arrived from the Town of Diu with a Letter from Antonio de Silveyra Captain of the Fortress whereby he advertised the Vice-roy that the Turks had raised the siege and were retired Now though these were good news yet was the whole Fleet grieved thereat for the great desire every one had to fight with the Enemies of our Faith Hereupon the Vice-roy abode there five days longer during the which he took order for all things necessary to the conservation of his Government of the Indiaes and then commanding to hoist sail he departed from Goa on a Thursday morning the sixteenth of December The fourâ—eenth of his Navigation he went and cast anchor at Chaul where he remained three days during the which he entred into conference with Inezamuluco a Mahometan Prince and took order for certain affairs very much importing the surety of the Fortress After that he cauâ—ed some of the Vessels of the Fleet to be rigged which he furnished with Soldiers and Victuals and then dâ—parted for to go to Diu But it was his ill fortune as he was crossing the Gulph to be suddenly overtaken by such a furious Tempest that it not only separated his Fleet but was the loss of many Vessels chiefly of the Bastard Galley which was cast away at the mouth of the River Dabul whereof Dom Alvaro de Noronha the Vice-roys son and General of the Sea-forces was Captain In the same Gulph also perished the Galley named Espinheyro commanded by Iovan de Sousa howbeit the most part of their men were saved by Christophilo de Gama who came most opportunely to their succor During this Tempest there were seven other ships likewise cast away the names of which I have forgotten in so much that it was a month before the Vice-roy could recover himself of the loss he had sustained and re-assemble his Fleet again which this storm had scattered in divers places At length the sixteenth of Ianuary 1539. he arrived at the Town of Diu where he caused the Fortress to be re-built the greater part whereof had been demolished by the Turks so as it seemed that it had been defended by the besieged rather by miracle then force Now to effect it the better he made proclamation that all the Captains with their Soldiers should each of them take in charge to re-build that quarter which should be allotted them and because never a Commander there had more then Pedro de Faria he thought fit to appoint him the Bulwark which looked to the Sea for his quarter together with the out-wall that was on the Lands side wherein he bestowed such care and diligence that in six and twenty days space both the one and the other were restored to a better state then before by the means of three hundred Soldiers that were employed about it This done for that it was the fourteenth of March and a fit time for Navigation to Malaca Pedro de Faria set sail for Goa where by vertue of a Pattent granted him by the Vice-roy he furnished himself with all things necessary for his Voyage Departing then from Goa on the thirteenth of April with a Fleet of eight Ships four Foists and one Galley wherein there were five hundred men he had so favorable a wind that he arrived at Malaca the fifth day of Iune in the same year 1539. Pedro de Faria succeeding Dons Estevano de Gama in the Charge of Captain of Malaca arrived there safely with his Fleet nothing hapning in his Voyage worthy of writing Now because at his arrival Estevan de Gama had not yet ended the time of his Commission he was not put into the possession of that Government until the day that he was to enter upon his Charge Howbeit in regard Pedro de Faria was ere long to be Governor of the Fortress the neighboring Kings sent their Embassadors to congratulate with him and to make a tender of their amity and of a mutual conservation of Peace with the King of Portugal Amongst these Embassadors there was one from the King of Batas who raigned in the Isle of Samatra where it is held for a surety that the Island of Gold is which the King of Portugal Dom Ioana the Third had resolved should have been discovered by the advice of certain Captains of the Country This Embassador that was brother-in-Brother-in-law to the King of Batas named Aquarem Dabolay brought him a rich Present of Wood of Aloes Calambaa and five quintals of Benjamon in flowers with a Letter written on the bark of a Palm tree where these words were inserted More ambitious then all men of the service of the crowned Lyon seated in the dreadful Throne of the Sea the rich and mighty Prince of Portugal thy Master and mine to whom in thee Pedro de Faria I do now render obedience with a sincere and true amity to the end I may become
his Subject with all the purity and affection which a Vassal is obliged to carry unto his Master I Angeessiry Timorraia King of Batas desiring to insinuate my self into thy friendship that thy Subjects may be inriched with the fruits of this my Country I do offer by a new Treaty to replenish the Magazins of thy King who is also mine with Gold Pepper Camfire Benjamon and Aloes upon condition that with an entire confidence thou shalt send me a safe conduct written and assigned with thine own hand by means whereof all my Lanchares and Jurupanges may navigate in safety Furthermore in favor of this new amity I do again beseech thee to succor me with some Powder and great Shot whereof thou hast but too much in thy Store-houses and therefore mayst well spare them for I had never so great need of all kind of warlike munitions as at this present This granted I shall be much indebted to thee if by thy means I may once chastise those perjured Achems the mortal and eminent Enemies of thy Malaca with whom I swear to thee I will never have peace as long as I live until such time as I have had satisfaction for the blood of my three children which call upon me for vengeance and that therewith I may asswage the sorrow of their noble Mother who having given them suck and brought them up hath seen them since miserably butchered by that cruel Tyrant of Achem in the Towns of Jacur and Lingua as thou shalt be more particularly informed by Aquarem Dabolay the Brother of those childrens desolate Mother whom I have sent unto thee for a confirmation of our new amity to the end Signior that he may treat with thee about such things as shall seem good unto thee as well for the service of God as for the good of thy people From Paniau the fifth day of the eighth Moon This Embassador received from Pedro de Faria all the honor that he could do him after their manner and as soon as he had delivered him the Letter it was translated into the Portugal out of the Malayan Tongue wherein it was written Whereupon the Embassador by his Interpreter declared the occasion of the discord which was between the Tyrant of Achem and the King of Batas proceeding from this that the Tyrant had not long before propounded unto this King of Batas who was a Gentile the imbracing of Mahometâ— Law conditionally that he would wed him to a Sister of his for which purpose he should quit his wife that was also a Gentile and married to him six and twenty years Now because the King of Batas would by no means condescend thereunto the Tyrant incited by a Cacis of his immediately denounced War against him So each of them having raised a mighty Army they fought a most bloody Battel that continued three hours and better during the which the Tyrant perceiving the advantage the Bataes had of him after he had lost a great number of his people he made his retreat into a Mountain called Cagerrendan where the Bataes held him besieged by the space of three and twenty days but because in that time many of the Kings men fell sick and that also the Tyrants Camp began to want Victuals they concluded a Peace upon condition that the Tyrant should give the King five bars of Gold which are in value two hundred thousand crowns of our mony for to pay his Soldiers and that the King should marry his eldest son to that sister of the Tyrant who had been the cause of making that War This accord being signed by either part the King returned into his Country where he was no sooner arrived but relying on this Treaty of Peace he dismist his Army and discharged all his Forces The tranquillity of this Peace lasted not above two months and an half in which time there came to the Tyrant three hundred Turks whom he had long expected from the Straight of Mecqua and for them had sent four Vessels laden with Pepper wherein also were brought a great many Cases full of Muskets and Hargebusezes together with divers Pieces both of Brass and Iron Ordnance Whereupon the first thing the Tyrant did was to joyn those three hundred Turks to some Forces he had still afoot then making as though he would go to Pacem for to take in a Captain that was revolted against him he cunningly fell upon two places named Iacur and Lingua that appâ—rtained to the King of Batas which he suddenly surprized when they within thâ—m least thought of it for the Peace newly made between them took away all the mistrust of such an attempt so as by that means it was easie for the Tyrant to render himself Master of those Fortresses Having taken them he put three of the Kings sons to death and seven hundred Ouroballones so are the noblest and the valiantâ—st of the Kingdom called This while the King of Batas much resenting and that with good cause so great a Treachery sware by the head of his god Quiay Hocombinor the principal Idol of the Gentiles sect who hold him for their god of Justice never to eat either fruit salt or any other thing that might bring the least gust to his palate before he had revenged the death of his children and drawn reason from the Tyrant for this loss protesting further that he was resolved to dye in the maintenance of so just a War To which end and the better to bring it to pass the King of Batas straightway assembled an Army of fifteen thousand men as well natives as strangers wherewithall he was assisted by some Princes his friends and to the same effect he emplored the Forces of us Christians which was the reason why he sought to contract that new amity we have spoken of before with Pedro de Faria who was very well contented with it in regard he knew that it greatly imported both the service of the King of Portugal and the conservation of the Fortress besides that by this means he hoped very much to augment the Revenue of the Customs together with his own particular and all the rest of the Portugals profit in regard of the great Trade they had in those Countries of the South After that the King of Batas Embassador had been seventeen days with us Pedro de Faria dismissed him having first granted whatsoever the King his Master had demanded and something over and above as fire-pots darts and murdering Pieces wherewith the Embassador departed from the Fortress so contented that he shed tears for joy nay it was observed that passing by the great door of the Church he turned himself towards it with his hands and eyes lift up to Heaven and then as it were praying to God Almighty Lord said he openly that in rest and great joy livest there above seated on the Treasure of thy Riches which are the spirits formed by thy Will here I promise thee if it may be thy good pleasure to give us
great that it contains along the Coast above three thousand leagues as may easily be seen by the cards and globes of the world if so be their graduation be true Besides if this loss should happen which God of his infinite mercy forbid though we have but two much deserved it for our carelessness and sins we are in danger in like manner to lose the Customs of Mandorim of the City of Goa which is the best thing the King of Portugal hath in the Indiaes for they are Ports and Islands mentioned heretofore whereon depends the greatest part of his Revenue not comprehending the Spices namely the Nutmegs Cloves and Maces which are brought into this Kingdom from those Countries Now to return to my discourse I say that the Tyrant of Achem was advised by his Councel how there was no way in the world to take Malaca if he would assail it by Sea as he had done divers times before when as Dom Stephano de Gama and his Predecessors were Captains of the Fortress but first to make himself Master of the Kingdom of Aaru to the end he might afterwards fortifie himself on the River of Panetican where his Forces might more commodiously and nearly maintain the War he intended to make For then he might have means with less charge to shut up the Straights of Cincapura and Sabaon and so stop our Ships from passing to the Seas of China Sunda Banda and the Molucques whereby he might have the profit of all the Drugs which came from that great Archipelague And verily this counsel was so approved by the Tyrant that he prepared a Navy of an hundred and threescore Sails whereof the most part were Lanchares with oars Galiots Calabuzes of Iaoa and fifteen Ships high built furnished with Munition and Victual In these Vessels he imbarqued seventeen thousand men namely twelve thousand Soldiers the rest Sailers and Pioners Amongst these were four thousand Strangers Turks Abissins Malabares Gusurates and Lusons of the Isle of Borneo Their General was one named Heredin Mahomet brother-in-Brother-in-law to the Tyrant by marriage with a Sister of his and Governor of the Kingdom of Baarros This Fleet arrived safely at the River of Panetican where the King of Aaru attended them with six thousand of his own natural Subjects and not a forraigner amongst them both in regard he wanted mony for to entertain Soldiers and that also he had a Country unprovided of victual to feed them At their arrival the Enemies found them fortifying of the Trench whereof I spake heretofore Whereupon without any further delay they began to play with their Ordnance and to batter the Town on the Sea side with great fury which lasted six whole days together In the mean time the besieged defended themselves very valiantly so as there was much blood spilt on either side The General of the Achems perceiving he advanced but little caused his Forces to Land and mounting twelve great Pieces he renewed the battery three several times with such impetuosity that it demolished one of the two Forts that commanded the River by means whereof and under the shelter of certain packs of Cotton which the Achems carried before them they one morning assaulted the principal Fortress In this assault an Abissin commanded called Mamedecan who a month or thereabout before was come from Iuda to confirm the new League made by the Bassa of Caire on the behalf of the grand Signior with the Tyrant of Achem whereby he granted him a Custom-house in the Port of Pazem This Abissin rendered himself Master of the Bulwark with threescore Turks forty Ianizaries and some Malabar Mooâ—s who instantly planted five Ensigns on the walls In the mean time the King of Aaru encouraging his people with promises and such words as the time required wrought so effectually that with a valorous resolution they set upon the Enemy and recovered the Bulwark which they had so lately lost so as the Abissin Captain was slain on the place and all those that were there with him The King following his good fortune at the same instant caused the gates of the Trench to be opened and sallying out with a good part of his Forces he combated his Enemies so valiantly as he quite routed them In like manner he took eight of their twelve Pieces of Ordnance and so retreating in safety he fortified himself the best he could for to sustain his Enemies future assaults CHAP. XI The Death of the King of Aaru and the cruel Iustice that was executed on him by his Enemies the going of his Queen to Malaca and her reception there THe General of Achem seeing the bad success which he received in this incounter was more grieved for the death of the Abissin Captain and the loss of those eight Pieces of Ordnance then for all them that were slain besides whereupon he assembled his Councel of War who were all of opinion that the commenced siege was to be continued and the Trench assailed on every side which was so speedâ—ly put in execution that in seventeen days it was assaulted nine several times in so much as by divers sorts of fire-works continually invented by a Turkish Engineer that was in their Camp they demolished the greater part of the Trench Moreover they overthrew two of the principal Forts on the South side together with a great Platform which in the manner of a false-bray defended the entry of the River notwithstanding all the resistance the King of Aaru could make with his people though they behaved themselves so valiantly as the Achems lost above two thousand and five hundred men besides those that were hurt which were far more then the slain whereof the most part dyed shortly after for want of looking to As for the King of Aaru he lost not above four hundred men howbeit for that his people were but few and his Enemies many as also better ordered and better armed in the last assault that was given on the thirteenth day of the Moon the business ended unfortunately by the utter defeat of the King of Aaru's Forces For it was his ill hap that having made a salley forth by the advice of a Cacis of his whom he greatly trusted it fell out that this Traytor suffering himself to be corrupted with a bar of gold weighing about forty thousand duckets which the Achem gave him whereof the King of Aaru being ignorant set couragiously on his Enemies and fought a bloody battel with them wherein the advantage remained on his side in all mens judgment but that Dog the perfidious Cacis whom he had left Commander of the Trench sallied forth with five hundred men under colour of seconding the King in his pursuit of so prosperous a beginning and left the Trench without any manner of defence which perceived by one of the Enemies Captains a Mahometan Malabar named Cutiale Marcaa he presently with six hundred Gusarates and Malabars whom he had led thither for that purpose made himself Master of the Trench
himself that out of his impatience judged according to the wicked inclination of his heart Moreover asking of them whether in their Law they believed that the great God which governeth this All came at any time into the world clothed with a humane form they said No because there could be nothing that might oblige him to so great an extremity in regard he was through the excellency of the divine Nature delivered from our miseries and far esloigned from the Treasures of the Earth all things being more then base in the presence of his splendor By these answers of theirs we perceived that these people had never attained to any knowledg of our truth more then their eyes made them to see in the picture of Heaven and in the beauty of the day for continually in their Combayes which are their prayers lifting up their hands they say By thy works Lord we confess thy greatness After this Antonio de Faria set them at liberty and having given them certain presents wherewith they were very well pleased he caused them to be conveyed to Land that done the wind beginning a little to rise he set sail having all his Vessels adoâ—ned with divers coloured Silks their Banners Flags and Streamers displayed and a Standart of Trade hung out after the manner of the Country to the end they might be taken for Merchants and not for Pyrats and so an hour after he anchored just against the Key of the Town which he saluted with a little peal of Ordnance whereupon ten or eleven Almadiaes came presently to us with good store of refreshments Howbeit finding us to be strangers and discerning by our habits that we were neither Siams Iaos nor Malayos nor yet of any other Nation that ever they had seen they said one to another Please Heaven that the dew of the fresh morning may be as profitable to us all as this evening seems fair with the presence of these whom our eyes behold Having said thus one of the Almadiaes asked leave to come aboard us which they were told they might do because we were all their brothers so that three of nine which were in that Almadia entred into our Junk whom Antonio de Faria received very kindly and causing them to sit down upon a Turky Carpet by him he told them that he was a Merchant of the Kingdom of Siam and going with his goods towards the Isle of Ainan he had been advertised that he might better and more securely sell off his Commodities in this Town then in any other place because the Merchants thereof were juster and truer of their word then the Chineses of the Coast of Ainan Whereunto they thus answered Thou art not deceived in that which thou sayst for if thou be a Merchant as thou affirmest beleeve it that in every thing and every where thou shalt be honored in this place wherefore thou mayst sleep without fear Antonio de Faria mistrusting some intelligence might come over Land concerning that which he had done to the Pyrat upon the River of Tanauquir and so might work him some prejudice would not dis-imbarque his goods as the Officers of the Custom-house would have had him which was the cause of much displeasure and vexation to him afterward so that his business was twice interrupted by that means wherefore perceiving that good words would not serve to make them consent to his Propositions he sent them word by a Merchant who dealt between them that he knew well enough they had a great deal of reason to require the landing of his goods because it was the usual course for every one so to do But he assured them that he could not possibly do it in regard the season was almost past and therefore he was of necessity to hasten his departure as soon as might be the rather too for the accommodating of the Junk wherein he came for as much as she took in so much water that threescore Mariners were always laboring at three pumps to clear her whereby he ran a great hazard of losing all his goods And that touching the Kings Customs he was contented to pay them not after thirty in the hundred as they demanded but after ten as they did in other Kingdoms and so much he would pay presently and willingly To this offer they rendred no answer but detained him that carried the message prisoner Antonio de Faria seeing that his messenger returned not set sâ—il immediately hanging forth a number of flags as one that cared not whether he sold or no Whereupon the Merchants strangers that were come thither to trade perceiving the Commodities of which they hoped to make some profit to be going out of the Port through the perversness and obstinacy of the Nautarel of the Town they went all to him and desired him to recall Antonio de Faria otherwise they protested to complain to the King of the injustice he did them in being the cause of hindring their Traffique The Nautarel that is the Governor with all the Officers of the Custom-house fearing left they might upon this occasion be turned out of their places condescended to their request upon condition since we would pay but ten in the hundred that they should pay five more whereunto they agreed and instantly sent away the Merchant whom they had detained prisoner with a Letter full of complements wherein they declared the agreement they had made Antonio de Faria answered them that since he was out of the Port he would not re-enter it upon any terms by reason he had not leasure to make any stay howbeit if they would buy his Commodities in gross bringing lingots of silver with them for that purpose he would sell them to them and in no other manner would deal for he was much distasted with the little respect the Nautarel of the Town had carried towards him by despising his messages and if they were contented to accept thereof that then they should let him know so much within an hour at the farthest otherwise he would sail away to Ainan where he might put off his Commodities far better then there They finding him so resolved and doubting to lose so fair an occasion as this was for them to return into their Country embarqued themselves in five great Lighters with forty chests full of lingots of silver and a many sacks to bring away the Pepper and arriving at Antonio de Faria's Junk they were very well received by him unto whom they represented anew the agreement they had made with the Nautarel of the Town greatly complaining of his ill Government and of some wrongs which without all reason he had done them but since they had pacified him by consenting to give him fifteen in the hundred whereof they would pay five they desired him to pay the ten as he had promised for otherways they could not buy his Commodities Whereunto Antonio de Faria answered that he was contented so to do more for the love of them then for any profit
humane respect but only to the merit and equity of their cause and according to the resolution of the Laws accepted by the twelve Chaems of the Government in the fifth book of the will and pleasure of the Son of the Sun who in such cases out of his greatness and goodness hath more regard to the complaints of the poor then to the insolent clamors of the proud of the earth I do ordain and decree that these nine strangers shall be clearly quit and absolved of all that which the Kings Proctor hath laid to their charge as also of all the punishment belonging thereunto condemning them only to a years exile during which time they shall work for their living in the reparations of Quansy and when at eight months of the said year shall be accomplished then I expresly enjoyn all the Chumbims Conchalis Monteos and other Ministers of their government that immediately upon their presenting of this my Decree unto them they give them a passeport and safe conduct to the end they may freely and securely return into their Country or to any other place they shal think fit After this sentence was thus published in our hearing we all cried out with a loud voice The Sentence of thy clear judgment is confirmed in us even as the purity of thy heart is agreeable to the son of the Sun This said one of the Conchalis that sate at one of the tables stood up and having made a very low obeisance to the Chaem he said aloud five times one after another to all that presse of people which were there in great number Is there any one in this Court in this City or in this Kingdom that will oppose this Decree or the deliverance of these nine prisoners Whereunto no answer being made the two boyes that represented justice and mercy touched the ensignes which they held in their hands together and said aloud Let them be freed and discharged according to the sentence very justly pronounced for it whereupon one of those Ministers whom they call Huppes having rung a bell thrice the two Chumbims of execution that had formerly bound us unlosed us from our chain and withall took off our manacles collers and the other irons from our legs so that we were quite delivered for which we gave infinite thanks to our Lord Jesus Christ because we always thought that for the ill conceit men had of us we should be condemned to death From thence so delivered as we were they led us back to the prison where the two Chumhims signed our enlargment in the Jaylors book nevertheless that we might be altogether discharged we were to go two months after to serve a year according to our sentence upon pain of becoming slaves for ever to the King conformable to his Ordinances Novv because vve vvould presently have gone about to demand the alms of good people in the City the Chifun vvho vvas as Grand Provost of that prison perswaded us to stay till the next day that he might first recommend us to the Tanigores of mercy that they might do something for us CHAP. XXXIII What past betwixt us and the Tanigores of mercy with the great favors they did us and a brief Relation of the City of Pequin where the King of China kept his Court. THe next morning the four Tanigores of mercy came to visit the Infirmiâ—y of this prison as they used to do where they rejoyced with us for the good success of our Sentence giving us great testimony how well contented they were with it for which we returned them many thanks not without shedding abundance of tears whereat they seemed to be not a little pleased and willed us not to be troubled with the term we were condemned to serve in for they told us that in stead of a year we should continue but eight months there and that the other four months which made the third part of our punishment the King remitted it by way of alms for Gods sake in consideration that we were poor for otherwise if we had been rich and of ability we should have had no favour at all promising to cause this dimunition of punishment to be endorsed on our Sentence and besides that they would go and speak to a very honourable man for us that was appointed to be the chief Marshal or Monteo of Quansy the place where we were to serve to the end he might shew us favour and cause us to be truly paid for the time we should remain there Now because this man was naturally a friend to the poor and inclined to do them good they thought it would be fit to carry us along with them to his house the rather for that it might be he would take us into his charge we gave them all very humble thanks for this good offer of theirs and told them that God would reward this charity they shewed us for his sake whereupon we accompanied them to the Monteos house who came forth to receive us in his outward Court leading his wife by the hand which he did either out of a greater form of complement or to do the more honour to the Tanigores and coming neer them he prostrated himself at their feet and said It is now my Lord and holy brethren that I have cause to rejoyce for that it hath pleased God to permit that you his holy servants should come unto my house being that which I could not hope for in regard I held my selfe unworthy of such favour After the Tanigores had used many complements and cereremonies to him as is usuall in that Country they answered him thus May God our Soveraign Lord the infinite source of mercy recompence the good thou dost for the poor with blessing in this life for believe it dear brother the strongest staff whereon the soul doth lean to keep her from falling so often as she happens to stumble is the charity which we use towards our neighbour when as the vain glory of this world doth not blind the good zeal whereunto his holy Law doth oblige us and that thou mayst merit the blessed felicity of beholding his face we have brought thee here these nine Portugals who are so poor as none in this Kingdom are like to them wherefore we pray thee that in the place whither thou art going now as Monteo thou wilt do for them all that thou thinkest will be acceptable to the Lord above in whose behalf we crave this of thee To this Speech the Monteo and his wife replyed in such courteous and remarkable terms as we were almost besides our selves to hear in what manner they attributed the successe of their affairs to the principal cause of all goodness even as though they had the light of faith or the knowledg of the Christian verity Hereupon they withdrew into a Chamber into which we went not and continued there about half an hour then as they were about to take leave of one another they commanded us to come in to them
report that a certain King great Grandfather to him that then raigned in China named Chausi-Zarao Panagor very much beloved of his people for his good disposition and vertues having lost his sight by an accident of sickness resolved to do some pious work that might be acceptable to God to which effect he assembled his Estates where he ordained that for the relief of the poor there should be Granaries established in all the Towns of his Kingdom for wheat and rice that in the time of dearth which many times happened the people might have wherewithall to nourish themselves that year and to that purpose he gave the tenth part of the Duties of his Kingdom by a Grant under his hand which when he came to signe accordingly with a golden stamp that he ordinarily used because he was blind it pleased God to restore him perfectly to his sight again which he enjoyed still as long as he lived By this example if it were true it seemed that our Lord Jesus Christ would demonstrate how acceptable the charity that good men exercise towards the poor is to him even though they be Gentiles and without the knowledge of the true Religion Ever since there have been always a great many of Granaries in this Monarchy and that to the number of an hundred and fourteen thousand As for the order which the Magistrates observe in furnishing them continually with corn is such as followeth A little before reaping time all the old corn is distributed â—orth to the inhabitants as it were by way of love and that for the term of two months after this time is expired they unto whom the old corn was lent return in as much new and withall six in the hundred over and above for waste to the end that this store may never fail But when it falls out to be a dear year in that case the corn is distributed to the people without taking any gain or interest for it and that which is given to the poorer sort who are not able to repay what hath been lent to them is made good out of the Rents which the Countries pay to the King as an alms bestowed on them by his special grace Touching the Kings Revenues which are paid in silver Picos they are divided into three parts whereof the first is for the maintenance of the King and his State the second for the defence of the Provinces as also for the provisions of Magazines and Armies and the third to be laid up and reserved in a Treasury that is in this City of Pequin which the King himself may not touch unless it be upon occasion for defence of the Kingdom and to oppose the Tartars Cauchins and other Neighbouring Princes who many times make grievous war upon him This Treasure is by them called Chidampur that is to say The wall of the Kingdom for they say that by means of this treasure being well imployed and carefully managed the King needs lay no impositions upon the people so that they shall not be any ways vexed and oppressed as it happens in other Kingdoms for want of this providence Now by this that I have related one may see how in all the great Monarchy the Government is so excellent the Laws so exactly observed and every one so ready and careful to put the Princes Ordinances in execution that Father Navier having well noted it was wont to say that if ever God would grant him the grace to return into Portugal he would become a Suter to the King for to peruse over the rules and ordinances of those people and the manner how they govern both in time of war and peace adding withall that he did not think the Romans ever ruled so wisely in all the time of their greatest prosperity and that in matter of policy the Chineses surpassed all other Nations of whom the Ancients have written CHAP. XXXVII The great number of Officers and other people which are in the King of China's Pallace with our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of our Exile and what befell us there OUt of the fear I am in left coming to relate in particular all those things which we saw within the large inclosure of this City of Pequin they that shall chance to read them may call them in question and not to give occasion also unto detractors who judging of things according to the little world they have seen may hold those truths for fables which mine own eyes have beheld I will forbear the delivery of many matters that possibly might bring much contentment to more worthy spirits who not judging of the riches and prosperity of other Countres by the poverty and misery of their own would be well pleased with the relation thereof Howbeit on the other side I have no great cause to blame those who shall not give credit to that which I say or make any doubt of it because I must acknowledge that many times when I call to mind the things that mine eyes have seen I remain confounded therewith whither it be the Grandeurs of this City of Pequin or the magnificence wherewith this Gentile King is served or the pomp of the Chaems and Anchacys of the Government or the dread and awe wherein all men are of these Ministers or the sumptuousness of their Temples and Pagodes together with all the rest that may be there for within the only inclosure of the Kings Pallace there are above a thousand Eunuchs three thousand women and 12 thousand men of his Guard unto whom the King gives great entertainment and pentions also twelve Tutons dignities that are Soveraign above all others whom as I have already declared the vulgar call The beams of the Sun Under these twelve Tutons there are forty Chaems or Vice-roys besides many other inferiour dignities as Judges Majors Governours Treasurers Admirals and Generals which they term Anchacys Aytaos Ponchacy Lauteas and Chumbims whereof there are above five hundred always residing at the Court each of them having at the least two hundred men in his train which for the most part to strike the greater terror are of divers Nations namely Megores Persians Curazens Moems Calaminhams Tartars Cauchins and some Braamas of Chaleu and Tanguu for in regard of valour they make no account of the Natives who are of a weak and effeminate complection though otherwise I must confess they are exceeding able and ingenious in whatsoever concerneth Mechanick Trades Tillage and Husbandâ—y they have withall a great vivacity of spirit and are exceeding proper and apt for the inventing of very subtle industrious things The women are fair and chaste and more inclined to labour then the men The Country is fertile in victual and so rich aboundâ—ng in all kind of good things as I cannot sufficiently express it such is their blindness as they attribute all those blessings to the only merit of their King and not to the Divine Providence and to the goodness of that Soveraign Lord who
of a Nation of a Country and of a Kingdom the inhabitants whereof wounded and killed one another most cruelly without any reason or cause and therefore no other judgment could be made of us but that we were the servants of the most gluttenous Serpent of the profound pit of smoak as appeared by our worke since they were no better then such as that accursed Serpent had accustomed to do so that according to the Law of the third Book of the will of the Son of the Sun called Mileterau we were to be condemned to a banishment from all commerce of people as a venemous and contagious plague so that we deserved to be confined to the Mountains of Chabaguay Sumbor or Lamau whither such as we were use to be exiled to the end they might in that place hear the wild beasts howl in the night which were of as vile a breed and nature as we From this prison we were one morning led to a place called by them Pitau Calidan wheâ—e the Anchacy sat in judgment with a majestical and dreadful greatness He was accompanied by divers Chumbims Vppes Lanteas and Cypatons besides a number of other persons there each of us had thirty lashes a piece more given us and then by publique sentence we were removed to another prison where we were in better case yet then in that out of which we came howbeit for all that we did not a little detest amongst our selves both the Fonsecas and the Madureyras but much more the divel that wrought us this mischief In this prison we continued almost two months during which time our stripes were throughly healed howbeit we were exceedingly afflicted with hunger and thirst At length it pleased God that the Chaem took compassion of us for on a certain day wherein they use to do works of charity for the dead coming to review our sentence he ordained That in regard we were strangers and of a Country so far distant from theirs as no man had any knowledge of us nor that there was any book or writing which made mention of our name and that none understood our language as also that we were accustomed and even hardned to misery and poverty which many times puts the best and most peaceable persons into disorder and therefore might well trouble such as made no profession of patience in their adversities whence it followed that our discord proceeded rather from the effects of our misery then from any inclination unto mutiny and tumult wherewith the Kings Atturny charged us and furthermore representing unto himself what great need there was of men for the ordinary service of the State and of the Officers of Iustice for which provision necessarily was to be made he thought fit that the punishment for the crimes we had committed should in the way of an alms bestowed in the Kings name be moderated and reduced to the whipping which we had twice already had upon condition nevertheless that we should be detained there as slaves for ever unless it should please the Tuton otherwise to ordain of us This sentence was pronounced against us and though we shed a many of tears to see our selves reduced unto this miserable condition wherein we were yet this seemed not so bad unto us as the former After the publication of this Decree we were presently drawn out of prison and tied three and three together then led to certain iron Forges where we past six whole months in strange labours and great necessities being in a manner quite naked without any bed to lie on and almost â—amished At last after the enduring of so many evils we fell sick of a Lethargy which was the cause in regard it was a contagious disease that they turned us out of doors for to go and seek our living until we became well again Being thus set at liberty we continued four months sick and begging the alms of good people from door to door which was given us but sparingly by reason of the great dearth that then reigned over all the Country so as we were constrained to agree better together and to promise one another by a solemn oath that we took to live lovingly for the future as good Christians should do and that every month one should be chosen from amongst us to be as it were a kind of Chief whom by the oath we had taken all the rest of us were to obey as their Superior so that none of us was to dispose of himself nor do any thing without his command or appointment and those rules were put into writing by us that they might be the better observed As indeed God gave us the grace to live ever afterward in good peace and concord though it were in great pain and extream necessity of all things We had continued a good while living in peace and tranquility according to our fore-mentioned agreement when as he whose lot it was to be our Chief that month named Christovano Boralho considering how necessary it was to seek out some relief for our miseries by all the ways that possibly we could appointed us to serve weekly two and two together some in begging up and down the Town some in getting water and dressing our meat and others in fetching wood from the Forrest both for our own use to sell. Now one day my self one Gaspar de Meyrelez being enjoyned to go to the Forrest we rose betimes in the morning went forth to perform our charge And because this Gaspar de Meyrelez was a pretty Musician playing well on a Cittern whereunto he accorded his voice which was not bad being parts that are very agreeable to those people in regard they imploy the most part of their times in the delights of the flesh they took great pleasure in hearing of him so as for that purpose they invited him very often to their sports from whence he never returned without some reward wherewith we were not a little assisted As he and I then were going to the wood and before we were out of the Town we met by fortune in one of the streets with a great many of people who full of jollity were carrying a dead corps to the grave with divers banners and other funeral pomp in the midst whereof was a Consort of musick and voices Now he that had the chief ordering of the Funeral knowing Gaspar de Meyrelez made him stay and putting a Cittern into his hands he said unto him Oblige me I pray thee by singing as loud as thou canst so as thou mayst be heard by this dead man whom we are carrying to burial for I swear unto thee that he went away very sad for that he was separated from his wife and children whom he dearly loved all his life time Gaspar de Meyrelez would fain have excused himself alledging many reasons thereupon to that end but so far was the Governour of the Funeral from accepting them that contrarily he answered him very angerly Truly if thou
persons that make profession of honour and which by that only mean pretend to render their names immortal Moreover I have heard for a truth that these same men have entertained you at large with all matters of the whole Vniverse and have affirmed unto you on their faith that there is another world greater then ours inhabited with black and tawny people of whom they have told you things most incredible to our judgment for which cause I infinitely desire you as if you were my Son that by Fiangeandono whom I have dispatched from hence to visit my daughter you will send me one of those three strangers which I am told you have in your house the rather for that you know my long inâ—isposition accompanied with so much pain and grief hath great need of some diversion Now if it should happen that they would not be willing thereunto you may then assure them as well on your own faith as on mine that I will not fail to return them back in all safety whereupon like a good Son that desires to please his Father so order the matter that I may rejoyce my self in the sight if them and so have my desire accomplished What I have further to say unto you my Ambassadour Fingeandono shall acquaint you with by whom I pray you liberally import to me the good news of your person and that of my daughter seeing she is as you know the apple of my right eye whereof the sight is all the joy of my face From the house of Fucheo the seventh Mamoque of the Moon After that the Nautaquim had heard this letter read The King of Bungo said he unto us is my Lord and my Vncle the brother of my mother and above all he is my good Father for I call him by that name because he is so to my wife which is the reason that he loves me no less then his own children wherefore I count my self exceedingly bound unto him and do so much desire to please him that I could now find in my heart to give the best part of my Estate for to be transformed into one of you as well for to go unto him as to give him the content of seeing you which out of the knowledge I have of his disposition I am assured he will value more then all the treasures of China Now having thus acquainted you with his desire I earnestly intreat you to render your selves conformable thereunto and that one of you two will take the pains to go to Bungo there to see that King whom I hold for my Father and my Lord for as for this other to whom I have given the name and being of a kinsman I am not willing to part with him till he hath taught me to shoot as well as himself Hereupon Christovano Borralho and I greatly satisfied with the Nautaquim's courtesie answered him that we kissâ—d his Highness hands for the exceeding honour he did us in vouchsafing to make use of us and seeing it was his pleasure so to do that he should for that effect make choice of which of us two he thought best and he should not faile to be suddainly ready for the voyage At these words standing a while in musing to himself he looked on me and said I am resolved to send him there because he seems not so solemn but is of a more lively humouâ— wherewith those of Iapon are infinitely delighted and may thereby cheer up the sick man whereas the too serious gravity of this other said he turning him to Borralho though very commendable for more important matters would serve but to entertain his melancholy in stead of diverting it Thereupon falling into merry discourse and jesting with those about him whereunto the people of Iapon are much inclined the Fingeandono arrived unto whom he presented me with a special and particular recommendation touching the assurance of my person wherewith I was not only well satisfied but had my mind also cleared from certain doubts which out of the little knowledge I had of these peoples humours had formerly troubled me This done the Nautaquim commanded two hundred Taeis to be given me for the expence of my voyage whereupon the Fingeandono and I imbarqued our selves in a vessel with Oâ—rs called a Funce and in one night having traversed all this Island of Tanixumaa the next morning we câ—st anchor in an Haven named Hiamangoo from whence we went to a good Town called Quanquixumaa and so continuing our course afore the wind with a very fair gale we arrived the day ensuing at a very sweet place named Tanora whence the morrow after we went to Minato and so forward to a Fortress of the King of Bungoes calâ—ed Osquy where the Fingeandono stayed some time by reason that the Captain of the place who was his Brother in law found himself much indisposed in his health There we left the vessel in which we came and so went by land directly to the City where being arrived about noon the Fingeandono because it was not a time fit to wait upon the King went to his own house After dinner having rested a little and shifted himself into a better habit he mounted on horsback and with certain of his friends rode to the Court carrying me along with him where the King was no sooner advertised of his coming but he sent a Son of his about nine or ten years of age to receive him who accompanied with a number of Noble-men richly apparelled and his Ushers with their Maces going before him took the Fingeandono by the hand and beholding him with a smiling countenance May thy entrance said he unto him into this house of the King my Lord bring thee as much content and honour as thy children deserve and are worthy being thine to sit at table with me in the solemn Feasts At these words the Fingeandono prostrating himself on the ground My Lord answered he I most humbly beseech them that are in Heaven above which have taught thee to be so courteous and so good either to answer for me or to give me a tongue so voluble as may express my thankfulness in terms agreeable to thy ears for the great honour thou art pleased to do me at this present for in doing otherwise I should offend no less then those ingratefull wretches which inhabit the lowest pit of the profound and obscure house of smoak This said he offered to kiss the Curtelass which the young Prince wore by his side which he would by no means permit but taking him by the hand he led him to the King his Father unto whom lying sick in his bed he delivered a letter from the Nautaquim which after he had read he commanded him to call me in from the next room where I staid attending which instantly he did and presented me to the King who entertaining me very graciously Thy arrival said he unto me in this my Country is no less pleasing to me then the rain which falls
you hither at this time certainly it is some extraordinary matter Madam answered she that which your Majesty sayes is very true and I assure my self that it will seem no less strange in your ears then it was to me to see my Neece arrive here lately with so much sorrow and grief that I am not able to express it in words The Queen having then commanded her to call her in she presently fetched her The first thing that this young Gentlewoman did was to prostrate her self before the Queen who was in her bed and so told her weeping the occasion that brought her thither and therewithall presented her with the letter which the Queen commanded her to read as accordingly she did and it is said the Queen was so moved with compassion at it that not induring to have her make an end of reading it she said many times unto her with tears in her eyes Enough enough I will hear no more of it at this time and since the business stands in the terms you speak of God and the Soul of the King my Husband for whose sake all these Ladies beg this boon of me forbid that these poor wretches should lose their lives so unjustly The false reports which the Chineses have made of them together with the miseries they have indured at Sea may serve them in stead of great punishments Wherefore rely upon me for your request and in the mean space withdraw your selves til to morrow morning betimes when we will go all three to the King my Son before it be day and then you shall read this letter to him as you have read it to me that being incited to pity he may make no difficulty to grant us that which we demand of him with so much reason This resolution taken the Queen was no sooner up the next day but carrying along with her only her chief Lady and the Gentlewoman her Neece she past through a Gallery to the Chamber of the King her Son whom she found still in bed and having rendred him an account of the occasion of her coming she commanded the Gentlewoman to read the letter as also to tell by word of mouth all that had happened in that affair which the Gentlewoman performed very exactly but not without mingling her tears with those of her Aunts as we knew afterwards In the mean time the King looking on his Mother Madam answered he unto her I must needs confess that I dream'd this night how I saw my self before a very angry Iudge who carying his hand three times to his face as if he had threatned me I promise thee said he unto me that if the blood of these strangers doth cry unto me for vengeance thou and thine shall satisfie my justice which makes me believe that assuredly this vision comes from God for whose sake I will do this alms to his praise giving them both life and liberty that so they may go where they will and moreover I will cause a vessel to be provided for them furnished with all things they shall need all at mine own charge The Queen gave thâ— King her Son thanks for this his great grace unto them and withall commanded her Lady and the Gentlewoman to kiss his feet as instantly they did and so the Queen retired to her own lodging Hereupon the King sent for the Chumbim to command him that the Sentence against us might be revoked telling him all that had past as well concerning his dream as the request the Queen his Mother had made unto him which he had granted her Then the Officers of Justice commending the King much for this action revoking the former drew up another Sentence in favour of us which contained words to this effect Broquen of my City of Pungor I the Lord of seven Generations and of the hairs of thy head do send thee the smiles of my mouth that thy reputation may be thereby augmented Considering the information which the Chineses had given me of the pernicious manner of living of thâ—se strangers assuring me by a solemn oath and upon the faith they owe unto their Gods that infallibly they were Pyrats and robbers who used no other trade then to steal away othermens goods and bathâ—e heir hands in the blood of those that would defend their own according to reason as they said was manifest to all the world which they have run over not leaving any Island Port of the Sea River nor Land that they have not invaded with fire and sword committing such enormous and horrible crimes as for fear of offending God I may not mention All which things have at first sight seemed unto me most worthy to be punished in justice according to the Laws of my Kingdom wherefore I sent their Proces to the principal officers of my Crown who all with one common consent swore unto me that these strangers deserved not only one but many deathâ— if it were possible so that relying upon their advice I wrote unto Nhay Peretanda that he should enjoyn thee from me not to fail within four dayes to put that Sentence of mine in execution Now forasmuch as the chiefest Dames of your City whom I hold for my kinswomen have been Suiters unto me since that I would be pleased to bestow their lives upon them by way of an alms alledging many reasons in their letters to that purpose whereby I might be induced not to deny but rather to accord them that grace the fear which I have least their cries should in case of refusal arrive at the highest of the Heavens where that Lord liveth raigning whose property it is to have pity on the tears which are truly shed by those that have a right zeal to his holy Law hath wrought so with me that freeing my self from that blind passion whereunto the flesh rendred me inclined I would not let my choller prevail over the blood of those wretches For which reasons I command thee that as soon as this fair Gentlewoman who is of noble extraction and my kinswoman shall present thee these letters signed with my hand wherewith I confess I am well contented in regard of the persons that have made this Suite unto me thou go unto the prison whither thou hast committed these strangers and that without all delay thou set them at liberty as also that thou furnish them with a vessel at my charge giving them moreover such alms as the Law of the Lord commandeth thee to bestow on them and that too with a liberal hand whereupon thou shalt tell them that they may go away without seeing my Person for which I will dispense with them as well because that labour would be to no purpose as for that performing as I do the Office of a King it is not fit for me to behold men who have a great knowledge of God and yet seem to make little account of his Law in that they accustom themselves to rob others of their goods Given at Bintor in the third
for the King our Soveraign Lord vvas thus handled by Don Antonio if the report of it be true Finally when the season of Navigation was come he was sent so manacled as he was to the Indiaes with an infamous verball process which the Parliament of Goa annulled afterwards And Don Antonio had thereupon an expresse Commandment from the Vice-Roy Don Pedro de Mascarenhas who governed the State of the Indiaes at that time to appear personally before him as a Prisoner for to be confronted in judgment with Gaspar Iorge and render an account of his proceeding against him as indeed Don Antonio failed not in making his appearance at Goa accordingly where being about to justifie himself for that which had past he was ordered to answer within three dayes to an ignominious Libel which Gaspar Iorge had exhibited against him But forasmuch as Don Antonio was naturally an enemy of Justifications by Answers and Replyes whereby it was said the Councellors of the Parliament intended to surprize him the report went at least wise such was the saying of Detractors for as for me I neither saw nor am assured of it that in stead of imploying the three dayes which had been given him in making answer to this Libell hee vvithin four and twenty hours having met accidentally vvith Gaspar Iorge sent him to prosecute his Suit in the other World laying him so sure on the ground as he never rose again Howbeit there are those vvhich recount this Affair quite otherwise and that say how in a Feast vvhereunto he was invited hee vvas poysoned By this death of his all this difference vvas decided and this businesse vvholly ceased so that Don Antonio vvas by Sentence absolutely cleared and sent back to his Government wherein he continued not above two months and a half at the end vvhereof he died of a bloody Flux and so vvere all the storms of envie and discord vvherewith the Fortresse of Malaca had been beaten appeased When the season was come vvherein vve might continue our Voyage on the first day of April in the year One thousand five hundred fifty and five wee parted from Malaca after vvee had imbarqued our selves in a Carvel belonging to the King our Soveraign Lord which Don Antonio the Captain of the Fortresse gave us by the expresse command of the Vice-Roy Three dayes after our putting to sea we arrived at an Island called Pulho Pisan at the entering into the Streight of Sincaapura where the Pilot having never navigated that way before ran us with full sails so dangerously on certain Rocks as we thought our selves to be utterly lost without all hope of recovery In regard whereof by the advice of all the rest the Father and I were constrained to get into a Manchua for to go and demand succour of one Luis Dalmeida who two hours before had passed by us in a Vessell of his and lay at anchor two leagues off us by reason the winde was against him So the Father and I made to him with peril enough For whereas all that Country which appertained to the King of Iantana Grand-childe to him that had been King of Malaca our mortall Enemy were at that time in arms his Balons and Lanchares that were assembled in a Fleet of Warr continually gave us chase with an intention to take us but by Gods providence we escaped them At length after we had got to this ship with no little fear and trouble he that was Captain of her furnished us with a Boat and Mariners and so we returned to our Carvel as speedily as we could for to succour and draw her out of the danger wherein we had left her But it pleased the Lord that we found her the day after delivered from it though it is true that she took in water abundantly in the prow's side but in the end we stanched it at Patana where we arrived seven dayes after There I went ashore with two others to see the King unto whom I delivered a Letter from the Captain of Malaca and being received very graciously by him he read it over whereby he understood that the cause of our coming thither was to provide our selves of victuals and some other things which we had not taken in at Malaca as also that we were resolved to proceed on in our course directly to China and from thence to Iapan where Father Belquior and others with him were to preach the Christian Law to the Gentiles vvhich the King of Patana having read after he had mused a little he turned to them that were about him and said smiling to them O how much better were it for these men since they expose themselves to so many travels to go to China and inrich themselves there then to recount tales in strange Countreys Whereupon calling the Xabandar to him Be sure said he unto him that thou givest these men here all that they shall demand of thee and that for the love of the Captain of Malaca who hath greatly recommended them unto mee and above all remember That it is not my custome to command a thing twice When we had taken leave of the King exceedingly contented with the good reception he had given us we fell presently to buying of Victuals and other such things as we stood in need of So that in eight dayes we were abundantly furnished with whatsoever was necessary for us Being departed from this Haven of Patana we sailed two dayes together with a South-east winde along by the coast of Lugor and Siam traversing the Barr of Cuy to go to Pulho Cambim and from thence to the Islands of Canton with an intent there to attend the conjunction of the new Moon But it was our ill fortune to be surprized by East and South-east winde which raign in that Coast the most part of the year whereof the violence was so great that we were in fear to be cast away so that to decline the event thereof we were forced to tack about again to the Coast of Malaya and arriving at an Island called Pullo Timan we ran into great danger there as well by reason of the tempest which we had upon the sea as in regard of the great treason of the people of the Country Now after five dayes that we had continued there without having either fresh water or victuals because for the easing of our Vessell we had cast out all into the Sea it pleased God that wee encountred with three Portugal Ships which came from Sunda by whose arrivall we were very much comforted in our travels Whereupon Father Belquior and I began to treat with the Captains of those Vessâ—ls about that which they thought was requisite we should do and all were of the opinion that we should send back the Carvel wherein wee vvere to Malaca saying that there was no likelihood wee should be able to make so long a Voyage in her as that of Iapan Having approved of this counsel we presently imbarqued our selves in the Ship of one