Thou shalt not have other gods before me and the Animadvertor knoweth well that the Originall importeth Coram me that is Thou shalt have none other in my sight or presence Now for quietnesse sake let the result of this long discourse so far as I can understand be granted him and it amounts to no more then to put the Brittains in the same form with the Grecians instructed by their Druids in the worship of one God as well and as far as the Grecians were in the same Lesson by their Philosophers Now what the Grecians held and did in this point will appear by the practise of the Athenians whose City was the Mistris of Greece Staple of Learning and Palace of Philosophers and how well the Athenians worshipped one God we have from the infallible witness of St. Paul whose spirit was stirred within him whilst he saw the City wholly given to idolatry Whence it will follow that the Brittaines form-fellowes with the Grecians were wholly given to Idolatry which is as much and more then I said before And now the Reader may judge what progress the Animadvertor hath made in confuting what I have written yea less then the Beast Pigritia in Brasil which as he telleth us elsewhere goeth not so far in fourteen daies as one may throw a stone Yea our Adversary hath not gone at all save backward and if he doth not mend his pace it will be late before he commeth to his lodging Here let me mind the Animadvertor that my Church-History thus beginneth That we may the more freely and fully pay the tribute of our thanks to Gods goodness for the Gospell which we now enjoy let us recount the sad condition of the Brittains our Predecessors before the Christian faith was preached unto them If therefore the Animadvertor by his tedious discourse endeavouring to UN-IDOLATRIZE the Brittains as much as he could I say if hereby he hath hindred or lessened any mans paying of his thanks to God he hath done a thankless office both to God and Man therein Dr Heylyn Our Author proceedeth fol. 3. It facilitated the entrance of the Gospell hither that lately the Roman Conquest had in part civilized the South of this Island by transporting Colonies and erecting of Cities there Than which there could not any thing be said more different from the truth of story or from the time of that Conversion which we have in hand performed as all our latter Writers and amongst them our Author himself have affirmed from Gildas who lived in the fourth Century of the Christian Church Tempore summo Tiberii Caesaris toward the latter end of the Reigne of Tiberius Cesar that is to say about thirty seven years after Christs Nativity at what time the Romans had neither erected any one City nor planted any one Colony in the South parts of the Island For though Iulius Cesar in pursuance of his Gallick Conquest had attempted this Island crossed the Thames and pierced as far as Verulamium in the County of the Cattieuchlani now Hartfordshire yet either finding how difficult a work it was like to prove or having business of more moment he gave over the enterprize resting contented with the honour of the first discovery Et ostendisse potiùs quà m trad disse as we read in Tacitus Nothing done after this in order to the Conquest of Brittain untill the time of Claudius Augustus would by no means be perswaded to the undertaking and much less Tiberius in whose last years the Gospell was first preach'd in Brittain as before was said Concilium id Divus Augustus vocabat Tiberius praecipue And though Caligula leaving the honour of this Conquest to his Uncle Claudius who next succeeded in the Empire and being invited into Brittain by a discontented party amongst the Natives reduc'd some part thereof into the form of a Roman Province Of this see Tacitus at large in the life of Agricola By which it will appear most clearly that there was neither City of the Romans erection nor Colony of their plantation till the time of Claudius and consequently no such facilitating of the work by either of those means which our Author dreams of But from the Time proceed we to the Author of this first Conversion of which thus our Author Fuller In the first place know Reader that Mr. Burton in his late learned Notes on Antoninus justifieth that Iulius Cesar did Colonize what ever the Animadvertor saith to the contrary some part of this Land otherwise his whole Conquest would have unraveled after his departure and his Successors had had their work to begin afresh 2ly I say not the first entrance but the Entrance of the Gospell was facilitated by the Roman Conquest The entrance of the Gospell into this Island was so far from being done in an instant or simul semel that it was not res unius seculi the product of one age but was successively done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at sundry times and in divers manners So that this extensive entrance of the Christian Religion gradually insinuating it self took up a century of years from the latter end of Tiberius and so forwards Christianity entred not into this Island like Lightning but like light None can behold this Essay thereof in the time of Tiberius otherwise then a morning-Star some forty years after the day dawned and lastly under King Lucius that Leuer-Maure or the great light the Sun of Religion may be siad to arise before which time the South of this Island was sufficiently Colonized by the Romans whereby Commerce and Civility ushered Christianity into Brittain Yet to clear my words not from untruth in themselves but mistakes in others and to avoid all appearance of falshood it shall be altered God-willing in the next Edition It facilitated the entrance and propagation of the Gospell here c. Dr. Heylyn Parsons the Iesuite mainly stickleth for the Apostle Peter to have first preached the Gospell here And our Author doth as mainly stickle against it The Reason which induced Parsons so to stickle in it was as our Author thinks and telleth us fol. 4. to infer an Obligation of this Island to the See of Rome And to exempt this Island from that Obligation our Author hath endeavoured to disprove the Tradition Fuller That the Iesuite furiously driveth on that designe appeareth to any that peruse his Works and your Author conceiveth his owne Endeavours lawfull and usefull in stopping his full Carrere and disobliging the Church of England from a Debt as uniustly pretended as vehemently prosecuted Et veniam pro laude petit laudatus abunâ—e Non fastiditus si tuus Author erit Your Author for his praise doth pardon crave If not despis'd his praise enough shall have It is therefore but hard measure for you to require his good intentions if failing in successe with contempt and reproach Dr. Heylyn Whereas indeed St. Peters preaching in this Island if he were the first that preach't here in
assistance no emphatical word nor syllable shall pass without its respective reply Nor hath the Reader any cause to suspect that by such shifting I intend any Evasion by pleading in the Preface that I will answer objections in the Body of my Book and alledging in the Body of my Book that I have answered them in the Preface For I have to do with the Animadvertor so cunning and so exacting a Merchant that it is impossible for one indebted unto him to escape without full payment by changing the place of his habitation However the Animadvertor hath dealt severely to say no worse with me who to render me the more culpable and my Book of the less credit hath represented all my faults in a Duplicating Glass And whereas the Best of Beings non bis judicat in id ipsum doth not punish the same faults twice he hath twice taxed every supposed mistake in my History once in his Preface and again in the Body of his Book Dr. Heylyn Concerning which the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. Mr. Fuller publisht his Book called The Holy State in the Preface whereof he letâ— us know that he should count it freedom to serve two Apprâ—ntiships God spinning out the 〈◊〉 thread of his life so long in writing the Ecclesiastical History from Christâ— time to our daies And so much time it seems he had spent upon it excepting some 〈◊〉 for recreation in the Holy Land before he had finisht and expos'd it to pubâ—â—ck view the Book not comming out untill the year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expectâ—tion we are now to see Fuller My words are by the Animadvertor given-in deâ—ectively and as to me disadvantageously this â—assage which ought to have been inserted immediatly preceding my Promise If I may be so happy as to see these gloomy dayes disclouded with the beams of Gods mercy I appeal to the Conscience of the Animadvertor himself whâ—ther in his Soul he conceiveth these days disclouded or no. Gloomy they were when I wâ—ote those words before any war rained in the Land and since such bloody showers have ended they continue louring gloomy and dark unto this day My promise therfore being thus but Conditional and the condition on which it was grounded not as yet performed I have no neâ—d Liberare fidem to free my Faith which was never bound though I had ever since utterly quitted all thoughts of writing any Church-History For the first five years during our actual Civill Wars I had little list or leasure to write fearing to be made an History and shifting daily for my safety All that time I could not live to study who did onely study to live So soon as Gods goodness gave me a fixed habitation I composed my Land of Canaan or Pisgah-Sight This though I confess it be no part of Church-Building yet it is the clearing of the floore or Foundation thereof by presenting the performances of Christ and his Apostles in Palestine I perceive the Animadvertor hath a months mind to give me a Jeere for my fallying into the holy-Holy-Land which I can bear the better seeing by Gods goodness that my Book hath met with generall reception likely to live when I am dead so that friends of quality solicite me to teach it the Latine-Language Dr. Heylyn For first the Reader might expect by the former passage that he designed the Generall History of the Church from the first preaching of Christ and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Brittain which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ that he is loth to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles of any of the Seventy Disciples or finally of any Apostolicall Spirit of those eldest times Fuller Charity begins but doth not end at home The same Method was embraced in my Church-History It began with our own Domestick affairs to confute that accusation commonly charged on Englishmen that they are very knowing in forrain parts but ignorant in their own Country I intended God willing to have proceeded to forrain Churches but I am discouraged by the causless caviling at what I have written already My Church-History beginneth for point of Time Indeterminately before the Birth of Christ lapping in or folding over part of Paganisme and presenteth the dolefull condition of the Britons whilest yet unconverted and grievious Idolaters Determinately my History begins Anno Dom. 37. which is but four years after Christs Passion and that is very early I assure you Christianity in this Island being a Timely riser to be up so soon and dressing it Self whilest as yet and many years after most Countreys were fast asleep in Pugan Impiety I deny not but that Apostolical men were the first founders of Religion in our Land But as for such Apostles St. Peter St. Paul c. who without probability of Truth and against proportion of Time are by some Authors obtruded on us those I do reject I hope without the least â—ault rendring my reasons for the same Dr. Heylyn And secondly Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Brittain yet he pursues not his Design agreeable to that Title neither there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Brittain and less if any thing at all of the Church of Ireland which anciently past in the account of a Brittish-Island Fuller I will render the Reader a true account why I entitled my Book The Church-History of Brittain First the Church-History of England I might not call it the five first Centuries therein belonging wholly to the Brittains before the Name and Notion of England was ever heard of in any Author Secondly The Church-History of Great-Brittain I did not call it for fear of bringing in Scotland within the Latitude thereof a compass too large for my weak Endeavours Thirdly The Church-History of Brittain I did and might call it in a double respect tam à parte Majore quà m meliore both from the bigger and better the fairer and fruitfuller part of Brittain the Ecclesiastical affairs whereof were therein contained Yea the Animadvertor knows full well that the South of this Island by way of Eminence is so called To give one Instance of many from the Title-page of a passage of State Nobilissima disceptatio super Dignitate magnitudine Regnorum Britannici Et Gallici habita ab utriusque Oratoribus Legatis in Concilio Constantiensi Lovanii anno 1517. Typis excusa The most noble Dispute about the Dignity and greatness of the Kingdomes of Brittain and France betwixt the Embassadors and Legates of both Sides in the Councell of Constance Anno 1517. printed at Lovaine Here the contest only was betwixt the Crowns of England here termed Brittain and France Scotland not at all
the Fore-man of the Grand-inquest against Augustine the Monk whom he enditeth for the Murther of the Monks of Bangor And certainly if Ieffery may be believed when he speaks in Passion when his Welch-Blood was up as our Author words it as one that was concerned in the Cause of his Country-Men he may more easily be believed in a Cause of so remote Antiquity where neither Love nor Hatred or any other prevalent Affection had any power or reason to divert him from the Way of Truth Fuller It is usuall with all Authors sometimes to close with the Iudgments of the same Person from whom they afterwards on just Cause may dissent and should not this Liberty be allowed me to like or leave in Ieffery Monmouth what I think fitting The Animadvertor concurreth with Bishop God-win that the DRUIDES instructed the Britons in the worship of one God yet will not be concluded with his Iudgement when averring the Letter fathered on Eleutherius not to savour of the Style of that Age. Yea when I make for him he can alledge twenty Lines together out of my Book against H. le Strange though at other times when he hath served his Turne of me I am the Object of his sleighting and Contempt Now when as the IN-ANIMADVERTOR for now I must so call him for his Carelesnesse citeth a place in my Book viz. Lib. 2. Fol. 63. that I make J. Monmouth the Foreman of the great inquest against Augustine the Monk he is much mistaken therein For in the place by him cited I Impannell a Grand Iury amongst whom J. Monmouth is neither Fore-man nor any Man of Iudicious Readers consisting of twenty four As false is it what he addeth as if in that Triall I attributed much to the judgment of J. Monmouth who therein is onely produced as a Witnesse and a Verdict brought in point-Blank against his Evidence acquitting Augustine the Monk of the Murther whereof Monmouth did accuse him Dr. Heylyn And secondly though Ieffery of Monmouth be a Writer of no great credit with me when he stands single by himselfe yet when I find him seconded and confirmed by others I shall not brand a truth by the name of falshood because he reports it Now that in Brittain at that time there were no fewer then eight and twenty Cities is affirmed by Beda Henry of Huntington not only agrees with him in the number but gives us also the names of them though where to find many of them it is hard to say That in each of these Cities was some Temple dedicated to the Pagan Gods that those Temples afterwards were imploy'd to the use of Christians and the Revenues of them assign'd over to the maintenance of the Bishops and other Ministers of the Gospel hath the concurrent testimony of approved Authors that is to say Matthew of Westminster out of Gildas Anno 187. Rodolph de Diceto cited by the learned Primat of Armach in his Book De Primordiis Eccles. Brit. cap. 4. Gervase of Tilbury ibid. cap. 6. And for the Flamines and Arch-flamines they stand not onely on the credit of Ieffery of Monmouth but of all our owne Writers who speak of the foundation of the antient Bishopricks even to Polydor Virgil. Fuller I concurre with the Animadvertor in the number of the Citties in Brittain Also I do not deny but that K. Lucius might place Bishops in some perchance half of them which I believe is all which the Animadvertor doth desire Only as to Bishops and Arch-bishops exactly substituted in the Individual places of Flamens and Arch-flamens my beliefe cannot come up to the height thereof I find that Giraldus Cambrensis and other Authors of that age though concurring with J. Monmouth in Lucius his Episcopating of Citties make not any mention of these Arch-flamens Dr. Heylyn Nor want there many forrain Writers who affirm the same beginning with Martinus Polonus who being esteemed no friend to the Popedom because of the Story of Pope Ione which occurs in his Writings may the rather be believ'd in the story of Lucius And he agrees with Ieffery of Monmouth in all parts of the story as to the Flamines and Arch-flamines as do also many other of the Roman Writers which came after him Fuller Nothing more usuall then for forrain Writers with implicite faith to take things on the credit of such who have wrote the History of their own Country But on the Confutation of the Leading Author the rest sink of course of themselves Dr. Heylyn But where both our Author and some others have rais'd some objections against this part of the History for Answer thereunto I refer the Reader to the learned and laborious Work of Francis Mason late Archdeacon of Norfolk De Ministerio Anglicano the sum whereof in brief is this Licet in una urbe multi Flamines that though there were many Flamines in one City yet was there onely one which was called Pontifex or Primus Flaminum the Pope or principall of the Flamines of which kind one for every City were those whom our Historians speak of And for the Archi-Flamines or Proto-Flamines though the name occurre not in old Roman Writers yet were there some in power and Authority above the rest who were entituled Primi Pontificum as indeed Coifi by that name is called in Beda which is the same in sense with Arch-flamines although not in sound All I shall further add is this that if these 28 Cities were not all furnished with Bishops in the time of Lucius for vvhom it vvas impossible to spread his armes and expresse his power over all the South parts of the Island yet may the honour of the vvork be ascribed to him because begun by his encouragement and perfected by his example as Romulus is generally esteemed for the Founder of Rome although the least part of that great City vvas of his Foundation Fuller But whereas both the Animadvertor and some others conceive their Answers satisfactory to such Objections raised against this part of the History I refer the Reader unto Sr. Henry Spelman and to the Arch-bishop of Armagh both as learned and Judicious Antiquaries as ever our Land enjoyed These it seemes were not satisfied with such Solutions as Mr. Mason produceth against those Objections because writing later than Mr. Mason they in their judgments declare themselves against J. Monmouth herein Dr. Heylyn Our Author has not yet done vvith Lucius For admitting the story to be true he disallowes the turning of the Pagan Temples into Christian Churches vvhich he censureth as the putting of new Wine into old Vessels which afterwards savour'd of the Cask Christianity hereby getting a smack of Heathen ceremonies But in this point the Primitive Christians were as wise as our Author though they were not so nice Who without fearing any such smack accommodated themselves in many ceremonies to the Gentiles and in some to the Iewes that being all things to all men they might gain the more as in
and acting all by craft and cunning did not fright but flatter deluded people into his plausible Designes Dr. Heylin But from our Authors failers in recounting the superstitions of our Saxon Ancestors let us next see how he behaves himself in laying down the story of their conversion In which though he ascribe something unto Austin the Monk yet he will by no means allow him to be their Apostle For fol. 54. The Papists saith he commonly call Augustine the English Apostle how properly we shall see hereafter And after fol. 68. The Papists brag that he was the Apostle of the English In these few words there are two things to be considered whether he is called the Apostle of the English by the Papists onely and secondly whether he were not so both in fact and title Not call'd so by the Papists onely I am sure of that but called so commonly by as good Protestants as our Author himself Thus Camden a right English Protestant After this Augustine whom commonly they call the Apostle of the English men being sent hither by Gregory the Great having abolished these monstrous abominations of Heathenish impiety with most happy successe planting Christ in their hearts converted them to the Christian faith Nor doth he speak this onely in the voice of the common people but in another place more plainly as his own opinion A place there is about this shire called Austins Oke at which Augustine the Apostle of the English men and the Bishops of Britain met c. Dr. Philemon Holland of Coventry a good Protestant also making an Index unto Camden speaks the self same language Augustine the Apostle of the English which is short but full Gabriel Richardson of Brazen-Nose an honest Protestant in his laborious piece called the State of Europe telleth us of Canterbury that the Archbishops See was founded by King Ethelbert in the person of St. Austin the Apostle of the English More of this kind might be produc'd were it not given us for a Rule in the holy Scripture Ex ore duorum testium vel trium that two or three witnesses were sufficient to confirm a truth The next thing here to be considered is whether Austin were not the Apostle of the English both in fact and title In order whereunto we must first take notice that the word being meerly Greek doth signifie in its natural and original sence a Messenger a Legat an Embassador from whom to whomsoever sent and though appropriated to twelve as by way of excellence yet not improperly communicated unto others in succeeding times with reference to the Nations whom they had converted So Boniface an English man the first Archbishop of Ments is called by Dr. Holland as by many others the Apostle of Germany Palladius styled by Camden the Apostle of the Scottish Nation and the Irish would not think themselves to be fairly dealt with if their St. Patrick should not be honoured with that Title also In this sence Austin may be call'd and that not improperly the Apostle of the English Nation though a derivative Apostle an Apostle as our Author calls him in the way of scorn fol. 68. at the second hand though others propagated the Gospel further than he liv'd to doe It was enough to entitle him to this Apostleship that be first publiquely preacht the Gospel and brought the glad Tiding of Salvation amongst the English though he neither converted all the Nation nor travelled into all parts of the Land to attempt the same Neither St. Paul could be entitled the Apostle of the Gentiles St. Thomas of the Indians nor St. Matthew of the Ethiopians if it were necessarily required to their Apostleships that all the Nations of the Indians must be converted by the one or the vast Countries of the Ethiopians must be converted by the other of finally if St. Paul to save them a labour must have reduced all the Gentiles to the faith of Christ. And this the Embassadors for the King of England at the council of Basil understood right well when they contended for precedency with those of Castile For when the Castilians had objected that although Ioseph of Arimathea had preacht in England it was but in a corner thereof the grand body of Britain remaining Pagan many hundred years after the English Embassadors wisely answered that the Allegation was impertinent to the present purpose it being not the Universality but the first Preaching of the Christian Faith which gained the name of an Apostle there being no Disciple as they truly urged it that ever converted a Kingdome totally and entirely to Christianity for which consult our very Author Lib. 4.181 And yet â—he pains in preaching of Austin were not so limited and restrain'd to one Kingdome only but that he travail'd into most parts of the Saxon Heptarchy preaching the Gospell in all places to which the spirit did conduct him or his bâ—sinesse lead him Our Author grants him to have converted the Kingdome of Kent fol. 7. and to have taken care for planting the Gospel in the Kingdom of the East-Saxons and for that end ordaining Mellitus the first Bishop of London fol. 67. From hence he carries him to a conference with the British Bishops in the Country of the Wiccians now Worcestershire then part of the Kingdom of Mercia fol. 60. From thence to Richmondshire in the Kingdom of Northumberland where he is said to have baptiz'd above ten thousand in one day fol. 66. And finally to Cern in Dorsetshire part of the Kingdome of the West-Saxons where he destroyed the Idol of Heale of Aesculapius By which we see that he visited no fewer than five of the seven Kingdoms in the Saxon Heptarchie not onely doing in each of them that particular work which he went about but preaching in all fit places as he passed along And this considered as it ought with reference to the distance of those several places to which our very Author brings him gives him just title to that honour which our Author would so willingly deprive him of when telling us how the Papists called him the English Apostle he adds these words how properly so called we shall see hereafter Fuller The Animadvertor engageth deeper in this Controversy than in my minde it deserveth To staâ—e the difference truly whether Augustine properly is called the Apostle of the English we must explain two Terms Apostle and English Waving the generall notation of Apostle for no more than a Messenger In the new Testament it importeth a person immediately sent by Christ to preach people into salvation It was essentiall to their constitution either to have accompanied Christ in the flesh a qualification required by St. Peter in such Elects who should supply the vacancy of Iudas or at the least that they should see Christ incarnate either humbled or glorified the latter favour being peculiarly affordâ—d to St. Paul Am I not an Apostle Am I not free have I not seen Iesus Christ our Lord
I return him the same measure I receive from him Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 78. Delâ—a whence some say Deirham or Durham lay betwixt Tues and Humber More out of this than in his Lech-lade or Latin-lade which before we had For first Durham is not so called quasi Deirham Fuller It seems that the Animadvertor playeth alwayes at In and In and I alas at Out and Out But herein I am not out one hairs breadth as soon will appear Dr. Heylin Our learned Antiquary gives us a better and more certain derivation of it The River saith he as though it purposed to make an Island compasseth almost on every side the chief City of this Province standing on a Hill whence the Saxons gave it the name of Dunholm For as you may gather out of Bede they called an Hill Dun and a River-Island Holme Hereof the Latine Writers have made Dunelmum the Normans Duresme but the common people most corruptly Durham Fuller Our learned Antiquary though here not named doth name himself even Mr. Camden I ever did and doe believe that he giveth the true Denomination of Durham so called from Dunholm But let me ad that I may lawfully without the least fault give in also another etymologie though not true yet probable which I meet with in perusing of several Writers Mercator in his Description of Italy saith some will have it so called quasi Vitalie from the fairest and fattest Calves bred therein though I believe that he himself did not believe it to be true but onely relates it as he found it in Festus I may challenge the like liberty of presenting etymologies of places as tendred to me by other Authors Dr. Heylin But secondly which marrsall the matter the Bishoprick of Durham was not in the Kingdome of Deira as being wholly situate on the North side of the Tees and consequently part of the Realm of Bernicia which makes our Authors mistake in another place fol. 51. the more remarkable where speaking of the Kingdome of Deira he gives us this Comment in the Margin viz. What this day is the Bishoprick of Deirham or Durham Fuller Be it here rather repeated than inserted that in the Saxon Heptarchy limitary Counties did march and retreat dilated and contracted by their Princes success As for the Bishoprick of Durham though sometimes it might belong to Bernicia yet generally it was the North-east boundary of the Kingdome of DEIRA as in the Archbishop of Armagh doth plainly appear De Brit. Eccles. primord pag. 395. Deiri possessed Lancashire Yorkshire Westmorland Camberland Bishoprick of Durham Let me add that He is as exact even to fractions as any who ever wrote of the partage of the Saxon Heptarchy Dr. Heylin But as long as some say so all is well though who those some are except our Author I can no where finde Onely I find that as it is held necessary for a No body to be in all great Houses to bear the blame of such mischances as by the carelesness of servants and inconsideratenesse doe too often happen so is it no lesse necessary that there should be a some-body also in all great undertakings to bear the blame of such misfortunes as our Adventurers at wit doe as often meet with Fuller What if Hee can no where finde it doth it therefore follow that it is not to be found Will he presume that his own reading is adequate to things being This No-body so much derided by the Animadvertor will at last appear some-body even Mr. Iohn Fox Acts Mon. pag. 149. last Edition Deira a part of North-Saxons whereof as it is thought that which we now call Deirham taketh his name Thus Reader I have discharged my self from all appearance of fault by producing my Author a learned and able Historian how meanly soever the Animadvertor may be pleased to esteem him Dr. Heylin And such a some-body as this our Author hath found out to be the father of another conceit of his concerning Teyburn that I may take in this also whilest it is in my minde of which he tells us lib. 4. fol. 168. That some have deduced the etymologie of Teyburn from Ty and Burn because forsooth the Lord Cobham was there hang'd and burnt Whereas indeed it was so named from the Tey or Teybourn a small Brook passing neer unto it in the former times Which Brook or Bourn arising nor far from Padington hath since been drawn into several Conduits for the use of the City Fuller I have heard of the Animadvertors etymologie and believe it probable I have also been informed from good Antiquaries that the true name is Twey-BORN from two little Brooks wherewith it is insulated in the Winter running neer to it The deduction of Tye-BORN alias I BURN from burning of Lollards I protest I did read in Harpsfield and it is none of my own invention Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 69. A place so marked being foretold fortunate to Aeneas to found Alba since Rome therein A passage as well stor'd with Errors as the rest before and such a piece of fine new learning as never any Antiquary had found out till now For first Aeneas was not the founder of Alba though that the place design'd unto him for the seat of his Kingdom The building of that City was the work of Ascanius as we finde in Virgil. At puer Ascanius Regnumque à sede Lavini Transferet longam multa vi muniet Albam That is to say Ascanius from Lavinum shall translate To Alba strongly fenc'd the Regal State And secondly Alba was not built in the place where Rome since stood but duedecimo ab Urbe lapide about twelve miles off For though the River Tiber in some ancient Writers hath the name of Albula yet I never found in any Writer either old or new till I incounterd it in our Author that Rome was anciently called Alba. Fuller Rather than any difference shall arise betwixt us about this matter the Parenthesis since Rome shall be altered into neer Rome and then I hope all shall be right and strait beyond exception Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 104. It is admirable to consider what Sholes of People were formely vented out of Cimbrica Chersonesus take it in the largest extent for Denmark Norway and Swedeland And in the largest extent it is taken indeed such as no Author ever gave it before this time The Cimbrick Chersonese truly and properly so call'd comprehended onely those parts of the Kingdome of Denmark which we now call Iuitland divided by the River Eydore from the Dukedome of Holstein Ortelius and some late Geographers make it to take up all that Languet or piece of Land on the North of Germany extended from the River Albis in the South and stretching Northward to that part of the Ocean which leads into the narrow Strait or passage now called Sundt But never any till our Author extended this name over those great Kingdoms of Denmark Norway and
Soveraign having learnt primum in unoquoque Genere est excipiendum The Animadvertor hath here taken occasion to write much but thereof nothing to confute me and little to informe others He deserved to be this King Henry's Chaplain if living in that Age for his exactnesse in the distinct enumeration of all his Dignities and Estate before he came to the Crown Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 190. That States-men do admire how blinde the Policy of that Age was in keeping King Henry alive there being no such sure Prison as a Grave for a Capâ—ive King whose life though in restraint is a fair mark for the full Aim of mal-contents to practise his enlargement Our Author might have spar'd this Doctrine so frequently in practise amongst the worldly Politicians of all times and ages that there is more need of a Bridle to holde them in than a Spur to quicken them Parce precor stimulis fortiùs utere loris had been a wholesome caveat there had any friend of his been by to have advis'd him of it The murthering of depos'd and Captive Princes though too often practised never found Advocates to plead for it and much lesse Preachers to preach for it untill these latter times First made a Maxim of State in the School of Machiavel who layes it down for an Aphorisme in point of policy viz. that great Persons must not at all be touched or if they be must be made sure from taking Revenge inculcated afterwards by the Lord Gray who being sent by King Iames to intercede for the life of his Mother did underhand solicite her death and whispered nothing so much in Queen Elizabeths eares as Mortua non mordet if the Scots Queen were once dead she would never bite But never prest so home never so punctually appli'd to the case of Kings as here I finde it by our Author of whom it cannot be affirm'd that he speaks in this case the sense of others but positively and plainly doth declare his own No such divinity preach'd in the Schools of Ignatius though fitter for the Pen of a Mariana than of a Divine or Minister of the Church of England Which whether it passed from him before or since the last sad accident of this nature it comes all to one this being like a two-hand-sword made to strike on both sides and if it come too late for instruction will serve abundantly howsoever for the justification Another note we have within two leaves after as derogatory to the Honour of the late Archbishop as this is dangerous to the Estate of all Soveraign Princes if once they chance to happen into the hands of their Enemies But of this our Author will give me an occasion to speake more in another place and then he shall heare further from me Fuller My words as by me laid down are so far from being a two-handed sword they have neither hilt nor blade in them only they hold out an Handle for me thereby to defend my self I say States-men did admire at the preserving King Henry alive and render their reason If the Animadvertor takes me for a Statesman whose generall Judgement in this point I did barely relate he is much mistaken in me Reason of State and Reason of Religion are Stars of so different an Horison that the elevation of the One is the depression of the other Not that God hath placed Religion and Right Reason diametrically opposite in themselves so that where-ever they meet they must fall out and fight but Reason bowed by Politicians o their present Interest that is Achitophelesme is Enmity to Religion But the lesse we touch this harsh string the better musick Dr. Heylin Now to goe on Fol. 197. The Duke requested of King Richard the Earldome of Hereford and Hereditary Constableship of England Not so it was not the Earldom that is to say the Title of Earl of Hereford which the Duke requested but so much of the Lands of those Earls as had been formerly enjoy'd by the House of Lancaster Concerning which we are to know that Humphry de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford left behinde him two Daughters onely of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woodsâ—ock Duke of Gloster Mary the other married unto Henry of Bullenbrook Earl of Darby Betwixt these two the Estate was parted the one moity which drew after it the Title of Hereford falling to Henry Earl of Darby the other which drew after it the Office oâ— Constable to the Duke of Gloâ—ester But the Duke of Glocester being dead and his estate coming in fine unto his Daughter who was not able to contend Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division laying one half of her just partage to the other moity But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite extinct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster remained in possession of the Crown but were conceiv'd by this Duke to belong to him as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Glocester and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford This was the sum of his demand Nor doe I finde that he made any suit for the Office of Constable or that he needed so to doe he being then Constable of England as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family was after him Fuller The cause of their variance is given in differently by several Authors Some say that at once this Duke requested three things of King Richard 1. Power 2. Honor 3. Wealth First Power to be Hereditary Constable of England not to hold it as he did pro arbitrio Regis but in the right of his descent Secondly Honor the Earldome of Hereford Thirdly Wealth that partage of Land mentioned by the Animadvertor I instanced onely in the first the pride of this Duke being notoriously known to be more than his covetousnesse not dâ—nying but that the Kings denyal of the Land he requested had an effectual influence on his discontent Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 169. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversie on the Earls side Our Author is out in this also It was not the Lord Stanley but his Brother Sir William Stanley who came in so seasonably and thereby turn'd the Scale and chang'd the fortune of the day For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new Kings Houshold and advanc'd to great Riches and Estates but finally beheaded by that very King for whom and to whom he had done the same But the King look'd upon this action with another eye And therefore when the merit of his service was interposed to mitigate the Kings displeasure and preserve the maâ— the King remembred very shrewdly that as he came soon enough to win
dissent from him rendring my reason for the same Dr. Heylin But whereas he tels us in the following words that the name of Puritan in that notion began this year viz. 1564. I fear he hath anticipated the time a little Genebrard a right good Chronologer placing it ortos in Anglia Puritanos about two years after Anno 1566 c. Fuller I answer First Let the Animadvertor keep his fears for me to himself and not be solicitous in my behaâ—f Secondly If the time be anticipated but a little these necessary Animadversions needed not to take notice thereof Thirdly Genebrards placing the beginning of the Name Puritan about two years after intimates a latitude in his Computation Fourthly Genebrard Anno 1566. calleth them ortos but not orientes in Anglia Puritanos And when I speak of the beginning of the name I relate to it rising not risen Fifthly Genebrard is so disaffected to our Religion he is not to be credited taking all implicitly out of rayling Saunders Witnesse this eminent Note amongst the rest Anno 1570. UNCTI in Surria Comitatu Angliae è Calvinii Schola oâ—iuntur qui docent peccare neminem nisi qui veritatem ab ipsis praedicatam non recâ—pit The ANOINTED Scholars of Calvin did rise this year in Surry an English County who teach that every man must sin that will not imbrace their Doctrine all which is a notorious untruth Lastly The Animadvertor cannot justly be angry with me if I antedated the Puritans by two years seeing he findeth the Lineaments of the Puritan Platform in the Reign of King Henry the eighth twenty years at least beâ—ore my mention of them Dr. Heylin But why our Author should call the Bishop of Londons House by the name of the Popes Palace I doe very much wonder unlesse it were to hold conformity with the style of Martin Mar-Prelate and the rest of that Faction Amongst whom nothing was more common than to call all Bishops Petty-Popes and more particularly to call the Archbishop of Canterbury the Pope of Lambeth and the Bishop of London Pope oâ— London But I hope more charitably than so being more willing to impute it to the fault of the Printers than the Pen of our Author c. Fuller It falls out happily for me that Grindal was then Bishop oâ— London one so far from Popery that he is beheld under an opposite notion I wonder the Animadvertor will lay so much weight on a plain mistake of the Presse Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 98. Against covetous Conformists it was provided that no spiritual Person Colledge or Hospital shall let Lease other than for twenty one years or three lives c. No mention in the Statute of Covetous Conformists I am sure of that and therefore no provision to be made against them the Covetous Conformist is our Authors own c. Fuller I say in the same place that in this Parliament Laws were enacted against Poiniards with three Edges Conformists they must needs be who enjoyed so great Church-preferment and Covetous I may call them who made so unreasonable Leases But of this I have largely spoken in my Answer to the Introduction Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 121. These Prophecyings were founded on the Apostles Precept For ye may all Prophesie one by one that all may learn and all be comforted but so as to make it out they were fain to make use of humane prudential additions Not grounded but pretended to be grounded on those words of St. Paul c. Fuller Grounded shall be altered God willing into pretended to be grounded and then I hope no shadow of offence Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 135. A loud Parliament is alwaies attended with a silent Convocation as here it came to passe The Activity of the former in Church matters lâ—st the latter nothing to doe A man would think by this that the Parliament of this year being the 23 of the Quâ—en had done great â—eats in matters of Religion as making new Articles of Faith or confirming Canons or something else of like importance c. Fuller It lyeth not in the Power of Parliament to make new ARTICLES of FAITH nor did they ever pretend unto it Nor lyeth it in the Power of the Church to make any new ARTICLES Canons they may make for the Descipline and may declare and publish Articles of faith But God alone in Scripture hath made them to which man under an heavy curse may make no Addition Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 187. That since the High Commission and this Oath it is that ex officio which he meaneth were taken away by the Act of Parliament it is to be hoped that if such swearing were so great a grievance nihil analogum nothing like unto it which may amount to as much shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof What could be said more plain to testifie his disaffections one way and his zâ—al another The High-Commission and the Oath reproached as Grievances because the greatest â—urbs of the Puritan party and the strongest Bulwarks of the Church a congratulation to the times for abolishing both though as yet I finde no Act of Parliament against the Oath except it be by consequence and illation onely and finally a hope exprest that the Church never shall revert to her former power in substituting any like thing in the place thereof by which the good people of the Land may be stopt in their way to the fifth Monarchy so much sought after And yet this does not speak so plain as the following passage Fuller God restore the Church in his good time to her just rights and give her wisdome moâ—e raâ—ely to use it I am â—oâ— no fift Monarchy or Anarchyâ—heâ— â—heâ— but desire from my heart that no such analogical Oath may be offered to me and let the Animadvertor if desirous thereof have it to himself and much good may it doe him Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 193. Wits will be working and such as have a Satyrical vein cannot better vent it than in lashing of sin This spoken in defence of those scurrilous Libels which Iob Throgmorton Penry Fenner and the rest of the Puritan Rabble published in print against the Bishops Anno 1588. thereby to render them ridiculous both abroad and at home Fuller I am most disingeniously dealt with by the Animadvertor obtruding on me such words In defence I defie it these me words immediatly following But 〈…〉 and devouâ— sort of men even of such as were no great friends to the 〈◊〉 upon solemn debaâ—e then resolved I speak on certain knowledge from the mouthes of such whom I must believe that for many foul falshoods therein suggestâ—d altogether â—â—â—eseeming a pious spirit to print publish or with pleasure peruse which â—â—posed true both in matter and measure rather conceal than discover The best of men being so conscious of their own badnesse that they are more carefull to wash their own faces than
Rubrick indeed dyed with the blood of so many of both Nations slaine on that Occasion Our Author speakes this in Relation to the Scottish Tumults Anno 1637. In telling of which Story he runs as commonly elsewhere into many Errours For first those Miseries and that blood-shed was not caused by sending the Liturgy thither c. Fuller Seeing the Animadvertor denies the Liturgy to have had any Causall influence on the Scots War I must manifest my dissent from his Iudgement and here I crave the Reader 's leave to be his humble Remembrancer of the Kinds of Causes so far as they conduce to the clearing of the present Controversie Causes are twofold Solitary or Totall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Ioynt and fellow Causes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The latter againe is twofold Proegumena long leading before and inwardly disposing and inclining to Action or Procatarctica called also Causa irritatrix or Primitiva provocans which is outwardly impulsive to Action The former is tearmed by Physitians Causa Antecedens the latter Causa Evidens of a disease Thus in a Feaver corrupt humours bred within and without the Veines are the Antecedent cause thereof whilst being in the hot Sun walking in the South-wind c. stopping the Pores and stirring the ill Humours to heat may be the evident cause of a Feaver I thus apply it The inward discontents of the Scots on severall accounts which follow on the next Paragraph were the Antecedent causes of their War whilst the evident Cause thereof was the Obtruding the Liturgy upon them And so much for my cleare sense in this Controversie Dr. Heylyn The Plot had been laid long before upon other grounds that is to say Questioning of some Church Lands then in the hands of some great Persons of which they feared a Rovocation to the Crown And secondly the manumitting of some poor subjects from the tyranny and vassallage which they lived under in respect of their Tithes exacted with all cruelty and injustice by those whom they call the Lords of new erection Which Plot so laid there wanted nothing but some popular occasion for raising a Tumult first a Rebellion afterwards and this occasion they conceived they had happily gain'd by sending the new Liturgy thither though ordered by their own Clergy first as our Author tells us at the Assembly of Aberdeen Anno 1616. and after aâ— Perth Anno 1618. and fashioned for the most part by their own Bishops also But of this there hath so much been said between the Observator and his Antagonist that there is nothing necessary to be added to it Secondly there was no such matter as the passing of an Act of Revocation for the restoring of such Lands as had been alienated from the Crown in the minority of the Kings Predecessors of which he tells us fol. 192. The King indeed did once intend the passing of such an Act but finding what an Insurrection was likely to ensue upon it he followed the safer counsell of Sir Archibald Acheson by whom he was advis'd to sue them in his Courts of Justice Which course succeeding to his wish so terrified many of those great persons who had little else but such Lands to maintain their Dignities that they never thought themselves secure as long as the King was in a condition to demand his own Thirdly though it be true enough that some persons of honour had been denied such higher Titles as they had desired fol. 163. yet was it not the denying of such Titles unto Men of Honour which wrought these terrible effects but the denying of an honorary Title to a man of no honour If Colonel Alexander Lesly an obscure fellow but made rich by the spoils and plunder of Germany had been made a Baron when he first desired it the rest of the male-contents in Scotland might have had an heart though they had no head But the King not willing to dishonour so high a Title by conferring it on so low a person denyed the favour Which put the man into such a heat that presently he joyned himself to the faction there drove on the plot and finally undertook the command of their Armies Rewarded for which notable service with the Title of Earl of Levin by the King himself he could not so digest the injury of the first refusall but that he afterwards headed their Rebellions upon all occasions Fuller Little opposition against some variation from and more addition unto what I have written is herein contained Which if tending to the Reader his clearer information I am right glad thereof and wish him all happinesse therein Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds fol. 163. Generally they excused the King in their writings as innocent therein but charged Arch-bishop Laud as the principall and Dr. Cousins as the instrumentall compiler thereof This is no more then we had reason to expect from a former passage liâ— 4. fol. 193. where our Author telleth us that the Scotish Bishops withdrew themselves from their obedience to the See of York in the time when George Nevil was Arch-bishop And then he adds Hence-forwards no Arch-bishop of York medled more with Church-matters in Scotland and happy had it been if no Arch-bishop of Canterbury had since interressed himsâ—lf therein His stomack is so full of choller against this poor Prelate that he must needs bring up some of it above an hundred years before he was born Fuller What could more calmly be written Perchance some cold flegme but nothing of choller is in the expression I say again It had been happy for King Queen Royall Issue Church State the Arch-bishop himself Animadvertor Author Reader All England Dr. Heylyn Hence is it that he takes together all reports which makes against him and sets them down in rank and file in the course of this History If Arch-bishop Abbot be suspended from his Jurisdiction the blame thereof was laid on Arch-bishop Laud as if not content to succeed he endeavoured to supplant him fol. 128. The King sets out a Declaration about lawfull Sports the reviving and enlarging of which must be put upon his account also some strong presumptions being urged for the proof thereof fol. 147. The reduction of the Church to her antient Rules and publick Doctrines must be nothing else but the enjoyning of his own private practises and opinions upon other men fol. 127. And if a Liturgy be compos'd for the use of the Church of Scotland Who but he must be charged to be the Compiler of it Fuller If all the places here cited are passed already they have received their severall Answers if any of them be to come they shall receive them God-willing in due time that so for the present we may be silent to prevent repetition Dr. Heylyn But what proofs have we for all this Onely the malice of his enemies or our Authors own disaffection to him or some common fame And if it once be made a fame it shall pass for truth and as a truth find place
that some two years since being informed by our friend Mr. Davenport that you took some exceptions at what I had written concerning you in my Church-History I returned you an Answer to this Effect That I would make you just reparation either in the next Edition of my History or in another Book which I was about to set forth Of the Worthies of England choosing therein the most proper and conspicuous place which might render it most visible to the Reader This last Book had since been printed had not the unhappy difference between Dr. Heylyn and me retarded it What I wrote concerning your Accusation in the House of Commons I transcribed out of the Manuscript journalls of that House As for your purgation in the House of Lords I knew not thereof which maketh such my omssion the more excusable I am now right glad that you did so clearly vindicate your innocence In my next Edition I will do you all possile right with improvement that my Pen can perform as also God Willing when I come to treat in my intended Book of the Cathedrall of Durham In the mean time joyning with Hundreds more of my Profession in thanks to you for your worthy Work on the Apocrypha and desiring the Continuation and increase of Gods blessing on your studies who do abide the Champion for our Religion in forraign parts know that amongst your many honourers you have none more affectionate than Your humble Servant Thomas Fuller To the Religious Learned and Ingenuous Reader EPistles to the Reader by way of Preparation are properly placed in the front of a Book but those by way of Recollection follow best in the Reare thereof If you have had the Leisure and Patience to peruse this Book you deserve the Name of a Reader indeed and I do as heartily wish as charitably hope Thee Qualified with those three Epithets wherewith I have intitled thee I must now accost thee in the Language of the Levite to the Tribes of Israell CONSULT CONSIDER and GIVE SENTENCE Deal truly and unpartially betwixt me and the Animadvertor please thine owne Conscience though thou displeasest us and adjudge in thy selfe where neither of Us where both of Us where one of Us which one of Us is in the right Onely this I will add for my Comfort and thy better Confidence in reading my Book that according to the received Rule in Law Exceptio firmat Regulam in non-Exceptis it followeth proportionably that Animadversio firmat Regulam in non-Animadversis And if so by the Tacite Consent of my Adversary himselfe all other passages in my Book are allowed Sound and True save these few which fall under his reproof and how justly I submit my Cause to thy Censure and thy Person to Gods keeping remaining Thine in Jesus Christ. Thomas Fuller Cranford Moate-House To my Loving Friend Doctor Peter Heylyn I Hope Sir that we are not mutually Un-friended by this Difference which hath happened betwixt us And now as Duellers when they are Both out of breath may stand still and Parley before they have a Second passe let us in cold Blood exchange a Word and mean time let us depose at least suspend our Animosities Death hath crept into both our Clay-Cottages through the Windows your Eyes being Bad mine not Good God mend them both And Sanctifie unto us these Monitors of Mortality and however it fareth with our Corporeall sight send our Souls that Collyrium and Heavenly Eye-salve mentioned in Scripture But indeed Sir I conceive our Time Pains and Parts may be better expended to Gods Glory and the Churches Good than in these needlesse Contentions Why should Peter fall out with Thomas both being Disciples to the same Lord and Master I assure you Sir whatever you conceive to the contrary I am Cordiall to the cause of the English Church and my Hoary Haâ—res will go down to the Grave in sorrow for her Sufferings You well remember the passage in Homer how wise Nestor bemoaned the unhappy difference betwixt Agamemnon and Achilles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 O gods how great the grief of Greece the while And Priams selfe and Sons do sweetly smile Yea all the Trojan party swell with Laughter That Greeks with Greeks fall out and fight to Slaughter Let me therefore tender unto you an Expedient in Tendency to our mutuall Agreement You know full well Sir how in Heraldry two Lioncells Rampant endorsed are said to be the Embleme of two Valiant Men keeping appointment and meeting in the Field but either forbidden fight by their Prince or departing on Tearms of Equallity agreed betwixt themselves Whereupon turning Back to Back neither Conquerors nor Conquered they depart the Field severall wayes their Stout Stomacks not suffering them both to go the same way left it be accounted an Iâ—jury one to precede the other In like manner I know you disdain to allow me your Equall in this Controversie betwixt us and I will not allow you my Superiour To prevent future Troâ—ble let it be a Drawn Battle and let both of us abound in our owne sense severally perswaded in the Truth of what we have written Thus parting and going out Back to Back here to cut off all Contest about Precedency I hope we shall meet in Heaven Face to Face hereafter In Order whereunto God Willing I will give you a meeting when and where you shall be pleased to appoint that we who have Tilted Pens may shake Hands together St. Paul writing to Philemon concerning Onesimus saith For perhaps he therefore departed for a season that thou mightest receive him for ever To avoid exceptions you shall be the good Philemon I the fugitive Onesimus Wâ—o knoweth but that God in his providence permitted yea ordered this difference to happen betwixt us not onely to occasion a reconciliation but to consolidate a mutuall friendship betwixt us during our Lives and that the surviver in Gods pleasure onely to appoint may make favourable and respectfull mention of him who goeth first to his grave The desire of him who remaines SIR A Lover of your Parts and an Honourer of your Person THO. FULLER FINIS To Dr. Cornelius Burges SIR I could have wished that in your book entituled a Case concerning the buying of Bishops Lands with the lawfullnesse thereof c. you had forborn this following expression against me Part. 1. pag. 7. As that flashy jeering Author of the late published History of the Church upon hear-say onely and out of Resolution calumniari fortiter hath falsely reported him Let us go back to the occasion of these words When Dr. Hacket May the 11th 1641. made a Speech in behalfe of the Deans and Chapters of England for the preventing of the alienation of their Lands and revenues you returned an Answer thereunto and about the conclusive Result thereof is our present contest Dr. Burges You say you onely concluded those things unalienable from the Church
¶ 34 35. LECHLADE or LATINELADE a place where Latine was anciently taught Cent. 9. ¶ 30. Thomas LEE or LEAH a prime Officer imploied in the dissolution of Abbeys Hist. of Ab. 314. visiteth the University of Camb. Hist. Cam. of p. 109. ¶ 55. his injunctions to the University ibidem Barthol LEGATE burnt for an Arrian b. 10. p. 62. ¶ 6 7 8. c. Dr. LEIGHTON his railing book severely censur'd b. 11. p. 1-36 ¶ 3. recovered after his escape and punished ¶ 4. The first LENT kept in England C. 7. ¶ 74. Jo. LEYLAND an excellent Antiquary follow of Christs Coll. Hist. of Cam. p. 90. ¶ 7. wronged in his works by Polydore Virgil and another namelesse Plagiary b. 5. p. 198 ¶ 54. imployed by King Henry 8. to collect and preserve Rarityes at the dissolution of Abbeys b. 6. p. 339. ¶ 8. died distracted ¶ 9. LICHFIELD bestrewed with the dead bodies of Martyrs C. 4. ¶ 8. made the See of an Arch-bishop by King Offa b. 2. p. 104. ¶ 34 the builders of the present almost past Cathedral b. 4. p. 174. the praise and picture thereof p. 175. LIEGE Coll. in Lukeland for English fugitives b. 9. p. 91. William LILLY the first schoolmaster of Paul's b. 5. p. 167 ¶ 17. the many Editions of his Grammar p. 168. ¶ 18. LISBON a rich Nunnery for Engl. Bridgitines b. 6. p. 262. ¶ 5 6 c. LITURGIE an uniformity thereof when prescribed all over England b. 7. p. 386. three severall editions thereof with the persons employed therein ibid. Bishop Latimer his judgement against the contemners thereof p. 426. LONDON why so called C. 1. ¶ 2. layeth claime to the birth of Constantine the Emperour C. 4. ¶ 18. the walls thereof built with Jewish stones b. 3. p. 86. ¶ 42. the honourable occasion of an Augmentation in their Armes b. 4. p. 141. ¶ 21. William LONGCAMPE Bp. of Ely his pride b. 3. p. 43. ¶ 24. his parallell with Cardinal Wolsey ¶ 28 c. LOVAINE Colledge in Brabant for English fugitives b. 9. p. 90. a nunnery or rather but halfe a one therein for Engl. women b. 6. p. 364. ¶ 2. LINCOLN Coll. in Oxford founded by Richard Fleming b. 4. p. 168. The Rectors Bps. c. thereof p. 169. William LINWOOD writeth his Provincial constitutions his due praise b. 4. page 175. ¶ 71. c. LUCIUS the different dates of his conversion C. 2. ¶ 1. do not disprove the substance of his story ¶ 3. might be a British King under the Romans ¶ 4. several Churches in Britain said to be erected by him ¶ 13. confounded by unwary writers with Lucius a German preacher in Suevia ¶ 14. said to be buried in Gloucester with his Dunsticall Epitaph C. 3. ¶ 1. LUPUS assisteth Germanus in his voyage into Britain to suppresse Pelagianisme C. 3. ¶ 4. M. MADRID Coll. in Spain for English fugitives b. 9. p. 90. MAGDALEN Coll. in Ox. founded by William Wainsleet b. 4. p. 188. ¶ 24. Scarce a Bp. in England to which it hath not afforded one prelate ¶ 25. sad alterations therein by the Visitors in the first of Q. Mary b. 8. ¶ 8. the character of this Coll. with the violence of rigid non-conformists therein presented in a latine letter of Mr. Fox b. 9. p. 106. ¶ 14 15. MAGDALEN Colledge in Cambridge founded by Thomas Lord Audley History of Cambridge p. 120. ¶ 8 c. MALIGNANT whence derived and first fixed as a name of disgrace on the Royall party b. 11. p. 195. ¶ 32. Roger MANWARING charged by Mr. Pym in Parliament b. 11. ¶ 61. for two Sermons preached ibidem his censure ¶ 62. and submission ¶ 63. MARRIAGE of the Priests proved lawfull b. 3. p. 20 21 22 23. MARRIAGE of a Brothers Wife is against Gods Word and above Papal dispensation b. 5. p. 179 180 181. Tho. MARKANT Proctor of Cambridge made and gave a rare Book of her priviledges to the university which was lost found lost found lost Hist. of Camb. p. 65. ¶ 33 34. Q. MARY quickly recovereth the Crown in right of succession b. 8. ¶ 1. in her first Parliament restoreth Popery to the height ¶ 20 21. makes a speech in Guild-Hall ¶ 30. her character S. 2. ¶ 34. valiant against the Pope in one particular S. 3. ¶ 41. very Melancholy with the causes thereof ¶ 46 47. dyes of a Dropsey ¶ 48. two Sermons preached at her funerall ¶ 52. her deserved praise ¶ 53. for refounding the Savoy ¶ 54. her buriall ¶ 55. MARY Queen of Scots flies into England and is there imprisoned b. 9. S. 2. ¶ 13. her humble letter to Pope Pius the fifth ibidem her second letter unto him b. 9. p. 99. her death Poetry buriall removal to Westminster and wel-Latined Epitaph p. 181. Queen MARY Wife to King Charles her first landing at Dover b. 11. ¶ 9. delivered of a Son by a fright before her time b. 11. p. 135. ¶ 1. Toby MATTHEW Arch-bishop of York dying yearly dyes at last b. 11. ¶ 74. is gratitude to God ¶ 75. MAUD for four descents the name of the Queens of England b. 7. p. 25. ¶ 28. MAXIMUS usurpeth the Empire and expelleth the Scots out of Britain C. 4. ¶ 22. draineth the Flower of the British Nation into France ¶ 23. slain in Italy ¶ 24. his memory why inveighed against ibidem Mr. MAYNARD his learned speech against the late Canons b. 11. p. 180. ¶ 77. MEDUINUS sent by King Lucius to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome C. 2. ¶ 5. MEDESHAMSTED Monastery burnt by the Danes C. 9. ¶ 20. MELLITUS Bishop of London converteth the Kingdome of Essex C. 7. ¶ 23. departeth England and why ¶ 33. returneth ¶ 35. and is rejected at London 36. his character 37. MERCIA a Saxon Kingdome when begun how bounded C. 5. ¶ 17. converted to Christianity under Prince Peada C. 7. ¶ 83. Thomes MERKES Bishop of Carlile his bold speech in the behalf of King Richard the second b. 4. p. 153. ¶ 55. tried for Treason not by his Peers but a Common lury p. 154. ¶ 57 58. his life spared and he mad Bishop of Samos in Greece ¶ 59. MERLIN two of the name C. 5. ¶ 20. his magicall Pranks ¶ 26. questionable whether ever such a man ¶ 32. fitted with two other fowles of the same Feather ibidem MERTON Coll. in Oxford founded by Walter Merton b. 9. p. 75. ¶ 7 c. Wardons Bishops Benefactours and thereof ¶ 8. a by-foundation of Post-masters therein p. 76. happy in breeding Schoolmen p. 99. ¶ 27. a petty rebellion therein supprest by Arch-bishop Parker b. 9. p. 71. ¶ 47 48. not founded before Peter-house in Cambridge Hist. of Camb. p. 32. ¶ 33 c. Sr. Walter MILD MAY foundeth Emanuel Colledge Hist. of Cam. p. 146. ¶ 11 12. c. The MILLENARIE petition b. 10. p. 22. the issue thereof p. 23. ¶ 25 26. the Millenarie is equivocall p. 24. MINSHULLS their honourable Armes atchieved in the