became frantick and beside themselves and said withall that the condition of himselfe his brother and other their followers and subjects was such as they were readie if it were so thought good either to yeeld up their lively breath unto Scipio at whose very hands they had once received the same or else if they might now be pardoned and saved to devote and employ their lives for ever hereafter wholy in his service as being now twise due unto him alone and no other Once afore they presumed upon confidence in their innocent cause when as yet they had no experience of his clemencie but now contrarywise they reposed all their full hope in the mercie of the conquerour and nothing trusted in the goodnes of the quarrell Now it was an old custome among the Romanes not to exercise the absolute authoritie of their government upon any as they did to peaceable subjects with whom they were neither confedered in equal and reciprocall covenants nor linked in the band of amitie before they surrendred up unto them all rights as well divine as humane before I say they had received hostages of them taken armor from them and planted garisons in their townes and cities Scipio after he had sharply rebukedand roundly shaken up Mandonius there present and likewise Indibilis that was absent said That for their wicked parts and lewd démeanor they had worthily deserved death but live they should by his goodnes and the gracious favour of the people of Rome And moreover he promised neither to despoile them of their armour and weapons the seizing whereof was but a pawne and assurance vnto such as feared rebellion for as for him he left unto them their armour freely to use at their pleasure and their harts and minds secured from feare nor proceed in rigor and crueltie against the guiltesse hostages but against their owne persons if they went out and revolted againe ne yet would he content himselfe to be revenged of disarmed and naked enemies but the offenders and transgressors should in their armes suffer for their deserts And now since they had tried both fortunes as wel the one as the other he put unto their choise whether they had leiffer have the Romanes pacified or displeased friends or enemies So Mandonius had a faire delivery only there was an imposition and fine laid and Indibilis of a summe of money for souldiers pay Scipio himselfe after he had sent Martius before into the farther part of Spaine beyond the river Iberus and Syllanus back againe to Tarracon stayed some few dayes untill the Illergetes had made payment of the monies that they were charged with and then with all his souldie ys lightly appointed without cariages marched in a running camp to overtake Martius who by that time approched neere unto the Ocean The treatie which Masanissa began before time was upon sundrie occasions put off still and deferred For the Numidian prince was very desirous to patley and commune with Scipio himself in person in his right hand to assure him offealtie which was the very then that Scipio tooke so long a journey so far out of his way Masanissa being now at Gades and advertised by Martius that Scipio was comming neere at hand shewed false semblance to Mago made many excuses and found much fault namely that their horses being up and pestered within the Iland were welncere lost and spoiled and by their long abode there not only they made others feele the want and scarcitie of all things but also tasted thereof themselves and besides that his men of armes for very cafe and idlenesse became feeble and unlustie By which suggestions he persuaded with Mago and prevailed with him so much as to suffer him to crosseover into the continent under colour to wast and spoile the lands of Spaine next adjoyning When he was passed over he sent before him three principall Numidians gentlemen of marke to appoint both the time and the place of their meeting and conference and gave order that Scipio should deteine two of them with him as pledges the third was sent backe to conduct Masanissa to the appointed place according as he was commaunded and so with a small companie they met for to emparley and commune together Now was Masanissa the Numidian king possessed before with a wonderful admiration of Scipio and his vertue by reason of the same that was blazed abroad of his noble acts and had conceived withall and imagined that he was a man right personable of a mightie big and goodly stature but when he once saw him in place he grew into a far greater reverence and honor of his person For besides the exceeding majestie port that naturally he caried with him his goodly long bush of haire well became and graced him the habite also and attire of his bodie manly and souldiorlike not brave nor tricked up deintely and delicately much adorned and fer him out And for his age he was in the best and height of his strength which seemed upon his late sicknesse more full more smug and fresh as if the very prime and floure of his youth had bene renewed and himselfe cast againe in a newmould The Numidian at their first meeting almost astonied gave him thanks forsending back his brothers sonne unto him saying That ever since that time he sought to espie some occasion and sit opportunitie which now at length by the goodnes of the immortall gods being presented unto him he had not neglected and let slip Protesting that he was most desirous both to do him savour and to gratifie the people of Rome in any kind of service in so much as there was no one foreiner more earnest and readie to advance and better the State of the Romanes than himselfe which albeit he had bene willing unto heretofore he could not possibly shew in effect so long as he was in Spaine a strange country and unknowne unto him but in that wherein he was borne and brought up in hope of succession in his fathers kingdome he would be most forward to performe For in case the Romanes would send but Scipio as L. Generall into Affrick he made no doubt but hoped assuredly that Carthage had not long to continue and stand but soone would come to a finall end Scipio for his part was glad both to see him and heare him so speake knowing this full well that of all the cavallerie of the enemies Masanissa and the Numidians went ever away with prick and price and the yong man himselfe in his very countenance caried with him a good shew of a brave and hautie mind So after faithfull promise geven and received on both parts Scipio retired to Taracon and Masanissa when he had by the permission of the Romanes haried the coasts next adjoyning because hee might not seeme to have passed over into the maine land for nothing returned to Gades When Mago now being in utter despaire of Spaine whereof he had conceived great hopes and bare himselfe so
was in the commission and had a commaund than to a lieutenant But it should seeme now that hee was left behind farre enough off of very purpose for feare he would avow and justifie personally his hand-writing and charge him face to face and that if the Consull should make report of any untruth he might be chalenged therefore and the thing sisted and canvased untill the truth appeared clearely and came to light and therfore my opinion is qd hee that nothing be determined at this present as touching the demaunds of the Consull But when as he persisted not with standing and followed the suit still namely that they would ordaine a solemne procession and that himselfe might enter the citie riding in triumph then Marcus and C. Titinius both Tribunes of the Commons protested that they would interpose their negative and cancell the order of the Senate in that behalfe The Censors for that time were Sex Aelius Paetus and C. Cornelius Cetbegus created the yeare before Cornelius tooke a revieu of the citie and numbred the people and there were accounted by his survey 143704 polls of citizens Great flouds arose that yeere and Tyber over flowed all that flats and plaine places of the citie and about the gate Flumentana certain houses and buildings were overthrowen withall and laid along The gate Caelimontana besides was stricken with lightning the wall about it was likewise blasted from heaven At Aricia Lanuvium and in mount Aventine it rained stones And reported it was from Capua that a great swarine of waspes came flying into the market place and setled upon the temple of Mars which beeing with great care taken up and gathered togither were afterward consumed with fire In regard of these prodigious tokens order was given that the Decemvirs should search and peruse the bookes of Sibylla whereupon a novendiall sacrifice to continue nine daies was appointed a publicke procession solemnized and the citie was cleansed and hallowed About the same time M. Porcius Cato dedicated the chappell of Virgin victorie neere to the temple of the goddesse Vīctorie two yeeres after that he had vowed it In that yeere also the Triumvirs C. Manlius Volso L. Apustius Fullo and P. Aelius Tubero who had preferred a bill of request about the planting of a Colonie had commission graunted to conduct a Colonie of Latines into the countrey of Thurium and thither went three thousand footmen and three hundred horsemen a small number in comparison of the largenesse and quantitie of the territorie There might well have beene set out thirtie acres for every footman and threescore for an horseman but by the motion and advise of Apustius one third part of the lands was excepted and reserved to the end that afterwards in time they might enroll new Coloners if it pleased them And therefore the footmen had twentie acres and the horsemen fortie apeece Now approched the end of they yeere and more ambition there was and hoter suite for place of dignitie in the election of Consuls than ever had been knowne any time before Many mightie men as well of the Patrity and nobles as the Commoners stood and laboured hard for the Consulship to wit P. Cornelius Scipio the sonne of Cneus who lately was departed out of Spaine after he had atcheeved many worthie deeds L. Iuintius Flaminius who had ben Admirall of the navie in Greece and Cn. Manlius Volso all of the Nobilitie But of the Commons were C. Laelius Cn. Domitius C. Livius Salinator and M. Acilius But all mens eies were fixed upon Iuintius and Cornelius For they desired one place being both of them nobly descened and their fresh glorie for feats of warre recommended both the one and the other But above all other things the brethren of these competitours two most renowmed warriors of their time set the debate on a light fire The glorie of Scipio as it was the greater of the twaine so it was more subject to envie The honour of Iuntius was more fresh as who that yeer had newly triumphed Over and besides the one of them had beene now almost ten yeeres continually conversant in the eies of men a thing that maketh great men not so highly regarded by reason that they are growne stale and the world is full alreadie of them also he had been twise Consull and Censour since he vanquished Anniball But in Iuintius all was fresh new to win the good grace and favor of men And more than that he neither after his triumph had obtained ought of the people not to say a truth requested any thing He alledged that he made suite for his owne naturall and whole brother by both sides not for a cousin german in the behalfe of a very companion and partaker with him in the managing of the war for as himselfe served by land so his brother performed many exploits by sea So he obtained that Quintius should be preferred before his competitor whom Africanus his brother Asiaticus brought in and graced whom the whole race of Cornely seemed to countenance even then when a Cornelius Consull was president of the election held the assembly whom the Senat had given so grave a testimonie of in adjudging him to be the best man simply in all the citie thought most worthie to receive the goddesse dame Idea 1 comming from Pessinus to the citie of Rome Thus were L. Quintius Cn. Domiuus Aenobarbus created Consuls in such sort that Africanus was of no credite and bare no stroke at all ye may be sure in the election of a Consull out of the third estate of Commons albeit he emploied himselfe and did his best for C. Laelius The next day after were the Prectors elected namely L. Scribonius Libo M. Fulvius Centimalus A. Attilius Serranus M. Baebius Tamphilus L. Valenius Tappus and Q. Salonius Sarra In this yeer M. Aemylius Lepidus and L. Aemylius Paulus the Censors bare themselves so in their office as they made their yeer to be notable and much spoken of They condemned fined many of the citie grasiers or farmers of the common pastures and of that money which arose of their amercements were certaine gilded shields made which were set up on the finiall or lanterne of Iupiters temple They made one terrace or gallerie without the gate Trigemina with a merchants hall or Burse adjoined there to neere Tyber and another from the gate Fontinalis they built in length as far as to the altar of Mars leading to Mars field For a long time nothing was done in Liguria worth the remembrance But about the end of the yeere twise were the Romanes in great jeopardie for both the campe of the Consull was assailed and hardly defended and also not long after as the Romane hoast marched through a streight pase the armie of the Ligurians kept the very gullet of the passage and the Consull seeing he could not make way through turned his ensignes and began to retire the same way hee came but by that
is another which giveth passage into the mount Vaticane and the plain thereof and thereupon they named it Vaticanus also Triumphalis for that over it they went up in triumph to the Capitoll to give thankes to Iupiter and rejoice The piles are yet to bee seene in Tyber overagainst the spittle or hospitall of S. Spirit The third bare the name Ianiculensis of Ianiculum neere unto it and Aurelianus of the port-way Aurelia or the gate so called Antonius Pius paved it over with marble and being demolished in the civile wars was called the broken bridge Afterwards Pope Xystus the fourth reedified it and gave unto it his owne name CHAP. V. The bridges Fabricius and Cestius BEneath the bridge Aurelius one furlong over-against the Theatre of Marcellus in the very middest of the channell of Tyber there appeareth a shelfe or Island this was united to the citie by the bridge Tarpeius so called first of the rocke Tarpeia neere unto it afterwards Fabricius of L. Fabricius who by the bridge conjoined the cittie and Island together The same at this day is called the bridge of foure heads taking the name of foure marble images with foure faces apeece standing at the entrie of the bridge but that bridge which closeth the said Island with the parts beyond Tyber was called Esquilinus or Cestius in times past but now S. Bartholmewes bridge CHAP. VI. Of the Island Tyberina OF this Islands beginning wee have treated before in the description of Mars field Livie and Dionysius also set downe this storie at large It resembleth the forme of a biremo gally where it is broadest it is not above a dart shoot over in length it containeth about two stadia or a quarter of a mile This was in times past called Lycaonia and was hallowed to the honour of Aesculapius whose image from out of Epidaurus was thither brought Of Aesculapius and his temple read Plinie A temple also of Iupiter standeth in it dedicated by C. Servilius the Duumvir which had been vowed by L. Furius sixe yeeres before in the Gaules warre In the same Island were sicke folke presented unto Aesculapius in the field And neere unto the temple of the said god was a lazar-house for that this god was the inventer and maintainer of Physicke In it also stood the chappell of Faunus neere to the very river but scarcely remaine there any tokens thereof This Faunus as men say was reported to have beene the first that consecrated chappels and temples to the gods and for this cause all such places consecrated to the gods were called Fana By the testimonie of Cornelius Tacitus and Suetonius the statue of the emperour Iulius stood there CHAP. VII The Senatours bridge called also Palatine and that which is named Sublicius BEneath the abovenamed Island as it were a darts cast off was the seventh bridge called Senatorum pons of the Senatours also Palatinus of the mount Palatine neere adjoining and at this day named it is the bridge of S. Marie in Aegypt by reason of S. Maries church neere by Now followeth the last bridge Sublicius and which also is counted the most auncient of all others This was first made of tymber by Ancus Martius at the very foot of the Aventine mount framed onely with a floure of plankes without any yron spikes and nailes or props to shoare against it so as in time of warre and trouble it might bee taken in peeces one from another Now Sublicius it was called a Sublicis i. great strong posts But afterwards Aemilius Lepidus made it of stone and called it by his owne name Aemilius Some say it was paved with marble stone and thereupon named the marble bridge Vpon it in old time fat beggers craving almes of the passengers by From it also leud and wicked malefactors were throwne downe headlong into Tyber This bridge as well as others was often demolished and built up againe by one or other CHAP. VIII Of that side of the citie which is beyond Tyber The citie and temple of the Ravenates and Fo rs Fortuna the bathes of Severus the hortyards of Caesar The water Alsietina and the medowes of Mutius THe region beyond Tyber in old time had the name of Ianiculum the hil which overlooketh and commaundeth the greatest part thereof VVe find it also called of men in those dais the citie of the Ravenates who with a fleet having aided the Romanes were permitted to dwell in the Ianiculum for feare least at any time that mountaine and hold should bee seized and kept by the enemies Now for as much as this quarter was inhabited by â—ase people such as followed vile occupations there were in it but few things worthie of any remembrance Severus therein built certain baines Caesar made Hort-yards and prepared also a faire poole called the Naumachie for ship-fight there Also the temple of Fo rs fortuna was in Tib. Caesars daies dedicated in that quarter The water called Alsietina was derived out of the poole Alsietinus by the high way or causey Claudia into the foresaid Naumachie and served all those parts This water was also called by some Augusta See Frontinus who hath written much of the Romane waters Mutius who willingly had exposed and offered himselfe to die for the love of his countrey was for that good service endowed by the people of Rome with land on the other side of Tyber The place at this day is yet called Prata Mutia Neere unto the Arsenall and ship-dockes on that side of Tyber were the plaies and games of Fishermen in times past celebrated CHAP. IX The sepulchre of Numa and Cacilius the Poet. The Tribunall of Aurelius the Ianiculum and the hort-yards of Marcellus THat the sepulchre of king Numa was under the hill Ianiculus a chist of his with his bookes long time after digged up there doe sufficiently proove See Livie Solinus and others The Tribunall Aurelia the Arsenall was on that side of the Tyber as appeareth by those authors The hill Ianiculus tooke the name of Ianus who there dwelt and therein was afterwards buried Hee also built a towne or citie there as they say so called This Ianiculus was also called Antipolis as Rome Saturnia Commonly also it is received that Caecilius the poet was under the same hill Ianiculus buried Martiall the poet as himselfe witnesseth in his first book had most pleasant and delectable hort-yards in the same Ianiculus CHAP. X. The hill and field Vaticane the temple of Apollo and Mars the Naumachie the cirque hort-yards and Obelisk of Caesar. THe mount Vaticane and the plain thereto were without the cittie in the parts beyond the Tyber and in that very place where at this day is the church of S. Peter and the Popes pallace Called it was Vaticanus of the god Vaticanus by whose instinct and inspiration it was beleeved in old time that prophesies were delivered And this god they called Vaticanus for that in his power was the beginning of mans voice for as
as furniture to sepultures belōging The chappell to this goddesse stood without the cittie and a gate there was Libitinensis at which they carried foorth their dead For at Rome they might not cōmonly burie or burn a dead corps within the citie unlesse it were upon a special priviledge the law of 12 tables provided therefore in these expresse words IN URBE NON SEPELITO NEVE URITO but in some barren part of their land each man bestowed the ashes or bodies of their dead The practise whereof is evident by many examples in histories and at this day are monuments standing of their tombes reared neere the great causey Appia and elsewhere about Rome The consideration hereof with some other circumstances of a place in the 3 booke of Livie gave me occasion haply to translate amisse There happened to bee a great mortalitie in Rome and the territorie about it not onely of men but of cattlel also at what time as the Volscians and Aequians were encamped within three miles of Rome with a purpose to give the assault to the citie but they were suddainly stricken with a feare that they durst not approach neere testaque procul visa arque imminentes tumuli avertere mentem corum c. where I have englished imminentes tumuli tombes and graves neere at hand in opposition of testa urbis Romena procul visa and the rather because it presently followeth In deserio agro inter tabem perorum atque bominum where tumuli may well be put for tombes and monuments and imminentes neere at hand as Livie and others doe take those words But if any man would have it meant rather of the 7 hils of Rome commaunding and overlooking those houses aforesaid I will not be against it but rather my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall go with him and pardon me I hope he will if either there or elsewhere I have seemed to nod and take a little nap Namque opere in longo fas est obrepere somnum seeing that I have taken my selfe in the manner and not slept untill my neighbour awaked me Lictours in Livie are ministers or sergeants attending upon the magistrates of Rome namely Dictatours Consuls Pretours for those only were called somtime magistrates 〈◊〉 as superiour to the rest so called as Fectus thinketh quod fasces virgarum ligatos serant for that they carried rods tied up in bundels which rods were of birch willow hazell or the Carpine tree a kind of Plane or Maple and within them stuck an axe all to signifie whipping death These officers made way before those magistrates and were ministers also of the execution Lituus was the Augurs staffe much like a bishops croisier crooked at the end M MAgister Equitum Master or Generall of the horsemen This was an office or dignitie among the Romanes incorporate as it were in the Dictatour alone who ever had the absolute naming and chusing of him and ordinarily he was subject to him howsoever Minutius was by strong hand and a violent course of the people made equall to Q. Fabius his Dictatour Commaunder hee was under him of the Cavallerie also his Lieutenant-generall and coadjutour with him in all execution The same that Tribunus celerum in the time of the KK M. Marcus M' with the note of Apostrophus Manius The forenames of certaine Romanes Manipulus in an armie was at the first a pettie companie often soldiors following one javelin having a wispe of hearbs or hay fastened to the upper end as a man would say an handfull of men used after for a small band or squadron of souldiours and Manipulares were they tearmed who served in one such Manipulus Matuta otherwise called Leutothea or Ino the daughter of Cadmus Into her temple at the time of her solemne feast might no maid servant enter and if any did they were sure to be beaten forth by the dames or wives there assembled in remembrance of one Antigera the chamber-maid of Ino with whome her husband Athamas as shee thought was more familiar than she liked well of Megalesia were plaies or games at Rome not as the letter seemeth to import Magni which were Romani but in the honour of Cybele the goddesse named also Idaea Magna mater i. the great mother of the gods Mulsta decem millium aris gravis c. was no doubt a fine of brasen money set upon a mans head after the weight of so much every As weighing a lib. of 12 ounces For before that silver was cast and stamped for coine Aes grave plaustris ad aetarium convehebant as Livie saith when they paid tribute or subsidy to the citie chamber as they were assessed Mundus Muliebris the Elegancie of women Nam quem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Graci nomine ornamenti appelaverunt cum nos perfecta absolutag elegantia mundum i the world Plin. first booke fourth chapter Murcea or Murtia one of the names attributed to Venus quia prater modum non moveret sed saceret hominem murcidum i. nimis desidiosum inactuosum contrarie to that other goddesse Agenoria qua ad agendum excitaret And hereupon it is that Murtea is put for the goddesse of sloath and lithernesse N NOra tabula was an easment proposed in favour of debters at Rome whereby the old debt-bookes and obligations were cancelled or the Nomina dashed out Among the Atheniās this practise was called Sisachia i. an easing of burden or Chreocopia a cutting off or striking out of debts N. Numerius a forename to some houses of Rome Nundina were the market daies appointed every ninth day at Rome for the paisants of the countrie to repaire unto the cittie to sell commodities or to buy their necessities And hereupon Trinundinū is the space of 27. daies comprehending three market daies Nones were daies in the month so called because they began the ninth day ever before the Ides honoured by the Romanes both for the birth-day of king Servius and also for the chasing out of the KK for otherwise it was not festivall as Ovid saith Nonarum tutela Deocaret O OVales or Ova were egges set upon the goles in the solemnitie of the hors-running at the plaies Circenses to reckon or skore up as it seemeth by Livie the races which were performed with 24 courses to represent foure and twentie houres of the day Neither was it for nought that choise was made of egges rather than other things for as egs are laid by birds the swiftest of al other living creatures so they also were to contend and strive to bee most active c. or else because Castor and Pollux those renowmed horsemen came of an egge as Poets fable P P. Publius a forname to some Romane families Panatolium or Panatolaik was a solemne diet or counsell wherein all the states of Aetolia assembled to consult of publicke affaires Patres were at Rome an hūdred Senators or noblemen counsailors of state chosen in this maner three out of every one of the 30 Curio
Whereat the king was wroth and inscorne and derision of his art as they say Come on Sir Soothsayer quoth he areed and tell me by the flight of your birds whether that may possiblie be done which I now conceive in my mind To which demand Navius who had first made proofe thereof by his learning answered resolutely that it might in very deed bee effected Why then qouth hee I have imagined in my conceit that thou shalt cut a wherstone asunder with a rasor Heretake them to thee and dispatch that which thy fowles foreshew may bee done then as the report goeth without more adoe he cut the wherstone quite a two And in that verie place where this seat was done the Statue or image of Accius was erected with his head covered even in the Comitium at the staires thereof on the left hand of the Curia or counsell house It is reported that the whetstone also was set up in the same place for a memoriall to all posteritie following of that miracle Certes both Auguries and the priesthood and colledge of Augures from that time forward was so highly honoured and had in such reverence that never after was there ought done either in warre abroad or in peace at home but by their counsell and advise Assemblies of people summoned were dismissed armies levied and readie to take the field were discharged yea and the greatest affaires of State were given over and laid aside when the birds allowed not thereof Neither did Tarquine for that time alter the centuries of the horsemen anie whit onely hee redoubled the number so that in three centuries or cornets there were 1300 horse and those later sort who were added to the others bare the names of the former which at this day because they be double are called the sixe centuries Tarquine thus having encreased that part of his power bad the Sabines battell the second time And over and besides that the Romanes armie was in strength well amended he devised also privily a subtile Stratageme and sent certain men to set on fire a mightie stacke of wood lying upon the bancke of Anio and so to cast it into the river the wood burning still by the helpe of the wind and most of it being driven against the piles of the bridge and ther sticking close together with the boats and plancks fired and consumed it cleane This accident both terrified the Sabines in their fight and when they were discomfited troubled them much and hindered their flight so that manie a man having escaped the enemie yet perished in the verie river Whose armour and weapons floting downe the Tyber were knowne at Rome and brought newes thither of this victorie in manner before word could be brought thereof by land In this conflict the horsemen won greatest price and praise For being placed at the skirts of both the wings at what time as the maine battell of their owne footmen were now at the point to recule they charged so forciblie upon the enemie as it is reported from the flanckes where they were marshalled that they not onely staied the Sabine legions pressing hard and fiercely upon those that began to shrinke and give backe but all at once put them to fight The Sabines ran amaine towards the mountaines but few gat thither for the greater number as we said before were by the horsemen driven into the river Tarquinius thinking it good to take the time and follow hard upon them whiles they were frighted after he had sent to Rome the bootie with the prisoners and burned on a great heape together as hee had vowed to Vulcane the spoiles of the enemies marched on still forward and lead his armie into the territorie of the Sabines who albeit they had alreadie sustained an overthrow could not hope for better successe yet because they had no time to consult and advise with themselves with such a power as might on a suddaine in that stirre bee raised met with him Where they once againe were defeated and vanquished and in the end being in dispaire to make their part good they sued for peace Then was Collatia and all the lands about it taken from the Sabines Egerius the kings brothers sonne was left with a garrison at Collatia to keepe that place And as I find upon record the Collatines were yeelded into his hands and the manner of their surrender went in this order First the king demanded thus and said Are yee Embassadors or deputed assignes sent from the people of Collatia to make surrender both of your selves and the Collatines We are quoth they And are the people of Collatia in their owne power and at libertie to doe what they will They are say they Do yee also render up your selves the people of Collatia their town their territorie and lands their waters their limits their temples their houshold stuffe and implements and all things els as well sacred as prophane unto my power and the peoples of Rome We doe yeeld say they Then quoth he doe I accept thereof and receive all into my hands The Sabine warre thus finished Tarquinius returned to Rome in triumph After this he warred upon the old Latines but they never proceeded so farre on any side as to join issue in a generall battell and one set field for all But bringing his power first to one towne and after to another he made a conquest of the whole nation of the Latines So as these townes Corniculum old Ficulnea Cameria Crustumerium Ameriola Medullia Nomentum were recovered from the old Latines or from those that had revolted unto them After all this ensued peace Then was he more earnestly bent to goe forward with his workes begun in time of peace than he was before busied in managing of his warres insomuch as he gave the people no more repose at home than he had in warres abroad For besides that the prepared to compasse the cittie which as yet he had not fortified round about with a stone wall the beginning of which peece of worke was by the Sabine warre interrupted and broken off he divised also certaine draughts or vaulted sinckes from aloft into the Tyber whereby he drained and kept drie the base cittie or lowest grounds about the marketplace and the other vallies betweene hill and hill for that out of the plains and flats they might not easily make riddance and conueiance away of the water Moreover he levelled a large court or plot of ground readie for the foundation of the temple of Iupiter in the Capitoll which he had vowed in the Sabine war his mind even then giving him that one day it should be a stately place At the same time there happened in the court a wonderfull strange thing both in present view and also in consequence For as the report went a young lad whose name was Servius Tullius as he lay asleepe in the sight of manie persons had his head all on a light fire And upon an outcrie raised at the wondering of so
also from Cumes they tooke such heart againe that they durst enter into the field and bid the enemie bartell In the beginning of the conflict the Tuskans charged them so hotly that at the verie first encounter they brake the arraies of the Aricines But the troupes of the Cumans setting pollicie against force went a little aside made way gave some ground and when the enemies had outstripped them and were rashly and disorderlie passed beyond them they turned their ensignes and set upon their backs so were the Tuskanes being in the verie traine of their victorie be set round about and slaine in the mids betweene Onely a small remnant of them after the losse of their captaine because they had no other place of refuge neerer were faine to trudge to Rome without weapons and disarmed like suppliants both in deed and shew Where they were kindly entertained and bestowed in severall lodgings Some of them when they were cured of their wounds repaired home reporting the hospitalitie and courteous usage they had found Many remained still at Rome for love of their hosts and the citie who had a place allotted them to dwell in which after they called Thuscus vicus the Tuskane street After this were P. Lucretius and P. Valerius the third time created Coss. In that yeare for a small end there came embassadours from Porsenna to treat about the restoring of the Tarquins into their realme to whom this answere was returned that the Senate would send embassadors to the king himselfe wherupon their were immediatlie addressed unto him in embassie the most honourable personages of all the nobilitie who in the name of the people of Rome delivered this speach That the chiese of their nobles were sent rather than any dispatch given by word of mouth unto his embassadours at Rome not for that they could not haue shapen them this short answere They would no kings have But to this end that for ever after there should be no suite renewed of that matter nor in so great mutuall benefits and fauours passed between them some discontentment arise on eyther side whiles he might be thought to request that which was repugnant and prejudiciall to the libertie of Rome and the Romances againe unlesse they would be executors of their owne wrongs and seeke their owne mischievance to make deniall unto him whom by their goods wils they would not seem to denie ought for anything in the world But as to the substance of the matter this was the point namelie that the people of Rome were not under the regiment of a king but were a free state and fullie setled in this purpose To set open their gates to enemies sooner than to kings and were all generallie of this mind and resolution That looke when the freedome of that citie had an end then should the citie come to an end also To conclude therfore they were to intreat him that if he tendered the weale and safetie of Rome he would permit them to be free still and at their owne libertie The king overcome with verie modestie and much abashed in himselfe answered thus againe Since you are so fully minded and stislie bent quoth hee neither will I importune you nor dull your eares with harping still upon this unpleasant string and do no good nor beare the Terquines any longer in hand and deceiving them of that hope of aide which nothing at all is in my power to performe Let them from henceforth seeke some other place of exile either for peace or warre as they shall thinke more expedient that there may be nothing to let and hinder the free course of amitie and alliance betweene mee and you To these good and kind words he joyned better and more friendlie deeds For all the hostages that remained in his hand he sent home and the Veientians lands which by the covenants indented at Ianiculum were taken away he restored to the Romanes againe Thus Tarquine seeing all hope of returne cut of remooved unto Tusculum to this sonne in law Mamilius Octavius there to live and spend the rest of his daes in banishment So there continued faithfull peace betweene the Romanes and king Porsena Then were Coss M. Valerius and P. Posthumius In that yeare the Romances fought with the Sabines fortunatelie and the Consuls triumphed But afterwards the Sabines made greater preparation of warre to withstand whom as also for feare of some suddaine danger that might arise from Tusculum from whence they suspected warre although none was openly seene were P. Valerius the fourth time and T. Lucretius the second time created Coss. But among the Sabines there grew some civile discord betweene that part that would have war and the contrarie that sought peace which gained the Romanes some strength even from thence For Appius Clausus who afterwards at Rome was surnamed Appius Claudius a persuader himselfe of quietnes repose being overmatched and not able to make his part good with the adverse faction that minded and stirred troubles accompanied with a great power of friends followers from Regillum fled to Rome Who were enfranchised citizens and possessed of those lands that lie beyond the river Anio And from hence came the name of the old tribe Appia after that other new citizens were put unto them those I meane that descended of that race and out of the same territorie This Appius was admitted into the number of the Senatours and not long after advanced to be one of the chiese men and heads of the citie The Coss. went with a strong power into the Sabines land where after they had first wasted the countrie and after in battell abated the strength and puissance of the enemies so as for a long time after they needed not to feare anie rebellion from thence they returned to Rome in triumph The yeare following when Agrippa Menenius and P. Posthumius were Coss. P. Valerius ended his dates in great glorie reputed the onely singular man in those times by all mens judgement for skill and knowledge as well in martiall feats as in civile affaires but so poore was his estate that he had not wherwith to deffray his funerall expenses and was therfore at the cities charge right honourablie enterred And the dames of Rome mourned for him as they did for Brutus The same yeare two Colonies of the Latines Pomeâ—ia and Cora revolted to the Auruncans The Romanes first began to warre upon the Auruncans And after they had discomfited a great host of them who met with the Consuls as they entered the borders and fiercely made head against them then all the Auruncane warre was driven and translated wholly to Pometia The camage and execution was no lesse after the conflict than during the fight for whereas there were many more of them slaine outright in the place than taken prisoners those also that were prisoners they spared not but murdered every where as they went neither staied the furious rage of warre therewith but even
might be no more despised To conclude the matter were worth the triall in one or two whither any commoner were sufficient to beare a great office of state or whether it were a wondrous thing and strange miracle that a valiant and hardie man should arise out of the comminaltie With much a doe say they we got and obtained that Tribunes militarie with Consuls authoritie might likewise be chosen out of the comminaltie and men approved both in warre abroad and in affaires of State at home had sued therefore In the first yeares they being nipped by you and so having the repulse were had in derision of the Nobilitie so that at length they forbare to give themselves thus contumeliously to be misused and made fooles Wee see no cause therefore why that law also should not bee repealed wherein a dignitie was graunted and never like to bee obtained For lesse shame would there arise if the law were not indifferent nor respective unto them than as unmeet persons and unworthie thus shamefully to be passed by and take the repulse These such like speeches were heard with so good an eare and generall applause that some of them were incited forward to sue for the Militarie Tribuneship whiles every one promised in the time of his office to doe great matters and to propose some one thing some another for and concerning the benefit of the Commons Pretending great hopes of deviding the common lands and planting of colonies abroad and laying tributes and impositions upon landed persons for to paie souldiors wages But the Tribunes militarie then in place devised to spie out a time when upon some occasion of the absence of much people departed out of the cittie the Senators by a privie and secret warning should at a certaine day be called home and then whiles the Tribunes of the Commons were away an Act of Senate should passe in this forme That for as much as it was noised that the Volscians were entred into the lands of the Hernicks to forray and rob the militarie Tribunes should go to see whether it were so or no and that in the mean while there should be held a generall assembly for the Election of Consuls The Tribunes militarie tooke their journey accordingly and left Appius Claudius the Decemvirs sonne governour of the cittie a stour young gentleman and a forward who from his very cradle bare an inward grudge and hatred against the Tribunes and the Commons And bootlesse it was either for the Tribunes of the Commons to find themselves grieved with those who made the decree now that they were absent nor yet had they cause to quarrell with Appius Claudius because the thing had been contrived and past afore his time So Consuls were created C. Sempronius Atratinus and Quintus Fabius Vibulanus A forreine matter but yet worthie to be remembred and here inserted is reported to have happened that yeare to wit that Vulturnum a cittie of the Tuscanes which now is Capua was by the Samnites taken and that it came to bee named Capua of one Capis their captaine or which soundeth more like a truth of the champian field But they wan it by this meanes For upon occasion that the Tuscanes were wearied with former warres they were admitted into the societie of their cittie and territorie And on a solemne feastivall day when as the cittizens had filled their bellies and were sound asleep these new Coloners the Samnits set upon the old inhabitants and in the night season slew them all But now to returne Things passing thus as I said before the Consuls abovenamed upon the Ides of December entred their government By which time not only they which were of purpose sent to learne the newes of the Volscians brought word that warre was at hand but Embassadours also from the Latines and Hernickes gave intelligence of the same And namely that never at any time afore the Volscians were more busie and occupied either in chusing of good captaines or in levying an armie giving out these speeches abroad and in every place That the time was now come either to forget warfare and lay away souldierie and for ever make account to beare the yoke of thraldome or els not to give one foot nor come behind those with whom they strove for soveraigntie either in manhood or in painefull travell or in discipline of warfare And surely they were no vaine tidings that those messengers reported But the Senatours would take no such knowledge nor be greatly moved at the matter And withall C. Sempronius unto whom the charge of that war was allotted presuming upon fortune as if she were alwaies right constant and at commaund and leading an armie of a people used to victorie against those that were wont to be overcome did all things rashly and negligently So as to speake a truth there was more Romane discipline in the Volscian host than in the Romane And so fortune as oftentimes els went with vertue At the first encounter which by Sempronius was unheedfully and unadvisedly begun before that either the battaillons were reinforced strengthened with fresh supplies of succour or the horsemen raunged in convenient place they ran together and came to handstrokes And the first token which way the victorie would encline was the manner of shout at the first charge which by the enemie was more lowd more shrill and continuall but by the Romanes dissonant unequall dead and cold often begun and often renued and by their uncertaine and variable noise they bewraied the inward feare of their hearts Whereupon the enemies so much the more eagerly charged them pressing upon them with their shields and laying at them thicke with their bright swords on the other side the Romanes helmets wag and their crests nod everie way as they looke about them and as they were to seeke what to doe so they tremble and run together on heapes one while the ensignes stand still and were abandoned of the formost fighting in the vaward another while they retired in againe amongst their own squadrons Yet was not the flight certaine nor yet the victorie The Romanes sought more to cover and shrowd themselves than to fight to ward blowes rather than to strike The Volscians set forward their ensignes preased upon the maine battail and saw more enemies under foot slaine than running away And now in all places the Romanes reculed notwithstanding Sempronius the Consull both rebuked and al so exhorted them to sticke to it for neither his commandement nor the authoritie and majestie of his countenance availed ought And immediately had they all turned their backes on their enemies if Sex Tempanius a Decurion of horsemen had not in this desperat case with a resolute courage and readie advise helped at a pinch Who cried with a loud voice that those horsemen which would the safetie of the common-wealth should dismount off their horses And when the Cornets of horsemen bestirred themselves at his words no lesse than if the Consull
kept they their owne tents The morrow after when as now the enemies had beset a great part of the camp they shamefully fled away at the backe gate and forsooke the campe The Captaines Lieutenants and the strength remaining of the armie which kept to their ensignes and colours went to Tusculum Other that were scattered here and there about the fields by sundry waies made hast to Rome and reported there the overthrow to be greater than indeed it was Lesse was the trouble and sorrow because men looked for better issue and successe and also for that there was helpe and succour which they were to have an cie unto in so fearefull a case provided by the Tribune aforehand At whose commandement when as the tumult was by the inferiour magistrates appeased in the cittie espials were sent out in hast who brought word that the captaines and the armie was at Tusculum and that the enemie had not removed his campe And then which encouraged them most of all by the Senats decree Q. Servilius Priscus was chosen Dictatour a man whose providence over the common-weale the cittie as manie other times afore so in the event of that war had experience of for that he only suspected the contention of the Tribunes afore this unhappy soile Who having nominated Generall of the horsemen his son as some say by whom being militarie Tribune himselfe was declared Dictatour for others there be that write howe Servilius Hula was that yeare Generall of the horse went forth with a fresh armie to war and having joined unto him those which were at Tusculum he pitched his tents two miles from the enemie But see the fruit of good successe The pride and negligence which had been amongst the Romane Captaines went from them to the Aequians Therfore in the first beginning of the conflict when the Dictatour with his horsemen whom he sent against them had disordered and put out of array the formost rancks of the enemies then commanded he the ensignes of the legionarie footmen with all speed to follow hard upon and one ensigne-bearer of his owne who made some stay he slewe with his owne hand Then were they so earnestly set to give an hoat charge that the Aequians could not abide their force and being in fight overthrowen when as they fled all amaine to the campe the assault thereof was both shorter and with lesse adoe than was the battaile When the campe was taken and spoiled and that the Dictatour had given the pillage unto the souldiors and that the horsemen which chased the enemies from the campe had brought word backe that all the Lavicanes were overthrowen and a great part of the Aequians were fled to Lavicos the day following was the armie also led thither and the towne compassed and beset round about skaled and sacked The Dictatour having brought home to Rome his victorious armie upon the eight day after he was chosen gave over his office And in very good time before there was any sedition stirred up about the law Agraria by the motion of the Tribunes of the Commons for the division of the Lavicanes lands the whole bodie of the Senat appointed that a Colonie should be sent to Lavicos So there were sent from the cittie a thousand and five hundred to inhabite there and two akers a piece given them of land After the winning of Lâ—vicos there were created Militarie Tribunes with Consuls authoritie to wit Agrippa Menenius Lanatus and L. Servilius Structus with P. Lucretius Tricipitinus all three the second time and Sp. Veturius Crassus and the yeare following A. Sempronius Atratinus the third time and these twaine M. Papyrius Mugillanus and Sp. Nautius Rutilius the second time for these two yeares there was peace abroad but discord at home about the lawes Agratia They that troubled the people were Sp. Mecilius who now the fourth time and Metilius who the third time were made Tribunes of the Commons both absent And when they had published their Act That all lands conquered from the enemies should be devided by the poll by which Ordinance the possessions of a great part of the Nobilitie became confiscate for since their cittie was scituate and built in a straunge ground there was in a manner no land lay to it which had not been purchased by the sword neither enjoied the Commons any but that which either had been sold or assigned to the Commons this seemed to bee a bone cast betweene the Nobles and the Commons to set them together at strife and contention Neither knew the Militarie Tribunes any way to take counsell in this case albeit one while they assembled the Senate and another while met in private conference with the Nobilitie Then Appius Claudius the nephew or grandsonne of notorious Appius the Decemvir created for the making of lawes the punie of all the counsell of the Nobilitie made as it is reported this speech and said That hee would impart unto them that which he had received by tradition from his auncestours to wit an old devise and appropriate to his house for that his great grandsire App. Claudius had shewed unto the Nobles the onely way to abate and take down the Tribunes power namely by the comming betweene and negative voice of their fellowes For men new come up and risen to promotion might soone by the authoritie of the cheefe rulers be brought from their purpose made to change their mind if otherwhiles those great men in place would use some speech unto them fitted and framed rather to the time and present occasion than respective to their owne high place and dignitie for evermore the heart and courage of such is according to their degree and wealth And when they see once their fellowes possessed first afore them of the cause and thereby crept wholly into all the favour with the Commons and that no roome is left for themselves to have any part thereof they will bee willing ynough to encline and condescend unto the Senate and take their part by meanes whereof they might wind into the love and good grace of that universall state and particularly with the principal lords of the Nobilitie Which speech when they all had approved and especially Q. Servilius Priscus who praised the young Gentleman for that he was not grown out of kind nor degenerate from the stock and rase of the Claudij then every man was set about this businesse to see whome of the Colledge or companie of Tribunes they could win and draw to crosse and stop the Act for going forward The Senate now being broken up the cheefe of the Nobles caught hold of the Tribunes and were in hand with them persuading exhorting and assuring them that they should every one in private gratifie not onely but also the whole bodie of the Senate in generall and never gave over untill they had procured sixe of them to interpose their negative and to crosse the law The morrow after when as of purpose a matter was propounded
they had gone mâ—st cost them deare and full sweetly would the Romanes be paid therfore Such as were remaining of the Latines after the battaile and were scattered a sunder in many and divers waies when they were rallied together shrowded themselves for safetie in the cittie Vescia Where in their Councels and assemblies Numisius their Generall averred and assured them that Mars in deede was common and the hazard indifferent to both parties as having made an equall massaker in the one armie and the other that the bare name only of Victorie went with the Romans for otherwise they carried away with them the fortune of men vanquished and sped no better than they For faith he The two roiall pavilions of their Coss. are polluted defiled the one with the paricide of his own son the other for the death of the Cos. who had devowed himselfe to die all their forces in manner slaine their Iaveliniers principals killed a bloudie slaughter committed both before and behind the Standerds and onely the Triarij at the last upshot renued the medly and set all upright And albeit quoth he the power of the Latines also be shrewdly abated yet for a fresh supplie either Latium or Volsciare nearer than Rome And therfore if they so thought good he would with all speede raise the lustie floure and chosen manhood both out of the Latins and the Volscians and returne againe with a fresh armie to Capua and with his sodaine comming unlooked for surprise and defeate the Romanes expecting as then for nothing lesse than a second battaile So by dispatching his cautelous and deceitfull letters into all parts of Latium and the Volscian nation by reason that they who had not been present at the battaile were sooner induced to give rash credit there was a tumultuarie armie in great hast levied enrolled and assembled together out of all quarters This host as it marched Torquatus the Consull met at Tifanum a place betweene Sinuessa Mintuâ—nâ— And before they could chuse out a plot of ground to encampe in they bestowed their cariages and baggage on heaps of either side fell to a battaile presently and made a finall end and conclusion of all the war For the enemies were brought so lowe that as the Consull led his victorious armie to wast their countrie all the Latines yelded themselves to him and this their rendring the Campaines likewise followed Thus Latium and Capua forfeited and lost part of their territories The lands of the Latines with the Privernates laied thereto and the territorie of Falerij which belonged to the people of Capua even as farre as the river Vulturinus was devided amongst the Commons of Rome Two acres in the Latine countrie with a supplement of three foure parts out of the Privernates land to make up the whole and three acres in the territorie of Falerij with addition of a fourth part to boote for amends because it was so farre off were assigned for a man The Laurentines only of all Latium and the horsemen of the Campains escaped this punishment and were exempted from the rest because they had not revolted And a decree passed that the league with the Laurentes should bee renued and from that time usually every yeare is it renued after the tenth daie of the Latine holidaies Those Campaine horsmen were made free denizens of Rome and for a monument and memoriall thereof they set up and fastned a brasen table at Rome in the temple of Castor The people of Capua were enjoyned to pay yearly to every one of them and they were a thousand and vj. hundred in all 45. Deniers Thus after the warfully determined and both rewards dealt and punishment inflicted according to each mans desert T. Manlius returned home whom the elders onely for certaine went forth to meete on the way the youth not onely then but ever after during his life abhorred and with curses detested him The Antiates made certaine rodes into the territories of Hostia Ardea and Solonae And for that Manlius the Consull was not able himselfe in person to intend and manage that warre by reason of sickenesse he nominated for Dictatour L. Papyrius Crassus who as it hapned was at that time Pretor by whom was named for Generall of the horsmen men L. Papyrius Cursor This Dictatour albeit he kept the field and lay enÌ„camped certaine moneths within the consines yet atchieved no worthie and memorable exploit After this yeare thus renowned for the victorie of so many and so puissant nations and withall for the noble and famous death of the one Consull and for the government of the other albeit sterne and rigorous yet notable and renowmed there succeeded Consuls T. Aemylius Mamercus and Q. Publius Philo who met not with the like subject and matter of great affaires and they themselves were more mindtull either of their owne private busines and studious to maintaine a side and faction in the Commonweale than to advance the State of their countrie Howbeit the Latins who rebelled for anger that they lost their lands they discomfited in the plain of Fenecta drave them out of their camp forced them to leave the field Where whiles Publius by whose governance and conduct that victorie was atthieved received surrender of the Latines the floure of whose youth was there all slaine and killed up Aemylius lead his armie against Pedum As for the Pedanes they had maintenance from Tybur Preneste and Veliterne who tooke their parts there came also aid from Lanuvium and Antium Where the Romane Consull albeit he had the better hand in skirmish yet for that there remained behind a new peece of service about the cittie it selfe Pedum and the campe of their confederates which was adjoined close to the towne all of a suddaine he gave over the warre unfinished because he heard that triumph was decreed unto his brother Consull He also himselfe returned to Rome and called earnestly for triumph before victorie At which untimely and covetous desire of his the Nobles being offended denied flatly that unlesse he either forced Pedum by assault or wan it by composition he should not triumph Herupon Aemylius being discontented and ahenated from the Senat bare his Consulship afterward like to the seditious Tribunes For so long as he was Consull he ceassed not to charge and accuse the Nobles before the people and his Colleague no whit gainsaid him as being himselfe one of the Commoners He tooke occasion of these accusations upon this that the lands in the Latine and Falern countries were devided in pinching and skant measure among the Commons And after that the Senat desirous to abridge the time of the Consuls government had decreed that a Dictatour should be declared against the Latine rebels Aemylius whose turne it was at that time to governe nominated his owne companion in office to be Dictatour by whom Iunius Brutus was named Generall of the horse This Dictatorship was popular and altogether framed to the humour of
for the other was kept behind as an hostage two other spies were sent by the same mine to discover the traine By whose relation when it appeared sufficiently that all was safe and without danger by the leading and guiding of the traitor aforesaid 300 armed men by night entred the cittie and seized that gate which was next unto them at which being broken open the Consull and the Romane armie without resistance made entrie and surprised the citie In this sort Nequinum was reduced to the obedience of the P. of Rome A Colonie was thither sent to frontier against the Vmbrians called of the rivers name which runneth under it Namia And the armie with a rich prize was brought againe to Rome The same yeare the Tuscanes contrarie to the tenure of the truce made preparation for war But whiles they were busily occupied otherwise it fortuned that a puissant armie of Gaules invaded their marches and for a while altered their dessignements Afterwards by the meanes of monie whereof they were full and bare themselves mightie they sought to make the Gaules of enemies to become their friends and sollicited them to band together and so jointly to maintaine warre with the Romanes Their societie and friendship the barbarous people refused not onely they stood upon the summe what they should have for their hire Which being agreed upon and received and all things els in a readinesse for to goe into the field when the Tuscanes willed them to follow after they flatly denied that they had received any consideration for to make warre upon the Romanes but whatsoever they had taken it was because they should not wast the Tuscane land and by way of hostilitie and force of armes doe any violence upon the inhabitants howbeit if the Tuscanes were so minded to employ them they would bee willing to serve but for no other reward and recompense than to bee admitted into part of their territorie that at the length they might have some certaine place of abode to settle themselves in Many Diets and consultations hereabout were held by the States of Tuscane but nothing resolved and concluded not so much for that they feared to part with some of their lands as because they were in great dread every one and abhorred to have dwelling by them such neighbors descended from so savage a race cruell nation Thus were the Gauls let go and dismissed having away with them a huge masse of monie which they got without any travell or perill of theirs The bruit of the Gaules tumult and insurrection together with the Tuscanes warre caused no little feare at Rome Wherupon more hast was made to conclude a league with the Picene people T. Manlius the Consull had the charge of the Tuscanes warre alotted unto him Who scarcely was entered into the confines of the enemies but as hee was training and exercising amongst the horsemen ran his horse with full cariere and suddainly as he turned about was cast off and presently lay for dead and so the Consull three daies after his fall ended his life Which the Tuscans taking hold of as a good ominous token presage got hart and were very jolie saying that the gods had in favour of them begun this warre This was heavie news at Rome both for the losse of so brave a personage and for the time wherein so unhappily it fell out so as the assemblie held by the advise of the cheefe Peeres for to substitute a Consul in his place that was deceased frighted the Senatours from chusing a Dictator All their sentences and all the centuries gave with M. Valerius to bee Consull who was the man whome the Senate was about to have pricked for Dictatour Then forthwith they ordained him to go into Tuscane to the armie Whose comming suppressed and kept under the Tuscanes so as not a man durst once go out of their trenches and hold Even their very feare was as good as a siege unto them for that the new Consull neither by wasting the fields nor firing their houses in such sort as every where not onely the smal villages but also the good and wel-peopled townes were seene to smoke and burn againe could draw them forth to fight This warre continued longer than men thought but behold there arose a bruit of another which considering the mutual losses of both sides was for good causes greatly to be feared upon intelligence given from the Picenes their new allies namely that the Samnites were about to take armes and rebell and had sollicited them also to doe the same The Picentes were highly thanked for this and a great part of the Senatours care was diverted nowe from Tuscane to the Samnites The dearth besides of corne and victuals troubled the cittie and driven they had ben to extreame famine if Fabius Maximus as they have written who are of opinion that hee was Aedile that yeare by provident purveighing and diligent conveighing of corne had not been as carefull and industrious in the dispensing of victuall now at home as many times before in war-affaires The same yeare there was an Interreigne but upon what occasion it is not knowne The Interregents were App. Claudius and after him P. Salpitius who held an Election of Consuls and created L. Cornelius Scipio and Cn. Fulvius In the beginning of this yeare there came the Oratours from the Lucanes to these newe Consuls for to make complaint That the Samnites who by no conditions and meanes could induce them for to band and take armes with them were entered into their confines and made wast of the countrey and by verie force provoked them to warre saying That the Lucanes had long agoe overshot and passed themselves that way but nowe they were so fully resolute that they could find in their hears sooner to abide and endure all kind of calamitie whatsoever than ever after to offend and displease the Romane name They besought the Senate therefore to receive the Lucanes into their protection and also to keepe and defend them from the violence and injurie of the Samnites And for themselves albeit entering into warre alreadie with the Samnites they were of necessitie obliged to be sast and true unto the Romanes yet for better securitie they were readie to put in sufficient hostages The Senate was not long consulting hereabout but all with one consent were of opinion to make league with the Lucanes and to summon the Samnits to make amends and restitution The Lucanes besides a courteous gracious answere were accepted into the league Then were there Fecial Heralds dispatched to the Samnits to give them warning for to depart the territorie of the Romane allies and to withdraw their forces out of the confines of the Lucanes But the Samnites sent out certaine messengers to meet them upon the way to denounce unto them that if they presented themselves in any Councel within Samnium they should not depart againe with safegard of their persons When these news were heard at
the open champaine countrie There he â—icamped himselfe strongly and for that the Gaules had no heart to assault nor hope to win the camp his soldior's courages were refreshed albeit it was well known that they had received a shrowd foile knew their forces to be much empaired Then began he to march on in his journey afresh And so long as he led his power through the open countrie the enemies were not in sight but when they were entred the forrests againe they set upon the reward of them where besides the great fright and damage of all the rest 800 Romane soldiors were left dead in the place and the enemies went away with fix ensignes But afterwards the Gaules ceased to molest and trouble and the Romanes gave over to feare so soone as they were passed and escaped the rough comberous and unpassable forrests And the Romans being now able in the open and champion counttie to march with safetie made hast to get to Tannerus a village neere unto the Po. There within a fort which they made for the time with the helpe and provision of victuals by the river and the aid also of certaine Gaules called Brixians they defended themselves against the enemies whose number daily encreased After this suddaine tumult was reported at Rome and that the LL. of the Senate were advertised that besides the war with the Carthaginians the Gaules were up in armes they gave order that C. Attilius the Pretour should goe with one Romane Legion and foure thousand allies who were enrolled by the Consuls in a new levie to aid Manlius who without any skirmish by reason that the enemies were fled for feare came to Tanetus Also P. Cornelius having newly levied one Legion in lieu of that which was sent with the Pretor departed from the cittie of Rome and passing with 60 Gaules along the costes of Tuscane Liguria and so forward of the Salyes shortly arrived at Massilia and encamped neere the next mouth of Rhodanus for the river is devided into many branches and so dischargeth it selfe into the sea being not fully of beleefe that Anniball as yet had passed over the mountaines Pyrenei But when he understood that he was redie even then to passe Rhodanus also doubting in what place to encounter and meet him his people as yet not well recovered after their being sea-sick he sent before 300 elect men of armes guided by the Massilians and certaine Gaules that came to aid for to discover all and to take a full view of the enemies safely without danger Anniball having appeased the rest of the countrie either for feare or by meanes of mony was now come into the countrie of the Volcanes a puisant people and a valiant These inhabite along both the bankes of Rhodanus and mistrusting that they were not able to defend their lands against the Carthaginians on that side of the river which lay to them because they might have the whole river to serve them for a good defence rampier transported over the Rhosâ—e all in manner that ever they had and kept the banke on the other side The rest of the inhabitants neere to the river and even those also in whose territories Anniball had set foot alreadie both he himselfe with gifts allured to get together from all parts shipping and to frame new vessels and they of themselves likewise were as willing to have his armie transported and their own countrie eased and delivered they cared not how soone of so great a multitude of troublesome guests Whereupon there was gotten together an huge number of lighters barges and boats especially which were made in hast without great workemanship in which the people inhabiting therby use to transport wares commodities from one to another Other new whirries also the Gauls began first to make of the hollowed trunks of trees and after them the soldiors for that they had both store of timber and saw the workmanship but sleight easie made in hast certain bottomes such as they were like troughs without forme or fashion regarding no hansomensse at all so they would but flote on the water and receive burden in which they might convey over themselves and that which they had Now when they had prepared and made all readie for their passage the enemies on the other side right against them kept and covered all the banke along with men and horse putting them to much trouble and feare Anniball therefore to withdraw them from that place commaunded Hanno the sonne of Bomilcar at the first watch of the night to go up the streame along the river side one daies journey with part of the forces and those most of them Spaniards and wheresoever he first could espie a convenient place to crosse the river to land as secretly as he could and then to fetch about with his men that when need were he might charge upon the backe of the enemie Hereunto were appointed certaine Gaules for guides who from thence conducted them some 25 miles above to a little yland compassed about with the river which here spred out in bredth by reason that it devided itselfe and thereby the channell was not so deepe where they shewed him a place of passage There in all hast they cut downe and 〈◊〉 timber and made botes to set ouer horse and man and other burthen The Spaniards made no more adoe but fastning their apparrell to bouges of lether like bladders full of wind and laying their bucklers thereupon sat alost and passed over nimbly The rest of the armie also with joyning planks and troughes together was set over Where having encamped neere the river as being wearie with their night journey and toilesome work they rested one day to refresh themselves whiles there captaine studied and was occupied to execute his commission and his intended service in good and convenient time The morrow after they removed from thence and gave knowledge by smoke that they were passed over and not farre of Which when Anniball perceived for that he would not loose the vantage of that time he gave signall to his men also to get over the water Now had the footmen alreadie their botes prepared and fitted And the course ranks of barges which to receive and breake the force of the currant from above transported the horsemen besides the horses that swam after made for the small botes that passed beneath a gentle and calme water For a number of horses swam after the ships haled by the bridle raines which were tied to the poupes besides those which being sadled and bridled and fitted to serve the men of armes so soone as ever they were landed were bestowed in barges fery botes The Gaules stood upon the banke with dissant hooping hollaing yelling and singing after their manner who shaking their targuets over their heads brandishing and florishing their swords in their right hands shewed themselves redie to receive them albeit so great a number and world of
in the marishes through which he marched foure daies and three nights without taking his repose and sleepe C. Flaminius the Consull a rash and inconsiderate man went forth contrarie to the warrant and approbation of the Auspices and caused the field-ensignes to be digged out of the ground when other wise they could not bee plucked up and being mounted on horsebacke fell with his head forward from his horse His fortune was to bee surprised in 〈◊〉 ambush by Anniball which he had laid for him neere the Lake called Thrasymenus where be and his armie were defaited and fell upon the edge of the sword Sixe thousand Romans who brake through and made an escape notwithstanding the faithfull promise that Maharball had made unto them were by the falsbood of Anniball put in prison When upon the newes of this overthrow there was great mourning and sorrow at Rome there fortuned two mothers to die for very joy that beyond their hope and expectation they recovered their sons and saw them alive whom they supposed to have been slaine in that field In regard of the foresaid defeature there was vowed a sacred spring according to the bookes of Sibylla After this when Q. Fabius Maximus the Dictator sent against Anniball would not come to a set battaile with him for feare he should hazard in fight the souldiors lately terrified and daunted with adverse overthrowes against an enemie lustie and prowd of so many victories and by making head and opposing himselfe onely against Anniball empeached his attempts and enterprises M. Minutius the Generall of his horse a man of a prowd spirit and brainesicke humour with charging the Dictator and accusing him unto the people for a fearfull and cowardly person prevailed so much that by vertue of their power and authoritie he was ioined in equall commission and command with the Dicta tor By meanes whereof the armie and the forces were parted indifferently betweene them and Minutius gave the enemie battaile in a place of great disadvantage whereupon his Legions were distressed and in great hazard but Fabius Maximus came in time to his rescue with his part of the armie and saved him out of the present danger By occasion of which good turne he was overcome and his stomacke came downe in so much as hee was content to ioin in campe with him and saluted him by the name of Father commanding all his own soldiors to do the same to their fellow souldiours under Fabius Maximus Anniball after hee had wasted and overrun Campaine chaunced betweene the towne Casilinum and the mountaine Calicula to be enclosed and compassed about by Fabius but by a devise of tying little bavins of drie stickes unto oxes hornes and setting them on fire put to flight and chased away the guards of the Romanes which kept the streights of Calicula and by that meanes gat through the passage of that forrest The same Anniball at what time as he made havocke and burned all the territorie about for bare to touch the land of Q. Fabius Maximus the Dictator to the end that he might bring him into suspition of treason to the State After this when Aemylius Paulus and Terentius Vaâ—ro were Consuls and Generals of the armie there was a battell fought with Anniball to their exceeding losse and utter overthrow neere unto a village called Canna At which field there were slaine of Romanes 45000 together with Paulus the Consulls and fourescore Senatours besides thirtie other brave personages that had beene Consuls or Pretours or at least wise Aediles of State After this defeature when the Noble yong gentlemen of the citie for very despaire of the State were in counsell to abandon Italie P. Cornelius Scipio a Colonel who afterwards was surnamed Affricanus held his naked sword over their heads as they sat in consultation and sware a great oth that be would repute him for a mortal enemie that would not sweare after him and hereby effected thus much at their hands that by vertue of an oth they obliged themselves not to depart out of Italy and forsake their native countrie This booke containeth besides the fright and lamentation made within the cittie and the affaires and exploits atchieved in Spaine with more happie successe Opimia and Feronia two professed vestall virgins were convicted of Incest and condemned By reason of the small number of soldiors and serviceable men for the warres there were 8000 slaves put in armes The Captives taken prisoners in the warres when they mought have beene redeemed were not ransomed for all that A solemne meeting there was for Varro his welcome home with great thanksgiving because he had not despaired of the Commonweale NOW aproched the spring when Hanniball removed out of his wintering holds after he had affaied before to passe over the Apennine but in vaine by reason of the intollerable cold where also he staied in great feare and danger of his owne person By which time the Gaules who having risen up in armes on his side for hope of spoile pillage seeing now in stead of harrying and carying away of booties out of other mens lands that their owne countrie was become the place of the warre troubled and molested as well with the one armie as the other which abode there all winter turned their hatred and malice from the Romanes backe againe upon Anniball In such sort as after he had beene sundrie times forelaid by the secret traines of their princes and in danger to be murdred he escaped onely by the deceiptfulnesse and falshood practised among their owne selves For with what incononstancie levitie they had conspired together with the same they bewraied one another and detected the conspiracie unto him By meanes whereof as also by changing one while his apparrell another while the bonet and attire of his head by errour also and mistaking he avoided the perill and saved himselfe But so it was that even this feare in which he stood caused him to remove the sooner out of his wintering harbour About the same time Cn. Servilius entred into his Consulship at Rome on the Ides of March where after he had propounded to the Senate concerning the affaires of the Common-weale the hatred and malice which the LL. had conceived against C. Flaminius was renewed afresh For they said that they created two Consuls and had but one For that lawfull government and authoritie which Flaminius should have had that auspice of Magistracie which was meet and due he ought to have caried with him from the cittie from the publike and private habitations after he had celebrated the Latine holidaies and offred sacrifice upon the mountaine Albane and made his solemne vowes accordingly within the Capitoll But since for default herein he departed from the cittie a private person the Auspices of government could not follow and accompanie him and being gone without them he might not lawfully take the same anew in forren soile Now there were sundrie straunge prodigious tokens besides reported from many places
was made of the paisants that fled from him by his vauntcurriers the Numidian light horsemen whom he sent asore to make riddance And many there were of all conditions and ages that were taken captive In this tumultuous trouble Fulvius Flaccus with his armie entred Rome at the gate Capena from whence he went through the middest of the citie along the street Carinae into the Exquiliae and from thence hee went forth and betweene the gates Exquilina and Collina pitched his tents Thither the Aediles of the Commons brought victuals the Consull and the Senate resorted to him into the campe where they sat in counsell about the State of the Commonweale And agreed it was That the Consuls should lie encamped likewise about the gates Collina and Exquillina that C. Calpurnius Pretour of the cittie should have the keeping of the Capitoll and the castle with a guard and that the Senatours keepe residence continually in good number within the compasse of the Forum what need so ever there should be of their counsell and advise against all suddaine accidents By this time Anniball was come forward as farre as to the river Anio within three miles of the citie lay encamped where he kept a standing leaguer But himselfe in person with 2000 horsemen advaunced forward toward the gate Collina even as farre as to Hercules his temple and rode all about as neere as he well could to veiw the walls and the situation of the citie Flacus tooke foule disdaine thereat and thought it a shame full indignitie that he should brave it at his pleasure so scornefully without revenge whereupon hee sent out certaine of his owne Cavallerie and gave commaundement That they should set the enemies horsemen farther off and chase them backe into their campe Whiles they were in skirmish together the Consuls gave order that the Numidian horsemen such as were fled from the enemie and turned to the Romanes who were at that time to the number of twelve hundred upon the Aventine hill should passe through the middest of the cittie to the Exquiliae supposing that there were none more meet than they for to sight among the valleyes the garden houses the sepulchres and hollow waies on every side Whom when some from the castle and the Capitoll espied riding downe the descent of the hill called Clivus Publicus they ran crying about the citie The Aventine is taken The Aventine is taken Which alarme caused a tumult gave such an occasion of fear and running away that if the campe of Anniball had not been without the walls fearefull multitude doubtlesse would have abandoned and quit the cittie But they tooke their houses and gat every man up to the terrasses and leads thereof from whence they pelted with stones and others shot their own friends in steed of enemies as they rode scattering one from another in the streets This tumult could not be repressed nor the errour appeare by reason that the waies were so pestered with a number of the countrie peasants and of cattell besides whom suddaine feare had driven into the citie Howbeit the horsemen fought fortunately and the enemies were removed and set backe And because it was necessarie to stay all disorders and uprores that chaunced upon small occasions to arise it was thought good and agreed upon that all those who had been either Dictatours or borne the office of Censors should have their full power authoritie untill such time as the enemie was clean departed from about the walls And that was to good purpose for all the rest of that day and the night following there were divers and sundrie garboiles without any cause or occasion raised and the same stilled appeased by that meanes The next day Anniball passed over Anio and brought forth all his whole power into the field Neither were Flaccus and the Consuls behind hand for their parts but readie for battell When both armies stood arraunged in order on both sides amused upon the issue and event of that one sight which was for no lesse a prize and reward to the victorious part than the very cittie of Rome there sell such a mightie storme of raine and haile together and so troubled both hoasts that they could scarce hold their weapons in hand but were driven to retire themselves for safetie into their severall campes fearing nothing lesse than their own enemies The morrow after likewise when they stood in the same place in battel array the like tempest parted them asunder And they were not so soone retired into their campe but the day was wonderfull faire and the weather calme againe The Carthaginians tooke this for an ominous presage to them of ill lucke And Anniball was heard by report to say That one while his mind another while his fortune would not give him leave to win the citie of Rome There were other occurrences besides as well small as great that discouraged him and abated his hope Of more importance was this that whiles he lay with his hoast in arms before the walls of Rome he understood there were certaine companies with banners displaied sent into Spaine for to supplie the armies there Of lesse reckoning was this that hee was advertised by a certaine captive how the very same plot of ground whereon hee was encamped happened at the same time to be sold not underfoot but at the full price and nothing abated This he tooke to be so presumptuous a part and such a scornefull indignitie namely that there should bee a chapman found at Rome to make purchase of that peece of land which hee was possessed of and held in right of armes that presently he called for a publicke crier trumpet and gave commaundement unto him to proclaim port sale of all the shops of Bankers and money chaungers at that time aboutthe Forum in Rome Neverthelesse hereupon hee was moved to dislodge and retired his campe backewards from the citie to the river Turia sixe myles from Rome From whence hee tooke his way to the grove of Feronia where stood a temple in those daies much renowmed for wealth and richesse The inhabitants thereabout were certaine Capenates who used to bring thither the first fruits of their corne and revenues yea and many other oblations besides according to their store by meanes where of they had adorned garnished it with much gold and silver Of all those gifts and offerings was this temple then robbed and spoiled But after the departure of Anniball from thence there were found great heapes of brasse by reason that the souldiours upon touch and remorse of conscience had cast in many brasen peeces The sacking and pillage of this temple all writers doe agree upon and make no doubt thereof Coelius faith That Anniball as hee went toward Rome from Eretum turned thither and hee setteth downe the beginning of his journey from Reate Cutiliae and from Amiternum And that out of Campania he came into Samnium and from thence into the countrie of Peligni and so passed beside
Galleaces of five ranks of ores and the king had 35. Philip for his part because he would be readie at all affaies to meete with the enemie either by land or sea went himselfe in person downe to the sea side as farre as Demetrias and made proclamation that all his forces should by a certaine day meere together at Larissa Vpon the same that went of the kings comming there repaired sundrie Embassies from the consederate States of all parts unto Demetias For the Aetolians having taken hart unto them as well for their societie with the Romanes as upon the comming of Attalus wasted and spoiled their borderers And not only the Acamanians and Boeotians and they that inhabit Euboea were in great feare but also the Achaeans whom over and besides the warre from the Aetolians Machanidas also the Lacedemonian tyrant terrified who encamped himselfe not farre from the confines of the Argives All these States made report what perils were like to ensue both by sea and land to their severall cities and besought the king his aid Moreover there came unto him out of his owne realme no good tidings of peace and quietnesse for that Scerdiletus and Pleuratus were gone out and rebelled and of the nations of Thrace the Medi especially were readie to invade the frontiers adjoyning upon Macedonie in case the king should fortune to be busied and occupied otherwise in any long warres The Boeotians likewise themselves and other nations inhabiting the more inland parts of Greece had geven intelligence that the avenues of the forest Thermopylae where as the narrow gullet of the streights yeldeth small passage were stopped up by the Aetolians with a trench and pallaisade that it might geve no accesse at all unto Philip for to come and defend the cities of the Allies Thus many troubles comming huddle and thick one upon another had bene able to have roused and awakened even a sleepie and slow captaine and made him to looke about him These Embassadors he dispatched and sent away promising every one of them help and succour as time and occasion would permit and willing them each one for the present to provide those things that were most urgent and important Then he sent a garrison unto that citie from whence newes came that Attalus having passed with a fleete from Lemnos had wasted and forraied all the territorie about it And he sent Polyphantes with a small power into Boeotia and Menippus likewise one of his owne captaines and Cavalliers unto Chalcis with a thousand targuartiers called Peltati now the Peltae are certaine small bucklers or targuets nothing unlike unto the Spanish Cetrae unto whom were joyned five hundred Aenians that they might be able to guard all the parts of the Iland himselfe in person went to Scotusa and there he appointed the Rendezvous that all the forces of the Macedonians should be brought thither from Lariffa Newes came unto him there that the Aetolians had summoned and proclaimed a generall Diet or Councell at Heraclea and that K. Attalus would repaire thither to consult about the managing of the whole warre And with an intent by his sodaine comming to trouble this solemne assembly and meeting of the States he tooke great journeis in his march and led his armie toward Heraclea but the Councell was newly dissolved when he arrived thither Howbeit he destroid all the standing corne which now was neere-hand ripe specially in the vale along the Gulfe of the Aenianes and so reduced his armie back againe to Scotusa and there leaving his whole power he retired himselfe to Demetrias attended only with his royall guard And because he might from thence be readie to meete withall sodaine stirres and invasions of the enemies he sent out men of purpose into Phocis Euboea and Peparethus to chuse out certaine high places for beacons from whence the fires might be seene a farre off And himselfe set up one watchtowne upon Ciffaeos a mountaine the top whereof is of an exceeding height that upon the signall of the beacons on fire from a farre he might in the minute of an houre have intelligence so soone as the enemies went about any trouble whatsoever But the Romane Generall and K. Attalus passed the seas from Peparethus to Nicea and from thence failed with their Armada to Euboea unto the citie Oreum which as a man beareth his course from the gulfe of Demetrias to Chalcis and Euripus is the first citie of Euboea that sheweth it selfe upon the left hand And thus it was agreed betweene Attalus and Sulpitius that the Romanes should give the assault from the sea side and the king with his forces on the land Foure daies after the fleete was arrived they presented themselves before the citie to assaile it For that time betweene was spent in secret talke and conference with Plator who was appointed by Philip governor and provost of the citie The citie had within it two Citadels the one commaunding the sea the other situate in the very hart and mids of the towne From thence there is a way under the ground that leadeth to the sea at the end whereof there stood a fabrick or towre five stories high a singular bulwarke and place of defence There at the first began a most sharp and cruell conflict by reason that the turret was well furnished with all kind of shot and artillerie and likewise from out of the ships there was planted much ordinance and many engins bent to impeach and assault the same Now when every mans mind was amused and eye fixed upon this hote and eager fight Plator received and let in the Romanes at the gate of the other citadell that stood over the sea and so in the turning of an hand it was surprised and won The townesmen being expelled and chased from thence retired and betooke themselves into the middle of the citie unto the other fortresse But certaine shouldiers were set of purpose there to shut the gate upon them and so being excluded they were killed and taken prisoners in the mids betweene The garison of the Macedonians stood round together under the castle wall and neither fled openly a maine nor yet began to fight as if they ment to stick to it unto the end For whom Plator obteined pardon of Sulpitius and having embarked them brought them to Demetrium of Phthiotis and there set them ashore and himselfe returned to Attalus Sulpitius bearing himselfe bold for this so good and speedie successe immediatly sailed with his victorious armada against Chalcis Where the event in the end aunswered nothing unto his hope and expectation The sea lying broad and large on both hands gathereth in that place to a narrow roume so as at the first fight it maketh a shew of a double peere or haven opening upon two divers mouths but in very truth ther is not lightly to be found a worse harborogh a more daungerous rode for ships For not only for the exceeding high hils on both sides of
foure thousand horse when hee surprised a cittie named Salera almost fifteene miles from the Romance campe And when word was brought to Scipio that so great a Cavallerie tooke up their summer standing harbour within a towne Tush quoth hee I passe not if they were more than they are so long as they have such a one for to be their leader And thinking with himselfe that the more slowly the enemies went to worke the lesse hee was to slacke his businesse he sent Masanissa before with the horsemen and gave commaundement to ride up and down before the gates to brave the enemie and to traine him forth to fight with this direction that when their whole multitude was issued forth and the skirmish growne so hote that hee might not well endure the charge hee should give ground and recule by little and little for hee would himselfe come in due time to the battell And staying no longer behind than whiles he thought Masanissa who was gone afore had time ynough to traine the enemies forth he followed after in person with the Romane horsemen and marched closely under the hills which stood fitly for the purpose opposite betweene him and the enemie about every turning of the way Masanissa for the nones according to the direction given him one while right courageously gallopped before the gates as one that would brave and terrifie the enemie another while as if he had been afraid himselfe gave backe and by this counterfeit shew of searchfulnesse hee made the enemies more bold and venturous and drew them on to pursue him rashly But as yet they were not all gone forth and their captaine was diversly troubled and had much adoe with them whiles he was fain to force and compell some that had taken their load of wine and were heavie headed and sleepie withall to arme themselves and to bridle their horses and to stay others from running out of all the gates at once confusedly without order and array and without their colours Masanissa caught up those and cut them short that apart from their companie at the first setting out rode venturously forward and tooke no heed to themselves but anone when more of them rushed forth at once out of the gate the skirmish was maintained with equall valour on both sides and at last when all the horsemen were abroad and joined in battell Masanissa was not possibly able to hold out any longer Howbeit he fled not outright but as he gave backe leisurely he received them as they violently charged upon him so long untill he had trained them to those hils under which the Romane Cavallerie lay hidden Then rose the horsemen from out of their ambush themselves in heart and their horses fresh and environned Hanno and then Africanes who with fighting and following were tired out and overweried Masanissa likewise turned his horses sodainely and made head againe and returned to battaile afresh so there were environed intercepted and killed in the place together with Hanno himselfe the Generall fast upon a thousand even as many as were in the vaward and could not well retire themselves backward The rest affrighted with the death of their leader fled with bridle on horse necke whome for the space of three miles the conquerors followed in chase upon the spurre and either flew or tooke prisoners two thousand horsemen of them besides Amongst whom there were as it is for certaine knowne no fewer than two hundred naturall Carthaginians men of armes and divers of them of good marke both in regard of wealth and riches as also of birth and noble parentage It fortuned that the very same day when this hapned the ships which had transported over the bootie into Sicilie returned back charged with provision of victuals as if they bodened and foretockened by their arrivall that they were come for a new pillage and fresh prizes But all writers do not accord that two Carthaginian captaines of one name were slaine in two battailes of the Cavallerie for feare as I verily take it least by telling one thing twise they might seeme to deceive and abuse the reader Certes Caelius and Valerius report that Hanno was taken prisoner Then Scipio bestowed rich gifts upon the captaines and horsemen according to their good service and as they every one deserved but above all the rest he highly rewarded Masanissa And when he had placed a strong garison in Salera himselfe with the rest of his armie made rodes and not only wasted and spoiled the lands and villages all the way as he went but also forced and woon certaine cities and borough townes and so having filled all places farre and neere with the terror of warre and hostilitie he returned to the camp the seaventh day after he set forth bringing with him great numbers of people much store of cattaile and prizes of all sorts and so dispatched away the ships a second time fraight and laden with the spoiles of enemies After this he set aside all light expeditions small rodes and saccage of the country townes and bent his whole power and all his forces against Vtica intending if he had once woon it to settle himselfe there and to make it his seate from thence forward and a sure place of defence in all his other exploits that he meant to perform Thither at one time were the sea servitours brought from the armada to that part of the citie where the sea beateth upon the walls likewise the land souldiers advanced from the hill that overlooketh the towne and joyneth in manner hard to the very walls As for artillerie and engines of batterie and assault some they had brought with them and others were sent out of Sicilie with the victuals and daily new were made in the common Armorie and Arcenall where there were of purpose artificers continually kept at worke for the framing of such fabricks and peeces of batterie The men of Vtica beset thus round about on every side with so great preparation and ordinance of war reposed their whole hope and confidence in the Carthaginians and the Carthaginians relied themselves upon Asdruball in case that he could sollicite Syphax for to set to his helping hand But all things went but slowly forward and they bestirred themselves not so quickly as they should have done who wanted so much aid as they did And Asdruball when he had with all the meanes and the best shift that he could make gathered together thirtie thousand foote and three thousand horse yet durst he not approach the enemie before the comming of Syphax to joyne with him At length came Syphax with fiftie thousand foote and ten thousand horse and immediately departing from Carthage encamped not farre from Vtica and the Romane campe Whose arrivall yet was so important and wrought this effect that Scipio after fortie dayes welneere during which time he had invested Vtica and tried all mastries but in vain was compelled to remove his siege and dislodge without doing any good at all For now the winter
in other respects so especially in this that it had a watering place within an arrow shot Anniball tooke an hill four miles from thence sure enough and commodious otherwise but only that they were farre from water In the mid way betweene they chose a plaine open on every side where they might discover and see all about them that no ambush there were laid and after they had caused their armed souldiours to retire a like distance from either partie then came together with one truch man or interpretour a peece not only the greatest and bravest captaines of their time but also equall to the mightiest kings or Emperours of realme or nation that ever had beene afore them in any age and remembrance of man For awhile they stood one beholding the other and said never a word ravished and astonied with a mutuall admiration and at last Anniball began and spake in this wise If the gods by destinies have so appointed that I who first levied warre against the Romanes and who so often have had the victorie as it were in mine owne hands must needs of my selfe and mine owne motion come now first likewise to sue for peace glad I am and well pleased that it is my good hap to meete with you above all other men at whose hands I should seeke the same And certes you also for your part among many your singular and excellent praises may skore up this for none of the least namely That Anniball unto whom the gods have vouchsafed the upperhand overso many noble captaines of the Romanes hath yeelded the bucklers and geven place unto your selfe now that you have had the honor to end this warre more notable and renowmed at the first for your losses and overthrowes than ours and that fortune as it is fallen out hath made this pretie sport with me who at the beginning tooke armes when your father was Consull gave him battaile first of all other Romane Generals and am now come unarmed unto his sonne to crave peace Verily much better it had bene and simply the very best that the gods had inspired into our forefathers this mind That both you might have contented your selves with the dominion of Italie and we likewise of Affrick For surely Sicilie and Sardinia both are nothing sufficient to make amends and satisfaction and it were but only of your part in recompense of so many brave fleets so many puissant armies and so many noble captaines that yee have lost But faults done and past may well be blamed and reproved when they can not be corrected and reformed So greedie were we on both sides to conquer the lands of others that in the meane time we have hazarded our owne Neither had ye warre in Italie only or we againe in Affrick alone but both ye have seene the ensignes and armies of enemies hard at your gates and in manner under your owne walls and we likewise from Carthage have heard the noyse and bruit of the Romane camp Now then that which we have cause most to detest and abhorre and you to wish above all other things in the world the treatie of peace is fallen out in time of your better prosperitie and more favourable aspect of fortune unto you We againe are the agents therein whom it most standeth upon and importeth that there should be peace and who are assured whatsoever we conclude that the States and cities from whence we come will approve and ratifie the same There needs no more but a willing mind wel affected and enclined to those courses which tend to repose and quietnes For mine owne part one while age hath taught me who am returned an old man into my countrey from whence I came a child another while prosperitie and adversitie both hath so schooled me that I would now rather be ruled by reason than swayed by fortune But I feare me greatly that you as well in regard of youth as also of your continuall felicitie and fortunate traine of successe are over-hautie and stout for to yeeld unto any peaceable wayes For commonly he fore-casteth no variable chaunces who never tasted of adverse fortune And the same are you at this day that sometimes I was at Thrasymenus and at Cannae You being hardly come to that age which is meete for war-service had the charge and commaund of an armie and looke what enterprises you tooke in hand most venterously the same you ever exploited as happily You pursued the vengeance of fathers and unkles death and wan by the calamitie of your house and familie a notable name and reputation of singular vertue and pietie Spaine full and wholy you have recovered and conquered againe foure armies of Carthaginians you have chased from thence no sooner were you created Consull but when all other mens hearts failed them to defend and keepe Italie you sailed neverthelesse hither over into Affrick and after you had defeated heere two armies forced and burnt in one houre two camps of your enemies taken Syphax prisoner a most mightie and puissant prince wan so many cities both of his kingdome and of our dominion you pulled me maugre my head out of Italie whereof I had bene now sixteene yeeres possessed Well may your hautie mind affect victorie rather than incline to peace Full well I know of what spirit and stomack you are more respective to grandeur and honor than to your good and profit And the time hath bene when I also had the lightsome countenance of fortune lovingly smiling and shining upon me And were we so blessed of God as to have our right wits and perfect senses in time of prosperitie we would consider and thinke not of things only which have hapned but of those also that might happen But if you should forget all other I alone might serve as a sufficient example and mirror of all accidents of fortune whatsoever For whom not long since you either saw or might have seene encamped between the river Anio and your citie and readie in manner to skale the walls of Rome you see me now after the losse of my brethren two right valiant warriours and most renowned Generals even here before the walls of my countrey little better than besieged making meanes in humble manner to avert and avoid those daungers from mine owne citie with which erewhiles I terrified yours Well the greatest and happiest fortune is least to be trusted and never is it worse relying on her than when she is so free and bountifull Now that you flourish and we fade whiles you are aflote and we sinke a peace unto you that geveth it is a glorious and goodly matter to us that crave it more necessarie than honorable Better it is yet and safer of the twaine to enjoy a certaine peace than hope for a doubtfull victorie The one lieth in your hand to effect the other as it pleaseth the gods to dispose Beware therefore how in one houre you hazard the felicitie of so many yeeres And as you
having intelligence that from thence he was to mount up an hard ascent and narrow passage he set a short compasse through the mountains having sent before certaine men to levell the ground and make the way even and so gat into a large and broad port-gate untill he came to the river Eurotas which runneth in manner hard under the walls of the citie of Sparta where as the Romanes were pitching their tents even as Quintius himselfe with the horsemen and light vaunt-courriers gone before the aid-souldiours of the tyrant charged upon them who looking for nothing lesse because no man had encountred them al the way as they marched but passed on in their journey as in a peaceable countrey were much troubled and affrighted herewith This feare of theirs continued a good time while the horsemen called unto the footmen and they againe unto the horsemen and both the one sort and the other trusted in themselves but little or nothing at all At length the standards of the legions with their ensignes came forward and were within sight and so soon as the companies of the vauntguard advaunced soorth to fight they who erewhile teirified others were driven in fearefull hast themselves into the citie The Romanes being retired so far from the wall as that they were without dartshot stood a while raunged in battell array But after that they saw none of the enemies come abroad against them returned to their leaguer The next day after Quintius tooke his way and marched with his armie in order of battell along the towne side neere unto the river hard at the foot of the hill Maenalus The companies of the legionarie footmen led the march in the â—â—untguard the light footmen and the horsemen followed in the rereward and flanked the rest Nabis kept within the walls his mercenarie souldiours in whom he reposed greatest confidence arraunged under their ensignes and in readinesse to fight purposing to charge the backe of his enemies And the arrierguard of the Romanes was not so soone passed by but they fallied out of the towne at sundrie places at once with as tumultuous a noise as they made the day before Appius Claudius had the leading of the rereward who having prepared beforehand the hearts of his souldiours and advertised them to be prest and readie for what occurrent soever might happen presently turned the ensignes and set a compasse with the whole armie to make head against the enemies Whereupon there ensued a hote sight which endured a good time as if two armies had directly encountred one another In the end the souldiours of Nabis began to recule and flie in which flight of theirs they had made lesse hast and better saved themselves but that the Achaeans who were acquainted well with the ground and knew the coasts of the countrey hotely followed the chase these made a soule carnage and butcherie among them and the most part such as were dispersed here and there in their flight they disarmed Then Quintius encamped neete unto Amycla and having harried and wasted all the territorie round about the citie which places were well peopled and very pleasant when he saw no enemies issue out at the citie gates heremoved his campe hard to the river Eurotas From whence he made excursions wasted all the vale lying under the hill Taigetus and the lands butting and adjoining close to the sea Much about the same time L. Quintius made himselfe maister of the townes situate on the sea side some yeelded willingly others for feare or perforce And being afterwards advertised that the towne Gyttheum served for a place of safe retreat and refuge unto the Lacedaemonians in all their exploits and service at sea and that the Romanes lay encamped not far from the sea side hee resolved to assaile it with all forcible meanes This towne at that time was very strong well peopled with citizens and other inhabitants and sufficiently furnished with all warlike provision and munition And in very good time it fell out that as Quintius was entred unto this difficult enterprise king Eumenes and the Rhodian fleet arrived A mightie number of marriners and sea-servitours gathered out of three Armadaes within few daies made and finished all engines and fabrickes which were to assault a citie so well fortified both by sea and land Now was the towne wall broken downe with the undermining of the tortues now was the wall shaken by the push of the ram and with all there was one tower that by continuall batterie was overthrown and with the fall thereof all the wall that stood of each side came tumbling downe lay along And the Romanes endevoured at one time to enter the towne both from the haven where the passage was more plaine and easie to the end that the enemies might abandon the defence of the more open place and also at the breach made in the wall and they missed but very little of entrance there where they entended but the hope they conceived of yeelding the cittie which anone was crossed againe and turned to nothing staied their violence and heat of assault Dexagoridas and Gorgopas governed the towne then in equall authoritie Dexagoridas had dispatched a courrier to the Romane lieutenant to signifie that hee would betray the towne and when the time and place of execution of this designement was agreed upon between them the traitour was killed by Gorgopas by occasion whereof the citie was the better defended with more carefull heed by him alone yea and the assault thereof had been more difficult but that Titus Quintius came to succour and helpe with foure thousand chosen souldiours Hee was no sooner discovered with an armie arraunged in battell array from the brow and top of the hill that is not farre distant from the towne whiles L. Quintius withall from another side followed the assault with his ordinance and artilleric both by sea and land but Gorgopas then began himselfe to despaire in very deed and was driven perforce to take that very course which in another he had punished by death and upon composition that he might depart and have away with him those soldiors which he had in garison he delivered up the citie to Quintius Before that Gyttheum was rendered Pythagoras left as captaine at Argos leaving the guard and defence of the citie unto the charge of Timocrates of Pellenae came with a thousand waged souldiours and two thousand Argives unto Nabis at Lacedaemon And Nabis like as at the first arrivall of the Romane fleet and the surrender withall of the townes standing by the sea side was much affrighted so hee had recovered againe some little hope and was well quieted in mind so long as Gyttheum held out still and his garison within the towne kept their owne But after he heard once that it also was yeelded unto the Romanes and lost seeing no hope left by land side which was wholly possessed by the enemies and that he was altogether shut up from the sea hee thought it best
bill aforesaid was seen taken down and read wherin to this effect was written That Ariston was not come with a message to any person in particular but to all the Seniours or Elders in generall for so they call the Senat. After that the thing was by this meanes made a publicke matter and the whole state of the Senators reputed culpable they were not so earnest to search into privat persons Howbeit thought good it was that Embassadours should be sent to Rome to give information hereof to the Consuls and the Senat and withall to make complaint of certaine wrongs done by Masanissa Masanissa understanding that the Carthaginians were suspected and in some ill name among the Romanes and also at jarre and variance within themselves and namely that the great and principall men were had in jelousie by the Senat for their conferences with Ariston and their Senate likewise suspected by the people by reason of that writing above-named of the said Ariston taking this for a good advantage and opportunitie to do them some injurie not only invaded their maritime parts made spoile but also forced certain tributarie cities to the Carthaginians for to pay himselfe tribute That quarter of the countrey they call Emporia It is the sea coast of the lesser Syrtis and the country is exceeding fertile there is in it one only citie named Leptis which paid to the Carthaginians for tribute a talent every day All this region Mosanissa then had plagued sore yea and for one part thereof he made some claime as beeing litigious whether it pertained to his kingdome or the seignorie of the Carthaginians and because hee knew for truth that the Carthaginian embassadors were about to goe to Rome as well to purge themselves of some crimes wherwith they were charged as to complaine of him therfore himselfe also addressed his embassadors to Rome who should lay open more matter against them of deeper suspition and debate withall as touching the right of those tributes The Carthaginians were no sooner heardspeake concerning that Tyrian straunger but the LL. of the Senate grew into some doubt least they should wage warre with Antiochus and the Carthaginians both togither And this presumption of all the rest made the suspicion most pregnant because when they had the partie among them and were purposed to send him to Rome they neither made the man himselfe sure nor the barke wherein hee arrived After this they fell to debate and argue with the kings Embassadours about the territorie and land in controversie The Carthaginians pleaded for themselves and stood much upon their bounds and limits for that the land in suite lay within that precinct by which P. Scipio the conquerour limited out that territory which pertained to the stegniorie of the Carthaginians Also they alledged the confession of the king himselfe who at what time as he pursued Apheres that fled out of his own realm and with a companie of Numidians raunged abroad about Cyrenae made request unto them to give him leave to passe through this very ground as if without all question it belonged to the Carthaginians The Numidians answered againe to these points and said plainely to their faces that they lied in their throtes as touching that supposed limitation and bounding by Scipio and moreover if we would go say they and search the very original indeed of the law what land at all ought the Carthaginians have of their own proper inheritance For being but meere strangers they had after much praier and entreatie as much ground allowed them and no more to build them a citie in as they could compasse with thongs cut out of one bull hide And looke whatsoever they had encroched upon without that neast and seat of theirs in Byrsa they gat and held it by force and violence And as for the land now in strife they are not able to prove that they alwaies held the same in possession no not that they kept it any long time together But as occasion and opportunities served of advauntage one while they and another while the Numidian kings made reentrie and enjoied it and evermore he went away with the possession thereof that was the stronger and had the keener sword In these considerations they requested the Romanes to leave the thing in that state and condition wherein it stood before that the Carthaginians were enemies or king Masanissa friend and allie to the Romanes and not to intermeddle betweene not take a part but let the winner weare it and him have it that can hold it In conclusion it was thought good that to the embassadours of both parties this answere should be returned namely That they would send certaine Commissioners into Affrick to decide this controversie about the land in question betweene the people of Carthage and the king So there were sent of purpose P. Scipio Africanus C. Cornelius Cethegus and M. Minutius Rufus Who having heard what could bee said and seene the thing left all hanging still in suspence and undecided without adjudging it by their definitive sentence to the one or the other But whether they so did on their owne head and selfe-accord or by direction from the Senat is not so certaine as it seemeth agreeable unto that present time in pollicie to leave them as they found them and the controversie still depending For unlesse it were so Scipio himselfe alone in regard of the knowledge that hee had of the thing and of his authoritie with the persons so much bound they were unto him on both sides might with a word of his mouth or a nod of his head have ended all this matter THE XXXV BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the five and thirtith Booke PYblius Scipio Africanus being sent embassador unto Antiochus talked at Ephesus with Anniball who had sided with Antiochus to this end that he might rid him of that feare which he had conceived of the people of Rome as touching the taking away of his life Among other matters passed betweene them when he demaunded of Anniball whom he iudged to have been the noblest and greatest warriour that ever was hee answered that it was Alexander king of the Macedonians set that he with a small power had discomfited and defeated an infinite number of armies and withall passed through those farre dissite and remote parts of the world unto which a man would not beleeve that it were possible for any person to go and see them When he asked again of him whom he deemed for the second Who but Pyrrhus quoth he because he taught the maner how to pitch a campe and besides no man had the cast to gaine places and holds for advauntage nor could set his corps de guard or plant garisons better than he And when he proceeded still to know whom he tooke to be the third Anniball named his owne goodselfe At which answere Scipio fell a laughing And what
make account to fight with the Romanes in Asia yea and for Asia both by sea and land and no mean there is but that either himselfe must loose his kingdome or take from them their soveraigne siegnorie who affect and pretend to be LL. of the whole world He was the only man thought to forecast truly to foretell what would ensue Whereupon the king himselfe in person with those ships which he had readie rigged furnished failed to Chersonnesus with intent to strengthen those places with good garrisons if happily the Romanes should come by land The rest of the navie he commaunded Polyxenidas to prepare and put to sea And all about the Island hee sent about his pinnaces and brigantines as espials to discover the coasts C. Livius the Admirall of the Romane navie was arrived at Naples from Rome with fiftie covered ships At which place he gave commaundement That the open vessels which by covenant were due to bee sent from the allies of all that tract should meet From whence he sailed to Sicilie and passed the streights by Messana And when he had received sixe Carthaginian ships sent to aid him and called upon the Rhegines and Locrines and other associates comprised in the same league holding by the same tenure for that shipping which of dutie they were to find when he had also taken a survey of all his armada at Lacinium he weighed anker and put to the maine sea Being arived at Corcyra which was the first cittie of all Greece that he came unto hee enquired in what tearmes the warre affaires stood for as yet all was not thoroughly quiet in Greece and where the Romane fleet was After he heard that the Romane Consull and king Philip were about the pase of Thermopylae and there lay in guard that the fleet rid at anker in the pott and harbour of Pyraeeum he thought it good to use expedition and to make speed for all occasions whatsoever and incontinently determined to saile forward to Peloponnesus And having at one instant wasted Samos and Zacynthus as hee went because they chose r ather to band with the Aetolians he set saile for Malea and having a good wind within few daies hee arrived at Pyraeeum where the old fleet ankered At Scyllaeum king Eumenes met him with three ships who had been a long time at Aegina unresolved in himselfe whether he should returne to defend his owne kingdome for he heard that Antiochus made preparation at Ephesus for warre as well by sea as land or not to depart a foot from the Romanes upon whose fortune depended his whole state Aulus Attilius so soone as he had delivered to his successor five and twentie close ships of war losed from Pyraeeum and came to Rome So Livius with a fleet of eightie one ships armed at their beakeheads with brasen pikes besides many other smaller vessels which open as they were had brasen heads as is aforesaid or if they were without such pikes served for espials sailed to Delos Much about that time the Consull Acilius assailed Naupactum At Delos Livius for certaine daies was staied by contrarie winds for that quarter among the Cyclades is exceeding windie by reason that these Islands are devided asunder some with broader gulfes some with narrower Polexenidas being certified by the post-ships set in diverse places to discover that the Romane armada rid at anker neere Delos dispatched messengers to the king who leaving all matters which he enterprised in Hellespontus returned to Ephesus as fast as ever hee could make saile with his ships of warre piked at the head and presently called a counsell where it was debated whether hee were best to hazard a battell at sea or no Polyxenidas was of opinion That he should not slacke the time but in any wise give battell and trie a fight before that the fleet of Eumenes and the Rhodian ships were joined with the Romanes for so in number they should not bee much overmatched for all other things have the better as well for nimblenesse and agilitie of ships as for varietie of aid-souldiours For the Romane ships as being unworkmanly built they are heavie of steerage and unweldie loaden they are and fraught besides with provision of victuals as they are commonly that come into the enemies countrey But as for your ships seeing they leave all about them peaceable and quiet they shall be charged with nothing but with men and munition Besides the skill of these seas and lands of the winds in these quarters will be a great helpe unto you wheras the enemies must needs be much troubled for want of knowledge in them all The deviser of this counsell had credite given unto him on all parts and the rather for that hee was the man himselfe to put in execution the same counsell Two daies they made stay to set all things in order and readinesse the third day they set forward with a fleet of a hundred saile whereofleventie were covered the rest open and all of the smaller making and for Phocaea they shaped their course The king hearing that the Romane armada approched departed from thence for that he was not to bee present in person at the conflict upon the sea and went to Magnesia neer e Sipylus for to levie land-forces But his navie made saile to Cyffus a port of the Erythraeans to attend the comming of the enemie there as in a place more commodious The Romanes when the Northren winds were once laid for they were alost for certaine daies and locked them in salled from Delos to Phanae a haven towne of the Chians bearing toward the Aegean sea From thence they cast about with their ships to the citie and there having victualled themselves they crossed over to Phocaea Eumenes who was gone to Elaea toward his fleet within few daies after with soure and twentie covered ships and more uncovered returned to the Romanes whom hee found preparing and marshalling themselves a little short of Phocaea for a battell at sea Then set they all forward with a hundred and fiftie close covered ships and more open and without hatches and being with side Northeren winds at the first driven to the sea shore they were forced to saile single in ranke one after another But afterwards as the violence of the wind began to be allaied they assaied to crosse over to the haven Corycus which is above Cyssus Polyxenidas as soone as he heard that the enemies were at hand rejoiced that hee had occasion presented unto him of a navall battell and himselfe stretched forth the left point of his fleet embattelled farre into the sea willing the captaines of the ships to display the right wing broad toward the land and so with an even front he advaunced forward to the fight Which the Romane Admirall seeing strucke saile tooke down the masts and laying together all the tackling of the ships in one place attended their comming that followed after By which time there were thirtie in a ranke afront
two kings not onely raigned together but also governed with great unitie and concord But after certaine yeares the kindred of king Tatius chanced to beat and euill intreat the embassadours of Laurentum And when as the Laurentines pleaded the law of nations for satisfaction of this outrage Tatius his kinsfolke what by favour and what by intreatie prevailed more with him than the just complaint of the others Whereby hee brought vengeance due to them upon his owne head For being come upon a time to Lavinium unto a solemne sacrifice and feast there in an uprore or hurliburly the people ran upon him and so was he slaine Which thing they say Romulus made lesse regard of than was meet either for that fellowship in lordship is neuer faithfull or because he esteemed him not unjustly to be made away Wherupon he forbare indeed to make warre yet to the end the wrong done to the Embassadours together with the murder of the king might bee expiate and purged cleane away the league betweene the citties of Rome and Lavinium was renued But whilest peace verily was beyond mens expectation with them concluded behold another fresh warre arose much neerer than the other and hard almost at their very gates For the people of Fidene supposing the Romans power and riches to encrease overmuch so neere unto them before they should grow to such greatnesse as they were like to doe began first to warre upon them and sending a power of lustie tall souldiours invaded and wasted all the countrey betweene the cittie of Rome and Fidene And taking their way on the left hand for that the Tyber kept from the other they forraied and spoiled as they went to the great feare of the pezants and countrey people So as this suddaine tumult and garboile heard out of the fields into the cittie brought the first newes of the warre Romulus raised therewith for so nigh a warre might beare no delay led forth his armie and encamped within a mile of Fidene and leaving there a competent guard hee departed thence with all his other forces commanding part of his souldiours to lie close in certaine covert places among the thickets in ambushment Himselfe with the greater number and all his horse advanced forward and riding up and downe before their gates after a disordered and bragging manner made semblant of a bravado and all to traine the enemie forth which was the thing he onely sought This kind of horse service was a meanes that the Fidenates lesse suspected and marvelled at their flying which they were to counterfet For whilest the Cavallirie stood unresolved as it were in a mammering whither to slie or fight and the infanterie withall began to retire all at once the enemies in thrunging manner sallied forth of the gates and chased the Romanes so fiercely that in their eager pursute they were drawne to the verie place of ambush Thence the Romanes suddainely arose and charged the flocke of the enemies And to encrease their fright they likewise that were left behind to guard the campe shewed themselves with banners displaied So the Fidenates terrified sundrie waies before well neere that Romulus and his men of armes could reine about their horseheads turned their backes and rodefull gallop towards the towne againe and so much the faster for that they fled now in good earnest themselves that pursued them who a little before made but semblance thereof Yet for all this could they not escape the enemie for the Romans hard at their heeles rushed together with them pelmell into the towne before the gates could be shut against them At this Fidenatian warre spreading so dangerously the Veientians grew angrie in their hearts and began to chase Touched they were also in regard of kindred and alliance for the Fidenates were likewise Tuscanes And fearing least if the Romane forces should thus distresse and lie upon all the borderers they being so neere should not goe free they were the rather pricked forward and thereupon made rodes and entred in armes the confines of Rome spoiling and boothaling more like robbers than professed warriors So without pitching any tents or abiding the comming of their enemies but onely driving and carrying away great booties out of the fields they returne againe to Veij The Romanes contrariwise not â—â—â—ding the enemies in the field but yet provided and resolved to give battell and to hazard all passed over the Tybet Whom the Veientians understanding to be encamping themselves fully minded to come against their cittie issued forth and met them intending to trie the quarell by dint of sword and in open field rather than to be mued up within the town to fight defend themselves from off their houses and wals There the Romane king with the strength onely of his old beaten souldiors without anie other helpe and supplie whatsoever without policie or stratagem had the better and having thus discomfited the enemies he chased them even to their verie wals And for that the cittie was exceeding strong fortified as well by naturall situation as by wals he forbare to assault it But in his returne homeward hee wasted the countrey more upon a mind to revenge than hope of spoile With this defeature the Veientians no lesse subdued than if they had lost a field sent Orantours to Rome to sue for peace unto whom truce was graunted for an hundred yeares but they were amerced to lose part of their lands These were in a manner all the acts that were done both at home and abroad during the reigne of Romulus Whereof none seemed to derogate anie jot from the opinion both of his divine birth and beginning and also of his immortalitie or deification after his death Such was his courageous heart in recovering his grandfires kingdome his policie and wisedome in founding the cittie first and after in establishing and governing the same as well in war as in peace By whose good proceedings it got such strength and so sure footing that for fortie yeeres space after it enjoied peace with salatie Neverthelesse of his commons hee was better beloved than of his nobles but above all his souldiours most heartely affected him of whom he had alwaies about him as squires of the bodie three hundred pensioners armed not onely in time of warre but also of peace whom he called Celeres Thus having atcheeved these noble and immortall deeds as he upon a time assembled al the people upon the plaine at the marish Caprae there to number or muster his armie behold upon a suddaine there arose a tempest with great crackes of thunder which with so thick cloudie a storme covered the king that the people lost the sight of him And never after was Romulus seene on earth The Romane youth after their feare was at length past and that upon so darke and troublesome weather it prooved a faire day againe and calme withall seeing the kings throne emptie albeir they credited the Senators that stood
certaine scutchions or bucklers that fell from heaven called Ancilia commanding them to run about the cittie chaunting hymns and songs with dancing and leaping full solemnly Moreover he chose for a Superintendent or high Priest Numa Martius the sonne of Marcus one of the Senatours and to him hee gave in writing set downe under his hand and scale a rule whereby he might know what beasts should be killed for sacrifice upon what daies and at which temples and how the monie should bee levied and disbursed for the diffraying of all charges All other sacred rites as well publicke as private hee submitted and referred to the discretion and ordering of that high Priests to this end that the common people might know unto whom they were to resort for counsell and instruction and that no part of Gods worship and service should by neglect of the auncient rites and traditions of their owne countrey bee consounded and corrupted by bringing in any strange and forraine superstitions Hee ordained besides that the same Archprelate should teach not onely these heavenly ceremonies but also funerall obsequies and how the spirits beneath and ghosts of bodies departed should be quieted and pacified and what strange and prodigious tokens that came by way of lightening thunder or any other fearfull sight whatsoever should be expiate and purged by sacrifice accordingly And for to know the truth portended by these tokens even from the minds of heavenly spirits above hee consecrated unto Iupiter Elicius an altar upon the mount Aventine And by the meanes of Augurie he consulted with that god what things he was to enterprise and goe about Whilest the whole multitude was thus drawne away and cleane turned from thinking of force and armes and busied about devising and ordering of these matters not onely their minds were occupied in doing somewhat but also the continuall feare of God now setled in them as being persuaded that the heavenly power was present in the managing of mens affaires had possessed now all their hearts with such pietie and religious holinesse that faithfull promise once made and the reverence of an oath taken abandoning all feare of law and punishment was able to rule and governe the cittie And as the people framed and reformed themselues to the fashions and manners of their king as the only and speciall patterne to follow so the nations likewise bordering upon them who before time verily thought that cittie to be built and as it were encamped in the middest of them to the disturbance and disquieting of all their peace were now become so respective of them that they thought it an impious and sinfull deed once to offend or offer abuse to that cittie so well given and so devoted to the worship and service of God Furthermore there was a grove the middlest whereof was watred continually by a spring that issued out of a darke and shaddowed cave into which because Numa used verie oft to retire himselfe alone without any other as it were to have familiar companie with AEgeria hee dedicated that grove unto the Muses for that their assistance also in counsell and advise hee desired together with his wife AEgeria And to Faith alone hee instituted a solemne yearely feastivall day and erected a chappell Vnto which hee commanded the Flamines to ride in an arched or embowed close chariot drawn with two horses and to sacrifice and execute their function with their hands covered and wrapped close to their fingers ends signifying thereby that faith is to bee kept and preserved and that her seat was sacred and consecrated even upon the right hands Many other sacrifices and places for sacrifice which the Priestscal Argeos did he appoint and dedicate But of all his acts this was most worthie and memorable that during the time of his raigne hee had no lesse regard to preserve peace than to maintaine roiall estate and dominion Thus two kings one after other taking either of them a severall course by himselfe that one by warre this other by peace mightily promoted the welfare of the cittie Romulus raigned 37 yeares Numa 43. So that now the cittie became very puissant as being well and equally tempered both with fears of armes as also with discipline of peace Vpon the death of Numa the regiment returned againe to an interreigne Then the people nominated and elected for their king with the roiall assent of the Senatours Tullas Hostilius the nephew or grandsonne of that Hostilius who had in times past sought valiantly against the Sabines at the foot of the castle hill This man was not onely unlike the former king but also more fierce and hardie than Romulus himselfe For besides the heat of youth and strength of bodie withall the glorious remembrance of his grandfather set him on and pricked him forward Supposing therefore that the cittie through rest and ease began to age as it were and to decay hee sought everie way to picke quarrels and to give occasion to make warre It forruned that the pezants about Rome and those of Alba likewise preided and spoiled one anothers land At that time C. Cluilius was lord and king of Alba. From both parts wel neere at one time were Embassadours addressed to demand restitution of good and satisfaction for their harmes Tullus Hostilius he had streightly charged his messengers to have no dealing with the Albane prince before they had delivered unto him their message For well hee wist that hee would make deniall and yeeld no amends and then might hee with safe conscience justly proclaime warre against him On the contrarie side the Albane embassadours followed their businesse but slackely for being courteously invited and friendly entertained by Tullus and lodged within his pallace they were well content to bee feasted by the king and were his daily guests so long that the Romanes had by this time both challenged their owne first and upon deniall made by the Albane King given defiance and proclaimed open warre within thirtie daies next ensuing Vpon which tidings by them related to Tullus hee gave the Albane Embassadours audience permitting them to declare what their errand was that they came about They simple men ignorant of all that was done first spent time in excusing themselves saying they were very loath and unwilling to speak ought that might displease Tullus but being commanded by authoritie they might not will nor chuse and thereupon were come to make claime of goods and amends for wrongs and if they were not restored and recompence made they had commission to denounce warre against him Where unto Tullus made answere in this wise Tell your king and maister quoth hee that the Romane king calleth the gods to witnesse whether of the two Nations sent the Embassadours away first and rejected them when they demanded restitution that upon his head they might bring the miserie losse and calamitie of the present warre With this dispatch the Albanes returned home So they made preparation of forces on
gifts and so partly with great promises what wonders he would doe and partly with raising slanders upon the king in all places and charging upon him odious crimes he grew very great and mightie At the last espying a convenient time to set on foot and putin execution his intended projects with a strong guard of armed men hee entred forciblie into the Forum or common place of assemblie whereat the people all surprised with great feare he sat him downe upon the kings throne even at the entrance of the Curia or Senate house and there by the voice of the crier summoned the Senatours to counsell before king Tarquinius Who forthwith there assembled together Some thereto made and prepared aforehand others for feare least their not comming might turn them to displeasure And as they were astonted at this strange and wonderfull sight so they thought Servius utterly undone and his case desperate There Tarquinius began an invective in spightfull and reprochfull tearmes touching the first pedigree or parentage of Servius saying that he being a slave and born of a bond-woman after the cruell and shamefull death of his father Tarquine usurped the king domeanot by meanes of an Interreigne as the order was aforetime nor by a solemne assemblie and the free voices of the people ne yet by the assent of the nobles but only through the wile and fraud of one woman And as he was quoth he thus borne and thus created king so hath he been a partial favourer ever of the basest sort even such as himselfe and in hatred of the noble birth of others hath divided amongst the vilest persons lands taken from the cheese men of the citie and all such burdens and charges as had ben in times past common to all he hath cast upon great personages of qualitie and worth and set up an assessing or taxing that the state of the wealthier persons being made knowne and exposed to envie he might bring them into disgrace with the people and bestow their goods upon the poorest and neediest at his pleasure Amidst this Oration of his came Servius in place advertised of the matter by a fearefull messenger in all hast And presently began to crie out with a lowd voice at the very porch or entrie of the Curia What is here ado quoth hee and what meaneth this O Tarquine How darest thou during my life assemble the Senatours or sit on my seat Whereunto he stoutly made a prowd answere that hee did but keepe his fathers throne and being as hee was a kings sonne hee demeed himselfe more worthie to bee inheritor of the kingdome than a bondslave and as for him hee had been suffered long ynough to play with his good Masters and to insult over his betters With this arose a great clamour from the partakers and complices of both sides the people they ran from all parts to the counsell house and like it was that the stronger should be king Then Tarquinius being put to his shifts and forced to trie the utmost seeing no other remedie tooke Servins by the middle as being himselfe much younger and stronger farre carried him out of the counsell house and threw him downe from the staires head to the foot and so returned againe into the Senate house to get the Senators together The kings officers with the guard attending upon him sled Himselfe well neere dead with certaine of his courtiers and traine breathlesse also for feare made speed and retired towards his pallace as farre as to the top of Cyprius street where he was overtaken by them that were sent by Tarquinius and so slaine outright And it is verily thought that this was done by the suggestion and procurement of Tullia so little disagreeth it from other wicked prankes of hers But this one thing is known for certaintie that she came riding in her coach into the common place of assemblie nothing dismaied or abashed at the presence of so many men there met together called forth his husband out of the Senat house was the first that stiled him with the title of King By whom shee being willed to depart a way out of that throng and uprore as she returned homeward as far as the pitch of Cyprius street where was of late a place consecrated unto Diana called Dianium the coachman that had the guiding and driving of the steeds as he turned the chariot on the right hand up to the cliffe Virbius for to passe up to the hill Esquiliae suddainely staired for feare and reined in his horses and shewed unto his ladie and mistresse Servius lying there murdered And hereof followed as the report goeth a beastly part and beyond all sence of humanitie which the very place doth witnesse still at this day called thereupon Sceleratus Vicus i. the wicked street Wherein the raging and frantike woman Tullia harried with the suries and haunted with the ghosts of her sister and husband caused men say her chariot to be driven over her fathers dead corps and being her selfe bespreint and beraied with the bloudie chariot carried home with her some part of it in token and witnesse that her hand was in this parricide and murder of her owne father to the end that shee might provoke her owne domesticall gods and her husbands to wrath and displeasure and so consequently as they entred their raigne with mischeefe and wickednesse they might soone after be turned out therof with shame and infamie Servius Tullius raigned foure and fortie yeares in such wife carrying himselfe as it were hard even for a good and staied prince that should succeed him to follow his steps This made moreover for his glorie and fame that together with him died all right and lawfull government of Romane kings And even that regiment of his so mild so gracious and temperate as it was yet because it rested in the absolute power of one man he was minded as some doe write to have forgone and given over had not this wicked intestine practise from his owne familie come betweene to prevent and cut off his good designes and intent to let his country free After him began to raigne Tarquinius for his insolent acts surnamed Superbus i. the prowd For he would not suffer his wives father unkind sonne in law he to be interred saying eftsoons in jibing manner that Romulus also died and was never buried Moreover the principall heads of his peeres and nobles such as he thought had favoured Servius his proceedings and tooke parr with him those he made away and slew Afterwards fearing upon the guilt of his owne conscience that he had given an ill precedent for others to take vantage against himselfe attaining to the crown so leaudly he retained therfore a guard of armed men about his bodie and in very truth setting only might aside no other right had he to weare the diademe as who raigned neither by peoples election nor Senatours approbation Over and besides all this to the end he might sit safely in his seat
herupon it was faith he that he fared so as he did and railed against him so bitterly the day before in his absence for that he by his long tarrying had put him by his hope and the effect of his dessignes and if all were true that was told him he nothing doubted but early in the morning at break of the day so soone as they were set in counsell together he would come armed and well appointed with a crew of his adherents sworne consederates for reported it is quoth he that a number of swords and other weapons are brought into his lodging which whether it be so or no might soone be knowne And therwith he desired them to take the paines to go with him thither And verily considering the proud nature and hautie spirit of Turnus together with his yesterdaies Oration and the long stay of Tarquinius besides for that the pretended massacre seemed therby to have beene put off and prolonged the matter became very suspcious and pregnant Thus go they with minds verily somewhat enclined and disposed to beleeue all and yet so as they would thinke all the rest but tales and lies unlesse they found the swords aforesaid Being come to the house and Turnus awakened out of sleepe certaine warders were set to keepe him on every side and when they had laid hold upon his servants who for love of their lord and master began to make resistance the swords were brought forth out of all the blind corners of the hostelrie openly to be seene then was it a cleare case and past all peradventures and Turnus was apprehended yrons clapt upon him And immediatly in all hast the Latins Assembled together to counsell in that great tumult and uprore Where upon bringing forth the sword in sight before them all they were so incensed and deadly bent against him that he was not suffered to answere and plead for himselfe but was presently at the source or spring head of the Ferentine water plunged downe a hurdle done aloft upon him greatstones heaped theron and so after a new kind of death stisled drowned Tarquinius then after he had called the Latins againe to the place of counsell much commended them for dulie executing Turnus who practising thus to alter and trouble the state was detected of a manifest intended murder made this speech unto them I might quoth he if I would by vertue of ancient rites alledge and plead that for as much as all the Latines are descended from Alba they are comprised within that consederacie and league whereby in the raigne of Tullus the whole Commonweale and State of Alba together with their inhabitants became incorporate into the Empire of Rome Howbeit in regard rather of the commoditie and weale publicke of all I judge it requisite that the league were renued and that the Latines might enjoy and be pertakers of the prosperitie and happie fortune of the people of Rome rather than evermore to hazard and suffer the destruction and desolation of their citties with the spoiling and wasting of their lands which first in Ancus daies they tasted and after in my fathers time they had abidden and suffered The Latines were hereto soone persuaded And although in that league the preheminence and soveraintie rested in the Romans yet they saw well enough that both the heads and rulers of the Latine Nation stood with the Romane king and were wrought unto his hand to side with him and also Turnus unto them was a sreth precedent and example to teach them what danger might betide euery one that should make a part against him and crosse his intention So the alliance was renewed and proclamation made that according as it was capitulated that all the serviceable men of the Latins should at a day appointed repaire in good number with their armor unto the grove of Ferentina Who when they were there met together from all parts according to the edict of the Romaine king to the end should have no captaine of their owne to lead them no privie watchwoord or regiment by themselves to direct them nor private ensignes distinct from the rest to keepe them together he shuffeled on mingled the bands and companies of Latins and Romaines one with another making one of twaine and two of one and when he had thus doubled the bands he set Centurions over them And albeit he was in peace an unjust prince yet was he in war no bad captaine nay for martiall prowesse he had beene equall to the formerkings had he not failed and degenerated in other things and thereby stained and hurt his glorie even in that behalfe He was the first that warred upon the Volscians which war after his time lasted more than 200 years and wan from them by force Suessa Pometia Where having made portsale of the pillage and raised as much gold and siluer as amounted to 40 talents he conceived in his mind to build so stately a Temple of Iupiter as might beseeme the soveraigne king of gods and men become the noble Empire of Rome and answere the majesty also of the very place where it was to stand And for the rearing and finishing of this Temple he laid that money apart that came of the spoile aforesaid But presently upon this was he surprised with a warre that held longer than he hoped it would For having made one assault in vaine upon Gabij a neighbour citie to Rome and dispairing also of any good successe by beleagering the towne for that he was valiantly repussed from the wals at the last he devised and resolved to get it by wile and deceit a course that Romaines had not usually practised For making as though he had given over and abandoned this warre as being now earnestly bent and busily occupied about laying the foundations of the Temple and folowing other publike works in the citie Sextus his sonne the yongest of three sled for the nones to Gabij complaining of his fathers intollerable rigor and crueltie against him saying That now he had turned his accustomed pride from strangers upon his owne blood and was growne to be weary of so manie children that as he had made good hand and cleane riddance of his nobles and left the Senat desolate so he might bring it to passe in his own house to leaue behind him no issue nor inheritour of the kingdome And for his owne person verily he was escaped from among the pikes and swords of his father and was persuaded fully he might no where be sure in safety but with the capitall enemies of L. Tarquinius For to put them out of doubt and that they might be no longer abused the war continued stil against them which seemed in outward shew given over and laid away and his father would not faile but whensoever he could spie his vantage and sit opportunitie come upon them at unawares But in case there were no place of refuge and protection for poore and humble suppliants amongst
and plainely foretold that it should be the cheese castle of the Empire and the capitall place of the whole world To this effect prophested the wisards as well they of the cittie as those whom they sent for out of Tuscane to know their opinion and iudgement Thus was the kings mind all wholly set upon sumptuous building and spared for no cost So that the pillage taken at Pometia which was laid by for the accomplishment of the whole worke would hard and seant serve for the very foundation And therfore I would rather give credite unto Fabias Pictor to say nothing that he is the more nuncient authour of the twaine that there were but 40 talents and no more than to Piso who writeth that there was 40000 pound weight of silver set by for that use Which summe of masse of mony could never be looked for to arise out of the saccage of one only citie in those daies must needs exceed the charges of the foundation of any of these stately and magnificent buildings in this our age The king being thus wholly minded and bent to the finishing of the temple and sending for Carpenters Masons and other workemen out of all parts of Tuscane emploited not only the citties monie and stocke thereabout but also had the worke and labour of the common people withall Which was no small toile of theirs considering the travell of warfare besides yet were they lesse agreeved and discontented therewith so long as they founded and reared with their owne hands the temples of the immortall gods But afterwards were they emploied and set to other works which as they were lesse in shew so were they more painfull of greater trouble namely the making of scaffolds of standing places in the Cirque of Theatre and to the conueiance of a mightie great sinke or vault under the ground for to receive and carrie away all the silth and corruption of the citie To which two peeces of worke scarcely is the magnificence of our new modern buildings in any respect comparable Having in this wise held the commons in continuall labour because hee thought that a multitude of a people would but overcharge and pester the cittie when they were not emploied some way or other and also minded by erecting Colonies to inlarge the confines of his dominions he therefore sent part of them to inhabite and people Signia and Circeij two strong forts and frontier townes for the defence of the cittie by sea and land Whilest he was busied in these affaires there appeared unto him a strange and fearefull sight namely a serpent gliding downe a pillar of wood which having put the beholders in great fright and caused them to slie into the kings pallace did not so much amase the kings heart with suddaine and momentanie seare for the present as fill his head with perplexed cares what the thing might portend Whereas therefore the manner was to use the Calchars and wise men of Tuscane about publicke prodigious tokens onely he being much troubled in spirit and terrified at this fearfull sight being domesticall and as it were touching and concerning his own person purposed to send out as far as Delphi to the most famous and renowned Oracle in the world And for that the durst not put any other in trust with the answered that should be delivered by the fatall lots he addressed two of his sonnes to take a voiage through vnknown lands in those daies and more unknowen seas into Greece Titus and Aruns were they that went this journie having to beare them companie all the way L. Iunius Brutus This Brutus was the sonne of Tarquinia the kings sister a yoong gentleman of a farre other nature and disposition than he seemed in outward shew and semblance He hauing heard say that certain principall citizens and his own brother among had been by this his uncle put to death to the intent that himselfe might have nothing left eyther in the parts of his mind for the king to feare or in his outward state for him to couet and desire resolved under the cloake of base contempt to save himselfe since that in right or justice he might repose small or no safegard at all And therfore composing and framing himselfe of purpose to counterfeit a noddie and a verie innocent as suffering himselfe and all that he had to fall into the kings hands as an eschear he refused not to be misnamed Brutus a name appropriate to unreasonable creatures that under the shadow and colour of that surname that courage of his lying close hid which should one day set free the citie of Rome might abide the full time and appeare in due season This Brutus beeing by the Tarquines brought to Delphi as their laughing stock to make them pastime by the way rather than a meet mate to accompany them caried with him as men say for to offer and present unto Apollo a golden rod within a staffe of cornell wood made hollow for the purpose the very type and resemblance by secret circumstances of his naturall disposition Thither beeing arrived the yong men having done their fathers commission accordingly were very desirous and earnest to inquire and learne of the Oracle which of them should be king of Rome And from the bottome of the deepe vault this answere as men say was deliuered in their hearing WHICH OF YOU O YONG MEN SHAL FIRST KISSE YOUR MOTHER HE SHAL BEAR CHIEFE AND SOVERAIGNE RVLE IN ROME The Tarquines then intending that Sextus their brother who was left behind at Rome might neither know the answer nor yet obtaine the kingdome willed the matter should by all possible means be carried so secret as might be concealed from him They themselues agreed upon this together to draw lots whether of them twaine when they were returned to Rome should first kisse his mother But Brutos supposing the speech of Apollo his priest tended to another sence made as though he stumbled forward and took a fall and so touched the ground with his mouth and kissed the earth thinking this with himselfe that she was common mother of all mortall men Then returned they to Rome Where they found great preparations for warre against the Rutilians The Rutilians then were lords of Ardea A people on those parts and for those times very rich and wealthie and that was it that gave the very occasion and was the first motive of warre The Romane king was desirious both to enrich himselfe as having about the sumptuous building of publicke works emptied his coffers and also by some spoile to mollifie win againe the hearts of his naturall all subjects being much discontented besides their generall mislike of his pride otherwise at this maner of government and disdaining greatly that they were by the king made labourers to serue carpenters and masons and held so long to servile toile and painefull labour The Romanes assaied at the beginning to surprise and win Ardea by assault but
from captivitie their naturall father who set it free the Consulship sprung first out of the familie of the Iunij the nobles the commons and in one word all things whatsoever in Rome belonging either to God or man Then came the consuls forth tooke their places and set them downe on the tribunall seat The Lictours were sent to doe their office who first stripped them naked and scourged them with rods and then with an axe chopt off their heads All which time the father himselfe his countenance and visage was a wonderfull spectacle to behold considering how a fathers affection could hold out and abide the performance of this publike exemplarie punishment When the offenders had once suffered to the end there might be shewed noble examples on both sides for to debarre wickednes and stop the course of sinne the informer and reveiler of treason had for his reward a peece of monie out of the common treasurie obtained his freedome and was enfranchised a citizen of Rome This was the first man as they say that was made free by the rod Vindicta for that the partie his name was Vindicius from whence as some thinke the word Vindicta was derived after whom this was observed That whosoever in that sort gat their freedome were supposed withall endenized When tidings here of came to Tarquinius with the manner of proceeding in euerie circumstance he not onely grieued that so great hope of his was frustrate and come to nothing but also was set on fire with hatred and indignation and seeing the way shut up and stopped against all deceitfull courses he thought there was no dealing now but by fine force and open warre Where upon he went vp and downe sollicited and made humble suit unto the cities of Etruria and besought the Veientians especially and the Tarquiniens that they would not suffer him being come of their own blood a banished man forlorne poore needie dispossessed so latelie of so goodly a realme and kingdome together with his children forward yoong men to perish even before their eies Alledging that others had been sent for and set out of forrain parts unto Rome for to be kings and he their leige king and such an one as advanced still the Romane empire by martiall prowesse was by the wicked conspiracie of his neerest kinsfolke and friends deposed from his imperiall dignitie and expelled and they now because there was no one man thought sufficient and worthie to raigne had parted betweene them the kingdome and given among the people his goods as a spoile that there might not be any one who had not his finger and whole hand in so foule a fact Saying moreover that his mind and intention was to seeke meanes to returne into his owne countrie to recover his crowne yea and to persecute and to be reuenged of those unthankfull subjects and therefore praied them to set to their helping hand and yeeld him assistance and not to sit downe with so many old wrongs of their owne part received namely their legions so often hewen in peeces their lands and livings taken from them but to go with him for revenge These suggestions mooved the Veientians and everie man for himselfe muttered and gave out in threatening wise that now at length having a Romane captaine especially to be their leader they were to doe away the soule dishonours sustained and win againe what by former warre they had lost As for the Tarquiniens they were soon incited in regard of name and consanguinitie and thought it was a godly matter and an honour unto them to haue of their owne name and house to be kings of Rome Thus two armies of two cities banded with Tarquine for to restore him to his kingdome againe and to make sharp warre upon the Romanes who being entered the territorie of Rome were met with by the Romane consuls The fooftmen marched under the conduct of Valerius marshalled in a battallion soure square Brutus with the horse went before to espie and discouer the coasts In like sort the men of armes of the enemies rode foremost under the leading of Aruns Tarquinus the kings sonne and the king himselfe in person followed with the legions Aruns espying by the Lictors the Consull a farre of and as he approached neerer knowing Brutus more certainly by his face all inflamed with yre This is the gallant quoth he this is he that hath driven and banished us out of our native countrie Lo how bravelie he setteth forward all gorgeously to be seene and dight in our roiall ensignes and ornaments Now helpe ye gods that are revengers of wrongs done to kings and there withall set spurs to his horse and ran amaine with full carriere upon the Consul his own person intending certainly to speed him Brutus perceived likewise that he made directly toward him Now was it a noble and worthie sight for the captaines themselves to begin the battell Whereupon with resolute courage he encountereth him And so fiercely they charged one another and so deadly were they bent that neither of them had regard to save himselfe so hee might wound and mischeefe his enemie but were both with a counterpush that quite pierced their targets run into the sides and thrust through and so having one anothers launce sticking in their bodies fell from their horses readie to die Herewith began on both sides the other horsemen to fight and within a while the footmen also seconded them And so equally were they mached and the barrell so indifferently fought that it was verie doubtful whether side had the better For on both parts the right wings got the upper hand and downe went the left The Veientians unto whom it was no newes to be overcome of Romanes were discomfited and put to flight But their new enemies the Tarquiniens not onely held their owne and stood to it but also from their battel put backe forced the Romans to give ground and gave them the repulse After this conflict there fell such a fear and terror upon Tarquinius and the Tuscanes that both armies as well of the Veientians as the Tarquiniens gave over their enterprise with doing just nothing and by night dislodged and departed every man to his owne home This battell was more notable by reason of certaine miracles that men report namely that in the dead time of the night next following when all were at rest there was heard a mightie voice of Sylvanus as men thought out of the wood Arsia to utter these words THAT THERE VVAS SLAINE ON THE TVSCANES PART MORE BY ONE AND THAT THE ROMANES VVAN THE FIELD Thus verely and no otherwise departed they asunder the Romanes as winners and the Tuskans as having the worse For the next morrow so soone as it was day and that none of the enemies appeared in sight P. Valerius the Consull gathered up the spoile together and returned from thence with triumph to Rome and performed the funerals of his brother Consull in all sumptuous
The Volscians fearing no revenge for their deseignement that was intended onely and never came in action were much troubled with this suddaine and unlooked for occurrent Not minding therefore to make resistance and forgetfull of warlicke prowesse they delivered 300 of their noble mens children out of Cora and Pometia for hostages Whereupon the Romane Legions from thence without any fight were withdrawne But not long after the Volscians being somewhat cased delivered of their feare came again to their old biace and returned to their wonted nature and secretly under hand made preparation anew for warre joyning with them as confederates in this quarrell the Hernikes They send also their embassadours all about to moove and sollicite Latium But the Latines for their late overthrow at the lake Regillus tooke such a spleen and hatred against him whosoever that should once put into their heads and persuade them to take armes that they could nor forbeare the verie embassadours but offer them abuse They apprehended therfore the Volscians conveyed them to Rome delivered them to the Consuls where they revealed and gave intelligence that the Volscians the Hernikes were out in armes readie to warre upon the Romanes Which being reported unto the Senators they were so well pleased and contented therwith that they set at libertie 6000 Latines prisoners and sent them hence And concerning a league to be concluded with them which was like before to have beene denied for ever they referred the consultation thereof unto the new magistrates that should next enter And in good sooth blith and glad were the Latines then for that they had done and the authors of peace were magnified and had in great reputation They send moreover a crowne of gold into the Capitoll for a present to lupiter With these embassadours and the present those prisoners which before were set free came in greater number Who repaired straight waies to everie man his house where they had beene prisoners yeelding them great thanks for their kind usage and friendlie intertainement in time of their calamities and miseries and promised therewith the like courtesie and mutuall hospitalitie Never were the Latines at anie time afore both publikelie and privatelie united more neerlie to the Romane empire But as the Volscian warre was now at hand so the cittie was at discord among themselves The Senators and commons hated one another at the heart and all this arose by occasion especiallie of certaine persons that were indebted and in danger of their creditours who murtered and gave out in murmuring wise how that abroad they adventured themselves and fought for the libertie and dominion of the citie and at home by their owne neighbours they were held prisoners and oppressed saying that the freedome of the commons was more safe in time of warre than of peace among the enemies rather than their owne fellow citizens This inward grudge and heartburning which of it selfe still kindled more and more the notable calamitie of one man above all others set on a light fire A certaine aged person chaunced to breake prison and with the armes badges and ornaments of all his ancestors ran into the market place His apparell was all to rattered foule and loathsome but the habite or plight of his bodie much more filthie so pale so wan so leane withall as if he had beene over-pined and starved his long side beard and haire of his head so overgrowne that they made his visage and countenance wild and gastlie Howbeit for all he was thus disfigured by this deformitie he was a man well knowne and as some said he had done good service in the ward had beene a chiefe Centurian and had the charge and leading of bands in the field and the common people as pittying his estate and to moove compassion recounted many worthie exploits of his to his great credit and singular commendation Himselfe likewise shewed the fears of wounds which in his breast forepart of his bodie in divers places he had received that might testifie his valiant service The people flocking about him as it were in a common assemblie to heare a solemne Oration enquired of him how he came to be in that taking so poore so disfigured and deformed He answered that whiles he served in the Sabine war he by reason of he continual forraying wasting of the territorie not onely lost the revenewes and increase of his lands but also his Maner-house was burnt all his goods ransacked spoiled his cattell driven away and when a levie and tribute was exacted in a time when he ill might he was driven to take up monie run in debt which growing more more by paiment of interest first he was constrained to sel his land that his father and grandfather had left him and to turn himselfe out of all by making a cleane hand of the rest of his goods until at length his bodie also began to winder away in a consumption Complaining moreover how by his creditor he was not onely brought into bondage and thraldome but also imprisoned and whipped and tormented in most cruell and butcherlike manner With that he shewed before them all his backe lately scourged with the fresh wales of the lashes newly given him At the sight and hearing hereof there arose a great outcrie of the people so that anon the uprore kept not within the compasse of the market place by spread over all the cittie in such sort that as well they that were bound as they that were loose came forth from all parts into the open streets calling the Quirites and the people pittifully to helpe In no corner wanted any companions to take part willingly in this seditious rout and every where in all the streets they run by companies into the common place Those Senatours who chanced to be abroad at their no small perill light upon this multitude and had not the Consuls P. Servilius and App. Claudius made the better speed and come upon them to appease the commotion there would have ben some knocks for hardly could they have held their hands At whose comming the multitude turned unto them shewing their yrons and all their other shamefull misuage miserie saying This is all the good we have gotten for our warfare upbraiding every man the services they had performed some in one place some in another requiring them in threatening wise rather than by way of supplication to call the Senate together and they the while stood about the Curia as if they would be judges and moderators of their publicke counsell Very few of the Senatours such onely as by chance came that way could be brought to repaire to the Consuls as for the rest they were afraid not onely to come into the Counsell house but also to venture abroad into the market place so that by reason of their smal assemblie there could be nothing done nor determined Then thought the people indeed they were mocked and dallied withall and driven off with delaies
After him followed the Consull Sarviluis with a chosen regiment of footmen Most of the enemies as they raughed abroad a sorraging in scattering wise were by the horsemen surprised and inclosed And when the insanterie besides matched against the Sabines legion they were not able to resist for being tired out partly with their long iourney and partly with boothaling all night long and many of them having overcharged themselves with meat and wine within the villages had hardly strength ynough to run away Thus the Sabine warre in one night was heard of and ended The day following when as now the Romanes were in good hope that they had peace on everie side behold the Auruncane Embassadors came into the Senate proclaimingwarre unlesse they would forgoe the Volscian lands and restore them to their rightfull owners And even at one time with the Embassadours was the armie also of the Auruncans abroad and had taken the field The newes whereof and namely that they were now in sight not farre from Aricia raised up to the Romans in so great a broile and hurliburlie that the Senators could neither be consulted with and deliver their opinions in order not yet give a peaceable answer to those that came as it were with weapon in hand being thus forced to take armes themselves So to Aricia directly in warlike manner they march and not far from thence they joined barrell with the Auruncans And in one day that war had also an end Thus when the Romane shouldiours had gotten victorie within so few daies in so many places and had now defeated the Auruncants they looked for the promise of the Consul and the faithfull performance of it by the Senate At what time Appius both upon a proud stomacke and arrogant spirit of his owne by nature and also to discredit and disanull the word of his fellow Consul in all actions of debt proceeded and gave judgement with rigour against the debtors Whereupon both they that had been before imprisoned were delivered againe into their creditors hands and other also became prisoners anew Where at when as a souldiour whose case it was thus hardly to be dealt withall called upon the Consull his fellow for helpe they ran all at once to Servilius at his hands they claimed a promise everie one upbraided and reproched him with their service in warte with the scars there gotten requiring that the would propose the matter againe unto the Senate and as a Consul succour and protect his citizens or like a Generall maintaine his souldiours These matters no doubt moved the Consull but so stood the cafe that he could neither will not chuse but hast deale double and temporise with them so fully bent and wholly wedded to the other part was not onely his colleague but also the whole faction of the Nobilitie Thus by bearing himselfe as a Neurre and going as they say betweene the barke and the tree he neither avoided the hatred of the Commons nor yet woon favour with the Nobles while the Nobles tooke him for a soft and base minded Consull seeking to please all parties the Commons for as craftie and false a dissembler insomuch as within a short time it appeared he was as much hated of the peoples as Appius For the Consuls happened on a time to strive whether of them twaine should dedicated the temple of Mercurie The Senate put over the deciding of this matter from themselves vnto the people and decreed withall that to whether of them the dedication of the temple was by the peoples election graunted he should over and besides sides have the charge to purvey come and victualles he should erect and institute a Colledge or fellowship of marchants and he in steede of the high Priest should undertake the solemne feasts or festival daies Then the people gaue the dedication of the temple to M. Lectorius a principall Centurion of the vantgard which as it easily appeared was done not so much to grace the man as who had an higher office bestowed upon him than was sit for one of this degree and calling as to disgrace and deface the Consuls Hereat one of the Consuls yea and the Patricis stormed and fared exceedinglie against the Commons But the Commons tooke heart vnto them more and more and began to proceede farre otherwise and to take another course than they purposed at the beginning for dispairing of the Consuls and Senats helpe when they saw a debtor sued and brought to the barre they would run flocking from all parts together so that the Consuls sentence and decree could not be heard for the noyse and clamour And decree or judge what he would no man would obey And so violenlie they went to worke that in presence of the Consull the creditours were singled out evill intreated and misused of the Commons being many togither So the whole feare and hazard of the maine chaunce even of libertie it selfe was now altogether translated from the dentors tothe creditours In the very necke of these troubles there arose feare of the Sabine warre and when it was determined there should be a muster of souldiours no man would answere to his name and be enrolled All this while Appius taged and tooke on inveying bitterly against the nicerie and popularitite of his brother Consul who with his keeping silence for displeasing the people by his soft cariage of himselfe had betrayed the weale punlike and over and besides that he had not ministred justice for the loane of mony nor dealt according to law in that behalfe he had brought the matter so to passe that he could take no musters by vertue of the decree of the Senate How beit faith he the common wealth is not wholy sorsaken and forlone not yet the Consular authoritie vtterly cast downe and troden vnder foot for the would himselfe alone if there were no more but he defend and maintaine both his owne place and the Senatours dignitie When as the multitude therefore stood thus malapertlie as their dailie maner was about the bar he commanded one principal captaine of fedition to be attached and had away and as he was haled to prison by the sergeants and lictors he appealed Neither would the Consul have given place to the appeale for all he knew the people how they were bent and what their doome would be had not this obstinate stiffnesse with much ado beene overswaied more throught the discreet advise and authoritie of the cheefe Nobles and Lordes of the Senate than by the clamorous noyse and menaces of the multitude so resolute was he and his heart so couragious to undergo their ill will and heavie displeasure Thus grew the mischiefe more and more dailie testified not with open mouth and broad speeches onely but also which was more pernicious and dangerous by conventicles secret meetings and conferences At length these Coss. so odious vnto the commons went out of their office to wit Appius a man wonderous well affected of the Nobles Servilius liked neither
banisht The men of Rome envied not those women their due deserved praises So devoid was the world in those daies of depraving and detracting the glorie of others For in memoriall hereof to all posteritie there was a temple built and dedicated to Fortuna Muliebris i. Womens fortune After all this the Volscians joined the Aequians unto them and returned into the territorie of Rome But the Aequians would no longer abide Accius to bee their Commander And upon this strife between the Volscians and Aequians whither of them should appoint a Generall over the armie raised jointly of them both first they grew to a mutinie and afterwards to a cruell battell Such was the good fortune of the people of Rome that two armies of their enemies were thus by civile discord and contention no lesse mortall than obstinate overthrowne and brought to naught Consuls then were T. Sicinius and C. Aquilius To Sicinius were allotted the Volscians and to Aquilius the Hernikes who also were out and up in armes for their severall province That yeare were the Hernikes vanquished but with the Volscians they fought so as they departed on even hand giving and taking the like After them were Sp. Cassius and Proculus Virginius made Consuls Then was there a league concluded with the Hernikes and two third parts of their lands were taken from them Whereof the one moitie Cassius the Consul was minded to distribute among the Latins the other among the Commoners To this donation hee laid too also a good portion of ground which being commons by right he found much fault that it was in the tenure and possession of private persons This act of his made diverse of the Senatours namely such as were great landed men and interessed therein to starkle for feare of hazarding their estate Over and besides the Senatours all in generall were in great perplexitie least that the Consull by this largesse should rise by popular favor to such greatnes as might prejudice their free hold yea and endanger the very main chance of publick libertie And this was the first time that the law Agraria was published and forward unto this present hower it was never debated of but with exceeding great stirs and troubles of the State The other Consull withstood this largesse with the generall consent of the Senatours and without contradiction of some commoners who at the very first began to mislike and utterly abhorre that the donation was so commune and from the naturall cittizens extended to their allies and confederates Moreover they might oftentimes heare even the Consull himselfe Virginius openly in his solemne Orations before the people to deliver by way of prophesie and as it were to prognosticate That this was a pestilent largesse of his brother Consull and that those grounds would in the end entherall the takers thereof and that it was the very high way to set up a kingdome againe For to what other intent I pray you were their allies and the nation of the Latines associate in the same To what purpose either was a third part of the lands won by conquest given againe to the Hernikes prosessed enemies but a while before but that these nations might have Cassius to be such another captaine of their as Coriolanus was And thus by dissuading and crossing the law Agraria he became now to be popular and gracious with the people Then both Consuls strived a vie who might please gratifie the Commons most Virginius by giving out that he would maintaine and suffer the lands to be divided so they were assigned to none but to the citizens of Rome Cassius againe who in the largesse of the lands seemed to court and currie favor with the allies and thereby was of the citizens lesse regarded and reputed to the end that by some other benefite he might regaine the hearts of his countrimen was of opinion and made a motive that the monie which was received for the Sicilian corne should be repaied unto the people But the Commons refused and abhorred that as a verie bribe readie bait for a scepter and crowne So greatly were all his gifts for the deepe rooted suspition and jelousie of his aspiring to a kingdome loathed in the conceits of men as if they had flowed in wealth and been rich ynough And for certaine it is recorded that so soone as he left his Office he was condemned and put to death Some report that his owne father did the execution and that upon examination privately had at home within his house he finding him faultie whipped him first and so killed him and consecrated the goods and chattels of his son as a Deodand to Ceres whereof a Statue or Image was made with this inscription or title GIVEN OVT OF THE HOVSE OF CASSIVS I find in some records which soundeth neerer to the truth that he was by the Questors Caeso Fabius and L. Valerius endited of treason and being convicted was by a verdite of the people condemned and his house by order from the whole cittie rased and pulled downe And at this day it is the void yard that lieth before the temple of Tellus But howsoever he had his triall and judgement privately or openly condemned he was when Ser. Cornelius and Q. Falbius were Consuls Long continued not the peoples anger and spight against Cassius So sweet was the law Agraria in it selfe that when the author and upholder therof was out of the world they longed to have it on foot againe Which desire of theirs was the rather set on fire through the pinching niggardise of the Senatours who having that yeare subdued the Volscians and Aequians kept the souldiours fasting and defrauded them of the spoile For what prises soever were gotten from the enemies the Consull Fabius sold and brought into the Exchequer or chamber of the cittie Now was the name of Fabius alreadie odious to the Communaltie for the last Consuls sake yet obtained the Senatours so much and held their owne so as Caeso Fabius was created Consull with L. Aemilius This made the Commons more malicious and bent to mischeefe And sedition at home caused warre abroad Forraine warre husht civile discord for a while Both Senatours and Commons with one accord under the conduct of Aenilius fought fortunately with the rebellious Volscians and Aequians and diffeated them Howbeit more enemies perished in the chase than were slaine in the battell so hotly the horsemen pursued them when they were once discomfited and gave not over The same yeare was the temple of Castor consecrated in the Ides of Quintilis It had been vowed aforetime in the Latines warre by Posthumius the Dictator His sonne was created Duumvir for that purpose and dedicated it This yeare also the Commons hearts were set upon the law Agraria and longed afresh after the sweetnes therof The Tribunes of the Comminaltie graced and credited their popular authoritie with propounding a law as popular and acceptable to the people But the
according as they had any hope to find issue to escape and had made sundrie offers attempts in vain behold one troupe oftal fellowes in a plumpe made no more ado but knowing the Consul who by reason of brave goodly armor was a faire mark charged upon his own person The first voley of their shot was receiued by those that stood about him but their violence afterwards could not be endured The Consull himselfe was wounded to death and fell down in the place al the rest were discomfited Whereupon the Tuskanes tooke more hart unto them but the Romanes were so maskared that they ran all about the campe in great feare And in extreame jeopardie had they been but that the Lieâ—enants caught up the Consull his bodie and made passage at one gate for the enemie Through which they rushed forth and dismarched disorderly untill they light vpon the other Consull presently after his victorie where they either fell againe upon the edge of the sword or were scattered and put to flight This brave victorie thus atchieved was heavie yet and sorrowfull for the death of two sonoble personages And therefore when the Senate had decreed a triumph the Consull returned this answere That willingly he could allow thereof in regard of the passing good seruice performed in that warre in case an armie might triumph without a Generall But as for himselfe seeing that his house grieued and mourned for the death of his brother Q. Fabius and that the commonwealth was halfe fatherlesse as it were for the losse of a Consull he would not accept the lawrell so deformed and foully blemished both with publike and private sorrow This triumph thus by him refused was more honourable than all the triumph in the world By which wee may see that glorie despised in due time returneth otherwhiles in greater measure Then solemnized he with great honour the obsequies one after another first of his fellow Consull and then of his owne brother And he himselfe made the funerall orations for them both But so as in yeelding unto them their due commendations he went himselfe away with the greater part And not unmindfull of that rule which he had learned in the beginning of the Consulship namely to win again the harts love of the Commons he diuided the cure of his hurt and wounded souldiours among the Senators With most of them the Fabij were charged and of none were they better tended and looked unto than of them Wherupon the Fabij now waxed popular and that for no other pollicie and intent but onely to do the common-wealth good and therefore with the favour and good will of the commons as well as of the Nobles Caeso Fabius was created Consull with T. Virginius Whose principall care above all was this even before war before musters before all things els that seeing now in some measure there was good hope of concord begun alreadie the hearts of the Commons might be perfectly linked and united togither with the Nobles and that with all speed possible In the beginning therefore of this yeare before that any Tribune of the Commons should prefer the law Agraria he thought good and gave his advise that the Nobles should prevent all go in hand first themselves to perform their part and shew their bountie namely in parting the lands gotten by conquest and freely bestowing the same as equally as might be among the Commons For it was meet requisite that they should be possessed therof whose swet of brows nay whose bloud had paied for the purchase But the Senators could not heare of that care but misliked of the motion yea and some of them complained said that the lively spirit corageous disposition of Caeso which sometimes he had was now by reason of excessive glorie growen to be toyish full of vanities And there an end of civile factions for a time But the Latines were much troubled with the reises and rodes of the Acquians Thither was Caeso with an armie sent who invaded and overran the verie countrey of the Aequians â—orraying and spoyling as he went The Aequians thereupon retired and put themselves into their townes and kept close within the walles whereby there was no memorable field fought But at their enemies the Veientians hand they received an overthrow and that through the rashnesse of the other Consull and had not Caeso Fabius come to the rescue in good time the whole armie had beene utterly lost From that time there was neither war nor peace with the Veientians but their dealing was much what after the manner of robbing For when the Romane legions were abroad they would leave the field take to their cities when they perceived the legions were remooved and gone they would make excursions and waste the countrey Thus plaied they mockholiday and dalied with them shifting off war with quietnesse and quietnes againe with war by turnes So as the Romane could neither all wholly rest carelesse and secure for them nor yet go through stitch and make an end once for all with them Besides other wars were either presently at hand to with from the Aequians and the Volscians who could no longer sit still than untill their fresh griefe and paine of the last defeature was ouerpast or else the Sabines never other but enemies yea and all Hetruria were like shortly to rise and take armes But the Veientian a continuall enemie rather than dangerous provoked them to anger with reprochfull taunts oftener than with any great perill or hurt And yet as little as it was it might no time be neglected nor gave them leave to be employed in the meanewhile otherwhere Then came the whole house and kinred of the Fabij unto the Senat and in the name of them all spake the Consul in this wife My Lords of the Senate the Veientian warre had neede rather of a resident garrison as ye know well inough to keepe the fronties than great forces for expedition As for you see ye to other warres Let the Fabij alone to deale as private enemies with the Veientians We dare undertake and warrant that the State of Rome shall receive no dishonour nor danger there We are fully minded and resolved at our owne proper cost and charges to maintaine and mannage that war as appropriate and peculiar to our name and familie the citie shal be charged neither with men nor money there Great thanks were giuen them for this their forwardnesse The Consul being come out of the Senat house was attended home with the whole generation of the Fabij who stood at the porch of the Counsell Court expecting the Senates decree And being commanded to be readie in armour well appointed the next day and to give attendance at the Consuls doore they departed from thence home to their owne houses The bruit hereof spread all over the cittie All men extoll the Fabij up to the skie saying That one familie had taken upon them the whole
round about laid desolate and the citie therewith sore terrified Then the Commons stomackes came downe and gently they tooke weapon in hand and say what the Tribunes would against it two great armies were enrolled Nautius had the leading of the one against the Sabines and being encamped at Eretum with small rodes and incursions and those for the most part by night made such foule worke and wast in the Sabines countrey that in comparison thereof the lands about Rome seemed as if they had not beene once touched Minutius in his exploits had neither like good successe nor yet egall courage and valour of heart For having pitched his tents not far from the enemie and received no great foile and losse at his hands to speake of yet hee kept himselfe for feare within the campe Which when the enemies perceived they grew more bold as commonly the cowardise of one increaseth the courage of another and assailed the campe in the night season but seeing that plain force smally prevailed the morrow after they raised mounts and cast trenches round about But before they had with their countermures and rampires stopped up all passages five horsemen being sent even amongst the guards of the enemies brought newes to Rome that the Consull with his armie was besieged Nothing could there have happened so little thought of and unlooked for whereupon there was such feare trembling and quaking as if the enemies had besieged not the campe but the very citie Nautius the Consull they send for and because they thought him like to do but small good they agreed therfore to create a Dictator who might restore again the distressed state of the C. W. And L. Quintius Cincinnatus by consent of all men was nominated Now a world and wonder it is to hear them speak that in regard of riches despise all things else and suppose there can be no great honor and vertue but where wealth and riches doe flow in excesse This L. Quintius the only hope of the Romans the man who was to set upright their Empire now distressed occupied then a peece of ground to the quantitie of some foure acres called at this day Quintia prata i. Quintius his meddowes on the other side of Tyber overagainst that very place where now the Arsenall and Shipdockes are and there was hee found digging a ditch and bearing hard on his spade or els a plowing the ground I wore not whether but busie and earnest about some rusticall worke no doubt he was and after salutations passed on both sides betweene him and the Embassadors that were sent he was requested by them that he would put on his best gown and that which might turne to the good of himselfe and the Commonweale heare a message from the Senat. First he marvelled what the matter should be and estsoones asking of them if all were well he willeth his wife Racilia to bring him forth his Senators robe straitway out of his sorie cottage which he put on his back but first he brushed off the dust and wiped away his sweat made himselfe somewhat mannerly then came forth unto them who in joyous manner by way of congratulation stiled him by the name of Dictator calling hard upon him to repaire unto the cittie and declaring in how doubtfull tearmes the armie stood Then was there a barge provided readie for Quintius at the citties cost and being ferried over the river his three sonnes met him and received him first then other of his kinsfolke and friends and after them the more part of the Senatours Thus attended with this frequent companie and with the Sergeants going before was he brought to his house Great concourse there was also of the Commons but nothing so joyous were they to see Quintius supposing that government of his overgreat and absolute and himselfe a man in time of his rule too imperious And for that night verilie nothing was done but a good standing watch kept in the cittie The morrow after the Dictatour being come into the common place of assemblie before day-light appointed Generall of the horse L. Tarquitius of Noble bloud descended a man who for meere povertie had ever served on foot but of all the flower of Rome was reputed and taken to bee a brave servitour and an excellent souldiour Then Quintius with his Generall of horsemen mounteth up into the pulpit aloft proclaimeth a publicke vacation or Lawsteed commaundeth all shop windowes through the cittie to bee shut and chargeth that no man should follow any private businesse of his owne Then as manie as were of age to fight were willed to shew themselves in their armour before the sunne set in Mars field everie one with victuals dressed for five daies and with twelve forked stakes a peece for to pitch in the rampart And that whosoever were above that age and were unweldie and not meet for service should dresse and provide victuals for the next souldiour unto him whiles hee himselfe made readie his armour and fought for stakes aforesaid Thus ran the young and able men to and fro to furnish themselves with stakes and tooke wheresoever they could find and whatsoever was next hand no man was forbidden and so they were all readie with heart and good will according to the Dictator his proclamation Then went the Dictator forth with the legions of footmen the Maister of the horse likewise with his men of armes in such good order array as might not onely serve for a speedie march to rid ground but also for a set battell if occasion served In both regiments they spared not to encourage and exhort their souldiours according as the present time required willing them to set foot forward to mend their pace make speed that by night time they might reach to their enemies and not say they before there was great need for that the Romane Consull and armie were besieged and had now three daies alreadie been pent up fast inclosed and what might happen in one day or one night no man knew for oftentimes in the twinckling of an eie in the very turning of an hand there fall out accidents of right great moment and importance On afore apace Ensigne crieth one follow souldior saith another Thus went they also lustily forward and all to gratifie and pleasure their captains So that by midnight they were come into Algidum and so soone as they perceived their enemies to be neere at hand they pitched downe their ensignes Then the Dictator rode about as farre forth as he could see in the darke and having viewed well the situation coasting and fashion of the campe commanded the Marshals and Colonels to give direction That all the carriage and baggage should bee laid up together in one place and that the souldiours with their armour and stakes only should come againe into their rancks What he commanded was soone done Then in the same order that he marched he draweth out his host in length compasseth the campe of his
good service of the others least if they had gotten it graunted there might have seemed more regard had of the persons than of the deserts But this noble and honourable victorie over the enemies abroad thus atchieved was obscured and foulie distained with a shamefull dome of the people in a controversie of their allies about the bounds and meeres of certaine lands The inhabitants of Aricia and Ardea having warred oftentimes one with the other about some lands in question betweene them and by giving and taking sundrie foiles and overthrows outwearied chose the people of Rome their Vinpire to decide and determine this quarell And when they were come with their counsell to plead the case the Magistrates graunted a court of Assises of the people Where was much arguing and dispute on both sides before them and after the witnesses were deposed and that at length the Tribes should be called to the scrutinie and the people give their voices there steps forth an old father one P. Scaptius a Commoner And I quoth he for my part O Consuls if it be lawfull to speake for the good of the State wil not suffer the people to erre and be deceived in this question When as the Consuls denied him audience as being an old foole and of no credite and commanded bim as he cried still that the publicke cause of the cittie was betraied to behad away he calleth for the assistance of the Tribunes The Tribunes then who lightly are ever over-ruled by the multitude rather than able to rule them yeelded unto the Commons That for as much as they were desirous to heare what the old man could say Scaptius should speak his mind at large Then setteth he the tale on end and beginneth thus I am quoth he fourescore winters old and three on the head of it and even upon that very ground for which all this strife and variance is I served as a souldior when I was no young man neither but one that had been prest to warres and received pay twentie yeares afore And it was I remember well during the siege before Corioli Hither am I now come to give evidence of a thing by long continuance of time worne out cleane and forgotten of other men but fresh in my knowledge and remembrance to wit that the lands thus litigious and in controversie had been sometime within the confines of the Coriolanes and after the winning of Corioli were seised by right of conquest to the Commons of the people of Rome I marvell much therefore by what custome and prescription the Ardeates and Aricines who never had right and interest and were not postlesled of the land so long as Corioli stood in prosperitie should hope to defeat the people of Rome thereof whom being the LL. in fee of the ground they had chosen for their Arbitrator As for mee I have but a small while to live and one foot alreadie is in grave and yet I cannot find in my heart but to that land which whilome I being a young and lustie souldior did my best to fight for and conquered with sword in hand make claime now that I am aged by word of mouth the onelie meanes left mee to recover it I advise the people therefore in good sadnesse that in a vaine respect of bootlesse modestie they condemne not their owne cause nor give away their right The Consuls marking well what audience was given to Scaptius and that he was heard not onely with silence but also with good liking and contentment cried out upon this abominable practise calling both heaven and earth to witnesse and therwith sent for the Lordes of the counsell and joyning with them went to the Tribunes fell in hand with them and instantly besought them not to go forward with this most leud action for the present a more shameful precedent for the time to come namely that Vmpiers and daies-men should convert the thing in suit unto their own and proper vantage especially considering that Admit it were a lawful thing for a judge himselfe to have an eie and regard to his own commoditie yet would there not be so much gained and gotten by comming thus betweene and interverting the land as there would be dammage and hinderance another way in alienating by those hard courses the hearts of their good friends and Allies For the losses verely and cracks of name and credit are such as may not be valued at any price And should the embassadours indeed say they go their waies home with this goodly catch and make report abroad how they have sped should our confederats heare this should our enemies come by the knowledge thereof with what griefe the one with what joy the other Thinke ye that our neighbour nations will impute attribute and ascribe this unto the speech made by Scaptius a prating old busie body one that loveth to heare himselfe speake in assemblies Nay this is certaine well may Scaptius be famous and much talked of in the playing of this pageant but the people of Rome shall incurre the obloquie to have acted the part under the visour of Scaptius of a cunning promoter and a false interceptour to himselfe of other mens right in suite For what judge at any time in a private matter hath done the like as to award the thing in question unto himselfe Why even Scaptius past all shame and grace as he is would never have done it These and such like words spake both Consuls and Senatours alowd in all their hearing But the covetousnesse of men and Scaptius that first set them a longing and their teeth a watering prevailed more than they all The Tribes were called to the Scrutinie of their voices gave judgment That the lands pertained to the common Territorie of the people of Rome Neither can it be denied but it would have so appeared indeed in case it had been tried before other judges But now for all the goodnesse of the cause is not the ignominie of the arbitrement one jote the lesse Nay the Aricines and Ardeates themselves thought not more shamefully and hardly of it than the very Senatours and Peeres of Rome The rest of the yeare continued quiet from all troubles as well domesticall as forraine THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the fourth Booke THe law concerning marriage betweene the Nobles and the Commons was proposed and with much ado enacted by the Tribunss of the Communaltie not withstanding the Nobles withstood it Tribunes militarie with full authoritie of Cousuls were created Vnder this kind of Magistracie was the State ruled for certaine yeares both in cittie and in warre The lands of the Ardeates which had been awarded from them by an arbitvement of the people of Rome were restored againe unto them and Coloners sent to inhabite the same In the time of a great dearth and famine at Rome one Sp. Melius a Romane
cittie A Generall was said to enter Ovant into the citie when ordinarily without his armie following him he went on foot or rode on horsebacke only and the people in their Acclamations for joy redoubled Ohe or Oho So that Ovatio is as much as Ohatio Howsoever some thinke that Ovatio took the name of sacrificing a sheepe But he rode in triumph when his souldiors attended him in his chariot crying to Triumphe In this he caried a branch or ware a garland of lawrell in the other of Myrtle So that the Ovation was a lesse honour than the Triumph And it was granted to inferior persons for meaner desert Whereas none usually might triumph unlesse he were Dictator Cos. or Pretor had slain in field 5000 enemies at the least won much spoile and pillage augmented the State of the Roman Empire Like as the war was dispatched with lesse ado than they feared so in the citie after a calme peaceable state there arose between the Com. and Nobles a world of discords troubles more than they expected Which began upon occasion of doubling the number of Questors For when the Consuls had propounded that besides two Questors or Treasurers of the cittie there should bee other twaine readie to attend upon the Consuls for all services and charges belonging to warre and when the Nobles also with all their power had approoved it the Tribunes of the Commons entred into a contention with the Consuls and required that some of the Questors for untill that time they had been created from out of the degree of the Patritij onely might be like wise of the Commons Against which demand at the first both Consuls and also the Nobles laboured with might and maine But afterwards having graunted thus much That as the use and practise was in creating of Tribunes with Consuls authoritie so in like manner in the Election of Questor's the people should have their free libertie to chuse And seeing they gained little thereby and could effect no good they wholly let fall their former matter about increasing the number of the Questor's But although it were thus by them given over the Tribunes tooke it in hand againe and set it on foot yea and other seditious actions besides eftsoones sprang forth and among the rest those also concerning the law Agraria Vpon which troubles when as the Senate was of mind that there should be Consuls rather than Consular Tribunes created and by reason of the Tribunes stepping betweene with their negative voice no decree of the Senate could passe the governement of the Commonweale was devolved from Consuls to an Interreigne but not without exceeding great debate for that the Tribunes kept the Patritij from meeting and packing together Now when as the greater part of the yeare following was spent with much strife and contention betweene the new Tribunes and certaine Interregents whiles one while the Tribunes staied the Nobles from assembling together about the chusing of an Interregent and another while crossed the Interregent for graunting out any Act of Senate or warrant for the election of Consuls at the last L. Papyrius Mugillanus being declared Interregent sometimes rebuked the Nobles and sometimes blamed the Commons and said That the Commonwealth neglected and forlome of all men was taken into protection of the gods and guided by their care and providence standing upright and safe only upon the truce observed by the Veientians and the slow speed or small hast that the Aequians made to warre From whence if any trouble should happen to arise it is your will quoth he and pleasure belike that the state should bee surprised and assailed whiles it is without any Magistrate of the Nobilitie For neither is there an armie readie nor yet a captaine to raise an armie What thinke ye to put backe forraine war abroad by civile discord at home Which if they both should come together there were no other remedie though all the gods in heaven should set to their helping hand but that the Commonweale of Rome should utterly be subverted Yet rather remit every one of you somwhat of the rigor of your full jurisdiction and for the love of God take some indifferent course to joine in unitie the Nobles for their part by suffering Militarie Tribunes to be created in lieu of Coss. the Tribunes again by no more thwarting and interposing their negative but that four Questors may be chosen by the free voices of the people from out of the Commons Nobles one with another First therfore was the High court held for choosing soveraigne Tribunes and Tribunes there were created in Consular authoritie all of the Nobilitie namely L. Quintius Cincinnatus the third time Sex Furius Medullinus the second time M. Manlius and A. Sempronius Atratinus When this Tribune last named was president of the Election for Questours and the son of Antistius a Tribune of the Commons and a brother besides to another Tribune one Sex Pompilius stood for the dignitie among certaine other of the Commoners neither all their owne meanes that they could make nor all the voices they could procure were able to prevaile but that the people preferred persons to the place according to their gentrie and high birth namely whose fathers and grandfathers they had seene Consuls All the Tribunes of the Commons stormed and chased at this but especially Pompilius and Antistius being set on fire at the repulse of these their friends What should this meane say they that none of the Commons neither in regard of their owne merites nor considering the injuries at the Nobles hands ne yet for desire they might pretend to the first hansell of that authoritie which now was lawfull and never heretofore that none of the Commons I say was created if not a Militarie Tribune yet not so much as a Questour What that neither the fathers praier in the behalfe of his sonne nor a brothers suit in favour of a brother being Tribunes both of them invested in that sacred authoritie and which first was erected for the maintenance of common freedome could ought at all prevaile Surely there is some fraud and juggling in the matter and A. Sempronius hath in the Election used more art and cunning than truth and fidelitie Complaining that by his injurious and indirect dealing their friends had taken the foile When as therefore they might not by any violence touch his owne person and attach him being senced with innocencie in this Action and secured by vertue of the office which then hee bare they wreaked their selves and discharged their choler upon C. Sempronius the cousin germaine of Atratinus by the brother and with the helpe of M. Canuleius one of their collegues arrested him for the ignominious service in the Volscian war Eftsoons also the same Tribunes made some words motion in the Senat house concerning the division of lands and revived the law Agraria which C. Sempronius at all times most sharpely and eagerly had withstood
now be offended and so male content if they who have some new commoditie comming to them be enjoined also new labor proportionablie For never lightly is there travell any where without gaine nor gaine commonly without travell and emploiment Paines and pleasure things of themselves in nature most unlike yet by a natural kind of societie I know not how are linked together The soldier aforetime thought much to bestow his labour and service upon the Commonweale at his owne proper charges yet was he glad with all his heart that one part of the yeare he might looke to home husband his land and get maintainance to find himselfe and his both at home in cittie and abroad in warre Now taketh he contentment and is well pleased that the Commonweale is gainfull to him and with joyfull heart receiveth his wages Let him likewise bee content with patience to forbeare his house and familie since hee is at no great charge somewhat longer than ordinarie Might not the Common-wealth if shee would call him to a reckoning justly say Yearely pay thou hast performe therefore thy yearely service Doest thou thinke it reason to receive full wages for the whole yeare and to bee emploied but sixe moneths for it Much against my stomacke ô Quirites enforce I this point and dwell still in this one part of my Oration for in this wise ought they to reason that have mercenatie and hired souldiours but we will use them as fellow citizens and thinke it meet likewise that they entreat us kindly and speak unto us as to their native countrie Either it behoved us not to have begun the warre at all or els to proceed forward now it is begun yea and for the honour of the people of Rome to finish it with all speed possible And finished it will be if we presse upon our enemies thus besieged if we depart not afore we have accomplished our hope by the winning of Veij And surely if ther were no other cause but this even the very shame and indignitie of the thing might force us to continue siege unto the end In olde time the whole power of Greece laied siege full ten years to one cittie and that for one only woman How farre good god from their owne home how many lands and seas betweene Are we then loth and weary being within 20. miles of our dwelling place and almost in the sight of our ownecittie to endure the toile of one yeares siege Because forsooth we have but small cause given us to warre and not griefes enough that might justly provoke us to abide and see the end Seventimes alreadie they have rebelled In peace never were they true Our countrie have they spoiled and wasted a thousand times The Fidenates they have caused to revolt from us Our inhabitants there by us placed they have slaine and against all law of nations they were the principall instruments of that unworthie and unhumane murder of our Embassadours All Hetruria would they have raised up against us and at this day about it they go And when our Embassadours came to demaund amends they had like to have runne upon them and killed them And ought we then with these kind of men to stand at a bay and to warre coldly and by leisure But if so just an hatred as this move us not doe these things I pray you nere a whit move you neither Their cittie is environed and beleagured with deep trenches blocked with mightie skonces whereby the enemie is pent up and pinned within his owne wals His fields he cannot till and whatsoever was afore tilled hath been destroied by war If we dislodge and withdraw our armie backe who doubteth but that they not for desire onely of revenge but upon necessitie also and constreint to prey of other mens goods having lost their owne will invade and overrun our countrie So that by this meanes we defer not the war but bring it within our owne borders and confines But now as touching that which properly indeed concerneth souldiors of whom our good Tribunes of the Commons would now in all the hast seeme to have so great regard from whom ere while they would have wrested their wages but what is that I say A trench they have cast a rampier and platforme they have raised matters of exceeding travaile and labour so far about skonces at the first a few but after as their armie increased they have erected very thicke in every place Forts they have built not onely to commaund the towne but also looking toward Hetruria to impeach the avenues if any aid should from thence come What should I speake of the rolling frames and toures the mantilets and other Fabricks What should I speake of the tarraces torteises rams and all other engins of assault and batterie Thinke yee it meet that after so great toile and paines taken now that the workes at length are brought to an end these things should be left and abandoned that against summer we should be newe to begin againe and sweat a fresh about the same How much lesse travaile rather is it to keepe these munitions alreadie made to be instant and constant to endure and abide yea and to rid our hands of all the care at once For surely we may soone dispatch the service if it be plied throughly and followed on still without stay and if we ourselves by these intermissions and respites between e make not a long piece of worke of it and drawe our hope a length Thus much of the labour and losse of time What els Considering these so many parliaments these diets and Councels continually in Tuscane about sending aid to Veij can we forget the danger that we incurre by deferring the warre Indeede as thinges now presently stand I confesse the Tuskanes with the Veientians are angrie they hate them and denie to send and for any thing by them done we might win Veij out of hand But who dare warrant that if the warre be delaied they will hereafter be of the same mind Seeing that if the Veientians have any rest and breathing time given them they are like to send oftner their embassages and those more honourable than heretofore Also the King who newly is set up and created at Veij the onely thing that now offendeth the Tuscanes in processe of time may be changed for another governour either by agreement of the State thereby to reconcile the hearts of the Tuscanes or of his own accord who will not peradventure that his princely regiment should be hurtfull to the safetie of his subjects See how many things how many inconveniences follow and ensue upon that course and manner of proceeding The losse of the fabricks and fortifications with so great labour alreadie prepared and achieved the imminent and present wasting our owne borders the Tuscanes warre in steed of the Veientians These your devices o ye Tribunes are much what like to his that offering a sicke man some kinde of meat or drinke for the very present
and secret undermining than won by forcible assault and violence When tidings came to Rome of the winning of Veij albeit both the prodigious sights that were seene had ben expiate by sacrifice and that the answers of prophets and wisemen yea and the Oracles of Apollo were well knowne and that so far forth as mans counsel and policle might helpe they had chosen for Generall M. Furius the most Noble captaine and warrior of all other yet considering they had there warred so many yeares with variable fortune and received manie losses and overthrowes their joy was exceeding great as if a thing had happened unlooked for And before that the Senate could make a decree all the churches were ful of the dames of Rome giving thankes to their gods And the Senate ordained by an Act that supplications should continue for foure daies the like as never had been aforetime in any warre The Dictatour also was met upon the way as he came home by all degrees and estates in greater number and was more welcommed and honoured than any man aforetime to that day And the triumph far exceeded the usuall manner of the solemnitie to that day belonging But most of all was hee himselfe all goodly to bee seene entring into the cittie in a chariot drawne with white steeds And that was thought an honour not onely unmeet for the qualitie of a cittizen but hardly be seeming the condition of any man whatsoever For they made it a matter of conscience that their Dictator should bee equall with Iupiter and the sunne in respect of their horses for which onely cause especially the triumph was more glorious than gracious and taken in good gree Then assigned he and set out unto Queene Iuno a church in Aventine hill and dedicated another to dame Matuta and so having atchieved and performed these divine and humane deeds he resigned up his Dictatorship After this began some speech about the Present to Apollo Vnto whome when as Camillus said that he had vowed the tenth part of the spoile and the priestes and prelates thought good that the people should discharge their conscience in that behalfe there could no readie meane be found how to commaund them to give backe againe the spoile that the due portion thereout might be set apart for the holy oblation At the length they grew to this point which was thoght the easiest course of all that whosoever would acquit himselfe his house in conscience should after he had made an estimate to himselfe of his owne share in the spoile bring the value price of the tenth part into the common chist that thereof might be made a golden oblation meet for the state of that Temple beseeming the power of that god and answerable to the dignitie of the people of Rome Yet even this contribution alienated the hearts of the people from Camillus Amid these affaires there came Embassadours from the Volscians and Aequians to treat for peace and peace obtained they rather because the cittie wearied with continuall warres might now take rest and bee at quiet than for any deserts of them that sued for it After Veij was taken the yeare following had sixe Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie two F. Cornelij namely Cossus and Scipio M. Valerius Maximus the second time C. Fabius Ambustus the second time L. Farius Medullinus the second time and Q. Servilius the third time Vnto the Cornelij fell out by lot the Faliscane warre to Valerius and Servilius the Capenates Who neither assaulted their citties by force nor wearied them with siege but forraied the countries and drave booties away of such things as were in the fields not a tree that beareth fruit not any fruitfull thing besides escaped their hands This distresse and calamitie subdued the Capenates who thereupon sued for peace and had it graunted But amongst the Faliscians the warre continued still In the meane time at Rome there were sundrie seditions For the appeasing whereof it was thought good to send a Colonie to Volsci and thither three thousand Roman cittizens were appointed in checkroll And Triumvirs were thereto chosen who devided to every man three acres of ground and a 〈◊〉 and one twelfth part That began to be despised because they thought it but a poor comfort offered to stop their mouths withall and to put them beside a greater hope For why should the Commons be sent away into the Volscians land seeing there was Veijwithin their eyesight a most faire cittie and the land about more plentifull and large than that of Rome And as for the cittie it selfe they preferred it either for the site or state of privat and publicke buildings and other places before the cittie of Rome Moreover a motion also was made which after that Rome was woon by the French was more hotely followed concerning a generall transmigration and removing to Veij for ever Marry they intended that Veij should bee inhabited partly by the Commons and partly by the Nobilitie saying That the people of Rome might wel ynough inhabite two citties jointly in one state of Commonwealth Against all this the LL. of the Senate laboured what they might and plainely said they would sooner die in the sight of the people of Rome than any of those matters should passe For why if there were now in one cittie so much dissention what would there bee in twaine Would any man be so mad as to preferre a conquered cittie before his owne countrie that had conquered the same and suffer Veij after it is woon to be in better estate than it was afore even when it was at the best Finally well might they bee forsaken at home in their owne countrie by their cittizens but to forsake their countrie and cittizens they would never bee brought by any force whatsoever They would not follow to Veij T. Sicinius as their founder for he amongst the Tribunes of the Commons persuaded this Act and leave their god Romulus the sonne of a god the first stockefather and beginner of the cittie of Rome Whiles these matters were in handling with foule stir and much debate and variance for the Nobles had woon to their opinion some of the Tribunes there was nothing else that staied the Commons hands from outrage but this that when as there was an outcrie made to begin the quarrell and to set them together by the eares the cheese and principall Senators first came forth to the multitude and offered themselves to be laid at smitten and slaine In regard of whose age dignitie and honour they forbearing to doe violence were likewise for shame staied in their mood for any the like attempts besides Camillus taking vantage hereof ever and anone in all places made speeches unto the people and said That it was no marvell truly that the citie was in a rage and madnes which being charged with a vow made more care of all things els than to discharge their conscience thereof and to see it performed As for the collation and
gathering of a smal donative rather than a tithe he said nothing of it seeing that every man privatly bound himselfe thereto and the bodie of the people stood freed therefro But one thing there was that his conscience would not suffer him to hold his peace that out of that bootie onely which was of moveable things the tenth was appointed to be levied as for the cittie ground that was won which also was comprised within the vow there were no words at all made When as the debating of this matter which to the Senate seemed doubtfull and hard was put over to the Priests and Prelates their colledge calling to them Camillus thought good That whatsover the Veientians had before the vow made and whatsoever after the vow came into the hands of the people of Rome the tenth part thereof should be consecrated to Apollo So both the citie and the lands were valued and monie taken forth of the citie chamber And the Tribunes militarie Consular enjoined therewith to buy gold Whereof there being not store ynough the dames of the cittie having their assemblies and meetings by themselves for to consult thereabout by a common decree made promise to the Tribunes militarie and brought into the exchequer their owne gold and all the ornaments and iewels they had This was as acceptable a thing and as well taken of the Senate as ever any had been and for this their liberalitie men say they had this honour graunted unto them as to ride to church and to plaies in hanging or ship-coaches and as well on working daies as holidaies to be at their wagons When the gold was of everie one received by weight and prised to the worth that they might again be paied mony therfore it was agreed that a standing cup of gold should be made therof presented as an oblation to Apollo at Delphi So soone as they had eased and disburdned their minds of this religious vow the Tribunes of the Commons began sedition a new So as the multitude were incited and stirred up against all the peers but above all other against Camillus charging him that what by confiscating consecrating the bootie of the Veientians he had brought it to just nothing Those nobles that were absent they blamed and cried out against mightilie but of such as were present in place and offered themselves unto them in their anger they had some reverence Now so soone as they saw the matter in question to be deferred continued past that yeare they chose againe for the yeare folowing those Tribunes of the Commons which were the authors of that Act and law The Nobles likewise endeavoured the same for those that should oppose themselves against the law So the Tribunes of the Commons a good part of them were chosen the verie same againe But at the election of the Tribunes Militarie the Patritij after verie much adoe got at length that Furius Camillus was created They made semblance and pretended that they would be provided of a Generall for warre but indeed their purpose was to be furnished of an adversarie to withstand the Actes and proceedings of the Tribunes Together with Camillus were made Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authoritie L. Furius Medullinus the sixt time C. Aemylius L. Valerius Publicola Sp. Posthumius P. Cornelius the second time In the beginning of the yeare the Tribunes of the Commons stirred not untill M. Furius Camillus was gone against the Falisci as his charge required for that warre And by delaies afterwards the matter was well cooled As for Camillus whom of all other they most feared to be their adversarie he waxed great and glorious by his service against the Falisci For when as at the first the enemies kept themselves within the wals thinking it the safest way he by wasting their countrie and setting fire upon their villages forced them to come forth of their towne howbeit they feared to be too bold and to go farre forward and encamped themselves a mile and lesse from the towne reposing their safety and securitie in nothing else but in the dangerous and hard passage the waies all about being rough ragged and stonie in some places straight and narrow in other up hill and stiepe But Camillus having taken a prisoner out of the fields and being guided by his direction late in the night dislodged his camp and betimes in the morning at breake of the day shewed himselfe upon the higher grounds a good deale The Romane on three sides fell to fortifie by trenching and casting rampiers whiles the rest of the armie stood readie raunged for battaile And where as the enemies assaied to hinder the worke he discomfited them and put them to flight wherupon the Falisci were so frighted that as they fled amaine in disaray they passed beyond their owne campe which was neerer and made as fast as they could to the towne Many were slaine and manie wounded before that in this affright they could hit upon the gates Their campe being taken the bootie thereof came unto the Questors coffers with the great grudging and anger of the soldiours Howbeit yeelding to the severitie of discipline and good government the same vertue which they had hated before they now honoured and held in admiration After this was the cittie besieged and sconces platformes raised about it Otherwhiles also as occasion was offered the townesmen would sally forth and assaile the Romanes campe make light skrimishes Thus the time passed without anie great good hope of either side for that they within the town besieged had of their former provision more store of corn other necessaries than they that lay at siege without And it seemed they would have had as long a peece of work there as they had at Veij had not fortune yeelded to the Romans General both a trial of his approved vertue in war also speedie victory It was the manner amongst the Faliscians to entertaine for the governance of their children one that should both teach and instruct them in schoole and withall beare them company whersoever they went and many children together as the guise continueth still even to this day in Greece were committed to the charge and tuition of one man As for the nobles and principall mens sonnes of this cittie as it is usually everie where else a speciall man had the teaching of them such an one as was thought most learned and the greatest clerke of all other This man having in time of peace begun to bring the children forth before the towne side to disport and exercise themselves gave not over his wonted manner now in time of warre And using still to traine them abroad one while neerer an other whiles further off from the gate it fel out so that one day what with pastime and what with pleasant talke and discourses he drue them further than he accustomed and seeing his time went forwards as farre as the enemies corps de gard and so forth on till he had brought
government should returne to an Interreigne So there were Interregents one after another M. Manlius Capitolinus Ser. Sulpitius Camerinus L. Valerius Potitus Valerius at length held the assemblie for to elect Tribunes Militarie in Consuls authritie and created L. Papyrius Cn. Sergius L. Aemylius the second time L. Licinius T. Valerius Publicola the third time These presently after the Interreigne began their government That yeare the Temple of Mars vowed in the Gauls war was dedicated by T. Quintius a Duumvir deputed for the executing of holy duties Foure Tribes of new citizens were now adjoined Stellalina Pomatina Sabbatina Arniensis and these made up the number of the 35 Tribes And now L. Sicinius a Tribune of the Commons was in hand with the people in greater number assembled together about the Pomptine lands and more enclined they were and forward to hearken after grounds than they had beene asore And whereas it was mooved in the Senate house to make warre upon the Latines and the Hernicks that matter was not followed but put off to a further time by reason of preparation for a greater warre because Hetruria was alreadie up in armes And all was laid againe upon Caemillus his shoulders who was made Tribune Militarie with Consuls authority and had five other brethren in office joined unto him Sâ—r. Cornelius Maluginensis Q. Servilius Fidenas the sixt time L. Quintius Cincinnatus L. Horatius Pulvillus P. Valerius In the beginning of the yeare the minds of men were turned cleane away from the carefull regard they had of the Tuscane warre by reason that a number of people that fled out of the Pomptine countrie came all of a suddaine in great hast to the cittie and brought word that the Antiates were up in armes that the nations of the Latines had sent their able youth to that warre closelie under hand thereby disavowing it to be any action of the State and standing upon this point that by the covenant there was no proviso but that voluntarie soldiours might serve in what warres soever they would Now had the Romanes beene well taught and learned to set light no more by any warres The Senate therefore thanked the gods that Camillus was in place of government who if he had beene a private person was no doubt to have beene nominated and created Dictatour yea and his companions in office confessed frankely that he was the onlie man to have the soveraigne and absolute regiment of all in case there were any fearfull and dangerous warre toward and were fully resolved to yeeld up all their interest in government unto him thinking it no disparagement at all unto them nor any losse of their owne honour and reputation in conferring the same upon the majestie of so worthie a person The Senate highly commended the Tribunes and Camillus was much abashed in his mind howbeit he gave them heartie thanks and spake in this wife A waightie burthen quoth he I see is imposed upon me by the people of Rome in that they have elected and nominated me Dictatour now the fourth time a greater charge is enjoined me by the Senate the whole state and bodie of which order hath delivered so singular good opinion and judgement of me but the heaviest lode of all is laid upon me by the exceeding kindnesse and obsequious benignitie of these my honourable brethren and colleagues If any painfull travaile of mine therefore and watchfull care may be redoubled I will earnestlie endeavour I will straine and strive to answere therunto that the opinion which the cittie with so great consent hath conceived of me right as it is exceeding great so it may continue still and be perpetuall As to that warre of the Antiates there are more brags and threats than any danger and perill from thence But as I would counsaile and advise you to be affraid of no warre so I would not have you to be carelesse and secure of any The cittie of Rome is beset on everie side partlie envied and partlie hated of her neighbour borderers Need there is both of more captaines and also of more armies to manage the affaires of the Commonweale I thinke it good therfore quoth hee ô Valerius that you assist me in government and counsell and have the leading togither with me of certaine legions against the Antiate enemies That you Q. Servilius with an other armie well appointed and in readines lie encamped hard by the cittie side having an eie and good regard least either Hetruria in the meane while as of late daies or the Latines and Hernicks who trouble vs now a fresh breake out and make some rising Assured I am that you will behave your selte and quit you in this service so worthilie as may answere the famous memorie of such a father and grandsire as you have had may beseeme your owne honourable person and those six Tribuneâ—hips which you have alreadie performed As for L. Quintius let him leavie a third power of men consisting of those that are by reason of sicklinesse or other wife excused for warfare and are above the ordinarie age for militarie service to be in stead of a garison for defence of the cittie and the walles Let L. Horatius provide harnesse weapons come and other necessaries for warre at all occasions whatsoever Finally ô Sergius Cornelius wee your fellow Tribunes ordaine you president of this publicke Counsell the Custos and keeper of religion and Church matters of generall assemblies of the lawes and all other civill affaires of pollicie whatsoever Now when they had all made promise and that most willingly to do their endeavour in performing their severall charges Valerius whom he had joined with himselfe in commission added moreover and said That as he would take M. Furius to bee Dictatour so would he be unto him againe in steed of his Coronell of horsemen And turning to the Lords of the Senate exhorted them that what opinion they had of one onelic soveraigne Generall the same hope they would conceive of the whole warre The Senatours hereat tooke great joy and contentment giving out willingly with one accord that they hoped exceeding well of war of peace and generally of the State Neither shall the common-weale say they ever stand in need of Dictatour so long as such magistrates be in place so jointly agreeing in one mind together so indifferent and readie as well to obey as to rule and rather yeelding their proper praise to the honour of the common-weale than dismembring and plucking from it to their privat glorie and reputation After a Vacation or Law-steed proclaimed and the Musters taken and past Furius and Valerius set forward to Satricum whither the Antiates had not onely sent the floure of all the Volsci the choise youth out of a fresh frie and new generation but also had raised a mightie power of Latines and Hernicks out of those nations that by long peace were most frimme lustic These new enemies and old thus combined together troubled the
Lords of the Senat because by that Act there accrewed no small revenue to the Exchequer that was now wasted allowed thereof and gave their assent But the Tribunes of the Com. moved not so much at the qualitie of the law in it selfe as at the dangerous precedent given ordained under paine of death That no man ever after should in making of lawes withdraw the people apart For if that were once by law permitted there would be nothing were it never so pernicious to the people but it might be enacted by souldiors that have sworn to their Consuls allegeance and were at his devotion The same yeare was C. Licinius Stolo at the suit of M. Popilius Lenas condemned upon his owne statute in 10000 Asses for that he together with his sonne was possessed of a thousand acres of land and under colour of freeing his sonne he had deluded the statute in that case provided After this the two Consuls M. Fabius Ambustus the second time and M. Popilius Lenas the second time made two wars That which Lenas fought with the Tyburtines was performed with case and facilitie For having driven the enemies into the towne he forraied their fields But in the other war the Falisci and the Tarquiniens discomfited in the first battaile the other Consull Their greatest feare arose upon this occasion For their priests carying afore them light burning torches and snakes besides went after a lunaticke and franticke manner and with so strange and uncouth a shew troubled and disordered the Romane souldiors And therwithall at that very instant the souldiors as if they had been bestraught besides themselves and astonied dismarched fearfully and stumbled upon the munitions and fortifications of their campe But after when as the Consull Lieutenants and Colonels mocked and rated them for being skared like children with these vaine bugbeares for shame sodainly they tooke heart againe and like blinde men ran upon those very same things that before they had sled from And so after they had dispatched this vaine devise preparation of their enemies they fell upon the armed men indeed discomfited their whole armie and put them to flight and being the same daie masters of their camp with a rich bootie returned victours both recounting in their militarie merie ditties and songs the foolish preparation of the enemie and also condemning their owne fearfulnes After this the whole nation of the Tuscanes arose having for their leaders the Tarquiniens and the Falisci and came as farre as Salinae Against which fearfull danger was C. Martius Rutilius chosen the first Dictatour that ever was of the Commoners who named for his Generall of the horsemen a Commoner likewise C. Plantius But the Senatours thought this a shamefull indignitie that the Dictatorship also should now be chosen in commune and did all they could possibly to hinder that there should be nothing decreed toward the war nor any preparation made for the Dictatour But so much the sooner and with more readinesse all that the Dictator proposed the Commons granted So he departed from the cittie and marched on both sides of the Tyber transporting his armie in boats and plankes fastened together to what place soever he heard the enemies were gone and surprised many forraiers of them as they wandred and straggled one from another in the fieldes He set upon their campe also and wanne it and after that he had taken eight thousand prisoners and either slaine or chased all the rest out of the Romane pale hee triumphed by the suffrages of the people onely without the approbation and assent of the Senatours And for as much as they would not in any case have an assemblie for Election of Consuls held either by the Dictatour a Commoner or by the Consull and because the other Consull Fabius was busied abroad in the warres and not returned therefore the matter fell againe to an Interreigne So there were Interregents one after another Q. Servilius Hala M. Fabius Cn. Manlius C. Fabius C. Sulpitius L. Aemylius Q. Servilius and M. Fabius Ambustus During the second Interreigne there arose some variance for that both Consuls were Patrity i. of the Nobles And when the Tribunes interposed themselves and crossed those proceedings Fabius the Interregent alleadged a law out of the twelve tables in these tearmes THAT WHATSOVER THE PEOPLE ORDAINED OR GRANTED LAST THE SAME SHOULD BE GOOD AND STAND FIRME AND RATIFIED and in the suffrages and voices of the people were comprised their graunt and ordinance But when the Tribunes for all their gainsaying and stepping between could prevaile no more but to prorogue the Comices for the Election there were at length two of the Nobles created Consuls C. Sulpitius Peticus the third time and M. Valerius Publicola who the same day they were chosen entred into their office Thus in the 400 yeare after the foundation of the cittie and the 35 after it was recovered from the Gaules the Commons lost the Consulship againe when they had enjoied it nine yeares And two Consuls of the Patrity upon the Interreigne began to governe to wit C. Sulpitius Peticus the third time and M. Valerius Publicotâ— The same yeare was Empâ—lum woon from the Tyburtines without any memorable warlike exploit were it that under the conduct of both Consuls there jointly together the warre was managed as some have written or that about the same time the Tarquiniens countrie was by the Consull Sulpitius overrun and wasted whiles Valerius led forth a power against the Tyburtes But more adoe had the Consuls at home with the Commons and Tribunes The Consuls thought now it concerned them in trust and credit as well as in vertue and valour that as they being Patrity both of them had received the Consulship so they should make-over the same againe to twaine of the Nobilitie and either wholly to give up their interest and title for ever if so bee the Consulship should now become a Commoners dignitie or els to keepe it wholly in their possession wherof they were first seized intirely in right of their auncestours On the other side the Commons frounsed and stormed in these and such like tearmes What showld we live any longer and why are we accounted citizens In case that which was first gotten by the vertue and power of two only persons L. Sextius and C. Licinius we cannot now all of us together hold and keepe Certes better wee were to endure the KK and Decemvirs againe or any other heavier and more fearefull name of absolute and lordly Empire than to see both Consuls of the Nobilitie and that wee may not both rule and obey in turnes but that the one part setled in the place of rule for ever should thinke us the Commons were borne for nothing els but to obey and serve The Tribunes themselves were nothing behind to set forward these troublesome mutinies But when people are up once altogether and in an hurle the principall leaders are hardly seene above the rest in the action And
Centurion whom now they call Primipili Him the sodiors spighted much were maliciously set against because he had alwaies opposed himselfe against their conspiracies and innovations and tooke not part with them who fled from Lantulae But when this one point could not be obtained of the Senat for the favour they bare to Salonius then Salonius himselfe besought the Senators that they would not regard his honour more than the concord of the whole cittie and so at length it also was granted and enacted As unreasonable a damaund was this also That of horsmens pay and that was triple at that time some Asses should be deducted for that they also had withstood the conspiracie Over and besides I find in some writers that L. Genutius a Tribune of the Commons published this law unto the people That Vsurie might be made altogether unlawfull Likewise in other Acts of the Commons it was provided That no man within ten years space should be capable of the same office twise nor in one yeare beare two offices and that both Consuls might be of the Commons Which if they all were granted to the Com. it appeareth that this insurrection caried some sway and force with it In other Chronicles it is recorded that neither Valerius was chosen Dictatour but that all this busines was by the Consuls managed nor so great a multitude of conspiratours rose before they came to Rome but even in Rome tooke armes ne yet that they came by night in forcible manner into T. Quintius ferme-house but into the dwelling house of C. Manlius and that he was taken up by the rebels to be their Generall and from thence went as farre as foure miles end and there encamped in a fortified place that the motion of concord arose not from the captaines but that of a suddaine when both armies stood araunged in order of battaile they fell to greeting one another and that the soldiors began to take one another by the hands imbrace with tears and that the Consuls seeing the soldiors so backward from fight were forced to move the Senat for an atonement So as among ancient writers there is no certentie set downe but that a sedition there was and the same appealed But the rumor therof and the cruell warre which the Samnites begun withdrew certaine nations from the Romanes societie and alliance For besides the faithlesse and untrustie league a long time of the Latines the Privernates also with suddaine rodes invaded and wasted Norba and Setia two Colonies of the Romanes neere bordering and adjoining THE EIGHTH BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the eighth Booke THe Latines together with the Capuans revolted and the Latines having sent their Embassadours to the Senate of Rome offered and presented peace upon this condition onely that they would create one of their Consuls out of them This Embassie thus declared Annius their Pretour who had audience in the Capitoll in going downe from thence tooke such a fall that he died in the place T. Manlius caused his owne sonne to loose his head because contrarie to his expresse commaundement he had fought against the Latines notwithstanding his good successe in that combate At what time as the Romans were greatly distressed and like to life the field P. Decius then Cos. with Manlius devowed and offered himselfe to present death fâ—r to save the armie and setting spurs to his horse rode into the middest of the enemies battaile where he was slaine and by his death recovered victorie to the Romanes The Latines yeelded and rendred themselves When T. Manlius returned intâ— the cittie there was not one of all the youth came forth to meet him and doe him honour Minutia a professed Vestâ—ll virgine was condemned for her incest or incontinent life The Ausonians being subdued a Colonie was planted in Cales and another likewise in Fregellae Many Romane dames were detected of practising poison and most of them were faced to drinke of their owne empoisoned cups first whereof they died presently Whereupon was the first law then ordained against poysoning The Privernates when they rebelled were vanquished and afterwards endued with the Burgeoisie of the cittie of Rome The Palaepolitanes were defeited in battaile first and after siege surrendred upon composition Quintius Publilius who blâ—cqued them within their wals was the first man that had his commission renued and continued still in government when the ordinarie time was expired and by meanes of the Consuls had a triumph graunted unto him The common people were delivered from the danger of their creditors by occasion of the silthie lust of one of them Lu. Pâ—pyrius who would have forced and against nature abused C. Publius a debtor of his When L. Papyrius the Dictator was returned from his armie into the cittie for to take the Auspices anew by reason of some error supposed in the former Q. Fabius the Generall of the horsemen having in his absence espied the oportunitie and advantage of performing a worthie exploit gave battaile contrarie to his Edict and put the Samnites to the worse For which cause when the Dictatour would seeme to punish him accordingly Fabius made an escape and sted to Rome And when his cause would not bear him out he had his pardon at the earnest sute and praiers of the people This booke containeth also the fortunate exploits against the Samnites NOw was C. Plautius Consull the second time with L. Aemylius Mamercus when as the Setines and Norbans brought tidings to Rome of the Privernates revolt with complaints of harms sustained at their hands Newes came likewise that an armie of Volscians under the conduct of the Antiates were encamped at Satricum Both these warres fell by lot to Plautius Who taking his journey first to Privernum forthwith bad them battaile and with no great conflict gave his enemies the overthrow The towne was woon and restored againe to the Privernates with a strong garrison therein placed but two parts of their lands were taken from them The armie thus having obtained victorie was conducted thence to Satricum against the Antiates Where was a cruell battaile fought with much bloudshed on both sides and when as the tempestuous and stormie weather parted them asunder before that either side enclined to victorie the Romanes no whit wearied with that conflict so doubtfull addressed themselves to fight against the morrow But the Volscians having taken a view and account what men they had lost in fight were not of like mind to adventure the hazard againe and therefore as vanquished men they dislodged by night in disorder and fearefully tooke their way to Antium leaving behind them their wounded and part of their baggage Great store of armour was there found both upon and among the slaine bodies of the enemies and also within the campe Which the Consull promised to dedicate to dame Lua and so hee harried and spoiled the confines of the
Burgeoisses of Lanuvium and the people of Rome Item that the Aricines Nomentanes and Pedanes shall bee made dennisons of Rome and endued with the liberties and priviledges of the Lanuvines Item that the Tusculanes retaine still that freedome of their cittie safe which as then they enjoied and the crime attaindre of rebellion to be charged upon a few of the cheefe to save the common state from danger Item that there should be greevous punishment inflicted upon the Veliterns who being auncient Romane citizens had notwithstanding so often taken arms rebelled that their wals should be dismanteled and rased their Senatours from thence translated and confined beyond Tyberis there to dwell upon paine that whosoever were found on this side the water it might be lawfull for any man to take him as his prisoner and to raunsome him at a 1000 Asles Provided alwaies that he should not enlarge him nor release him of his yrons untill the monie were fully satisfied and paid Into the possessions and lands of those Senatours were tenants and Coloners sent to inhabite who being once enrolled Velitre seemed againe as populous as beforetime At Antium was there a new Colonie planted with this proviso that the auncient inhabitants of the Antiates should be permitted if they themselves would to be enrolled there and remaine still From thence were their long Gallies and war-ships had away and the people of Antium wholly forbidden the sea but the freedome of Romane citizens to them was graunted The Tyburts and Prenestines forfeited their lands not for their late trespasse of rebellion common with other Latines but because they repining and envying the good estate of the Romanes had in times past joined armes with the Frenchmen a savage and unsociable nation From the other Latine cities States they took away the priviledge of mariage the commerce of traffick and entercourse of mutuall intelligences holding counsels themselves for ever after to the Campaine gentlemen that served with horse aforesaid for that they would not give consent to revolt with the Latines to the Fundanes also and Formanes through whose countrie they had alwaies had free safe and quiet passage to and fro this honour was done as to be made cittizens of Rome but without the libertie of giving voices Item it was decreed that the Cumanes and Suessulanes should be of the same condition and state that Capua was The ships of the Antiates were part of them transported to the Arfenall at Rome and the rest set on fire and burned With the stems beakeheads and brasen pikes whereof it was thought good that the pulpit of common pleas and Orations in the grand place of Rome should be beautified and adorned which publicke pulpit was thereupon called Rostra Whiles C. Sulpitius Longus and P. Aelius Patus were Consuls when as the Romanes held peaceablie under their dominion all the countries as well through the favour which they woon by bountifull dealing as by might and strong hand there arose war betweene the Sidicines and áuruncians The Aurunci who had yeelded afore to T. Manlius Consull and were taken into protection afterwards rebelled not whereby they had a more just cause to request and seeke for aid at the Romanes hands But before that the Consuls had led forth their power out of the cittie for the Senate had commaunded that the Aurunci should be defended tidings came that the Aurunci for feare had quit their towne and being fled with their wives and children had fortified Sinuessa which now at this day is called Aurunca and that the auncient wals with the towne it selfe were by the Sidicines destroied Hereat the Senate offended with the Consuls by whose delay and lingering their allies had been betraied in time of their necessitie ordained a Dictatour to be chosen So there was elected C. Claudius Regillensis who appointed for Generall of horsemen C. Claudius Hortator But hereupon rose a scruple of conscience about the creation of the Dictator And when the Augurs had pronounced that they thought him not rightly created both Dictatour and Generall of horsemen gave over their roumes The same yeare Minutia a Vestall Nun was first suspected of incontinencie for going in her apparrell more trimme than was decent for one of her calling and profession and after that brought in question and accused by a bondservant that informed against hir to the high Priests First by a decree of theirs she was awarded to abstaine from divine service to keepe her house and not to manuprise and set free any of her bond slaves but to have them forthcomming whensoever they were called for and after farther examination and judgement passed was buried quicke under the ground at the gate Collina in the paved causey on the right hand within the plain or field called Sceleratus Execrable or polluted I suppose that place took the name of such incest or filthy whoredome The same yeare Q. Publius Philo was elected Pretor the first that ever was of the Commons notwithstanding the mind of Sulpitius the Consull who said That hee would not take his name to propound it for Election nor admit him among other competitours But the Senate strived the lesse in impeaching this Pretorship seeing they could not have their will in the highest roumes and dignities The yeare next ensuing under the Consulship of L. Papyrius Crassus and Caso Duellius was notable and famous for the warre of the Ausonians in regard rather of the noveltie than the greatnesse and danger thereof They were a people that inhabited a towne called Cales and had joined their power with the Sidicines their next neighbours The whole power of which two nations being discomsited in one battaile and the same not so memorable was for the neerenesse of their citties more readie to flie and in their flight more safe and secured Yet the Nobles of Rome omitted not the care of that warre for that the Sidicines so often either had themselves moved warre or aided those that began or els were the cause of all troubles Whereupon they endevoured all that they could to make Consull the fourth time the noblest warriour in those daies M. Valerius Corvinus who had for his brother in governement M. Attylius Regulus And least haply some error by chaunce should be committed suit was made to the Consuls that extraordinarily and without casting lot that province might fall to Corvinus who having received the armie after the victorie at Cales of the former Consuls went forth And when at the first shout and onset hee had discomfited his enemies who in remembrance of their former late overthrow were affrighted hee assaied to assault their very wals and so eager and hotely bent I assure you were the souldiours that even at the first they would have set ladders to as making full account to skale up to the top and enter the towne But Corvinus because that was an hard adventure was desirous to accomplish that enterprise by the long toile of his souldiors rather than
Mamercus Aemylius a Dictator who had reduced the Censorship an office aforetime of five yeares continuance a puissance and authoritie which by the length thereof favored of Lordship within the compasse of a yeare and sixe moneths Come on quoth he Ap. Claudius answere and say what you would have done in case you had bene Censor when C. Furius and M. Giganius were Censors Appius answered and said that this demaund and question of the Tribune did not greatly touch or concerne his cause For put the case that the law Aemylia had obliged those Censors during whose magistracie the Act was made for that after those Censors created the people had graunted that law and looke what they last allowed and ordeined the same was good lawfull and ratified yet neither he nor any of them who after that law enacted were created Censors could be bound by vertue of that law Whiles Appius thus cavilled and no man there present foothed him up or gave applause and assent unto him Behold Quirites quoth Sempronius againe the progenie and race of that Appius who being created Decemvir for one yeare elected himselfe the second yeare and in the third being chosen neither by himselfe nor by any other in qualitie of a private person held the soveraigne dignitie and government with all the regall marks and ensignes thereof and thus continuing still in rule and dominion would never give over before that those usurped governments of his ill gotten badly borne and naughtily kept and reteined were his finall fall and utter overthrow This is the same family and house my maisters and friends citizens of Rome by whose violence by whose wrongs and oppression ye were driven like poore banished persons to forgo your owne deere native countrie and to seise and hold the Mount Sacer the very same against which ye procured and purchased to yourselves the support and helpe of Tribunes the same for which with two armies ye were faine to possesse your selves of the Aventine hill the same that alwayes withstood the Statutes devised against Vsurie the same that ever impugned the lawes for division of wast lands among the people the same brake for the time and interrupted the mariages betweene the Nobles and commons the same kept out the commons so long from bearing any Dignities of the Chaire and of State finally this name is much more spightfully and mortally bent against your freedome than that of the Tarquines And is it so indeede ó App. Claudius would you have vs beleeve that being now an hundred yeares since Maâ—ercus Aemylius was Dictator there have bene so many Censors most noble and valiant personages that none of them all ever read the twelve Tables and none of them knew that to be law which the people last granted and allowed Yes ywis they all wist that well enough and therupon yeelded they and obeyed rather the law Aemylia than the old and auncient Statute whereby at first Censors were created in the common wealth even because the people approved it last and by reason that where there are two ordinances repugnant and contrarie one to the other there the new alwayes repealeth and abrogateth the old And is this your saying ó Appius That the people are not bound to the law Aemylia or rather that they are tyed unto it but your good selfe alone is free and exempt therefro Was the law Aemylia able to bridle and curb those violent Censors C. Furius and M. Giganius who shewed sufficiently what harme and mischiefe this magistracie could do in a common-wealth when for anger and despite that their terme was abridged and cut short they disfranchised and deprived of the right of voyce and Suffrage yea and brought within the raunge of Tributaries M. Aemylius the worthiest and most excellent personage of his time both at home in peace and abroad in warre This law tooke hold of all the Censors one after another in order for the space of an hundred yeares after and bindeth now C. Plautius your Colleague created with the same Auspices and in equall authoitie with you Tell me I pray you did not the people elect and make him with as good right and authoritie as any Censor might be Are you the only and speciall man amongst all others to have this prerogative this privilege and singular preeminence by yourselfe Suppose a man should create the King Sacrificer should he having once gotten the name and title of a King give out and avouch that he was a King indeede of as great a prerogative as any King of Rome Who thinke you will be content with a Dictatorship of sixe moneths or with an Interreigne for five dayes and no more Whom may a man boldly and confidently create Dictator either to fasten a spike or great naile or for the stately playes and games or horserunning and such like How foolish thinke ye my maisters how base-minded and simple were they in this man his conceipt who within twentie dayes after notable exploits done achieved gave over their Dictatorship or they that being created with some errour and default went out of their place But what neede I to rehearse examples of old date Of late even within these ten yeares C. Menius Dictator for enforcing a commission more severely than stood with the safetie of some great welthie persons was charged by them with the guiltinesse of the same crime wherupon he fate made inquisition who to the end that being a private person he might answere the accusation of his adversaries and justifie himselfe resigned up his Dictatorship But I would not that you in any hand were so modest no no degenerate not a jote from that most imperious stock and prowd race go not you forth of your office howsoever you do a day no nor an houre sooner than you needsmust but see then withall that you exceede not the ordinary time limited and set downe At lest wife it might content you to draw out your Censureship a day longer or to stretch it farther by a moneth A moneth what tell you me of a moneth I will exercise my Censorship quoth he three yeares and sixe moneths more than may be by the law Aemylia yea and by my selfe alone will I exercise it Yea mary sir this is somewhat like indeede and spoken like a King What will you substitute unto you a Colleague in the roume of the other will you so whome lawfull it is not to be subrogated and chosen no not in the dead his place for you thinke it not enough be like that you religious holy Censour that you be have translated and transmitted that most auncient solemnitie and onely instituted by that good Hercules in whose honor it is celebrated from the function of most noble Sacrificers and Chaplaines of that divine and sacred service unto the ministerie of base servants and abject slaves and that a kinred and linage of greater antiquitie than the very first foundation of this citie so sanctified by interteinment and lodging
the Censureship of Appius Claudius the first that ever distained and polluted the Senate by bringing in the sonnes of Libertines and when he saw that no man accounted that election of Senatours good and lawfull and perceived withall that in the court he had not that backing of citizens which he sought for he entermingled in every Tribe certaine of the most base persons of the Commons and so hee corrupted both the common place and Mars field also In so much as the Election of Flavius was reputed so unworthie an indignitie that most of the gentlemen of Rome laid away their gold rings and rich trapping of their horses which were the ornaments and ensignes of their calling And from that time forward the cittie was devided into two partes One side was maintained and upheld by the true hearted people such as favoured and loved good things the other by the faction of the riffe raffe and skum of the cittie untill the time that Q. Fabius and P. Decius were created Censors Fabius to bring the cittie unto an uniforme accord and to withstand this inconvenience that the Elections of Magistrates should not be caried away by the strong hand of the vilest and most abject persons made a separation of all that base rabble and cast them into foure Tribes and called them Vrbana Which action of his men say was accepted with so great contentment and thankfulnes that upon this good temperature of degrees he purchased the surname of Maximus which in so many victories he had not acquired and obtained By him also by report it was ordained and instituted that on the Ides of Iuly the horsemen rode as it were in a solemne muster and shewed their great horses to the Censor THE TENTH BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the tenth Booke TWo Colonies were planted in Sora and Alba. The Marsians of Carseola were reduced under obedience The fellowship of the Augurs was augmented to the number of nine whereas as before they were wont to be but foure The Law or Edict as touching the appealing to the people was now the third time proposed by Valerius the Consull Two Tribes more were added to the rest Aniensis and Terentina Warre was denounced against the Samnites and fortunately fought with them What time as there was a battaile given to the Tuscanes Vmbrians Samnites and Gaules under the conduct of P. Decius and Quintus Fabius and the Romane armie was in great extremitie of danger P. Decius following the example of his father devowed and exposed himselfe to die voluntarily for to save the host and by his death obained the victorie of that iourney to his countrimen and fellow citizens Papyrius Cursor put to flight an armie of the Samnites who were bound by a solemne oth not to depart out of the battaile without victorie to the end that with more magnanimitie and resolution they should enter into the field The Cense was held and the number taken of the cittizens with the solemne purging and Lustration of the cittie And assessed there were 262322 pols WHEN L. Genutius and Scr. Cornelius were Consuls there was rest in manner from all warres abroad in such sort as they had leasure to place certaine Colonies at Sora and Alba And for Alba there were enrolled 6000 inhabitants to affront the Aequians As for Sora it had sometimes belonged to the Volscians territorie but the Samnites usurped the possession of it and thither foure thousand were sent to inhabite The same yeare the Arpinates and Trebulanes were infranchised free denizens at Rome The Frusinates were fined with the losse of one third part of their lands for they were evidently detected to have sollicited the Hernicks to rebellion and after that the Consull by commission from the Senate had made due inquisition the principall heads of that conspiracie were scourged and beheaded Yet because there should not passe a yeare cleane without warre a journey was made such a one as it was into Vmbria upon newes that there used to yssue forth day by day certaâ—ne men in armes out of a cave and to make rodes into the countrie about Into this cave or peake the Romanes entred with their ensignes displaied where by reason that it was a blind corner they received many a wound and specially by throwing of stones untill such time as they found the other mouth of the cave for it was a thorowfare So they piled a deale of wood together at both endes and set it on fire with the smoke and vapour whereof there were about 2000 armed men driven out of their hole who rushing at last into the flame desirous to escape were smoudred and burnt to ashes When as M. Livius Denter and C. Aemylius were Consuls the Aequians began to warre againe for they hardly could abide and endure that a Colonie should bee planted upon their borders as a frontier-fortresse to bridle them and assaied by all kind of force to winne the same but they were lustily repulsed by the inhabitants onely within the towne Howbeit such a feare they made at Rome because it was not thought credible that the Aequians alone of themselves so distressed as they were would be so hardie as to take armes that in regard of that trouble a Dictatour was named to wit C. Iunius Bubuleus with M. Titintus Generall of the horse Who at the first conflict subdued the Aequians and upon the eight day of his governement returned into the cittie in triumph and now Dictatour dedicated the temple of Sâ—lut which hee had vowed being Consull and had put out to workmen for to be builded while hee was Censor The same yeare a fleet of Greekes under the conduct of Cleonymus a Lacedemonian arrived upon the coast of Italie and wan Thuriae a cittie of the Salentines Against this enemie was the Consull Aemylius sent who in one battell discomfited him and drove him abourd Thus Thuriae was rendered againe to the former inhabitants and the Salentine countrie obtained peace and quietnesse I find in some records that it was Iun Bubulcus the Dictatour who was sent to the Salentines and that Cleonymus before he was to encounter with the Romanes departed out of Italie From thence hee fetched a compasse and doubled the point of Brundusium and sailed with a fore-wind through the middest of the Venice gulfe for that on the left hand the Haven-lesse and harbourlesse coasts of Italie and on the right the Illyrians Liburnians and Istrians fierce nations and for the most part reputed infamous for roving and robbing by the sea side put him in exceeding feare So he arrived at length upon the river of Venice lying farre within the shore there he landed a few to discover the coasts but hearing that the strond that lay out against them was not broad and spacious and when they were past over it there were behind them the plashes as it were overflowed with the sea
tides and that not farre off might bee seene the champion fields neere hand and hils beyond and discovering by this meanes the mouth of a very deepe river into which he saw that the ships might be brought about as into a sure harbour now that rivers name was Meduacus thither hee commaunded that the Armada should put in and to make saile up against the streame The heaviest vessels the chanell of the river would not beare but the soldiors were transported in lighter barkes and small pinnaces and so fell at length with the levell and the plaine countrie frequented with much people by reason that three sea-townes of the Patavines inhabited that territorie Being once landed and having left a slender guard for their ships they take townes by assault burne houses harrie and drive away prises both of men and cattell and when they had once tasted of the sweetnesse of bootie and pillage they went farre from their ships The al'arme hereof was given at Patavium now the Patavines were alwaies in armes because of the Gaules their borders Whereupon they devided their fighting youth into two regiments the one was led into those quarters whereas the report went that the Greekes forraied here and there all abroad the other because they would not meet with the pillers and rovers was conducted another way to the harbour where the ships rid about foureteene miles from the towne And after they had slaine the warders they charged upon the small barks Wherupon the mariners were afraid and were forced to retire their vessels to the other banke side Likewise upon the maine they sped as well in fight against the stragling rovers for when as the Greekes fled backe to recover the harbour the Venetians encountered them afront and made head against them So the enemies were environned in the middest and most of them slaine some that were taken prisoners bewrayed what their fleet was and that king Cleonymus was three myles off There when they had bestowed the prisoners sure ynough in ward within the next village some man with souldiours their river vessels made fitly and framed with flat bottomes for to passe over the meeres and shallow washes others embarke armed men in the small gallions taken from the enemies and made way apace to give an assault upon the maine fleet and beset those shippes which rid at ancker and durst not weigh and remoove fearing not the enemie so much as the unknowne coasts These I say they environned and charged upon them and when they made hast to gaine the deepe and open sea without any resistance at all they were pursued and chased unto the mouth of the river Thus when they had taken the enemies ships and fired others namely such as for feare and hast were driven upon the shelves and run a ground then they returned with victorie Cleonymus hardly saved the fifth part of his fleet And thus having had no good lucke in attempting to land in anie coast of the Adriaticke sea hee departed The stemmes of the shippes with their beak-heads and brasen pikes together with the spoiles of the Lacedemonians were set up in the old Temple of Iuno and there bee manie at this day alive which have seene them The memoriall of this sea-fight is celebrated yearely upon the verie same day that it was fought at Patavium with a solemne skirmish and combate of ships represented upon the river within the middest of the cittie The same yeare was a league made at Rome with the Vestines who came to sue for peace and amitie But from that time forward there arose many and diverse fearefull occurrents For newes came that Hetruria rebelled which troubles tooke their beginning by occasion of the civile dissention and discord of the Aretines who began to expell by force of armes the house and familie of the Licinij mightie and puissant above the rest for verie envie and repine of their wealth and riches Over and besides the Marsians stood out and by armes maintained their title to that part of their territorie into which there had beene a Colonie of Carseolanes brought to the number of foure thousand men enrolled there to inhabite Against which stirres and tumults Marcus Valerius Maximus was created Dictatour who made choise of M. Aemylius Paulus to bee the Commaunder of the Horse Which I rather beleeve to bee true than that Q. Fabius a man of those yeares and that worth after so manie honourable dignities should bee under Valerius But I would not denie that the error might growe by reason of the surname of Maximus The Dictatour having taken the field with his armie in one battaile discomfited the Marsians and after hee had driven them into their walled and fensed townes Miloniana Plestina and Fresilia within few daies hee woon them also over their heads and having fined the Marsians with the losse of some part of their territorie hee received them into their auncient league againe Then all the forces were emploied against the Tuscanes and whiles the Dictatour was departed to Rome to take his Auspices anew the Generall of Horse being gone out a foraging was by a secret ambush entrapped And having lost certaine ensignes hee was forced into the campe after a foule slaughter and shamefull flight of his men Which fearefull cowardise is not like to have beene in Fabius not onely because if ever hee deserved his surname of Maximus by any commendable parts it was especially for his prowesse in warre but also for that in remembrance of Papyrtus his crueltie toward him hee never could have beene brought to fight without the commaundement or permission of the Dictatour This discomfiture and losse being reported at Rome caused a greater terrour than there was cause For no lesse than if the armie had beene utterly defeated there was published and proclaimed a stay and cessation of all law-matters warders bestowed at the gates order taken for standing watches in every streete and armour and darts carried up to the wals And after that all the younger sort were sworne and prest to serve the Dictator was sent againe to the armie Where hee found all more quiet than hee looked for through the carefull diligence of the Generall of Horse The campe was remooved to a place of more strength and safetie the bands and companies which had lost their ensignes left on the bare earth without the rampires destitute of tents and convert and the armie eager and desirous of fight to doe away and rase out the former ignominie and shame Presently therefore hee raised his campe and remooved forward into the countrie of Rasella Thither followed the enemies also hard at heeles Who albeit upon their late good speed they were in right great hope and affiance to bee strong ynough even in open fight and plaine field yet they assaile the enemie also by the same slights and traines which they had alreadie so fortunately tried There fortuned to bee in the countrie thereabout not farre from the Romanes campe certaine houses
Rome both the Senat advised and the people allowed to make warre upon the Samnites The Consuls parted their provinces and charges between themselves To Scipio fell Hetruria the Samnites to Falvius and so they take their journey divers waies ech one to the warre allotted unto him Scipio looked for no other but a lingering warre at the enemies hands and like to the defensive service of the former yeare but behold they with an armie well appointed and arraunged encountred him and gave him battaile neere to Volaterre Where they fought the better part of the day with much blooshed on both sides and whiles they were doubtfull which way the victorie went the night came between But the morning after bewraied both who were winners and who were loosers For the Tuscanes in the still and dead time of the night dislodged The Romane Consull comming forth into the field and seeing by the enemies departure the victorie confessed went forward to the campe which he found emptie of men but full of rich pillage for they had fearfully and in great hast abandoned their tents and was master thereof From thence he retired his forces into the territorie of the Faliscanes and after he had left at Falerij all his bag and baggage with a meetly garrison there lightly appointed he marched forward and with a running campe wasted the marches and territories of his enemies He put all to fire and sword drave away booties from all parts and left not the ground onely wast and desert but set fire also upon castles and borrough townes Onely he forbare to assault the great and strong cities into with feare had driven the Tuscanes for refuge Cn. Fulvius the Consull on the other part fought a noble battaile in Samnium neere Bovianum and the victorie was no whit doubtfull After which he assailed Bovianum and not long after Aufidena both citties he wan by force The same yeare was there a Colonie brought to Carseoli within the territorie of the Aequiculi And Fulvius the Consull triumphed of the Samnites When as now the of this yeare there came of the Consuls Election drew neere there was a rumour raised that the Tuscanes and Samnites were levying and enrolling of great and mightie forces that openly in all their assemblies and Diets the princes of the Tuscans were coursed reprooved for that they had not waged the Gaules to warre whatsoever it had cost them that the magistrates of the Samnites were blamed for exposing that armie as it were a preie unto the Romanes which had beene provided against their enemies the Lucanes For now seeing that the enemies both with their owne power and also with the helpe of their allies were come to warre they should not be able to match them having their forces thus redoubled Now albeit there were other famous and renowmed persons stood to be Consuls yet this new feare and affright turned all men to become favourites of Q. Fabius Maximus who at the first made no suite and afterwards seeing the inclination of their affections refused also to be Consull q Demaunding what they ment to trouble and molest him so aged a man as he was and one who as as he had gone through all labours and travails of this world so he had passed also the rewards and recompenses of his travailes alleadging that neither strength of bodie norvigor of spirit could alwaies continue the same and last for ever and besides he feared fortune her selfe least haply she might be thought of any of the gods too propice and favourable unto him and more permanent than the ordinarie train and course of this world would permit Therfore like as himselfe had grown up after the glorie of his elders succeeded them so he saw beheld with joy of heart others also rising up after him and to succeed him in the like glorie and as there wanted not at Rome high promotions and advancements for hardie and valiant men so there failed not brave men of worth for to receive those honours and dignities But by this refusall of his so modest so just and reasonable he whetted and kindled more and more their earnest affections and favours towards him which he thinking to dull and quench with the reverent regard and awe of the lawes commaunded a statute to be read wherein it was not lawfull for one and the same man within tenne yeares to be created Consull twise But scarcely for the noise that the people made could this law be heard red and the Tribunes of the Com. said that this should be no let for they would preferre a bil unto the people that he might be discharged and despensed withal from the Statutes in that behalf Howbeit he stood stifly stâ—l in his refusal demanding of them to what purpose end were the lawes made if by the verâ—e makers therof they might be thus deluded made of no force For so qd he lawes ruled not but were overruled But nath'lesse the people went to a scrutinie and began to give their voices and as everie Centurie was called into the railes they named and chose Fabius Consull without sticking at the matter Then at last overcome with this generall accord and consent of the whole cittie God say Amen quoth hee ô Quirites to that you doe and are about But for as much as you will have your will and dispose of me at your pleasure doe me this favour yet that I may have the chusing of my Colleague I beseech you make Consull with me P. Decius a man approved unto me alreadie with whom I have sorted well in the fellowship of another office a man I say answerable otherwise to the greatnesse of his name and worthie of his fathers vertue from whom he is descended This favour which he requested seemed unto them just and reasonable So all the Centuries behind created Q. Fabius and P. Decius for Consuls The same yeare the Aediles served processe upon verie many citizens for holding and possessing of more lands than by law was limited and none in a manner was able to acquite himselfe hereof Which was a great bridle and restraint to their unmeasurable avarice As the new Consuls Q. Fabius Maximus the fourth time and P. Decius Mus the third time conâ—erred and laid their heads togethether about their charges that the one should take in hand the Samnites and the other the Tuscanes and consulted what forces might serve and be sufficient for this or that province and exploit and to whether warre either of them were the more meete and sufficient leader certaine Embassadours from Sutrium Neper and Falerij aduertised them That the States of Tuscane were now consulting in their Diets about a Treatie of peace which was an occasion that they turned all their preparations and forces into Samnium The Consuls being gone forth to the end they might have the readier provision of graine and victuals and the enemie be more to seeke which way they would assaile them led their
Aquilonia The Romane Consuls tooke their journey from the cittie of Rome and C. Carvilius first unto whom were appointed the old Legions which M. Attilius the Consull of the former yeare had left in the territorie of Interamna And with them he marched into Samnium And mean while that the enemies were overmuch busied and amused about their superstitious ceremonies and hâ—ld their secret and mysticall councels he woon by force from the Samnits the towne Amiternum Where almost 2800 men were slaine and 4270 taken prisoners But Papyrius having by direction from the Senat enrolled a new armie forced the towne Duronia tooke fewer prisoners than his Colleague but in lieu thereof put many more to the sword A rich bootie there was gotten both in the one place and the other Afterwards the Consuls overran the whole countrie of Samnium but they spoiled wasted especially the lands about Atinium Carvilius marched as far as Cominium and Papyrius to Aquilonia where the whole power of the Samnites lay encamped There for a good while they neither sat still were altogether idle in the camp ne yet was there any hot service in the field They spent the time in provoking them to fight that gladly would have sitten stil or in lying off giving ground to those that assailed them thus I say with threatening rather than offering battell they passed the day For whiles they began estsoones and gave over anon there was no issue seene of any skirmishes and the decision even of small matters and occurrents were prolonged and put off from day to day The other campe of the Romaines lay twentie miles off and albeit the other Consull was absent yet his hand and counsell was in every enterprise and exploit For as there lay a greater weight charge at Aquilonia than at Cominium so Carvilius had a more carefull eye that way than to the place which himselfe besieged L. Papyrius being now at all points provided to fight dispatched a messenger to his Colleague to signifie unto him that he minded the next day if he were not checked by the Auspices to give the enemie battaile and withall that it was expedient and needefull that he likewise should with all his forces assault Cominium that the Samnites within might have neither meanes nor leysure to send any succour to Aquilonia This post had that one day allowed him to do his message and attend hisdispatch and by night he made returne and brought word unto the Consull from his Colleague that he liked well of his purpose and advise Papyrius then immediatly dismissed and sent away the courrier aforesayd and assembled his souldiers to an audience where he discoursed at large concerning warre in generall Much he spake also as touching the present preparation and magnificent furniture of the enemies more brave goodly for shew and ostentation than effectual and of importance in the end For they are not the plumed crests quoth he that give the deadly wounds but the Romaines speare and launce it is that is able to pierce their guilded and damasked shields yea and that other glittering armie with milke-white diaper coates must be died red in bloud when they come to strokes and to try it out by dint of sword The golden and silvered armies of the Samnites were sometimes by my father put to the sword and killed to the last man and they served rather for rich spoyles to honour the victorious enemie than for armour of proofe no defend and save themselves This is a fatall gift and destinied to our name and familie for to be chosen Generals and to be opposed against the greatest puissance and attempts of the Samnites and to bring away with them those spoiles which might be ornaments to beautifie the publicke places of the citie And the immortall gods no doubt are present to defend and assist us in our quarell against those that so oft have sought for peace and alliance and as often broken the same themselves And if a man may conjecture and guesse of the will and providence of the gods they never were to any armie more adverse and full of indignitie than to that which being stained and polluted with the bloud of beasts and men massacred and mingled together in an horrible and execrable kinde of sacrifice and devowed to a double anger of the gods having in dread and horror of one side the vengeance of the same gods witnesses of their breach of covenants with the Romaines and on the other side the detestable and abhominable curses comprised in an oth taken against all covenant and promise hath sworne by constraint and perforce hateth and detesteth the oth whereby they are perjured and at one time is in feare of the gods of their owne selves and their enemies Thus having shewed unto his souldiours who were alreadie of themselves badly and maliciously enough bent against the enemies that he had certaine intelligence of all these things by the constant relation averted by certaine fugitives that were fled from them unto him they all being now full of assured hope of Gods help and mans with one uniforme crie called for battaile and nothing grieved them more than this That it was put off untill the morow hating in their harts the rest of that day behind that one night for being so long About midnight Papyrius having received letters back from his Colleague gat him up closely when all were fast asleepe and sent the chick-maister to take token and observe the presage of the pullets There was not one throughout the whole campe of what qualitie or degree soever but had a desire to fight The highest as well as the lowest were earnest and eager the Captaines might behold see the souldiours affection courage that way and the souldiour likewise the Captaines in so much as the same ardent desire of battaile which was in all the rest reached also even to those that had the charge of the Auspices For when as the chickens would not peck the chick-maister adventured to lye and falsifie the token and made report to the Consull that it was Tripudium solistimum Whereat the Consul right glad and joyous pronounced that the token was luckie and that they were to fight under the favour and conduct of the gods land hereupon he put forth the signall or bloudie banner of battaile As he was now marching forth into the field with his armie behold a fugitive out of the enemies campe brought word that twentie cohorts or companies of Samnites and those were about 400 in a cohort were gone to Cominium And because his Colleague Carvilius should not be ignorant hereof lie presently dispatched a curryer in post unto him and himselfe commanded the Ensignes and Standerds to be advanced and set forward with speede ordeining the bands in the rereward for succours and disposing them in divers places with Captaines over the same accordingly He appointed L. Volumnius to leade the right wing and L. Scipio the left and the
water and upon the banke he arranged fortie Elephants afront them There were of the Carpetanes counting the aides and succours of the Olcades and Vaccej 100000 strong an armie invincible if they had fought on even indifferent ground Who being both by nature fierce and courageous and for multitude confident presumptuous besides upon their imagination that the enemie was retired for feare supposed that the onely stay of their victorie was because the river ran between and setting up a shour and outcrie without direction of any leader in all disorder they ran into the river here and there everie man what way was next him Now from the other side of the banke a great troupe of horsemen were entred into the river encountred them in the mids of the chanell and fought with great advantage For whereas the footmen unsteadie and not able to keepe fast footing and hardly trusting the fourd might easely be cast aside overturned even by naked horsemen if they did but put forth and pricke forward their horses it skilled not how the horsemen on the other side having their bodies at libertie and able to weld their weapon with their horses under them standing sure even in the mids of the streame and whirlepooles might with case either fight close hand to hand or assaile the enemies aloose Many of them besides perished in the water some by the whirling waves of the river were driven upon the enemies and by the Elephants troded under foot and crushed to death The hinmost who might with more safety recover their owne banke after they were rallied together into one from divers places as feare had scattered them before they could upon so great a fright take heart and come againe to themselves Anniball who with a soure square battaillon had entred the river forced to slie from the banke and when he had wasted the countrie within few daies brought the Carpetanes also under his obedience And now all beyond Iberus was subject to the Carthaginians the Saguntines onely excepted With whom as yet he would not seeme to warre howbeit to minister some cause and occasion thereof quarrels were picked and feeds of dissentions sowne between them and their neighbours namely the Turdetanes Vnto whose aid when he was come that was himselfe the sower of all the variance and had set them together by the eares and when it appeared plainly that it was not a matter of right to be tried by law but an occasion rather sought of fight and open war then the Saguntines sent their embassadors to Rome for to crave aid against that warre which doubtlesse was at hand The Consuls at that time of Rome were P. Cornelius Scipio and Titus Sempronius Longus who having brought the embassadors into the Counsell house and proposed matters unto the L.L. there concerning the weale publick and decreed to send their embassadors into Spaine to take survey and looke into the state of their allies who also if they thought it meere should give Anniball warning not to meddle with their consederates and molest the Saguntines and withall to sayle over to Carthage into Affrick and there make relation of the complaints and greevances of the allies of the people of Rome when I say this embassage was decreed but yet not sent newes came sooner than all men looked for that Saguntum was alreadie besieged Then was the matter propounded new again before the Senat. Some were of mind to dispatch the Consuls unto the provinces of Spaine and Africke with commission to make warre both by sea and land Others thought better to bend all their forces wholie into Spaine against Anniball There were againe of opinion that so great and weightie an enterprise was not hand over head and rashly to be attempted but rather that they should attend the returne of the embassadors out of Spaine and this advise that seemed most safe was held for the better and tooke place And therefore so much the sooner were these embassadors P. Valerius Flaccus and Q. Rebius Pamphibar addressed unto Anniball before Saguntum with direction from thence to go forward to Carthage in case he would not desist and give over war and for to demaund the captaine himselfe for amends and satisfaction of breaking the league But whiles the Romanes were amused about these consultations and decrees Saguntum was by this time with all forcible meanes assalted This citie of all other most wealthie and rich stood beyond Iberus situate almost a mile from the sea The inhabitants are sayd to have had their beginning out of they land Zacynthus and some among them were descended from Ardea a citie of the Rutilians but they grew within short time to this puissance wealth of theirs partly by the fruits revenewes of their lands and partly by the traffick and gaine of their merchandise and commodities transported by sea as also by the great affluence and increase of people and lastly by their streight rule of discipline whereby they observed their troth and loyaltie with their allies even to their owne ruine and finall destruction Anniball after he had invaded their confines as an enemie and by way of hostilitie with his armie overrun and wasted their countrie besieged and assailed the citie three waies There was one canton or angle of the wall shooting out into a more plaine and open valley than any other place all about against which he meant to raise certaine mantlets or fabricks under which he might approch with the Ram to batter the wall But as the place farre from the wall was even enough and handsome for such engins of batterie to be driven upon so after that they came to the proofe and execution indeed the successe answered nothing to the enterprise begun For besides that there was a mightie towre overlooked and commaunded them the wall it selfe as in a place doubted and suspected was more fortified and raysed higher there than elsewhere and also the chosen youth and ablest men were bestowed there to make more forcible resistance where there was like to be most trouble and danger And first with shot of darts and quarels and such like they put the enemie back and would not suffer the pioners and labourers in any place to entrench or rayse rampiers in saffetie In processe also they shot not from the wall only and that towre and shewed themselves there in armes for defense but also their harts served them to sallic forth and to breake into the gards of the enemies yea and to enter upon their trenches and fabricks In which skirmishes there dyed not many more Saguntines than Carthaginians But so soone as Anniball himselfe approching unadvisedly under the wall fortuned to be wounded greevously in the forepart of his thigh with a dart or light javelin and therewith fell to the ground they all about him fled so fast and were so skared that they had like to have geven over quite abandoned their mantilets other fabricks aforesayd After
found the misse or absence of the Generall This Maharball had made some fortunat skirmishes and with three rammes shaken a good part of the wall so as hee shewed to Anniball at his returne all lying along and every place full of fresh ruines Whereupon the armie was presently brought against the verie castle of the cittie where began a cruell and bloudie conflict with the slaughter of many on both sides and one part of the said fortresse was forced and woon Afterwards there was some treatie of peace and agreement by meanes of two persons Alcon a Saguntine and Alorcus a Spaniard and some small hope there was of it Alcon supposing hee could somewhat prevaile by way of request and entreating without knowledge of the Saguntines departed away by night to Anniball But after that hee saw that with all his weeping he could doe no good but that heavie and intollerable articles and capitulations of peace were exhibited as from a wrathfull conquerour of an Orator proved to be a very traitour and remained still in the campe with the enemies saying that he was sure to die whosoever should moove the Saguntines to peace under those conditions For demaunded it was of the Saguntines Imprimis to make restitution to the Turdetanes of all harmes and losses Item to deliver up all their gold and silver Item to quit the towne and depart but with one sute of apparrell a peece and there to dwell where the Carthaginians would appoint When Alcon avouched plainely that the Saguntines would never accept of peace with these conditions Alorcus replied againe and said That seeing all things els now failed them their hearts also must needs come downe and faile likewise and therewith promised to deliver unto them the tenour of the said peace and to bee a mediatour and dealer in the compassing thereof At that time he served Anniball as a private souldiour howbeit a publicke friend he was and an host and guest of old to the Saguntines Who having in fight of all men yeelded up his offensive armes to the warders of the enemies and passed the rampiers was brought for so himselfe desired before the Governour and Provost of Saguntum Thether came running presently a number of all sorts of people but after the rest of the multitude were commanded to void Alorcus was called into their Counsell house and having audience given made this or the like speech unto them If Alcon your countriman and fellow cittizen as he came from you to Anniball for to treat about peace had likewise brought backe againe unto you from Anniball the conditions and articles of peace I needed not to have taken this jorney who am come unto you neither as an Orator from Annibal ne yet as a fugitive But seeing he hath remained with the enemie either through your default or his own I know not whither the pretended fained causelesse feare himselfe is to blame but if they stand in daunger that report a truth vnto you then are ye in great fault I therfore to the end ye should not be ignorant but that there are conditions offred to you of life of safetie of peace in regard of old amitie and acquaintance in regard I say of mutuall intertainement long time between us am now come unto you And that ye may beleeve that whatsoever you shal hear delivered from me I speak it for your good and for the favour of no man else this one thing if no more may assure you that neither so long as ye were able to make resistance by your own strength nor all the while that yee hoped for aide from the Romanes I never made word or mention of peace unto you But seeing now that yee have not any hope at all from the Romanes and that your owne forces and citie wals are able no longer to defend you I present unto you a peace more necessarie I confesse than equall and reasonable Wherof you may have some hope in these terms namely if as Anniball offereth and presenteth it like a conquerour so you will heare of it accept therof as conquered if I say yee will not make reckning of that which you forgoe as a losse and damage seeing by extremitie all is the victors but that which is left as gaine and advantage yea and frely given unto you Your towne whereof a great part is ruinated by him and which he hath taken in manner all that he mindeth to put you by your lands and possessions he leaveth unto you purposing to set you out a plot of ground whereupon you may build yourselves a new cittie Your gold and silver all as well common treasure as private monies and plate he commaundeth to be brought unto him the bodies of your wives and children he is content to spare and save undefiled upon this condition that you wil depart without armour and with a double suit of apparrell a peece and no more These are the impositions that your enemie a conquerour demaundeth Which albeit they be hard and grievous yet your fortune and state is such as you must allow thereof and be content For mine owne part I am not out of hope but when you have put all into his hands he will deale better by you remit somwhat of these conditions But I thinke yee were better to abide all this rather than your bodies to be murdred your wives and children to be ravished haled and forced before your faces as the law and manner of warre requireth To the hearing of this Oration the people had flocked about and by little and little entermingled their own assemblie with the Senators and all of a suddain the chiefe of them withdrew themselves and departed before answere was given and brought all their silver and gold as well publicke as private into the market place and when they had cast it into a great fire made hastilie for that purpose most of them threw themselves into it headlong after Whereupon there being a feare and trouble alreadie throughout the whole cittie behold another outcrie besides and noise was heard from the castle For a certaine tower that had beene a long time battered and shaken fell down and at the breach therof a band of Carthaginians made entrie and gave signe to their General that the citie was abandoned of the ordinarie watchmen and corps de gard of the enemies and altogether lay open and naked Annibal supposing it was no wisedom to neglect and stacke so good an opportunitie with all his forces at once assailed the cittie and wan it in the turning of an hand and presently gave order that all above fourteene years of age should be put to the sword A cruell commaundement no doubt but yet needfull as afterwards is was well seene in the end and upshot of all For who would have spared and taken pitie of those that either shut themselves with their wives and children into their houses and burnt them over their owne heads or in their armour gave not
upon themselves and to suffer yea and offer their owne territories to be spoiled and harried for the safetie forsooth of other mens lands who were but meere aliens and strangers unto them The noyse and garboile being at length husht and appeased this answere was returned to the Embassadors That neither the Romanes had deserved so well nor the Carthaginians so ill at their hands that they should take armes either for Romanes or against Carthaginians But contrariwise they were advertised that some of their nation were by the people of Rome driven out of the marches and confines of Italie put to pay tribute yea and indured other outrages and indignities The like demaunds and answeres passed too and fro in other Councels and assemblies of Gaule neither could they meete with any friendly enterteinement or have peaceable words given them before they came to Massilia where after diligent inquirie and faithfull search made by their allies they had true advertisements that Anniball aforehand had wrought the harts of the Gaules to his owne purpose and was possessed of them but they understood withall that they were not like to continue long in good termes of kindnesse and favor even to him so fierce and savage so untractable are they and untamed by nature unlesse their Princes and rulers be ever and anon well feed and plied with gold whereof that nation of all other is most greedie covetous The Romane Embassadors having thus gone their circuite over all the States of Spaine and Gaule returned to Rome not long after that the Coss. had taken their journey into their provinces where they found the whole citie possessed with the expectation of warre so rise and currant was the rumor and bruit abroad that the Carthaginians were alreadie passed over the river Iberus Anniball after the winning of Saguntum had retired himselfe to winter in new Carthage and there having intelligence what had bene done and decreed as well at Rome as at Carthage in Affrick and that he was reputed not onely the Captaine generall and conductor but also the very author and cause of all this warre so soone as he had devided and sold the rest of the bootie and pillage that remained thought good now to make no longer delaies but assembled the soldiours of the Spanish Nation and to them he spake in this manner My trustie friends and loiall consederats I am persuaded that ye yourselves do see as well as I now that all the States of Spain are in peace and quietnesse that either yee are to make an end of souldierie all our forces to be cassed and discharged from service or else that yee must remove the warre into other lands For so shall these Nations prosper and flourish and not onely enjoy the blessings of peace but also reape the fruits of war if we will seek to gain riches and to acquire glorie and honor from others Since therefore wee are to warre shortly far from home and doubt it is when you shall see again your houses and whatsoever there is deere unto you if any of you bee desirous to visite home his wife and children kinsfolke and friends I give him licence and free pasport But I commaund you withall to shew yourselves heere againe before mee in the beginning of the next spring that with the helpe of God we may in hand with that warre whereby wee shall purchase both worship and wealth There was not one in a manner but well accepted of this libertie so franckly offered by himselfe and were desirousâ— have a sight of house land both for that overy one a readie longed for their friends and kindred and foresaw in farther time to come a greater misse and cause of more longing after them This rest all Winter time betweene their travailes past and those they were soon after to endure refreshed as wel their bodies as their minds and prepared them to abide and endure all new paines whatsoever So in the very prime of the spring according to the Edict aforesaid they all assembled together againe Anniball having taken a muster and survey of the aides that were sent unto him from all those Nations went to Gades and there to Hercules he paid his old vowes and bound himselfe to new if the rest of his enterprises should speed well and have good successe After this deviding and casting care indifferently as well for offensive as defensive warre doubting least whiles hee went by land through Spaine and France into Italie Affricke should lie open and naked to the Romanes from Sicilie side purposed to fortifie and make that part sure with strong garrisons In lieu whereof hee sent for fresh supplie out of Affricke specially of Archers and Iaâ—â—lotiers and those lightly armed to the end that the Affricanes might serve in Spaine and the Spaniards in Affrick like both the one and the other to proove the better souldiours farre from their owne countries and being bound as it were with mutuall and reciprocall pledges So hee sent into Affricke 13850 footemen armed with light targets and 870 slingers of the islands Baleares 1200 horsemen also out of sundrie Nations Which forces he disposed partly for thedefense of Carthage partly to be devided through Affricke for the guard thereof Hee sent withall certaine Commissioners into all their citties to take up souldiours and enrolled 4000 of their chosen youths who should be brought to Carthage there to lie in garison and to serve for hostages And supposing that Spaine was not to be neglected and the rather because hee was not ignorant how the Romane Embassadours had visited the same round to see how they could sollicite and worke the Princes and rulers to their mind he committed the charge of that Province to his brother Asdrubal a valiant and hardie man and furnished him with good forces especially out of Affrick to wit 11850 Affricans footmen 300 Ligurians 500 Balearo Islanders To this power of footmen three hundred horse of the Libyphoenicians a Nation mixt of Carthaginians Affricanes Of Numidians and Mores that coast upon the Ocean 1900. with a small cornet of 200 horsemen of Ilergetes out of Spaine And because hee should want no manner of land helpe foureteene Elephants besides Moreover there was a fleet allowed him for the defence of the sea coasts For by what forces and service the Romanes had before gotten victorie thereby it was likely that they would still maintaine and continue their warres 50 gallies therefore of five bankes of oates hee had at sea two of four and five of three But of the five oared gallies aforesaid he had no more but two and thirtie fitted and well appointed with rowers and marriners and so were the five of three banckes From Gades the armie of Anniball returned to winter in Carthage and from thence he passed by the citie Etovissa and marched forward with his forces to Iberus the sea coasts Where it is reported that in his sleepe hee
dreamed and sawe a vision namely a young man of divine shape and semblance saying That he was sent from Jupiter to guide him in his voiage into Italie and willed him therefore to follow him and in no wise to turne his eies from him one way or other Also that at the first he being skared and affrighted durst not look either about or behind but followed him still afterwards as men by nature are curious when hee cast and discoursed in his mind what it might be that hee was forbidden so to see behind him hee could not hold and rule his eyes but must needes looke backe and then hee beheld behind him a serpent of huge greatnesse comming amaine and all the way as it went to beare downe trees groves and thickets and after all that he perceived a great storme and tempest ensuing with mightie thunder-claps Now when hee was desirous to know what this so great confusion and straunge fight might signifie he heard a voice saying That it betokened the ruines and wasting of Italie willing him therefore to goe still forward with his voyage and search no further into the secrets of the gods but leave them to the hidden destinies Anniball right joyous at this vision passed over Iberus with his whole power devided into three parts having sent certaine before him with gifts and rewards into all parts whereas he should march with his armie to gaine the hearts of the Gaules and withall to seeke out discover the passages of the Alpes So he crossed the river Iberus with 90000 foot 12000 horse strong After this he subdued the Ilergetes the Bargusians Auselanes and Aquitain which lyeth under the hils Pyrenei The government of all these Nations heeset over to Hanno that hee might have at his commaund the streights which joined Fraunce and Spaine together Vnto whome hee allowed 10000 footemen and 1000 horse for to defend and keepe in obedience those countries After that his armie was on foote and began to march through the forrest Pyreneus and that there ran amongst the barbarous people a more certain bruit That they were to make warre with the Romanes three thousand footmen of the Carpenates returned backe and for certaine it was knowne that they departed not for feare so much of the warre as the tedious journey and unpassable waies of the Alpes Anniball considering that either to recall them or to keepe them by violence was a daungerous matter for fear least thereby hee should provoke the fierce stomackes of the rest sent home againe above 7000 of such as he perceived to be wearie and to have no mind to the service and made semblance withall that the Carpetanes were by his leave discharged And doubting least long stay ease there might tempt his souldiours and give occasion of mutinies with the rest of his forces hee passed Pyreneus and pitched his campe before the towne Illiberis The Gaules albeit they were advertised that it was Italie at which Anniball shot yet because the bruit was blased That the Spaniards beyond Iberus were by force subdued and strong garrisons placed in their citties certaine Nations of them for feare of servitude and bondage rose up in armes and assembled together at Ruscino Which being related to Anniball hee fearing more that they would stay him in his journey than endaunger him in sight sent certaine Oratours or Embassadours to their Princes and great Lords to signifie unto them That himselfe in person would gladly parle with them and that it should bee in their choise whether they would come neerer to Illiberis or himselfe goe forward to Ruscino where beeing neere together they might more easily meere and conferre For as hee was willing to receive them into his campe and would bee glad to see them there so hee would not thinke much of his paines to repaire unto them himselfe as one that was thither come as a friend and guest unto Fraunce and not as an enemie and would not by his good will draw a sword if the Gaules would let him alone before hee were entered within Italie And thus much verilie pasied by messengers and courriers betweene But so soone as the Lords of Fraunce who presently remooved their campe to Illiberis were come willingly enough to Anniball as being bribed and corrupted with money and presents they gave his armie good leave to passe through their confines along the towne Ruscino In Italie this while the embassadors of Marseilles had brought no other word to Rome but that Anniball was only gone over Iberus but by that time the Boij had stirred up the Insubrians to mutinie and were revolted themselves even as if hee had passed the Alpes alreadie which they did not so much upon old rancour and mallice to the People of Rome as for that they tooke it ill and were discontented that there were Colonies brought lately into the Gauls countrie to be planted about Padus Placentia and Cremona Whereupon they arose suddainely tooke armes and entred by force into those parts and made so soule worke and fearefull havocke that not onely the countrey people and villagers but also the three Romane Commissioners called Triumvirs to wit Caius Luctatius Aul. Servilius and Titus Annius who were come to set out the lands and territorie to the said Colonies not trusting the wals of Placentia fled to Mutina That Luctatius was one of them it is not doubted but some records have Q. Acilius and C. Herennius instead of A. Servilius and T. Annius and others againe nominate P. Cornelius Asina and C. Papyrius Maso It is uncertaine also whether they were the Embassadours sent to the Boij to reason or expostulate the matter that had abuse offred them and were evill intreated or that the Triumvirs above said were set upon and assailed as they were measuring out the lands But whiles they were thus besieged at Mutina and those Bojans lying at siege a nation unskilfull altogether in the seat of assaulting townes and likewise of all other most cowardly to attempt any martial exploits whiles they lay ydely about the wals never once advanced against them they began to make shew of a treatie for peace Wherupon the Roman embassadors or Comissioners being by the chiefe of the Gaules called out to parle were not onely against law of nations but with breach also of their faithfull promise word which they had given that time apprehended and the Gauls said plainly they would not let them go unless their hostageswere delivered them again These news touching the embassadors being reported Mutina with the garison in danger L. Manliâ—s the Pretor in great anger and indignation brought his armie in more hast than good order before Mutinaâ— There were in those daies great woods about the high way and most part of the countrie wilds and wasts not inhabited where he having engaged himselfe without his espials was intrapped within an ambush lost many of his men and hardly recovered
barges and botes ful in their eie over against them together with arrhideous roring of the water might have skared them besides sundrie noises of mariners and soldiors who laboured strived to break the power and force of the water and who being on the other side of the banke encouraged their fellowes that were passing over And thus frighted enough as they were with the tumult and noise presented before their faces behold there arose a more fearfull and terrible outcrie behind theis backs upon the forcing and winning of their campe by Hanno And him-himselfe in person came soone after so that they were put in feare on both sides For not onely out of the ships there was a great multitude gotten to land but also a power at their backes unlooked for came forward and charged them The Gaules after they had made some resistance and saw they were easely put backe brake through where they espied the way to lie most open and so in great feare they fled divers waies into their townes and villages Anniball then having conveied over the rest of his forces by leasure cared no more now for any French sturres and tumults and so encamped himselfe But for the transporting of the Elephants I suppose there were sundrie devises and certainly however it was the thing is diversly recorded Some say that when the Elephantes were gathered together upon the banke the most couragious and fiercest of them all was chauffed angred and raised of purpose by his master or keeper and when he was pursued of the beast and to save himselfe fled from him and tooke the river thereupon the Elephant followed after him as hee swamme and so drew after him the whole drove of the rest and as any one of them fearing the depth failed to wade the verie force of the river carried him to the other side But it is more credibly and certainely reported that they were conveyed over in certaine barges which as it was a safer way safer way and surer course before it was practised so when it was done and past it was more easily credited They caused therefore one vessell or barge 200 foote long and 50 foote broad to reach from the strond side and the shore into the river which because it should not be caried downe with the course and streame of the water they fastned to the banke above with many strong ropes and like as it had ben a bridge they covered it over with earth that the beasts might boldly gothereon as upon the firme ground Now there was another barge full as broad but of length only 100 foot fitted appointed to passe the river and was tied coupled therto and when as the Elephants driven after the females going before upon the steadie barge as it had bene upon a causey were gone over into the lesser which was fastned unto it then presently was it losed from the bonds where with it was slightly tyed and so haled and drawne by certaine galley boats directed with oaresthrough to the other banke Thus when the first were landed they went for more stil until they were all set over and verily so long as they were driven on still as it were upon a long bridge they nothing feared the formost only were afrayed when the barge was losened and they parted from their fellows and so were caried away into the wide and deepe river where thronging and struggling together and iostling one another they made some trouble whiles they that were outmost gave back from the water as much as they could untill such time as very feare when they saw all about them nothing but water caused them to be quiet Some of them also like raging beasts as they were and unruly fell out into the river but by reason of their heavinesse they stood sure and casting their governors they fought the sounds foot by foot by little and little and got safe to land Whiles the Elephants were thus transporting over Anniball in the meane time had sent 500 Numidian light horsemen to the Romanes camp as espials to discover the ground where they were to learne what forces they had and listen after their designes and purposes This wing and troup was encountred by three hundred Romane horsemen sent as is aforesayd from the mouth of Rhodanus where there was a more cruell skirmish than for so small a number for besides many hurt there were slaine on both sides in a maner alike but in the end the feare and flight of the Numidians gave the victorie to the Romanes being now alreadie much travailed and wearied on whose part being the winners were slaine 160 not all Romans but some Gaules and on the losers side who were overcome there dyed above 200. This beginning and prognostication as it were of the warre as it portended and presaged an happie end and successe of the whole unto the Romans so it shewed plainely that the victorie would hang long in equall balance not without much effusion of bloud and danger of their part The conflict being thus determined they returned each one to his owne Captaine As for Scipio he could not resolve to take any course himselfe but according as he saw the plots and enterprises of the enemie so to frame his own And Annibal again being uncertain whether to go forward with his journy begun into Italie or to give battel unto the first armie of the Romans that came in his way and met him was drawn away from all present conflict by occasion of the comming of the Embassadors of the Boij and of a great Lord and Potentate called Matalus who promising to be his guides unto him in his voyage and companions in his perils thought it good and gave advise to invade and set upon Italie first of all before any other warre whiles his forces were entier in harr no where put to the hazard and to give them as it were the first hansell The common multitude of the Carthaginians for that the former warre was not cleane forgotten and out of remembrance feared verily their enemies but more their infinite journey the Alps especially the name wherof to men not experienced was very fearefull and terrible Wherupon Anniball being now resolute to march onward in his journey and to passe into Italie assembled his people to an audience and by sundrie meanes as well by way of rebuke as also by encouragement windeth and assayeth the minds of his souldiers I mervell quoth he what sodaine fright or new feare hath possessed your hearts that ever before now have bene undaunted who have served so many yeares and alwaies won the victorie who departed not out of Spaine before that all those nations and lands which lye enclosed between two divers seas were brought in subjection to the Carthaginians who taking indignation and great disdaine that the people of Rome should require all those to be yeelded unto justice as offenders and malefactors that had besieged Saguntum have thereupon passed the river Iberus with
began in this manner My valiant souldiours and trustie friends if I were now to leade that armie into the field which I had with me in France I would have forborne to make any speech at all unto you for to what purpose needed I to exhort either that Cavallerie which so valiantly had vanquished the horsemen of the enemies at the river Rhodanus or those legions with whom I followed in chase as it were even these very enimies and whose falling off and refusing battaile I take to be a confession of victorie But now for as much as that armie being indeed levied for the province Spaine serveth with my brother Cn. Scipio under my name and commission where it pleaseth the Senate and people of Rome they should be employed to the end that ye might have a Consull to be your Captaine against Anniball and the Carthaginians I have willingly offred my selfe to this warre If being then your new Captaine and you my new souldiours meete it is and convenient I should use a few words unto you And to the end you should not be ignorant either of the manner of this service or qualitie of your enemie with those men ye are to fight whom in the former Punick warre ye overcame both by land and sea of whome for these twentie yeares ye have received tribute from whome ye have woon as the due wages and reward of the warre Sicile and Sadinia both and them do hold and occupie In this battaile therefore both you and they are to cary that mind and so to be affected as winners and loosers are to be for never thinke that it is valor hardinesse that provoketh them now to fight but meere necessitie and compulsion enforceth them to the field Vnlesse ye will beleeve that they who when they had an entire armie and unfoiled refused battaile should now have greater hope and take more courage after they have lost two parts of their horse and foote in the very passage of the Alps and of whome there have more perished in a manner than remaine alive But will some man say True it is few they are in number but stout in heart and tall of hand whose strength and puissance no force is hardly able to abide Images they are nay to say more truly the very shadowes of men and no better with hunger bitten with cold starved lost for want of keeping spoiled with nastinesse and filthie ordure brused and weakened amongst hard rocks and craggie cliffs over and besides joints and marrow dried up and burnt their sinews shrunke storke and striffe againe with cold and chilling snow their limmes singed with bitter frost their armor crushed bruised their weapons broken their horses no other than lame jades and poore hidebound hildings See what horsmen lo what footmen ye are to fight withall Beleeve me ye shall have the verie reliques and last remnants of enemies and not enemies indeed And I assure you nothing feare I more than this that before ye shall skirmish with this kind of enemie it will be thought thatthe Alpes alreadie have vanquished and defaited Anniball But peradventure it was so meete and reason would that the gods themselves without mans helpe should against that captaine and nation which had broken league and covenants begin the warre first set it in good forwardnesse and bring it to the point of an end and then we who next to the gods have been offended wronged should finish the same thus begun to our hands and brought to so good a passe I feare not that any man here doth thinke that I utter these brave and glorious words onely for to harten you and that my selfe thinke otherwise in hart than I speake with tongue I might have gone myselfe well enough into Spaine my proper and peculiar province where I had bene aforetime and with an armie of mine owne I should have had my brother there both a counseller unto me in my distresses and a companion with me in my dangers I found Asdruball rather than Anniball mine enemie and no doubt the affaires and charge of the warre farre lesse than here But when I sayled by the coast of France and upon the bruit and newes of this enemie was set a land I sent my Cavallerie before and removed camp as farre as to Rhodanus and in a battaile of horsemen for with that part of my forces it was my hap to encounter fight I discomfited the enemie and for that by land I could not overtake his infanterie so hastilie they marched away like men that fled I was faine to returneto the sea embarke againe into my ships and with as great expedition speed as I could make considering so great compasse about of sea and land at the very foote of the Alpes I was readie to encounter and affront him Can it be thought then that whiles I shunned and avoided fight I fell by chance and at unwares upon this drad and redoubted enimie or rather that I followed him hard at heeles and chalenged him to draw him forth unto a battaile thereby to have it decided who should have the victorie in the end I would gladly make tryall whether all of a sodaine the earth hath brought forth for these twentie yeares Carthaginians of another mould or new stampe or whether they be the same that fought neere the Ilands Aegates whom ye sent away and let go from Eryx valued after the rate of 18 deniers apeece and no more and faine would I see whether this Anniball be the concurrent of Hercules to undertake his journeys and voyages as he faith himselfe or one left by his father a tributarie a vassal and slave of the people of Rome who but that he is tormented in conscience for the outrage and crueltie committed upon Saguntum would have some respect and regard if not of his native countrie conquered and subdued yet of his owne house of the peace covenants written by his father Amilear his owne hand Amilear I say who at the commandement of our Consull removed his garison from Eryx who fuming and storming received with sorrowfull heart the grievous and heavie conditions of peace imposed upon the conquered Carthaginians who capitulated covenanted to abandon Sicilie to pay a tribute to the people of Rome I would have you therefore my hardie souldiours to fight against him not onely with the same courage as ye do with other enimies but in a certaine heate of choler and indignation as if ye should see your owne servants and slaves on a sodaine to rise up in armes against you We might well if we had bene so minded when they were enclosed and shut fast up within Eryx have put them to the utmost extremitie of all worldly paine and famished them We might have passed over with our victorious Annado into Affrike and within few dayes forced and rased Carthage without any battaile fought We pardoned them at their humble request and tooke them to mercie we let
that the Numidians for greedinesse of prey and bootie diverted aside and turned into the tents abandoned and forsaken of the Romanes Where whiles they spend time in ransaking and rifling everie corner of the campe and when all was done could find no pillage worth the stay the enemie escaped their hands And when as they had espied that the Romanes were newly gotten over Trebia and pitching out a plot for a campe they intercepted a few of them that lingred about the river and flew them Scipio not able now to abide any longer the griefe and paine of his wound by reason of the shaking and shogging of his bodie as he travailed and thinking it good to expect the comming of the other Consull his Colleague whom he heard alreadie to be sent for out of Sicily chose out a place neere the river which seemed most safe for to encampe in and it he fortified Anniball also lay nor farre off in campe who as he was proud upon the late battaile of horsemen so was he perplexed for want of victuals which scarsitie encreased upon him everie day more and more as he travailed through the enemies countrie finding in no place provision aforehand Whereupon he went to Clastidium a towne wherein the Romanes had bestowed and laid up great store of graine where as he prepared with violence to force the towne there appeared some hope of treason by corrupting of P. Brundisinus the captaine of the garison there and that with no great summe of mony for in consideration onely of 400 peeces of gold given unto him Clastidium was betraied unto Anniball the verie storehouse and garner of corne that the Carthaginians had all the while they were in leaguer neere Trebia Vpon those prisoners that were taken when the garrison and sort was betraied he exercised no crueltie because that in the beginning of his affaires he would win himselfe a name and opinion of clemencie Whiles the warre by land continued thus at Trebia there had bene some warlike exploits atchieved both by sea and land about Sicilie and the Ilands that lye against Italie neere unto it both by Sempronius the Consull and also before his comming Twentie gallies with five ranks of ores and a thousand armed men were sent from the Carthaginians to invade and wast the coasts of Italie Nine of them arrived at Liparae eight fell with the Iland of Vulcane and three were driven by tempest into the streights of Sicilie Against them being descryed within kenning there were twelve ships set out from Messana by Hiero King of the Saracosians who hapned at that time to be in Messana attending the Romane Consull his comming and without any resistance made he bourded those three ships brought them away into the haven of Messana By those that were taken prisoners it was knowne that besides the 20. ships aforesaid sent against Italy of which Fleetethey were 35 gallies of 5 course of ores made saile for Sicilie to solicit and persuade the old allies there to revolt Item that the especiall point and designe that they shot at was to seize upon Lilybaeum but they thought verily that by the same ghust of tempest wherein they were scattered that other fleete also was cast upon the Iland Aegates And according to this intelligence the king from Messana writeth to Aemylius the Romane Pretor or governor of Sicilie advising him to keepe a strong garison in Lilybaeum whereupon the Lieutenants Colonels about the Pretor were sent from him with all speede to all the cities about to give order that their people might be in readinesse to keepe good ward above all to hold Lilybaeum sure And for preparation of war there went forth a proclamation that the sailers mariners should bring into the ships ten dayes provision of victuals meate readie dressed to the end that upon the signall given at an houres warning without all delay they should a shipboord Also that all those that dwelt along the coast should from their Sentinels watch-towers and beacons espie when the enemies fleete approched Now albeit the Carthaginians of purpose stayed the course of their ships that they might come iust before day to Lilibaeum they were discovered both for that the Moone shone all night and also because they came under sayle which they had haulsed up So soone therefore as the signall was given out of the Sentinels and watch-towers alarme cryed in the towne the mariners were soone embarked the souldiers also were bestowed some to man guard the walls and guard the gates others to serve in the ships But the Carthaginians perceiving they were to deale with them that were provided for them as being advertised of their comming forbare to enter the haven untill day and imployed the time in striking sayles in untackling their ships and in preparing them for a battaile When it was broad day light they retired into the deepe to have sea roome enough to fight and that the enemies ships might have free egresse out of the haven The Romanes for their part refused not battaile comforting themselves with the remembrance of the valiant exploits performed in that very place and trusting also upon the number and valor of their souldiours They were not so soone launched into the open sea but the Romanes were desirous to grapple and to come close to hand-fight but contrarywise the Carthaginians held off allose willing to proceede by cunning and pollicie more than by strength and fine force and to make triall rather of the nimblenesse agilitie of their ships than either of the prowesse of men or goodnesse of armour for as their fleete was sufficiently furnished and to the full with a multitude of mariners so was it ill provided of souldiors and wheresoever they grappled together and came to hand-fight they had not an egall number of men armed to hold play with the enemies which being once perceived the Romanes gathered heart and redoubled their courage by reason of their number the other side againe were discouraged and out of heart for their default of souldiours In so much as seven Carthaginian gallies were soone invested round and bourded the rest fled Of souldiours and mariners together 1700 were in them taken amongst whom there were three great Gentlemen of Carthage The Romane fleete stil entier and whole save one vessell onely that was bouged and pierced yet able to be brought back returned into the heaven Presently after this battaile and before that they of Messana had knowledge thereof T. Sempronius the Consull arrived at Messana and as he entred within the sound king Hiero met him with a fleete well furnished and richly decked and comming forth of his royall ship into the Admirall of the Consuls he welcomed him and reioyced for the safe returne of his men and ships and prayed God that his voiage into Sicilie might proove happie and fortunate Then shewed he unto him the present estate and the affaires of the Iland opened the designements of
the Carthaginians and promised withall that with as good a mind and found hart as in the former warre against the Carthaginians when he was a yong man he had aided the people of Rome so now in his old age he would assist them and for proofe hereof he would of his owne free cost furnish both the Consuls legions and also the mariners with corne and rayment Among other matters he enformed him how Lilybaeum other cities of the sea coast were in great danger by reason of some among them that desired a change alteration Whereupon the Consull though good to make no delay but to set saile with all speede to Lilybaeum whome the king and his royall fleete accompanyed and as they were fayling tidings came of the foresaid battaile before Lilybaeum and how the enemies ships were either scattered put to flight or bourded and taken The Consull having bid king Hiero adieu with his fleete set sayle from Lilybaeum leaving behinde him the Pretor to defend the coast of Sicilie and crossed the sea himselfe to the Iland Melita which was held by the Carthaginians At whose comming Amilcar the sonne of Gisga Captaine of the garrison there rendered himselfe and 2000 souldiours within a very few together with the towne the Iland From whence within few dayes he returned to Lilybaeum where the prisoners excepting certain noble persons of high parentage were by the Consull and the Pretor both sold openly in portsale When the Consul thought Sicilie on that coast sure enough he set sayle from thence toward the Ilands of Vulcane for that the bruit went that a fleete of Carthaginians there lay at roade but there were no enimies to be found about those Ilands for it chanced they were alreadie passed over to wast along the river and coast of Italie and having forayed the territorie of Vibo they put the citie also in great feare As the Consull returned back againe to Sicilie tidings came that the enimie had made rodes into the countrie of Vibona and he received letters also from the Senate concerning the comming of Anniball into Italie and therefore that he should with all speede possible aid and succour his Colleague The Consull being at once troubled with many cares presently embarked his armie and by the Adriatike sea sent them away to Ariminum To Sext. Pomponius his Lieutenant he gave the charge of 25 Gallies for the defence of the territorie of Vibo and the sea coast of Italie VVith M. Aemylius the Pretor he left a fleete augmented to the number of fiftie sayle which done and all things set in order in Sicilie himselfe with ten ships coasted along Italie and arived at Ariminum from whence he put himselfe in his iourney and marched with one armie to the river Trebia where he joyned with his fellow Consull Now were both Consuls and the whole puissance and force of the Romanes opposed against Anniball so as it appeared plainely that either with that powre the empire of Rome might be defended or else all their hope was gone Howbeit one of the Consuls being weakened and discourage with the defeature of his horsemen in one battaile and dismayed besides with the hurt that he had received in his bodie desired to have the fight deferred but the other comming fresh and lustie and thereby more hardie would abide no delay It fell out so at that time that the Gaules inhabited all the countrey betweene the two rivers Trebia and Po who whiles these two most puissant nations were at strife and warred held off as newters and favoured neither side making full account of the good will and grace of that part which should have the better The Romanes because they would now make no stirre and have no more yrons in the fire tooke the matter well enough but Anniball was very much thereat offended geving out eftsoones that he was sent for by the Gaules for their deliverance and libertie Vpon this indignation and displeasure and for that also he would feede his men with booties he commaunded 2000 footmen and a thousand horsemen most of them Numidians and some Gaules among to overrun spoile all the countrie forward even to the banks of Po. The Gaules standing in need of helpe and having untill that time kept themselves in doubtfull tearmes were forced to turne from those that offered them wrong and to encline and cleave unto the Romanes that should revenge their injuries and protect them Whereupon they sent Embassadours to the Consuls requesting the Romanes helpe for their land which by reason of the exceeding fidelitie and too much loialtie of the inhabitants toward them was now endaungered Cornelius liked neither the cause nor yet the time to deale in such affaires he had the nation besides in suspition and jealousie as well for many trecherous parts as also in case he would or could forget all other leaud pranckes of theirs for the late disloialtie and falshood of the Boians Sempronius contrariwise thought it the surest bond to keepe their allies in faith and allegeance to defend those that came first to band and side with him But notwithstanding his Colleague cast doubts and held off yet he sent his own Cavalletie and a thousand well neere of footmen darters amongst them to guard the countrie of Gaule beyond Trebia who comming suddainely upon the enemies and charging them at unwares as they came scattered asunder and out of order yea and most of them laden with spoile mightily affrighted them and made a foule slaughter and pursued them in flight as farre as to their standing campe and corps de guard From whence neverthelesse they were beaten backe by the multitude that issued forth but by new succours from their owne companies they renued the medley againe The fight afterward was doubtfull and variable and although they made a saving bargain on both parts yet the common voice gave the honour of victorie such as it was to the Romanes rather than the enemies But no man made a greater matter of it and reckoned it more to the full than the Consull himselfe He joyed he made his boast that lie had gotten the better with the helpe of the same forces which under the conduct of the other Consull came by the worse And now faith he the souldiours are comforted and refreshed well ynough and none there is but my brother Consull that would have the battaile differred who no doubt is more hen-hearted than bodily hurt for the remembrance and smart of a little green wound quaketh to hear of the field and of all things cannot away with edge-tooles But we must not thus sit still here and wexe aged for the pleasure of one crasie and sickly person For what reason is it that we should drive off longer and spend more time in vaine What other Consull expect we to make up the third or what armie besides should we looke for The Carthaginians lie encamped in Italie and welneer within the view and
any ordinarie stirre else of marriners was heard ne yet the capes and promontories betweene suffered the fleete to be seene But then all on a suddaine certaine horsemen sent from Asdruball one after another commaunded the souldiours who either wandred along the strond or fate quiet within their pavilions looking for nothing lesse than fight that day presently in all haste to goe abourd and to arme for that the Romane fleete was not farre from the haven This commaundement the horsemen that were sent gave every where And within a while Asdruball came in person with the whole armie All was on a hurrie and full of sundrie al'armes whiles both marriners and souldiours made hast to be shipped rather like men that fled from land than went to fight Scarce were they all embarked when some of them loosed from the shoare and plucked up anchors others cut the anchor cables for that nothing should stay them and all that they did was with such haste that whiles the souldiours were occupied in making themselves readie to fight the marriners were hindered in their businesse and whiles the marriners made speed the souldiours were kept from taking their armour and fitting themselves therewith By which time Scipio was not onely approached neere but also had marshalled and ordered his shippes readie to fight So as the Carthaginians were troubled as well with the hurlyburlie and tumult of their owne people as with the assault bartell of their enemies And having to say a truth made an assay and proffer of fight rather than begun any indeed they turned away their fleet and fled And seeing when they were once put to flight by reason they were parted asunder all abroad and lay open to so many of their enemies following them upon the poupe all at once that they were readie and easie to bee bouged and piersed they rowed on all hands to the shore Some were fain to wade to land others lept on drie ground one sort armed another sort unarmed and so escaped to their companie embattailed along the strond Howbeit in the very first encounter and onser two Carthaginian shippes were taken and foure suncke The Romanes albeit they saw the enemies maisters of the land might behold them stand in battaile array all along the river side upon the banckes yet made they no stay but chased the fearefull fleet of their enemies and so as many ships as either had not cracked splitted and broken their stems with dashing upon the shore or were not run a ground and stucke fast by their keeles in the shelves those they drew up and warped into the deepe with ropes fastened to their poupes and so of thirtie they took five twentie And yet the taking off these vessels was not the best and goodliest cheate of their victorie but this passed all that with one light skirmish they became LL. of all the sea along those coasts And therfore arriving with their whole navie before Honosca they landed their men woon the citie by forcible assault sacked it and from thence went forward toward Carthage And after they had harried and wasted all the territorie about at the last they fired the very houses that joined to the wals and gates of the citie From thence the Armada laden now charged with rich pillage failed as far as Longuntica Where they found great store of Spart to make cables provided and laid up there by Asdruball to serve the navie and when they had taken thereof as much as they needed they made a light fire of all the rest Neither coasted the Roman fleet along the continent and maine onely and scoured those parts which lay out into the sea but passed also unto the Isle Ebusus where they assaulted hotely for two daies space the head citie of the Island with much ado and small effect And when they perceived that they spent time in vain and were past all hope to win it they fell to rob and spoile the countrie and after they had rifled and burned certaine villages and gotten a greater bootie and pillage than they had out of the maine they retired themselves to their ships and thither came Embassadours from the Islands Baleares unto Scipio craving peace From thence hee came backe with the fleet and returned into the hether part of the province whether resorted unto him the Embassadours of all the Nations that inhabite about Iberus yea and of many also from the fardest parts of all Spaine But of States that absolutly came under the obedience of the people of Rome doing fealtie and homage unto them and giving hostages for assurance of their alleageance there were above 120. Scipio therefore taking himselfe strong ynough in land forces went on as farre as to the chase of Castulo And Asdruball retired himselfe into Lusitania neere the Ocean sea Hereupon the rest of the summer was like to be quiet and quiet had it been for any thing that the Carthaginians did to the contrarie But over and besides the naturall disposition of all Spaniards unconstant busie and evermore desirous of novelties and alterations Mardonius a Nobleman who before time had beene the Lord and Prince of the Ilergetes seeing the Romanes retired backe from the forrest toward the sea-coast stirred up the people of his countrey and invaded the peaceable territories of the Romane associates for to spoile and wast the same Against whom there were sent from Scipio three thousand Romanes besides certaine auxiliarie souldiours also lightly armed who in a light skirmish discomsited his forces as being a power gathered in hast and disordered flew many tooke some prisoners and disarmed the greater part of them Neverthelesse the rumour of this al'arme caused Asdruball as hee departed to the Ocean to crosse the river Iberus backe againe for the rescue and defence of his friends and allies The Carthaginians were encamped in the territorie of the Ilercaonians and the Romanes neere the new Armada when suddaine newes diverted the warre another way The Princes of the Celtiberians who had sent the Embassadors of their countrie and hostages unto the Romans upon a messenger dispatched unto them from Scipio arose up in armes and entred the province of the Carthaginians with a strong and puissant armie wan three townes by assault and afterwards in two battailes which they fought with Asdruball right valiantly flew 15000 enemies and tooke 4000 prisoners and many militarie ensignes they bare away Whiles Spaine stood in these tearms P. Scipio came as L. Deputie into that Province continuing still his government after his Consulship expired and was sent from the Senat with thirtie ships of warre eight thousand souldiors and great store of victuals This great fleet in regard of many hulkes and ships of burden which accompanied it was kenned and discovered a farre off to the great joy both of Romanes and also of their friends and associates and arrived within the port and haven of Tarracon Where the souldiours were disbarked and Scipio joined with
chaunce of the whole State and Empire For hereupon there revolted unto the Carthaginians the Attellanes the Calatines the Hirpines a part of the Apulians all the Samnites except the Petellines all the Brutij in generall and the Lucanes And more than these the Surrentines and the whole tract wellneere of the Greekes along the sea coast The Tarentines Metapontines the Crotonians the Locrians and all the Gaules within the Alpes And yet for all these defeatures and rebellions of their Allies and subjects were not the Romanes one whit enclined to make anie mention of peace neither before the comming of the Consull nor yet after that hee was returned and renued againe the dolourous remembrance of that wofull overthrow received And even at that very instant so high-minded was the cittie and so farre from drouping and being cast downe that as the Consull returned homeward from so great a defeature whereof himselfe onely was a principall cause hee was not onely met upon the way by all the States and companies of the cittie in great numbers but also highly thanked in that hee despaired not of the State of the Commonweale who if hee had been the Generall and Leader of the Carthaginians should have beene sure to have smoaked for it and endured all extremitie of torment and punishment THE XXIII BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the three and twentith Booke THE Campanes revolted unto Anniball Mago was sent to Carthage with newes of the victorie at Cannae and in the entrie of the Counsell house he poured out on the floore the golden rings which had been plucked from the fingers of the Romanes there slaine which by report exceeded the measure of a Modius Vpon these tidings Hanâ—â— the noblest personage among all the Carthaginians persuaded with the Senat of Carthage to sue unto the people of Rome for peace but he prevailed not by reason of the Barchine side and faction that gaiâ—esaid him Cl. Marcellus the Praetour fought fortunately before Nola in a sallie which hee made out of the towne against Anniball The Armie of Anniball fell to riot at Capua and gave themselves to such sensualitie while they wintered there that both in bodily strength and also in courage of â—â—nd they became much enfeebled Casilinum was besieged by the Carthaginians and the inhabitants within were driâ—â—â— by extreame famine to â—at thongs and leatberings plucked from off their shields and targuets yea and to feede upon 〈◊〉 and rats They lived with nuts which the Romanes sent unto them downe the river Vulturnus The bodie of the Senate was replenished by receiving unto them a new supplie from out of the order of knights or gentlemen to the number of 197. L. Posthumius the Pretour was together with his armie defeated by the Gaules and put to the sword Cneui and Publius Scipiones vanquished Asdruball in Spaine and had the conquest thereof The remnant of the Armie defeated at Cannae was sent away and confined into Sicilie and commaunded not to depart from thence before the warre was fully finished A league and societie was concluded betweene Philip the king of the Macedoniaus and Anniball Sempronius Gracchus the Consull discomfited aâ—d slue the Campanes Moreover this booke containeth the fortunate exploits atchieved by T. Manlius the lord Deputie in Sardima against the Carthaginians and the Sardi who tooke the Generall himselfe Asdruball together with Mago and Hanno prisoners Claudius Marcellus the Praetour vanquished and defeated in a set battaile before Nola the Armie of Anniball and was the first that put the Romanes 〈◊〉 some good hope of better successe after they had beene toiled out with so many foiles and losses ANniball after the battâ—ile fought at Cannae the winning and ransacking of both the Romane campes dislodged anone and was removed out of Apulia into Samnium being sent unto for to come unto the Hirpines countrey by Statius who promised to betray and deliver the cittie of Consa into his hands Now there was a citizen of Consa named Tribius a noble personage and of great name in his countrie But the bend and faction of the Cossanes a familie of great power by favour of the Romanes kept him downe and overweighed him but after the same of the battaile of Cannae and the comming of Anniball divulged and blowne abroad by the speeches of Trebius those Cossanes abandoned the cittie and so was it without any conflict rendered unto the Carthaginians and received a garrison Anniball leaving behind him there all the pillage and baggage that he had devided his armie into two parts giving Mago in charge to possesse himselfe of the townes of that countrey which would revolt of themselves from the Romanes or else to force them thereunto in case they denied and refused so to doe Himselfe tooke his journey through the land of Campaine toward the nether sea intending to assault Naples that he might bee lord of a port towne also and have it at his devotion When hee was entred the confines of the Neapolitanes hee placed some of the Numidians in ambush as cunningly as he could and there for the most part the waies are hollow and full of close and secret noukes and holes others he commaunded to make a shew of driving a bootie out of the fields and to ride out braving before the gates of the cittie Against whom seeming to bee not many and those disordered a troupe of horsemen issued forth but the enemies of purpose giving back and retiring from them tilled and trained them on to the place of ambush and so they were environned on every side and there had not one of them escaped alive but that the sea was neere where they espied many fisher boates along the shoare on the bancke side and as many of them as were skilfull in swimming gat unto them and saved themselves but in that skirmish neverthelesse certaine young gentlemen were slaine Among whome Hegeas also the Captaine of that Cornet of horsemen died in the place who followed too hotely upon them that reculed and seemed to flie But Anniball after he had viewed the wals and saw they were not easie to be woon was discouraged and skared from giving assault to that cittie From thence he turned his journey and took his way to Capua a citie flowing in wealth and superfluitie of all pleasures by reason of long felicitie and the favourable aspect of gracious fortune But among all corruptions that there raigned it was infected most with the licentious loosenesse of the Commons who exceeded beyond all measure and abused their libertie Pacuvius Calavius a man of noble race there and popular with all but one that by lewd indirect courses became rich mightie by meanes thereof had both Senat and Com. under his girdle might do what he would This man chaunced to be head Magistrat the same year that the Romans were defaited overthrown at the Lake Thrasymenus
himselfe more than to the Commons and even as much as their life was worth without force of armes ruled the rost and all was at his devotion and commaund Heereupon the Senatours laid aside the remembrance of their owne dignitie port and libertie became affable to the Commons would salute them kindly inviting them courteously and interteining them liberally at their bourds with exquisit and delicate fare undertaking and mainteining all their sutes and causes readie at all times to assist them and stand by them and in one word empanalling Iuries to go upon all causes matters in law of those whom they knew to be gracious and popular and fitter to winne and procure the favour and affection of the common sort Thus at the Counsel-table all matters were decided as if the Commons had there sat and not otherwise This Capua was a citie ever given to dissolute life excesse in pleasure as wel by reason of the naturall corruption and inset disposition of the Inhabitants as also for the plenteous flowing aboundance of all delights and the alluring intisements of all dainties that either sea or lande might affoord But at that time such was the obsequious fawning and flatterie of the Nobles such was the licentious living of the Commons they were so lavish that they exceeded in lust and superfluitie beyond measure and laid it on in expense without stay Besides their contempt of Lawes Magistrates and Senate they grew to this passe after the overthrow at Cannae that whereas before they had some awfull and reverent regard of the Romanes now they despised and set naught by the government and Empire of Rome And nothing else stood in the way but that presently they would have rejected their rule and shaken off the yoake of obedience and alleageance saving onely this That by reason of ancient entercourse of crosse and mutuall marriages many noble houses and mightie families were linked and allied to the Romanes and againe which was the greatest bond of all whereas there had served in the Romane warres certaine of them there were threee hundreth men of armes and those of noblest birth of all the Campanes chosen out of them and sent by the Romanes to bee resiant in sundrie garrisons of the citties of Sicilie whose fathers and kinsfolke with much a do obtained that Embassadours should be sent unto the Consull of Rome They found the Consull at Venusia with a few souldiours and those armed by the halfes for as yet hee was not gone to Cannusium being in that poore taking and hard plight as he could not be in worse either to move pittie in the hearts of true and well affected allies or to breed contempt in proud and hollow-hearted friends such as these Campanes were Contemptible was their case but the Cos. made himselfe his condition more despised by bewraying too much his present distresses and laying open to the world the nakednesse of his calamitie For when the Embassadours delivered unto him That the Senat and people of Capua tooke it to the heart and greatlie grieved at the adverse overthrow of the Romanes and promised therewith to furnish him with all things fit and meet for war Ye have quoth he ô Campanes observed an order custome and for form and fashion visited us your confederates in willing us to require at your hands all supplements of warre rather than said any thing directly besitting the present estate of our fortune For what have wee left us at all after this discomfiture of Cannae that wee should bee willing to have that supplied by our allies which is wanting as who would say wee had somewhat alreadie Should we demaund of you footemen as though wee were furnished with horse Should wee say that we lacked mony as if mony only were wanting and nothing else No no Fortune hath dealt so hardly with us that shee hath left us just nothing nor so much as that which might bee made up and supplied by others Our Legions of footmen our Cornets of horse our armour and munition our Standards and Ensignes horse and man monie and victuals all is gone lost and perished either in the battaile or the morrow after in the ruine of our campe when we were turned out of our tents and pavilions And therefore yee are not ô Campanes to aid and helpe us in this warre but in our behalfe and for us yee ought to take the whole charge of the warre upon your owne selves against the Carthaginians Call to rememberance howâ—n in times past when your auncesters and forefathers were fearefully driven to keepe within your walles standing in dread and bodily feare not of the Samnites onely your enemies but also of the Sidicines wee took them into our protection and defended them before Satricula and how for your sakes we began warre with the Samnites and mainteined the same for the space almost of an hundred year and in great varietie of fortune giving and taking sundrie foiles all the while Over and besides call to minde how wee concluded an indifferent and equall league with you to the disadvantage of neither parts how wee graunted unto you the libertie of living under our owne lawes and how at the last a matter ywis of right great importance and consequence before this our late overthrowe at Cannae wee graunted unto a great part of you the freedome priviledge of Bourgeoisie and parted with you the franchises of our owne cittie And therefore yee ought of right my masters of Capua to repute this losse and misfortune now received to bee as well yours as ours and to make reckoning to defend the common state countrie of both It is neither Samnite nor Tuskane that wee have to deale with to whom if we lost parted with our Empire yet it remained still within the compasse of Italie but the enemie that pursueth us is a Carthaginian drawing after him a traine of souldiers who are not so much as borne in Aâ—fricke but comming from the farthest and most remote parts and bounds of the world from as far as the streights of the Ocean sea even from Hercules his pillers void of the knowledge of all law right and difference of condition without reason and discretion and in manner without comerce of mans language These souldiers so fierce and fell by nature so cruell mercilesse by use and custome their captaine hath withall made more wilde and savage by making bridges causies and high-waies over heapes of dead mens bodies and which I abhorre to speake by teaching them to eate mens flesh To see and endure these men to be their LL. whom feeding as they do upon such execrable meates and viands which even to touch and handle without great horrour wee may not to resort for justice as farre as into Affricke and Carthage and to suffer Italie to be reduced into a Province under the Numidians and Moores what is hee that would not detest and abhorre were he but borne onely within Italie A
woorthie honour and immortall glorie it will be for you ô ye Campanes if the Romane Empire and dominion thus growing to ruine and falling downe prostrate under the weight of this late overthrowe might by your fidelitie and forcible power be staied and vpheld and set upright againe I suppose yee have levied and enrolled alreadie thirtie thousand foote and foure thousand horse out of Campaine for coine for corne ye have store and plentie Now if your faith and truth be aunswerable to your wealth and fortune neither shall Anniball find that hee hath woon the victorie nor the Romanes feele that they have lost a journey With this Oration thus ended the Consull gave the Embassadours their discharge and dismissed them As they returned homeward one of them Sabius Virius by name said thus unto his fellowes Now is the day come qd he wherin the Campanes may be able not onely to recover againe the lands which in times past the Romanes have wrongfully taken from them but also obtaine enjoy the soveraigne rule Empire of all Italie As for Annib. we may conclude covenant capitulat with him what articles conditions we list our selves to our best behoofe benefit And it is all to nothing that Annib. having now dispatched finished the war will of his own accord depart like a Conqueror into Affricke withdraw his forces out of these parts so as the dominion of Italie shall bee left wholly to the people of Capua Virius had no sooner delivered these speeches but they all applauded him and accorded thereto And in such tearmes they related their Embassage as all men thought no lesse but the Romane Empire and name was utterly perished and extinct for ever Incontinently the Commons and the greatest part of the Nobilitie of Capua enclined to revolt and rebell Yet by the countenance and authoritie of the Auncients and Elders the matter was staied deferred for some few daies At length the greater part prevailed whose opinion was That the same Embassadors which were sent to the Roman Consull should be addressed in embassie unto Anniball But I find in some Annall records that before they went before their resolute determination to revolt there was an Embassage sent from the Capuans to the citie of Rome demanding thus much That if they meant to have any helpe and aid from them one of their Consuls might be a Capuan Wherat the Senat of Rome tooke such snuffe indignation that the said Embassadors were commanded to void the Counsel-house a Sergeant sent after them at their heeles to set them out of the citie charging them at their peril to take up their lodging that night without the territories of Rome But because this demaund jumpeth too neere to the like that the Latines made long before both Caelius other Historians have not without good reason passed it over said nothing therof I dare not avow it for a truth Wel Embassadors there came unto Anniball concluded peace with him under these conditions and covenants Imprimis That no generall captaine or magistrate of the Carthaginians should have any jurisdiction or power over a citizen of Capua Item That no citizen of Capua should be compelled against his will to serve in any warres or execute the charge and office of a souldiour Item That the Campanes still enjoy their old lawes and magistrates of their owne Item That Anniball deliver unto the Campanes three hundred Romane captives such as they themselves shall choose whome they might course and exchange for those three hundred horsemen of the Campanes that were in garrison and served for pay in Sicilie These were the articles of the accord But the Campanes stucke not to doe more than so and to go farther than their capitulations committing divers and sundry outrages For the commons suddainely at once apprehended all the Romane captaines over the confederat souldiers yea and attached other cittizens of Rome that were either employed in any militarie charge or otherwise occupied in their privat affaires and caused them to bee clapâ—â—p within the stouves and hote houses as in ward and safe custodie where their breath being stuffed and stopped up with exceeding heat and steeming vapours they were stifled and dyed miserably But there was one Decius Magius a man who wanted no meanes of soveraigne authoritie but onely the sobtietie discretion and wisedome of the citizens with whom he lived who withstood all that ever he could such enormious audacious courses and endevoured to hinder the embassage sent to Anniball And so soone as he heard that Anniball was sending a garison he recounted unto his fellow citizens the proud and lordly rule of Pyrrbus the miserable and wretched thraldome of the Tarentines as precedents sufficient to give them warning He ceased not to crie aloud in open place and audience first that they should not receive the garison into the citie then that being admitted they should either be thrust out againe or rather if they would expiate and make amends by some valiant and memorable act for that shamefull lewd part of theirs in revolting so from their most auncient Allies yea and kinsmen by bloud they should fall upon the Carthaginian garison and kill them every one and so reconcile themselves againe to the Romanes Anniball having intelligence of these plots for they were not a forging and contriving in a corner first sent certaine messengers to summon Magius to repaire unto his presence within his campe After that seeing he stoutly denied to go for he pleaded that Anniball had no authoritie nor right to commaund a citizen of Capua he waxed wroth and commanded the man to be apprehended and to be haled perforce bound unto him But fearing upon better advise least by offering such violence some tumult might arise and in the heat of bloud breake foorth into an inconsiderat fray he dispatched beforehand a messenger of purpose unto Marius Blosius the Pretour or L. Governour of Capua signifying that the morrow next following he would be personally in Capua and so with a small gard about him he set forth of his camp and put himselfe on his journey Marius assembled the people together making proclamation and warning them to be readie in all frequent solemnitie with their wives and children to meet Anniball upon the way They of the adverse side unto Magius and the Romans performed this not only obediently but also most effectually and with great diligence and endevor Yea the common sort likewise were very forward in this action as desirous especially to see this great Generall and brave warriour so noble and renowmed for his many victories Decius Magâ—us neither went forth to meet him nor yet kept his house because hee would not seeme to feare and cary a guiltie conscience but walked up and downe idely for his pleasure in the Market place with one of his sonnes and a few of his vassals and followers whiles the whole citie besides was busily occupied and much
there or unto the Consuls wheresoever they were To this purpose were chosen five pinnasses that were most swift under the conduct of L. Valerius Antias who had his direction and charge to part these embassadors in severall ships and keepe them sure asunder and to take good heede that they neither talked nor conferred together About the same time it happened at Rome that Au. Cornelius Mammula upon his departure out of the province Sardinia made report in what state the Iland stoode namely that they all enclined to rebellion and warre that Mutius who succeeded after hym presently upon his first comming by reason of the ill aire and unholsome water was fallen into a sicknesse not so quick and dangerous as chronick and tedious and would not be able long to endure the service of warre that the armie there as it was sufficient to guard and keepe in good order a quiet and peaceable province so it could not hold out with the warre that was like to ensue Whereupon the LL. of the Senate gave order that Q. Fulvius Flaccus should leuie and enroll 3000 foote and 400 horse and provide that this legion should passe over with all speede into Sardinia and send therewith whom it pleased him to conduct and manage the warre untill Mutius were recovered of his disease For this intent was T. Manlius Torquatus sent governour one who had bene twise Consull and Censor and in his Consulship had subdued the Sardinians Neere about the same time there was an Armado set out from Carthage unto Sardinia under the leading of Asdruball surnamed Calvus and being sore tossed and beaten with tempests was cast upon the Baleare Ilands where so farre out of order was not only the ship tackling but also the very keeles and bodies of the ships so shaken they drew up the ships to shore and whiles they stayed there about calking and trimming them againe they spent much time In Italie whiles the warres began to slake and waxe cold by reason that after the battaile of Cannae the strength of the one part was much abated and their force decayed and the courage of the other well allaied and made effeminate the Campaines upon their owne heads began to contrive how to reduce the State of Cumes under their obedience first soliciting them to revolt from the Romanes and seeing that course would not speede and take effect they devised by a fraudulent practise to compasse and entrap them The Campanes use yerely to solemnise a set feast and sacrifice in a certaine place called Hamaeâ— and they gave notice unto the Cumaines that the whole Senat of Capua would resort thither requesting the Senat of Cumes likewise to meete them there for to conferre and consult together in common how both cities the one and the other might have the same friends and the same enemies and no other geving them withall to understand that they minded there to have a good guard aboutthem of armed men for feare of some sodaine and dangerous attempt from the Romanes The Cumanes albeit they suspected some treacherie denied nothing supposing thereby to colour and cover their owne craftie intended designement Now all this while â— Sempronius the Romane Consull having surveied and purged his armie at Sinuessa at which place he had made proclamation that his forces should meete together passed over the river Vulturnus and encamped neere unto Liuternum where because the souldiers in the standing campe had nothing els to do he exercised them to run often the race and skirmish in aray to the end that the raw souldiers for such were the voluntaries for the most part might by use and practice learne how to follow their colourâ— in good order and in the time of battaile know their owne ranks and ensignes In these kinds of training the speciall care that the Generall had and the onely thing that he aimed at was their concord and good agreement And for this purpose he charged the Lieutenants and the Colonels and Captaines that they should not cast in any mans teeth one or other their fortune and condition aforetime thereby to breede any discord hartburning among the companies and that the olde experienced souldiours should suffer themselves to be but equall in estate to the new learners and those that were borne free unto the voluntaries who had bene slaves reputing them all of birth good enough and of gentle bloud descended unto whom the people of Rome had vouchsafed to commit their armour and ensignes saying that the same fortune which had driven them so to do forced them likewise to mainteine the same and make the best of it now it was done The captaines were not more carefull in giving these good lessons and instructions but the souldiers were as diligent to observe the same and within a while their hearts and affections grew to bee so linked and united togither that they forgat generally in what degree and of what condition each soldiour entred into service Whiles Gracchus was busied hereabout the Embassadours of Cumes certified him what kinde of Embassage came unto them from the Campanâ—s a few daies before and what aunswere they had returned advertising him that their festivall daie was to be holden three daies after that not onely the whole Senat would be present but also the campe and armie of the Campanes Gracchus having commaunded the Cumanes to convey all that they had out of the fields territories about into their cittie and themselves to keepe within their walles himselfe the day before the solemnitie aforesaid of the Campanes removed his power to Cumes and there incamped Now Hamae is three myles off from thence The Campanes by this time were assembled there in great number according to appointment and not farre from the place Marius Alfius the chiefe head magistrat of Capua was incamped closely with fourteene thousand souldiours Hee what with preparation of the sacrifice and contriving withall the deceitfull traine of treacherie was more busie carefull thereabout than either in fortifying his campe or in any other militarie action Thus for three daies continued this festivall sacrifice at Hamae And ever in the night season it was performed so as before midnight all was done and finished Gracchus supposing that a good time for his ambush to be emploied having set certaine warders before the gates that no man might go forth to give intelligence caused the souldiours betwixt the sixt and tenth houre of the day from no one untill foure of the clocke to refresh themselves and take their sleepe that in the beginning of the darke night they might assemble togither at the watch-word or signall given them And about the first watch hee commaunded to display their Ensignes and advaunce forward and thus with a still march hee arrived at Hamae by midnight surprised the hold of the Campanes and entred all the gates at once being negligently guarded by reason of their over-watching Some he killed lying along fast asleepe others as they returned unarmed from the
concluded a league upon equall and indifferent covenants and capitulations betweene them But the promise in this behalfe when they had once yeelded themselves was nothing well performed whiles Amilcar charged the Locrians with fraudulent dismissing and letting goe the Romanes they againe alleaged for their excuse that they fled away and made an escape The horsemen also followed hard in chase by land if haply either the tide might cause the ships to stay in the current within the streight or drive them a land But those whom they pursued they could not overtake marry other ships they espied crossing the streights from Messana to Rhegium Roman soldiors they were sent from Claudius the Pretor to lie in garison there and to keepe the towne Whereupon they presently departed from Rhegium As for the cittizens of Locri they had peace graunted them by expresse order and direction from Anniball upon these conditions Imprimis That they might live free under their owne lawes Item That both the cittie and the haven should remaine still in the hands of the Locrians The substance of the covenant rested and was established upon these tearmes That the Carthaginians and Locrians should aid and assist one another mutually both in peace and warre So the Carthaginians retired from the streights notwithstanding the muttering murmuring of the Brutij because they had left Rhegium and Locri untouched which two citties they made full account to have sacked and rifled And therefore they of themselves having levied and put in armes a power of fifteene thousand of their owne youth marched forward to assaile Croton a Grecian cittie likewise and seated upon the sea Assuring themselves much to better their estate if they could bee possessed of a port and sea-towne fenced with strong walls and bulwarkes This onely troubled and perplexed their minds that they durst not but send unto the Carthaginians for aid fearing least they might seeme to have entered into action and warre without regard of the common good of their confederates if they called them not and doubting besides that if the Generall of the Carthaginians should proove againe rather an arbitratour of peace than a coadjutour in warre they should fight in vaine against the libertie of Croton as they had done before against the cittie of Locri. Whereupon they thought best to send Embassadors unto Anniball for his warrant and to be secured from him that if Croton were recovered by the Brutians it should be subject unto them Anniball made answere that this matter required consultation of men present with them in place and therefore he put them over to Hanno from whom they received no certaine answere to trust unto For willing they w ere not that a noble and rich citie as it was should be spoiled and besides they were in good hope that in case the Brutians should assaile it and the Carthaginians all the while not seene either to allow or help them in their enterprise the citizens would the more willingly revolt unto them The inhabitants within Croton were not of one mind and affected alike For there was one maladie that had infected all the cities of Italie namely the dissention betweene the Commons and the Nobles The Senatours inclined to the Romanes the Commoners on the other side tooke part with the Carthaginians This division within the citie the Brutij were by a fugitive runaway advertised of in these tearms namely that Aristomachus the ringleader and head of the Commons minded to betray the citie that it was a wide vast and desolate towne taking a great circuit of ground and all the walls being decaied and in sundry places broken downe the Senatours and the Commons kept their severall gards and watches in sundrie quarters far asunder And look quoth he where the Commons ward there ye may enter at your pleasure Vpon this intelligence and direction given by the fugitive the Brutij environed the citie round about and being let in by the Commons at the first assault were maisters of all places saving the Castle The Nobles held that peece foreseeing what might happen and therefore provided themselves of a sure refuge Thither sled Arislomachus also pretending that he ment to deliver the citie to the Carthaginians and not to the Brutij Now this citie Croton had a wall before Pyrrhus comming into Italie twelve miles in compasse but after it was laid wast by that warre scarce the one halfe of the towne was inhabited The river that was wont to run through the mids of the towne passed now along the walls without those streetes where the houses stood thick and well peopled far from the parts inhabited Sixe miles without the towne there stoode a noble temple of Lacinia Inno more renowmed than the citie itselfe as being honored with great religion and devotion of all the cities and nations there about A sacred grove there was in that place compassed with a thick wood of tall Firre trees having in the mids within it divers pleasant and fruitfull pastures wherein were fed beasts consecrated unto the goddesse of all sorts without any keeper and pastour And albeit this cattaile went forth in the morning by heards and flocks of their owne kinde severed by themselves yet at night they used to returne back againe to their owne penns and stalls without harme received either by the wait-laying of wilde and ravenous beasts or by deceitfull fraude of men Great increase therefore and much commoditie acrued by those cattaile in so much as thereof was made a massy Columne or piller of beaten gold and consecrated in that place so as the temple was famous as well for riches as holinesse and devotion And many times it falleth out that to such notable places there are attributed some strange miracles For the report goeth that there standeth an alter in the very porch of the temple the ashes lying whereupon no wind was ever knowne to blow away But to returne to Croton The Castle thereof on the one side standeth upon the sea on the other side it bendeth and looketh toward the land Defended in times past it was only by the natural situation of the ground but afterwards fortified also with a wall on that part whereas Dyonysius the tyrant of Sicilie having gained the back rocks and cliffes behind by craft and guile sometime wan it This Castle at that time supposed to be strong and safe enough the Nobles seized and kept notwithstanding the Brutij and their owne commons besieged them At length the Brutij seeing the Castle imprenable by all the forces and assaults that they could make of themselves were driven of necessitie to crave aid of Hanno Who having assaied to draw and urge the Crotoniates to yeeld upon these conditions To suffer a Colonie of the Brutij thither to be brought there planted and that thereby a citie lying so wast desolate might be replenished and peopled againe as in auncient time could not move and persuade any one of them all but Artstomachus For
also that lay in garison at Tarentum gave over to suspect his long abode and leaguering there But after that he was determined and resolved to advance toward Tarentum he picked out ten thousand foote and horsemen together whom he supposed for nimble bodies swist footmanship and lightnesse of armour to be most meere for expedition and with them at the fourth watch of the night he marched forward with his ensignes And having sent out afore-hand fourescore Numidian light horses he commaunded them to ride about and scoure all the waies on every side and to cast their eye to espye and discover all the coasts that no countrie people a far off might descrie and view the armie on foote but they should be seene and withall to bring in as many as were gone before and kill all them they met encountred to the end that the paisants there inhabiting might thinke they were theeves and robbers rather than the vantcurriers and foreriders of an armie Himselfe in person marching with great speed and celeritie pitched his camp almost 15 miles from Tarentum Neither would he there be knowne unto his men of his purpose nor tell them whither they should go onely he called his souldiers togither and charged them to hold on the direct way and not suffer any one to turne aside not in the march go out of his ranke or file above all things to be readie for to receive their charge and commaundement from their captaines and do nothing without their warrant and commission As for himselfe hee would when he saw his time let them know his mind what the service was that he would have done And about the same very houre and instant newes came as farre as Tarentum that some few Numidian horsemen forraied the countrie and had put the villagers in great fright all about At which tidings the captaine of the Romane garrison was no more moved nor made any other hast but only gave order that some of the horsemen the next morning by day light should ride forth to keepe the enemie from farther excursions In the meane time they that had this charge bare themselves so carelesly in providing themselves to execute that which they were commaunded that contrariwise they tooke those outrodes of the Numidians for a good argument That Anniball with his armie was not dislodged but abode still in leaguer where hee lay first Anniball when it was once darke and dead night began to set forward Philomenes was there readie to be his guide loden with his game hunted as his manner was The rest of his conspiracie waited their time to execute their several charges as it was agreed among them Now it was ordred betweene them afore that Philomenes comming in at the usuall little wicket with his venison that he had hunted should bring in with him some armed men and Anniball on another part come to the gate called Temenis which looked toward the East and stood on the land side of the cittie a good way within the wall as it were in a nouke When Anniball approached the said gate hee made a fire in token that hee was come as it was devised between them before and it flamed forth and gave a shining light The like did Nico againe Then the fires on both sides were put out that they made no more blaze And Anniball in great and still silence led his armie close to the gate Nico came suddainely at unawares upon the watchmen fast asleepe killed them in their beds and opened that gate Anniball entred with his regiment of footmen and commanded the cavallerie to stay behind to the end they might have libertie of open ground to ride whithersoever there was need and as occasion required Now by this time Philomenes also was come neere to that little gate on the other side where he used to make his egresse and ingresse to and fro And when he had raised the watchman with his voice so well knowne and with his whistle wherewith now he was familiarly acquainted and said withall that hee was troubled with tugging and lugging of a foule heavie beast therewith the wicket was set open Two lustie fellows there were carrying in the wild bore between them and he himselfe followed with one of the huntsmen lightly nimbly appointed whiles the watchman his eye was upon the two porters that carried the beast wondring at the bignesse of the bore and tooke no heed to himselfe Nicomenes thrust him through with his bore-speare Then there entred in after them about thirtie men armed who killed the rest of the watch and brake downe the great gates withall and immediatly there entred the companies with banner displaied and so forth from thence they were conducted and brought to the market place without making any noise and there joyned themselves to Anniball Then Anniball dividend two thousand Gaules into three regiments whom hee sent into sundrie parts of the cittie and gave order to the Tarentines and the Affricanes to get possession of the most principall populous places of the citie and when the crie and shout was once up to kill all the Romanes wheresoever and to spare the townsmen But to the end that this might bee orderly done hee gave direction to the young Gentlemen aforesaid of Tarentum that so soone as they espied a farre off any of their owne cittizens and countriemen they should bid them be quiet and still to hold their peace to bee of good cheere and feare nothing By which time they began to set up a shout and crie as men use to do in a cittie taken by assault but what the matter should be no man of the towne or garrison could certainly tell For the Tarentine inhabitants supposed verily that the Romane souldiours of the garrison were risen up to sacke the citie the Romanes on the other side thought that the townsmen mutinied and they were in doubt of some traiterous practise The Captaine himselfe awakened and raised at the first tumult escaped to the key where he tooke a small barge or whitrie-bote fled to the castle The trumpet also that sounded from the Theatre made the greater terror for it was both a Roman trumpet provided aforehand for the purpose by those traitors and a Grecian blew it one who had no skill so it was doubtful both who he was that sounded and who they where that he gave signall unto When day appeared and the Romans saw the armour of the Carthaginians and Gaules then they wist well in what doore the wind was and how the world went and the Greekes seeing the Romanes lying along every where slaine were soon ware that the cittie was taken by Anniball But after it was broad day light and that the Romanes who remained unkilled were fled into the castle and the noise and hurliburly began by little and little to slake and give over then Anniball commaunded the Tarentines to bee called to a generall assembly and to present themselves without armes
sailers and mariners mingled of all sorts of people So as the garison of the castle being but few in number there was able to be susteined by the provision they had aforehand without the help of any new brought in unto them whereas the Tarentines and the navie could not have sufficient conveighed unto them by reason whereof at length the Armada had leave to depart thence with more thanks of the citie than they had for their first bien-venu thither And yet victuals were not much cheaper because when the help by sea was gone there could no corne at all be brought from other parts abroad At the end of the very same summer when M. Marcellus was come to the citie out of Sicilie his owne province C. Calpurnius the Pretour assembled the Senate for his sake in the temple of Bellona Where after he had discoursed of the acts by him atchieved and complained after a mild and modest sort laying open his griefes not so much in the behalfe of him selfe as of his soldiours in that when he had performed and accomplished his charge and commission in his province hee could not have licence to bring home his armie with him hee demaunded that hee might be allowed to ride in triumph into the cittie but he could not obteine it This matter was much canvased and debated pro contra Whither it were lesse meet and convenient to denie him triumph being now present in whose name whiles be was absent for the fortunat successe good speed of all affaires under his conduct and government there was asolemne procession decreed and sacrifices done to the honour of the immortall gods or to graunt him triumph as if the warre were fully finished whom the Senate had commaunded to make over his armie to his successor which surely they would never have decreed but that the war remained still within the province and especially seeing the armie it selfe was away the best witnesse sunply whither he had deserved a triumph or no. At length a middle and indifferent course between both was agreed upon namely that he should enter the cittie ovant in a petie triumph And the Tribunes of the commons by the approbation first of the Senat proposed unto the people that M. Marcellus should the same day that he came ovant into the cittie reteine still his full authoritie and government The day before he entred the cittie he rode in triumph upon the mount Albanus and from thence in ovant wise he sent a rich bootie before him into the cittie There was carried in this pompe the counterfeit of the cittie Syracuse woon crosbowes brakes standing slings and all other warlike instruments besides the ornaments testifying long and continuall peace and the great wealth treasure of the kings as divers vessels of silver brasse curiously wrought other houshold furniture also rich hangings of tapistrie and garments of great price many goodly images and right noble statues wherewith Syracuse was adorned and beautified even with the best and principall citties of Greece In token also of a victorie over the Carthaginians there were eight Elephants brought in a shew And that which was not the least sight spectacle to behold Sosis the Syracusian and Mericus the Spaniard went afore with crownes of gold upon their heads The one of them was the guide when Saracose was entred in the night season and the other betraied Nasos and the garrison there Both these were enfranchised citizens of Rome and had fiftie akres of land a peece graunted unto them for ever Sosis had his land set out in the territorie of Syracuse which either belonged to the kings or to the enemies of the people of Rome and a dwelling house chuse where he would in Syracuse of all those that were seized upon by right of conquest As for Mericus and the Spaniards that with him fled from the enemies sided unto the Romans they had assigned unto them a citie to inhabit land to occupie in Sicilie which somtime belonged to them that had revolted from the people of Rome And order was given to M. Cornelius for to appoint them the said cittie and land wheresoever he thought good And in the same territorie there were alotted and set out foure hundred acres of land unto Belligenes by whose meanes Mericus was allured and induced to leave the adverse part and turne to the Romanes After that Marcellus was departed out of Sicilie the navie of the Carthaginians disbarked eight thousand footmen three thousand Numidian horsemen Vnto them revolted the Murgentine land and Hybla togither with Magella and other small piles of base account tooke example by them and followed after The Numidians with their captaine Mutines raunged over all Sicilie and fired the townes and villages belonging to the associates of the people of Rome Over and besides all this the Romane armie there being discontented and angrie partly for that togither with their Generall they were not licenced to go out of the province and partly for that they were forbidden and debarred for wintering in any good townes demeaned themselves slackly and lazily in their militarie service in such sort as if there had bene a head to lead them as they had a heart to move them they would have mutined and rebelled Among these troubles and difficulties M. Cornelius the Pretour both appeased and mittigated the stomackes of the souldiours as well by comfortable words as by rebukes and checkes and also brought under his obedience and subjection all those citties which had revolted Of which he according to the former act of the Senate allotted Murgantia to the Spaniards unto whom both a citie and laâ—d to it was by order aforesaid due Both the Consuls who had the government of the province Apulia seeing there was lesse cause of feare and terror now from the Carthaginians and Anniball were commaunded to cast lost betweene them for the provinces of Apulia and Macedonia So Macedonia befell unto Sulpitius and he succeeded there in stead of Levinus Fulvius was sent for home to Rome about the election of the Consuls And when he held the solemne assembly of the people for the choise and creation of the Coss. The Centurie of the younger citizens which had the prerogative to give their first voice declared T. Manlius Torquatus T. Octacilius for Consuls Manlius being there present in place when the multitude came about him to congratulate with God give you joy c. for that there was no doubt but the whole bodie of the people would approve this choise of the first centurie came with a great companie about him to the tribunall seat of estate where the Consull sat and made request unto him that hee would give him the hearing of some few words and commaund that prerogative centurie which had given their voices to be called back again to a new scrutinie And when every man was attentive and expected what hee would demaund hee alleadged for his excuse a paire of ill
to do more mischiefe about the citie if they were let alone and not apprehended so they were attached and their houshold servants At the first these persons made light account both of the informer and the information they made and elevated the credit that was given thereto alledging that the day before the partie himselfe being chastised and skourged by his maisters ran away and so upon an anger and giddie sit devised by occasion of this misfortune which was meere casual to frame an accusation against his maisters But when the matter was averred to their teeth in open place and that they by whose ministerie the feate was done were in the mids of the Forum put to the rack for to utter a truth then they all made confession of the fact So as well the maisters that were the setters thereof as the servants that were privie and accessarie thereto had their deserts and suffered for it The informer who disclosed the villanie was made free and had 20000 asses for his labor As the Consull Laevinus passed by Capua in his journey homeward there flocked about him a number of Campanes and besought him with teares that they might have leave to go to Rome and present themselves before the Senate there to make suite if happly there were any pitie commiseration in them not to destroy them utterly nor suffer Q. Flaccus to consume the name generation of the Campanes from off the face of the earth Now Flaccus for his part denied flatly that he bare them any private grudge by malice but only hated the Campanes as the common enemies to the state and so he would do ever so long as he knew them so ill affected as they were to the people of Rome for there was not a nation upon earth nor a people under heaven more spightfully deadly bent against the Romane name than they were And that was the cause saith he that he penned them up within their walls For who soever of them chanced any way to make an escape they ranged about the country like brute and savage beasts renting tearing and killing whosoever came in their way Some of them are fled to the adverse side unto Annibal other are gone to Rome to set fire on the citie and there quoth he shal the Consull find the market place halfe burned and the very prints and tokens remaining fresh of the Campanes mischevous practises There should he see that they minded to have done violence upon the chappell of Vesla and to have put out those eternall fires and utterly defaced the fatall pledge of the Romane empire bestowed and laid up sure in the most secret place of the chappell Neither thought he it was safe for the citie to permit the Campanes to come within the walls thereof Then Laevinus having caused the Capuans to take a corporall oth and sweare unto Flaccus that they would make returne to Capua before five dayes were expired after they had their answere and dispatch from the Senate commaunded them to come after him to Rome Attended thus as he was with this companie he encountred the Sicilians also who came forth to meete him and with this multitude he entred the citie accompanied I say with the Campanes and Sicilians both vanquished and subdued by warre as accusers of two most famous persons Marcellus and Fulvius who had conquered two most noble and renowmed Cities Saracose and Capua But both the Coss. treated and consulted first with the Senat about the state of the common-weale and the government of the provinces There Levinus related in what tearmes stood Macedonie and Greece the Aetolians also with the Acarnanians and Locrians likewise what acts he had atchieved in those parts both by sea and land and how he had repulsed Philip backe into Macedonia when hee beganne to make warre upon the Aetolians who now was retired and gone into the utmost parts of his kingdome so as the legion might be withdrawne from thence for that the armada was sufficient to keepe the king forth of Italie Thus much spake hee of himselfe and of the province whereof he had bene governour Then both Consuls in common proposed unto the Senate concerning the province And the LL. decreed that one of the Consuls should take the charge of Italie and of the war with Anniball and the other should have under his hand the armada whereof T. Octacilius was the Admirall togither with L. Cincius the Pretour governe the province of Sicilie They were allowed the two armies which were in Tuskane and in France consisting of foure legions whereof two of the former yeare that were of citizens should be sent into Tuskane and those two which the Consull Sulpittus had conducted should be led into France Moreover that he should have the government of France and the leading of the legions there whom that Cos. would appoint whose lot it was to have Italie for his province Into Tuskane was C. Calpurnius sent with commission after the tearme of the Pretourship expired to have his full jurisdiction to continue for a yeare Likewise to Q. Fulvius was assigned the keeping of Capua and his rule proroged for another yeare The armies as well of citizens as of allies were by commandement of the Senat abridged and made lesse so that for two legions ther should be but one that consisting of five thousand footmen three hundred horsemen that they should be discharged of soulderie who had served longest that of allies there should be left seven thousand foote and three hundred horse with the same respect and consideration of service in dismissing the old souldiours As for Cn. Fulvius the Consull of the former year he ruled the same province of Apulia still without any alteration of his forces only his government was continued unto him another yeare And P. Sulpitius his Colleague was commaunded to send away all his armie only the marriners and sailers excepted Likewise order was given that so soone as the new Consull was arrived and landed in the province of Sicilie the armie there which was commaunded by M. Cornelius should be sent out of Sicilie Vnto L. Cincius the Pretour were assigned the souldiours that remained after the defeature at Cannae for to keepe Sicilie in order and those arose to two legions And as many legions were appointed for P. Manlius Vâ—lso the Pretour for to go into Sardinia even those whereof L. Cornelius had the leading in the same province the former yeare As for the legions of citizens the Consuls were enjoyned to levie and enroll them so as they enterteined no souldiour of all those who had served in the armie either of M. Claudius or M. Valerius or Fulvius nor exceeded the number that yeare of one and twentie legions of Romans When these Acts were passed in the Senate-house the Consuls cast lots for their serverall provinces Sicilie and the armada fell to Marcellus Italie and the warre against Anniball to Levinus This lot that fell to Marcellus so
concurrent that he had striving to be greater than he disclosed all to Anniball Wherupon both were sent for and convented peremptorily before him As Anniball was sitting upon the Tribunall seat giving audience and dispatch to certeine other matters and that hee might anone the better attend unto Blasius and the action intended against him whiles the plaintife defendant stood apart by themselves from the rest of the people a good way Blasius went in hand again with Dasius and sollicited him for to deliver the citie to the Romans With that Dasius as if the matter had beene too too apparant cried out and said That he bashed not to breake unto him and move him even in the presence and sight of Anniball for to practise treason betray the citie Anniball and all they that were there present gave little credite unto Dasius and the more audacious the thing itselfe was the lesse likelyhood it caried with it of a truth Every man supposed verily it was nothing but emulation envie and cancred malice that caused Dasius to charge upon him that crime which because there was no witnesse to the contrarie he might untruly devise and more freely enforce against him And so for that time they were both discharged the court But Blasius never gave over to follow still this bold enterprise but beat still upon this one point shewing how good and commodious the thing would bee both to themselves in private and to their countrie in common untill hee had wrought him so and woon him to graunt that the Carthaginian garison those were Numidians togither with the citie Salapia should be rendred unto Marcellus But without much bloudshed they could not possibly be thus betraied delivered for they were the most hardy and valiant horsemen by farre of all the Carthaginian armie Wherefore albeit they were taken on a suddaine unprovided and had no use of horses within the cittie yet with such weapons as in such a suddaine tumult and uprore they could catch and come by first they assaied and gave the venture to breake through and escape away and when they saw that they could by no meanes save themselves and get forth they fought it out to the last manfully even unto death so as there were not of them above fiftie left alive and came into the hands of the enemies And surely the losse of this cornet of horsemen was a greater dammage unto Anniball than the forgoing of Salapia for never from that day forward had Anniball the upper hand in cavalerie which was the onely service whereby ever before he most prevailed Much about the same time the castle of Tarentum was streightly distressed for want of victuals and hardly could endure and hold out any longer The only hope that the Romane garrison had which lay there and the captaine thereof M. Livius the Constable of the castle was in the provision sent out of Sicilie For the safe convoy whereof along the coast of Italie there rid at anker a fleet welneere of twentie saile before Rhegium The Admirall of this fleet appointed to wast these victuals from time to time was one Decius Quintius a man of obscure birth and base parentage howbeit for many worthie acts and feats of armes much renowmed in martiall glorie At the first he had the charge but of five ships whereof two of the greatest which were three banked gallies were allowed him by Marcellus afterwards upon his good service when hee had born himselfe bravely in many conflicts he had three more committed unto him those were of five banks of oares untill at last himselfe by calling upon the confederat cities as Rhegium Velia and Pastum for the ships due by covenant unto the people of Rome he had made a pretie Armada as is abovesaid of twentie saile As this fleet had disankered and was gone from Rhegium Democrates with the like Armada for number of Tarentine ships encountered almost five leagues from the citie of Tarentum at a port called Sacriportus It fortuned at that time that the Roman Admirall little looking for any battell came forth under saile onely but about Crotone and Sibaris he had furnished his shippes with rowers also and so his fleet for the bignesse talnesse of the vessels was well appointed and sufficiently armed manned And even then it happened at one time that both the boisterous wind lay and the enemies also were within kenning so as they had scarce time ynough to fit their tackling to make readie their rowers and to set in order their fighting men against a skirmish that was so neere toward There was not lightly seene a greater conflict tought more hotely and fiercely betweene two roiall Armadaes that affronted one another than between these small fleets For why the battel was for a greater matter than all their ships came to The Tarentines mainteined the fight more eagrely because they were desirous to recover their castle out of the Romans hands as they had done their citie after one 100 yeares almost during which time they had been out of the possession thereof hoping thereby if they could be maisters of the sea once by some fortunate and victorious battell to cut off and intercept all hope of victuals from the enemies The Romanes on the other side bestirred themselves as lustily that by keeping the possession of the castle all the world might see that Tarentum was not lost by force cleane strength and valour but betraied by stealth and trecherie So they sounded the battell from both parts and ran affront one at another with the beakes and stemmes of their prows and neither staied rowing amaine forward nor suffered their enemie to part or goe aside from them untill they closed and grappled their ships together by the meanes of yron hookes like hands And so neere they buckled in hote and furious medley that not only they discharged shot aloofe one against another but also they coped together as it were foot to foot at hand strokes with sword fight Their prows and for-ships stucke grappled together while the poups and hin-deckes were driven about with contrarie oares of the adverse part So neere and so thicke withall stood the ships and within so narrow a roume that scarce one dart light into the water in vaine and did no harme With their beake-heads they assailed one another as it had been on land fight and so close they were that the souldiours might passe out of one ship into another as they fought Howbeit two ships there were above all the rest that mainteined a notable fight and in the vauntguard and forefront of the battell invested one another most furiously In that of the Romanes was Quintius himselfe in person in the other of the Tarentines was one Nico surnamed Perco a man not only odious unto the Romans for the publick quarrell betweene both states but also maliciously bent upon a private spight and rancour as banding with that faction which had betraied Tarentum to Anniball This
Nico espying Quintius both fighting also encouraging his men withall charged him at unwares ran him quite through with a partuisane who was not so soone fallen forward headlong upon the fore-deck armour and all but the Tarentine following the traine of his victorie and seeing the ship disordered troubled for the losse of their leader lustily came forward and borded her laid about him manfully and put by the enemies out of his way untill the Tarentines were maisters of the prow and fore-castle Whiles the Romanes had much adoe so thrumbled they were and thrust togither disorderly to defend and keepe the poupe and hind-decke with that another gallie of the enemies appeared on a suddaine and charged the hind-part So the Roman ship in the middest between both was boorded on every side and taken Whereupon all the rest were greatly terrified seeing the Admirall-ship was woon by the enemie and they fled on all hands Some were sunck in the deepesea some made hast with their oares and skudded to the land but anon were a prize and prey to the Thurines and Metapontines But of the hulkes and Carickes which were fraught with victuall and followed after very few there were that fell into the hands of the enemies the rest shifting and turning their sailes crosse this waies and that waies according to the inconstancie of the wind recovered the maine sea But about Tarentum at the same time their fortune was nothing so good For whereas there went out of the towne upon a foure thousand men a foraging for to purvey corne Livius Constable of the castle and captaine of the garison spying his time as hee waited ever for all opportunities made out of the said castle 2000 armed souldiours under the leading of C. Persius a valourous and industrious man who set upon the Tarentines straggling out of order and dispersed in wandering wise over the fields and after he had followed a long time the execution killing them here and there as he encountred them the rest which were but few left of so many he chased to the towne for they made hast in great feare thither were let in at the gates standing halfe shut for feare least at the same randon the towne should have been lost So the Tarentines and Romans when they had made the reckoning put up all on even hand For the Romans were winners by land the Tarentines at sea and both of them disappointed alike of their hope of corn which was presented to their eies but they never tasted thereof At the same time Levinus the Consull after a good part of the yeer was gone about arrived in Sicilie greatly expected and looked for as well by the old allies as the new and the first thing of all other and most important he supposed was together with this new peace to settle compose the State of Syracusa so much disordered and out of frame After that hee led his legions to Agrigentum where onely there remained the reliques of warre which cittie was kept by a strong garrison of Carthaginians There fortune favoured his first dessignes Hanno chaunced to be the generall over the Carthaginians but he wholly relied and reposed all his hope in Mutines and the Numidians This Mutines had raunged all over Sicilie at his pleasure and raised booties out of the territories and lands of the Romane associates by no force or policie could he be intercepted of his passage backe to Agrigentum nor yet bee pinned within the cittie but that he would issue foorth whensoever hee listed This glorie of his because now it checked as it were the fame and honour of the Generall turned the man at length to displeasure and danger so as what good service soever was atchieved it was never well taken by Hanno nor joyously accepted in regard of the person who was a pricke alwaies in his eie Whereupon in the end hee gave away the captainship of Mutines from himselfe and bestowed it upon his owne son thinking that togither with his government and commaund hee should loose all his authoritie and reputation also among the Numidians But it fell out farre otherwise For the more that hee was in disgrace and disfavovr with Hanno the greater grew the old favor and love of the Numidians toward him Neither could hee himselfe endure any longer the unworthie wrong and indignitie offered unto him and therefore in revenge he presently dispatched certain secret messengers unto Levinus with credence that hee would betray and deliver Agrigentum into his hands By the mediation of these intercourriers there passed sufficient securitie and assurance between them and the matter being concluded the manner also of contriving the plot was agreed upon Whereas therefore the Numidians were possessed and had the guard of that gate that openeth toward the sea after they had either driven out the old warders from thence or killed them they let in the Romans at the same gate into the citie who were sent of purpose according to the former agreement And when they marched up into the midst of the citie even to the market place with banner displaied with great tumult and noise Hanno supposing it was nothing els but a seditious uprising of the Numidians like as they had done sometimes before came forth as to appease and stay a mutinie and commotion But discovering a greater multitude a far off than the Numidians were and hearing withall the Romans to shout with the manner wherof his ears had ben well acquainted before time hee tooke him to his heeles ere hee came within the dart-shot And being let out at a backe posterne gate taking with him Epicides hee recovered with some few other the sea side where as good hap was they light upon a small barke or pinnase and so leaving Sicilie to the enemies for which there had beene much strife so many yeares together they passed over into Affrickâ— The multitude besides both of Carthaginians and Sicilians without any skirmish either begun or intended fled like blind men they wist not whether and finding all waies made up and no passage forth they were miserably slaine and hewen apeeces about the gates Laevinus being possessed of the towne caused all the cheefe men and rulers of the citie to be beaten with rods and to lose their heads all the rest together with the pillage he sold in port-sale and the monie that was reised thereof he sent to Rome When the newes of this misfortune of the Agrigentines was blowen over Sicilie all at once turned Romane and Anniball lost all For in short space there were 20 townes betraied and yeelded sixe forced by assault and to the number of 40 voluntarily surrendred to the devotion and protection of the Romanes The principall noble men of which States after that the Consuls had either rewarded or punished according to their severall demerits and compelled the Sicilians generally to lay by armes and weapons and to take themselves to the plough for to eare till and sow their
the walls nor the armed men that stood thereupon but they skaled avie who could mount upon the walls first At the same time that part of the citie also which the sea beat upon began to be assailed by the ships But from thence it should seeme they made more ado with houting and hurrying than effected ought by any forcible assault For whiles they came close to the walls with their ships whiles they put foorth their ladders and their souldiours whiles every man laboured to gaine the land the neerest way he could what with their striving and hast-making they hindred one another And by that time Mago had filled the walls full of armed men who let flye arrowes Iavelines darts and all kind of shot whereof they had gathered together exceeding great store But neither men nor arrowes and darts nor anythings els defended the wall so much as the very wall itselfe For few ladders they had that could reach up to the top and the longer any of them were the more weaker also they were Whereupon by reason that they who were climed up to the highest rounds could not gain the parapet and discharge the ladder yet some or other still clambred up after the ladders being overcharged with the weight brake in peeces Some againe there were that notwithstanding the ladders under them held still and stood unbroken yet when they looked downe from on high their eyes so dazeled and were overcast with a mist that they lost their sight and fell from the top to the ground Thus when ladders here and men there came tumbling down and the enemies upon their good speed grew to be more hartie and hardie the retreat was sounded which gave to the besieged within the towne not hope onely of present rest and intermission of so great labour and toyle but also assured them in manner for the time to come that the citie was tenable against all skalades although it were invested therewith round about And as for fabricks and mounts to be raised and planted against it they were not only difficult and hard to be performed but also would aske some long time and minister in the meane while space sufficient for the other Generals of their owne to come to the reskue But scarce was the first assault fully ceased when Scipio commaunded other fresh and unfoiled souldiours to take the ladders of them that were weeried alreadie and wounded and with greater violence to give a new Camisado Himselfe so soone as he understood that it was ebb and low water having bene advertised by certaine fishermen of Taracon who sometimes with light boates used to rowe and otherwhiles when their vessels touched the ground to wade all over the lake upon firme ground that men might easily passe to the walls on foot thither to that place he brought all his souldiours to the assault It was now almost noonetide of the day and besides that the water of it selfe naturally fell with the ebb into the sea there was a good round northren wind arose which drave the water out of the lake which now was well fallen after the tide and discovered such shallowes that whereas in some places thereof they went up to the navell in some againe they waded skarce knee deepe Which albeit Scipio knew well to be an ordinarie thing in naturall reason and therefore with good forecast had made provision accordingly to take that advantage yet he turned it to a miraculous and prodigious accident attributing all to the immediat handie-worke of the gods as who to give passage and footing to the Romanes had turned back the course and current of the sea discharged lakes of their water and opened wayes unto them that never before were troden with the sole of mans foot and therewith he willed his souldiers to follow Neptune the guide and leader of the way and to passe boldly through the mids of the lake close to the very walls On the land side the assailants had exceeding trouble in standing under the walls for not only they were hindered by reason that the curtine was so high but also as they went they lay open and under their shot and were wounded both wayes so as their flanks and sides were more anoyed as they approched under than their faces and forefront of their bodies But on the other part as they went quietly and easily through the mere to the wall so they climed forward as securely to the very top thereof For neither was it strongly fortified with bulwarkes nor raised to any height by industrie and art of man as being supposed by naturall situation of the place and the standing lake besides strong enough and sufficiently defended nor any gard of armed men were there in watch and ward opposed against the assailants whiles every man was busie and wholly intended to helpe there from whence some daunger was seene The Romanes being thus entred the cittie over the walls without any skirmish marched from thence with what speed they could unto that gate about which all the fight and hote medley was alreadie begun for there not only all their minds were bent and amused but also their eyes and eares were occupied and possessed whiles some fought others looked on encouraged the fighters in such sort that there was none of them all once perceived or knew that the citie was taken surprised behind them before the darts flew about their eares light upon their back parts and untill they had the enemies both before behind Then not onely the walls were taken when the defendants upon a twofold feare were driven to abandon them but also the gate from withinforth and without began to be broken downe and anone after continuall running and beating against it the leaves thereof perforce flew apeeces because there might bee nothing to impeach or let them in their entrance then the armed souldiours brake in most furiously Many alreadie had skaled the walls and gotten over but they turned and betooke themselves every where to massacre and make havocke of the townesmen But the maine battell which entred in at the gate with their captains orderly by companies and ranckes in their array marched forward through the middest of the citie to the market place From whence Sciâ—io might see the enemies flie two waies some to the fortresse upon the hill aforesaid which standeth to the East and was kept with a guard of five hundred souldiors others into the citadell into which Mago himselfe with all the armed men in a maner who were driven from the walls had retired and fled for to save himselfe Whereupon he sent a part of his forces to win the said hill and himselfe in person led the rest to the castle And as the fort upon the hill was taken at the first assault and onset given so Mago after he had a while made some means to defend the castle seeing all places full of enemies swarming every where no other hope yeelded himselfe the citadel and
conveyed away the multitude of the inhabitants to Metapontum the Thurians he set it on fire and burnt it quite The nobles and principall citizens who were known to have had secret talke and conference with Fulvius he put to death The Romanes who out of so great an overthrow escaped made shift by divers and sundrie waies to flie halfe naked as they were to Marcellus the Cos. into Samnium But Marcellus nothing dismaied and afrighted at this so great defeature addresseth his letters to the Senate at Rome with advertisement of the losse of the captaine generall and the armie at Herdonea giving them yet to understand how himselfe even hee who after the Cannian field had tamed and daunted Annibal as lustie and proud as he was upon that victorie was minded presently to encounter him and make him take no long joy and pleasure wherein now he so vaunted and exalted himselfe And at Rome verilie as they mourned much for the losse past so they feared as greatly the future daungers The Consull having passed out of Samnium into the Lucanes countrie sate down before Numistro in the very sight of Anniball there in a plaine encamped himselfe notwithstanding the enemie was possessed before of the hill and had the vantage of the ground And for to make more shew of his owne confidence and how little he feared hee first brought foorth his men and marshalled them in order readie to bid battaile Anniball so soone as he saw the ensigns advaunced forth of the gates staied not behind And they arraunged their battailes in such manner as that the Carthaginians with the right wing tooke up part of the hill the Romanes displayed their left wing in length to the very walls of the towne After they had continued fight from the third hower of the day unto night and that the vauntguards on both sides were wearie with maintaining of skirmish so long then the first legion of the Romanes with the right wing of their horsemen the Spanish soldiors also of Anniball his part the Balearian slingers likewise together with the Elephants began to fight whiles the rest were alreadie in hote conflict and close together For a long time the medley shruncke not of any hand The first legion of the Romans was seconded with the comming in of the third among the enemies likewise there came in new souldiours that were lustie in place of the foiled and wearied Whereby of a lingring and long skirmish there began all on a suddaine a new hote and cruell battaile by reason that their courages were fresh and their bodies in heart But the night parted the fray and left the victorie doubtfull in the middest The morrow after the Romanes from sun-rising stood arraunged in the field untill it was farre day and seeing none of the enemies appeare and shew themselves they fell to gather up the spoiles by leasure heaped up in one place all the bodies of their own men that were slaine and made one great fire and burnt them to ashes The night ensuing Annibal dislodged secretly without any noise and departed into Apulia And Marcellus so soone as day-light discovered the flight of his enemie leaving his hurt wounded people at Numistro with a small guard and L. Furius Purpurio a Colonell to be their captaine followed him by his steps and at Venusia overtooke him There for certaine daies passed some sallies from the guards of both armies whiles both horse and foot one with another rather made slight skirmishes than any set battailes and lightly the Romanes had alwaies the better hand From thence the armies were conducted through Apulia without any memorable fight at all by reason that Anniball in the night season ever set forward seeking some opportunitie of forelaying entrapping his enemie and Marcellus never followed but in broad day light and sent out his espials before to cleere the coasts In this meane while Flaccus spending the time at Capua in making port-sale of the noblemens goods and in setting and letting out to ferme the land which was confiscate and forfeit to the common wealth of Rome and all for a rent of corne there hapned a new complot and practise which lay hidden for the time to be detected and come to light to the end that he might never want one matter or other to take occasion for to plague and torment the Campanes He had taken order that his souldiours should remove out of the houses within the town partly for that as well the tenements of the said towne within as the lands without should be rented forth and partly for fear least the exceeding pleasantnes and delectable seat of that citie should effeminate his armie as it had done the host of Anniball before time and commaunded them to build themselves about the gates and along the walls cotages and sheds in warlike fashion and only to serve for souldiours These were most of them made of hurdles and bourds some watteled and wound with reedes and all of them thatched with straw and stubble as it were of purpose to minister fuell for fire Now there were some hundred and seventie Campanes had conspired at one certaine houre of the night to set all a fire and the principall heads and chiefetaines were certaine brethren of the Blosij and it fortuned that by some of the same house and familie the conspiracie was disclosed Whereupon at once the gates were made fast by the commaundement of the Proconsull and the alarme being striken up and sounded all the souldiers ran together All those that were partie or privie to the intended treason were apprehended and after rigorous examination had by torture they were condemned and executed the informers were made free and had each one a reward of 10000 peeces of brasse called Asses When the Nucerines and Acerranes made mone that they wanted place of habitation for as much as Acerrae was in part burnt and Nuceria utterly rased and destroyed Marcellus referred them over to the Senate of Rome and sent them thither The men of Acerrae had leave graunted to re-edifie againe their owne edifices which were burned But they of Nuceria according to their owne desire were translated to Atella and the Atellanes commanded to remove unto Calatia there to dwell Amids the managing of many and weightie affaires which falling our variably one while well another while ill busied and amused the minds of men yet the Romanes forgot not the castle of Tarentum for M. Ogulnius and P. Aquilius went as embassadors into Aetolia for to buy up corne to be conveighed and brought to Tarentum and a thousand souldiours out of the citie armie whereof the number of Romanes and Allies was all one were sent with the sayd corne thither to lye in garison Now was the summer at an end and the time drew neere of the Consuls election But the letters of Marcellus unto the Senate wherein he signified that it was not for the good of the Common-wealth to depart one
he gat it rather by craft and pollicie than by force and vertue was glorious therefore The name of Fulvius began to age and decay Marcellus grew also into an ill name some obloquie both for that at first hee had a foile and also because hee suffered Anniball to raunge over Italie at his pleasure and himselfe at midsommer had retired his souldiours to Venusia to take up there as it were their winter harborough He had a sore adversarie in the citie one C. Publicius Bibulus a Tribune of the Commons who from the very first time of that discomfiture with continuall speeches and Orations brought Claudius into hatred and infamie with the common people and now was in hand with them to deprive him of his governement Howbeit the friends and kinsfolke of Claudius obteined thus much That Marcellus leaving his lieutenant at Venusia should repair to Rome for to make his purgation acquit himselfe of such crimes as his adversaries objected and laid against him and that during his absence they should not treat nor debate about his deprivation It hapned much about one time that both Marcellus came to Rome to meet with the shamefull slaunder that ran on him and to save his honour and also Q. Fulvius the Consull about the new election for the yeere following The question touching the governement of Marcellus was debated and handled in the lists or Circus called Flaminius and a great assembly there was and much concourse of the Commons and of people of all degrees and calling The Tribune accused not Marcellus onely but all the nobilitie by whose fraudulent practise and by whose cold and delayfull proceedings it was come to passe that Anniball now these ten yeares had remained in Italie as it were in his province continually where hee had led a greater part of his life than at Carthage in his native countrey And now quoth he the people of Rome tast the fruit proceeding of proroguing and continuing of government still in one person For see what is come of it Marcellus his armie hath been twise defeated and fallen upon the enemies sword and now forsooth is housed in Venusia for sun-burning But Marcellus so confuted this accusatorie speech of the Tribune by recounting his owne worthie noble acts that not onely the bill preferred for the deposing him out of his roume was disanulled and the necke of it broken but also the next day after all the Centuries with one generall voice created him Consull There was joined with him companion in government T. Quintius Crispinus who then was Pretour The morrow after were the Pretors chosen to wit P. Licinius Crassus Dives who was at that time the Arch-bishop P. Licinius Varus Sex Iulius Caesar and Q. Claudius Flamen During the time of this solemne parlement or session for the election of Magistrates the citie was much disquieted for the revolt of Hetruria C. Calpurnius who ruled that province as Propretour had by his letters given notice that the beginning thereof arose from the Arretines and therefore immediately M. Marcellus the Consull elect was thither sent with commission to looke into the matter and if hee thought it requisite to send for his forces and to translate the warre out of Apulia into Tuscane For feare whereof the Tuscanes puld in their heads and were quiet The Tarentine Embassadours made suite for peace and that together with their freedome they might enjoy their own lawes And this answere was returned by the Senat That they should come againe when Fabius the Consull was returned to Rome The Romane Games and also the plaies called Plebeij were exhibited that yeere and renued one day apeece more than ordinarie The Aediles of the chaire were L. Cornelius Caudinus and Servilius Sulpitius Galba but those of the Commons were C. Servilius and Q. Cecilius Metellus As for Servilius it was denied that hee had beene Tribune of the Commons before or now Aedile by right and order of law because it was now for certaine knowne that his father of whom the opinion went currant for ten yeares that he was slaine by the Boians about Mutina at what time as hee was Triumvir for the division of lands was now living and in the hands of the enemies in slaverie and bondage In the eleventh yeere of the Punick war M. Marcellus entred his Consulship the fift time so you reckon upon that Consulship which hee never bare through because there was an errour committed in his creation and with him T. Quintius Crispinus To both Consuls the province of Italie was assigned and both armies of the Consuls the former yeere There was a third armie then at Venusia whereof M. Marcellus had the conduct Of these three they were to chuse two which they would and the third remaining was to bee committed unto him who was by lot to have the government of Tarentum and the Salentines The rest of the provinces were thus divided amongst the Pretours P. Licinius Varus had the jurisdiction civile and P. Licinius Crassus then Pontifex Max. that of the forreiners to go whether soever the Senat should think good to send him Vnto Sex Iulius Caesar befell Sicilie to Q. Claudius Flamen the citie of Tarentum Q. Fulvius Flaccus had his commission renued to continue in government for one yeere longer and he was appointed to governe Capua which had been the charge of T. Quintius the Pretour and to have under his hand the commaund of one legion Likewise C. Hostilius Tubulus remained still in office and that as Pro-pretour he should succeed C. Calpurnius and have the conduct of two legions Moreover L. Veturius Philo had his authoritie and government confirmed to him anew that as Propretour he should sit L. Deputie in the same province of Fraunce and have the same two legions as before when he was Pretour there The like decree that was graunted for L. Veturius passed also in the Senate for C. Aurunculeius and a bill was propounded unto the people for the proroguing and continuance of his office who as Pretour ruled the province Sardinia with the strength of two legions And for the defence and guard of the said province hee had an addition of fiftie shippes of warre which P. Scipio had sent out of Spaine P. Scipio likewise and M. Syllanus held still by vertue of a decree their provinces of Spaine and commaunded the same armies for one yeare longer As for Scipio he had direction to send over into Sardinia fiftie ships out of those eightie which he had under his hand either taken with him out of Italie or woon from the enemie at Carthage because there ran a rumour that there was great preparation at Carthage for a navie that yeare and that the Carthaginians would take up and fill all the sea coast of Italie Sicilie and Sardinia with an armada of two hundred saile In Sicilie the government was divided in this maner Sextus Caesar had the leading of the Cannian armie M. Valerius Levinus for his government
not away with the societie of men And at the first not knowing whither Anniball intended to go they supposed that he came for to surprise their holds in caves and rocks to take their fortresses and to drive away their people and cattaile as booties But afterwards the fame that went of the Punick warre wherewith now twelve yeeres Italie was plagued and vexed had taught them sufficiently that the Alpes were nothing but the way for the Carthaginians to travaile through And by this time well they knew that two most puissant Cities and States devided and removed one from another by a great space of land and sea betweene strived together and warred for their greatnesse and Soveraigntie Vpon these occasions I say the Alpes were open and passable to Asdruball with ease But looke what time he gained by speedie journeis the same he lost againe by stay about Placentia whiles he lay there in vaine rather beseeging than assailing it He was caried away with a persuasion that the towne seated upon a plaine and champain countrie might soone be forced and woon and the great name that went of that noble Colonie induced him to beleeve that by the overthrow and rasing of that citie he should strike a terror to all the rest But in lying against that towne he not only hindred himselfe much but also stayed Anniball who having heard that he was passed over the Alpes and come downe into Italie so much sooner than he looked for was upon the point to dislodge out of his standing wintering camp For he considered cast in his mind not only what a long tedious peece of worke it is to beseege and assault cities but also well remembred how himselfe after his victorie at Trebia assaied to force that colonie in his returne from thence but might not prevaile The Consuls being departed from the citie and gone divers wayes as it were for two sundrie warres at once distracted mens minds with many cares and troublous imaginations as well in remembrance of those losses and overthrowes which they had received at Anniball his first comming as also in thinking what gods should be so propitious and favorable to the citie and empire of Rome as to prosper the affaires of the State and Common-weale at one time in both places For until then their successe had ben variable alternative and their prosperitie alwaies dilaied with semblable adversitie and againe their losses were recompensed with equall gaines For when in Italie the Common-wealth of Rome went one way downeward headlong to the ground at Thrasymenus and Cannae the fortunate warres another way in Spaine set it upright againe Afterwards when in Spaine one overthrow and deffeature hapned in the neck of another at what time as two noble Captaines were slaine and two valiant armies in part destroyed the happie and luckie hand in Sicilie and Italie made up those breaches and set the reeling state on foote againe For why the very distance of the place so farre remote because one of the warres was mainteined in the farthest part of the world yelded time and respite to breath themselves and gather new strength But now two warres at once are interteined within Italie two most brave warriors and renowmed Captaines enclose betweene them the citie of Rome all dangers come huddle together all the heavie lode and whole burden beareth upon one and the selfesame place and no doubt but whither of those two Captaines first shall get a victorie he will within few daies after joyne his forces to the other The fresh and lamentable remembrance also of the very last yeere wherein two Consuls lost their lives mightily affrighted the harts of the people So as in these perplexities and troubles of minde they accompanied the Consuls as they departed and went into their severall provinces It is moreover in some records found that when Q. Fabius advised and warned M. Livinus being upon his journey toward the warres not rashly and hand over head to give battaile to the enemie before he knew his nature and qualities he full of anger still and discontentments with his fellow citizens made this answer That so soone as ever he could have a sight of his enemies armie he would fight and being asked againe why he would make such hast Mary quoth he either shall I by victorie of mine enemies win singular honor and renowme or by the overthrow of my fellow citizens gaine some harts-ease and contentment if not honest in all respects yet at leastwise such as they have deserved Before that Claudius the Consull was come into his province C. Hostilius Tubulus accompanied with certaine cohorts lightly appointed encountred Anniball as he led his armie and marched by the utter confines and marches of the territorie of Larinum which leadeth to the Salentines and charging upon his disordred armie put them to great trouble slew foure thousand of his men and caried away nine ensignes Q. Claudius who had certaine garizons planted in all the cities of the Salentines country hearing of the enemies comming had removed out of his wintering camp and therefore Anniball because he would not fight with two armies at once by night dislodged out of the territorie of Tarentum and withdrew himselfe into the Brutians country and Claudius turned with his armie to the Salentines againe Hostilius in the way to Capua met with the Consull Claudius at Venusia There out of both armies the Consull picked forth fortie thousand choise footemen and 2500 horsemen for to warre with Anniball The rest of the forces Hostilius was commaunded to leade unto Capua and to deliver them to Q. Fulvius the Proconsull Anniball having assembled his forces from all parts as well those which he had in camp during winter time as those that lay in garison in the Brutians country came as farre as Grumentum in the territorie of the Lucanes upon hope to recover the townes which for feare had revolted to the Romanes Vnto the same place the Romane Cos. making out his espials before to discover and cleere the waies marched from Venusia and about a mile and halfe from the enemie encamped himselfe The Carthaginians had fortified themselves and cast a trench close in a manner to the walls of Grumentum and betweene the camp and the Romanes was some halfe mile A plaine lay in the midst and on the left hand of the Carthaginians and the right hand of the Romanes all along betweene the hils overlooked them bare and naked and of neither part suspected by reason that they had no wood growing upon them nor any lurking places to hide an ambush in Into the plaine betweene they used to put out certaine bands and companies from the Corps de guard of both sides and made light skirmishes not worth the talking of And it seemed that the drift of the Romane Consull was to keepe the enemie in and not to suffer him to go his waies But Anniball desirous to be gone entred the field with all his power in order of
made equall with my selfe in commaund and government And yet by good deedes rather then by faire words I effected and gained thus much in the end that he who in the judgement of others was matched with me and made my fellow confessed within a while himselfe to be my inferior Lesse reason have I then now after I have gone through all degrees of honors and dignities to enter into contention and emulation with a yong gentleman of all others at this day most flourishing in the eies of the world unlesse forsooth it be a likely matter that I a man weary not only of managing affaires but also of this world and of this life should looke to have the province of Affrick offred unto me if it were once denied him Nay verily I have enough alreadie in that glorie I am content to live and die and seeke for no more It was sufficient for me to hinder Anniball from atcheiving the victorie to the end that by you who now are gallants in the best of your strength he might be vanquished and overcome Meet it is then and great reason ô P. Cornelius that you should beare with me and hold me excused if I who never in regard of mine owne selfe set greater store by the fame and opinion of people than of the good of the common-weale prefer not now your glorie before the weale-publike And yet I will not say but in case there were no war at al in Italie or the enemie of that qualitie as by conquering of whom there were no credit and honor to be gotten then he that would seeke to keepe you still in Italie were it never so much for the good of the State might seeme to go about to disappoint and frustrate you in putting you by the charge of the warre of the very meanes and matter of your glorie and renowne But seeing that Anniball is your object seeing he is our enemie who with an entire armie still holdeth Italie as it were beseeged now these foureteene yeeres will you not ô P. Cornel. hold your selfe well contented with this honour and reputation That you being Consull should drive that enemie out of Italie who hath bene the cause of the death of so many brave men of ours and of so many foiles and overthrowes that we have received that like as C. Luctatius had the name of finishing the former Punick warre so you may win the title of ending this other also Vnâ—esse a man would say that Amilcar was a warrior and captaine worthie to be preferred before Anniball or that war of more importance than this or that victorie greater and more honorable than this is like to be in case it happen that we may be conquerours under your conduct and whiles you are Consull Whether would you chuse rather to have drawne Amilcar away from Drepanum and the mountain of Eryx than chased hunted the Carthaginians and Annibal out of Italie Nay surely even your owne selfe howsoever you embrace glorie alreadie won than hoped for hereafter would not take more joy and contentment triumph rather for freeing and delivering of Spaine than Italie from the warres Anniball iwis as yet is not come to that low ebb nor so downe the wind but that he which hath made choise of another war may seeme well in so doing to stand as much in feare and dread as in contempt of him Why then addresse you not your selfe to effect this imprese and leave building these castles in the aire and hope by fetching these reaches and this compasse and going the longest way about that when you are passed over into Affrick Anniball will follow you thither and not rather go the next way to worke and fight with Anniball where he is and make no more ado Are you willing indeed and desirous to win this honor of dispatching quite the Punick warre Why it is the very course of nature to defend and make sure your owne before you go in hand to assaile the dominions of others Let us have peace first in Italie before we make warre in Affrick and let us first rid our selves of feare or ever we take occasion to put others in feare unlesse we had some greater quarrell And if by your conduct and fortunate government both these may possibly be effected conquer Anniball here and then go thither to assaile Carthage a gods name But if the one or the other of these victories must needs be left for new Consuls to achieve as the former of the twaine will be the greater and more memorable so it will open the way and give the overture unto the other ensuing upon it For at this time over and besides that our treasure all the revenues and finances of our state are not able to mainteine and wage two sundrie armies both in Italie and in Affrick besides I say that we want the meanes to keepe two Armadacs aflote and have nothing left sufficient wherewith to furnish them with victuals and munition who seeth not I pray you how farre we engage our selves in perill and danger by this enterprise P. Licinius shall warre in Italie and P. Scipio in Affrick What wil ye say if Anniball which God forfend and my heart even dreadeth to bode the osse but that which once hath hapned may happen ful wel again upon the traine of some new victorie fortune to go forward assault the citie of Rome Where are we then Shall we have time then to send for you our Consull out of Affrick as we did for Q. Fulvius from Capua And what say you to this besides That the fortune of war is doubtfull uncertaine even in Affrick as wel as in other places Call to mind and be taught betimes by the examples of your owne house and familie by your father and unkle who within 30 daies were slaine and their armies defeated even there wheras for certain yeeres space they had performed both by sea and land most noble exploits and highly renowmed among foreine nations both the Romane people and also your owne name and familie The time will not serve if I would all this day long do nothing els but recken and recount unto you how many Kings Emperours and Generall Captaines there have bene who have entred rashly into their enemies countries and received many foiles and overthrowes thereby as well in their own persons as in their whole armies The Atheniens a most prudent and politick State having left the war at home in their own countrey and following the counsell and suggestion of one yong man as hardie and valiant in armes as noble in birth and parentage as your selfe none dispraised sailed into Sicilie with a brave and puissant navie and there in one battaile fought at sea overturned and ruinated forever their most flowring citie and common-weale But why seeke I forraine examples of strangers and old stories of times too far past and over-long ago Let even this same Affrick to go no farther and M. Atilius serve
Decurions petie-captaines Mariners and Ore-men by the way The Perusines the Clusines the Rusellanes offred firre trees for the framing and making of the ships and a great quantitie of corne But for this worke he occupied only the firre hewen out of the publike forests and wasts All the States of Vmbria the Nursines also the Reatines and Amiternines and the whole country of the Sabines made promise to help him to souldiers the Marsi the Peligni and Marrucines in great umber came of their owne free wils and were enrolled to serve at sea in the navie The Camertes being allies and confederate to the Romanes but not tied to any service sent a brave companie of sixe hundred men well armed And when as there were set out the keeles or botomes for thirtie ships twentie Caravels of five course of ores and ten of foure himselfe in person plied the carpenters and shipwrights so and set forward the worke that 45 daies after the timber was brought out of the wood the ships were finished rigged armed and furnished with all things and shot into the water So to Sicilie he sailed with thirtie long ships of warre having embarked therein almost seven thousand of voluntarie servitours P. Licinius also for his part came into the Brutians country unto the two consularie armies of which he tooke unto him and chose that which L. Veturius the Consull had commaunded and suffred Metellus to have the leading still of those legions which had bene under his conduct before supposing that he should more easilie employ them in service because they were acquainted alreadie with his manner of regiment and governance The Pretours likewise went into their sundrie provinces And because money was wanting for to deffray the charges of the warres the high Treasurers were commaunded to make sale of all that tract of the Campane countrey which from the Greeke Fosse extendeth toward the sea And there was graunted out a commission to give notice of those lands and looke what ground so ever belonged to any citizen of Capua it was confiscate to the use of the people of Rome and for a reward to him that gave such notice there was assigned the tenth part of the monie that the land was rated and prised at Also Cn. Servilius the citie Pretour had geven him in charge to take order that the Campanes should dwell where as they were allowed to inhabite by vertue of a decree graunted forth by the Senate and to punish those that dwelt elsewhere In the same summer Mago the sonne of Amilcar being departed from the lesse Baleare Iland where he abode the winter season and having embarked a chosen power of yong lustie men sailed over into Italie with a fleete of thirtie ships headed with brasen piked beakes and many hulks of burden and there he set aland his souldiours to the number of twelve thousand footemen and welneere two thousand horse and with his sodaine comming surprised Genua by reason that there lay no garisons in those parts to guard and defend the seacosts From thence he sailed along and arrived in the river of the Alpine Ligurians to see if he could by his comming raise some commotion rebellion The Ingauni a people of the Ligurians fortuned to warre at that present with certaine mountainers the Epanterij Whereupon Mago having laid up and bestowed safe all the prizes pillage that he had won in Savo a towne upon the Alpes and left ten ships of warre riding in the river for a sufficient guard and sent away the rest to Carthage for to keepe the sea coasts at home because there ran a common rumor that Scipio would passe the seas and over into Affrick himselfe after he had concluded a league and amitie with the Ingauni whose favour he more affected and esteemed than the others set in hand to assaile the mountainers Besides his power increased dayly for that the Frenchmen flocked unto him from all parts upon the noyle and voyce of his name Intelligence here of was geven to the Senate by the letters of Sp. Lucretius who were with these newes exceedingly troubled and perplexed for feare least they had rejoyced in vaine for the death of Asdruball and the defeature of his armie two yeare before in case there should arise from thence another warre as great and dangerous as the other differing in nothing els but the exchange of theGenerall And therefore they gave order and direction both to M. Livius the Proconsull to come forward with his armie of Voluntaries out of Tuskane into Ariminum and also unto Cn. Servilius the citie Pretour if he thought requisite and expedient for the Common-wealth to commit the two legions of citizens attending about Rome to whomsoever he pleased for to be commaunded and led forth of the citie So M. Valerius Laevinus conducted those legions to Aretium About the same time certaine hulks of the Carthaginians to the number of fourescore were bourded and taken about Sardinia by Cn. Octavius governor of that province Caelius writeth that they were loden with corne and victuals sent unto Anniball But Valerius reporteth that as they were carying the pillage taken in Hetruria and certaine prisoners of the Ligurian mountainers into Carthage they were intercepted and surprized by the way There was no memorable thing that yeere done in the Brutians countrey The pestilence raigned as well amongst the Romanes as the Carthaginians and they died thereof alike on both sides Mary the Carthaginian armie besides the plague were afflicted also with famine Anniball passed all that sommer time neere unto the temple of Iuno Lacinia where he built and reared an alter and dedicated it with a glorious title of his worthie acts engraven in Punick and Greeke letters THE XXIX BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the nine and twentith Booke CAius Laelius being sent from Scipio out of Sicilie into Africk brought from thence a huge bootie and declared unto Scipio the credence and message that hee had from Masanissa who complained of him that he had not as yet passed over with his fleet into Africk The warre in Spaine which Indibilis had raised was dispatched himselfe slaine in the field and Mandonius was delivered by his owne men into the Romanes hands that demaunded him of them Mago who was in France and Liguria had out of Africke sent unto him both a great power of souldiours and also money to wage aida with a commission and precept to ioyne himselfe unto Anniball Scipio crossed the seas from Saracose into the Brutii and ecovered the cittie Locri after he had discomsited the garrison there and put to flight Anniball Peace was concluded with Philip. The goddesse Dame Idas was brought solemnely to Rome from Pessinus by occasion of a prophesie found in the bookes of Sybilla to this effect That then the forreine enemie might be driven out of Italic when Dame Cybelic of Ida was
assist his allies For the said peace was not so soone concluded but newes came to the king that the Romanes were arrived at Dyrrhachium that the Parthines and other neighbour nations upon hope of chaunge and a new world began to rise and rebell and that Dimallum was alreadie besieged and assaulted for to that cittie the Romanes bent their power in steed of aiding the Aetolians unto whom they were sent upon high displeasure and indignation that without their advise and consent yea and against the tenor of the accord and covenant they had made a peace with the king Philip upon these advertisements for feare least some farther troubles might arise among the nations and states there bordering tooke long journeis and sped him apace toward Apollonia Thither Sempronius was retired after he had sent Lectorius his Lieutenant with part of his forces and thirteene ships into Aetolia to visit the country and to see in what termes they stood yea and to disturb and breake the peace if possibly he could Philip wasted and spoiled the territories and lands of the Apolloniates and approching the citie with his whole power bad battaile to Sempronius the Romane Generall But after he saw once that he kept himselfe quiet within the citie standing only upon his guard and defence of the walls distrusting also his owne strength as not able to force thecitie by assault and desirous with all to enterteine peace with the Romanes as well as with the Aetolians if he could if not yet at leastwise to have truce with them without effecting any more seeing he could but only rub an old sore and renew cankred malice upon fresh contention and quarell he returned into his owne realme About the same time the Epirotes weery of long warres after they had first sounded the disposition and mind of the Romanes that way sent their embassadors unto Philip to treate about a generall and universall peace affirming that they had assured hope of an honorable end and agreement if his highnesse would vouchsafe to come to a parlie with P. Sempronius the Romane Generall And soone they obteined thus much of him as to passe over into Epirus for the king himselfe was not unwilling thereunto Now there is a citie in Epirus named Phaenice there the king after communication had first with Eropus Darda and Philippus Pretors of the Epirots entred into an enterview also with P. Sempronius At this solemne meeting and conference Aminander the king of the Athamanes was present and other Magistrates of the Epirotes and Acarnanes And first Philippus the Pretour began to speake and request as well king Philip as the Romane Generall to make an end of all warres and likewise to give the Epirotes leave to do the same P. Sempronius propounded and set downe the articles and conditions of peace in this wise That the Parthines Dimallum Bargulum and Eugenium should belong to the Seignorie of the Romanes notwithstanding that they had obteined of the Senate by their Oratours sent to Rome to be annexed to the dominion of Philip king of Macedonie When they were agreed for peace upon those capitulations there were comprised within the league on the kings behalfe Prusias king of Bithynia the Achaeians the Boeotians the Thessalians the Acarnanes and the Epirotes and on the Romanes the Ilienses K. Attalus Pleuratus Nabis the Tyran of the Lacedemonians the Eleans the Messenians and the Atheniens And hereof were instruments and Indentures ingrossed and sealed and truce made for two moneths untill such time as embassadors were sent to Rome that the people might by their suffrages approve of the conditions in that forme So all the tribes in generall graunted the same because the warre nowbeing intended and bent against Affrick they were willing for the present to be discharged of all other troubles P. Sempronius having concluded peace departed unto Rome for to enter his Consulship Now when as M. Cornelius and P. Sempronius were Consuls which was the 15 yeere of the Punick warre the Provinces were assigned unto them in this manner namely unto Cornelius Hetruria with the old armie unto Sempronius the Brutij with the new legions that he was to enroll And to the Pretors in this wise were the Provinces allotted that M. Martius should be lord chiefe Iustice of the citizens pleas and L. Scribonius Libo have the jurisdiction of foreiners together with the government of Gallia Item that M. Pomponius Matho should rule Sicilie and T. Claudius Nero sit as L. Deputie in Sardinia As for P. Scipio his commission was renewed and continued for one yeere longer with the commaund of that armie and Armada which he had conducted before Likewise P. Licinius had his commission newly sealed for to have the charge of the Brutians country with the power of two legions so long as the Consull thought it good for the Common-weale that he should remaine in the government of that Province Also M. Livius and Sp. Lucretius with the assistance of those two legions with which they had defended Gallia against Mago continued still in their roume for another yeere Moreover Cn. Octavius remained in place with commission that when he had delivered up Sardinia and the legion there unto T. Claudius himselfe should with fortie long gallies skoure the feas and guard the coasts along the river within those bounds and limits for which the Senat had given order Vnto M. Pomponius the Pretor in Sicilie were appointed the two legions of the Cannian armie And T. Quintius and C. Hostilius Tubulus Viz-pretours were to governe as they did the former yeere the one Tarentum and the other Capua and both of them were allowed the old garisons As for the government of Spaine it was put to question before the people what two Viz-pretours their pleasure was should be sent into that Province And all the Tribes with one accord gave their graunt that the same Proconsuls L. Cornel. Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus should sit as governors in those Provinces as the yeere before The Consuls began now to muster souldiers as wel to enroll new legions for to be sent into the Brutians countrie as also to supply fulfill the number of the other armies according as they were directed by the Senate And albeit Affrick was not yet openly declared a Province but dissimuled by the LL. of the Senate of purpose I beleeve that the Carthaginians should have no ynkling and intelligence thereof before hand yet the whole citie was in good hope and made full reckning that this yeere the warre would be determined and fought out in Affrick and so an end for ever of those troubles This persuasion of theirs had possessed their hearts with much superstition and very forward men were both to report and also to beleeve many prodigious and straunge wonders which dayly were blowne abroad and divulged more and more To wit that there were two sunnes seene that in the night season betweene whiles it seemed day light that in Setia there was a burning
of Gisgo and the king not onely familiar acquaintance by way of kind welcomming and reciprocall hospitalitie since the time as hath ben said before that Scipio and Asdruball fortuned to meet at one time together in the kings house when they came out of Spaine but also some treatie was alreadie begun of alliance and affinitie and a motion made that the king should espouse and wed the daughter of Asdruball For the assurance of this matter and the appointment of a certaine day for the solemnising of the mariage for now the Damosell was readie for an husband and mariageable Asdruball tooke a journey and seeing the king burning in love as these Numidians of all other barbarous nations are most given that way exceeding amorous he sent for the maiden from Carthage and hastened the wedding And among other congratulations that passed betweene to the end that besides the private affinitie there should be also a publicke league there was an alliance concluded betweene the people of Carthage and the king by giving and taking their faithfull promise interchangeably and obliging themselves by a solemne o th one to the other to observe it as wel offensive as defensive to have the same enemies the same friends for ever But Asdruball remembring both the friendship begun between Scipio and the king and also how fickle variable the natures of the Barbarians are fearing if Scipio should passe over into Affricke that this bond of wedlock would not be strong ynough to hold the king in took the time whiles this Numidian prince was enflamed with his fresh love induced him what with reasons and what with the faire words and allurements of his young spouse to send Embassadours into Sicilie to Scipio for to advise him not to passe over into Affricke nor to relie upon any confidence of him ne yet to build upon his former promises For as much as himselfe was not only linked in matrimonie with a citizen of Carthage the daughter of that Asdrubal whom he saw entertained as a guest in his court but also joined in a publick league with the people of Carthage And first he exhorted him that the Romanes would war with the Carthaginians far from Africk as hitherto they had done for feare least he should of necessitie be forced to have an hand and intermeddle in their quarels and so whiles hee desired to avoid the daunger and hostilitie of one part or other be driven at length to side one way giving him more plainly to understand That if Scipio would not forbeare Affrick but needs come with an armie against Carthage then must he necessarily fight in defence of the land of Affrick wherein himselfe was borne and for the native countrie for the father and house of his owne wife With this commission direction were certaine Orators sent unto Scipio who met with him at Saracose and there delivered their message Scipio albeit he was disappointed greatly of his ground worke that he had laid for his warres in Africke and put besides his good hopes gave the Embassadours letters into Africk unto the king and sent them backe againe in all hast before the thing were published and come abroad In which letters hee requested him earnestly to be advised and bethink himselfe that hee brake not the rights either of friendship and hospitalitie begun with him or of the league and societie entred with the people of Rome nor violated justice and faithfull promise made by giving right hands ne yet beguile and abuse the gods the witnesses aud judges of all covenants agreements made But for asmuch as the comming of those Numidians could not bee concealed for they went all about the cittie were daily conversant in the Generall his lodging if it should have ben kept secret where about they came it was to be doubted least the truth the more it was smothered and dissimuled the more it would break forth come to light and so the armie was to stand in feare that they were to warre at once both with the king and Carthaginians Scipio therefore buzzed aforehand into mens heads false devised matters and so withdrew them from the understanding of the truth indeed He assembled all his souldiours togither and said unto them That now it was no longer staying and trisling out the time bearing them in hand that the kings his allies and consederates importuned him to set over into Africke with all convenient speed that Masanissa beforetime himselfe in person came to Laelius grieving complaining that the time ran thus on in delaies and doing nothing and Syphax now sent his embassadours musing much and wondringwhat the cause should be of so long temporising and requiring that either the armie without more a doe should be set over at once or else if their minds purposes were changed to certifie him so much that hee likewise might provide for himselfe his kingdome And therefore he did them to weere and understand that hee intended now that hee was sufficiently provided furnished of all things considering that the imprese might abide no farther stay to conduct his armada to Lilybaeum to wait the first good day of wind and weather to take the seas for a bon-voiage and with Gods grace and favour to set saile for Africke His letters hee dispatched to Marcus Pomponius to this effect That if hee thought so good hee should repaire to Lilybaeum to the end they might commune and consult togither what legions especially and what number of souldiours he should transport over with him into Africke In like manner hee sent all about the maritime and sea coasts to stayall the carrickes ships of burden to bring them away at once to Lilybaeum Now when all the shippes and serviceable men in Sicilie were assembled to Lilybaeum so as neither the cittie was able to receive the multitude of souldiours nor the haven conteine the number of the vessels so earnestly minded they were all and so hotely set upon their voiage into Africke that they seemed as if they were conducted not to fight a warre but to enjoy the assured rewards of a victorie But especially above all others the soldiors remaining of the Cannian armie were verily persuaded that under this captaine or else none by valiantly quitting themselves in the service of the Commonweale they should be able to end and finish their ignominious and shamefull souldierie And Scipio himselfe made no base account of those kind of souldiours as knowing full well that the defeature received at Cannae was not occasioned by their cowardise neither were there throughout the Romane armie any souldiours so auncient and of so long continuance or so well experienced not onely in many and sundrie soughten fields but also in the assaulting of townes and citties And these Legions of Cannae were the fift and six in order Now when hee had once resolved and given out that hee would transport them over with him into Affricke then hee tooke a
and there stayed untill the tempest was overblowne and gone Then hee fell with the yle Ilua and from Ilua hee sailed to Corsica and from Corsica he passed over to Sardinia where as he doubled the point and was passing the race of the mountaines called Insani there arose a farre more cruell ghust and in places of more perill and hazard which scattered the fleet Many of the ships were weatherbeaten sore shaken many lost their tackling quite yea and some were crackt and split Thus the Armada being much tossed and torne arrived at length at Carales where whiles the ships were drawne up into the docke to drie land and there a repairing the winter came upon them and the yeare turned about And so T. Claudius as a private person by reason that no man renewed his commission for a farther time brought the Armada backe to Rome But M. Servilius because he should not be called home to the citie for the solemne election of magistrates after he had declared Dictatour Cn. Servilius Geminus departed into his province And the Dictatour chose P. Aclius Paetus Generall of the horsemen Oftentimes went the writs outfor publishing of the election but by reason of tempests it held not nor was performed And therefore when the old magistrates left their office after the Ides of March and no new substituted in their roome the citie was cleane without any magistrates of state to sit in the yvorie chaire L. Manlius Torquatus a bishop that yeere died In his place was invested C. Sulpitius Galba The Romane games were thrice exhibited a new by L. Licinius Lucullus and Q. Fulvius Aediles of the chaire The clarks and scribes belonging to the Aediles togither with their beadles and summoners were detected for carrying forth certaine money out of the treasure and chamber of the citie and being thereof convicted were therefore condemned not without some touch and discredit of Lucullus himself the Aedile P. Aelius Tubero and L. Lectorius Aediles of the commons for that there was some error and default in their election resigned up their places after they had represented the playes and in regard thereof solemnized the feast of Iupiter and set up besides in the Capitoll three images made of the silver that was forfeited and raised upon the fines of the persons condemned aforesaid The Dictatour and Generall over the horsemen by order from the Senat exhibited the games called Cereales to the honour of Ceres When the Romane embassadors and Carthaginians together were come out of Affricke to Rome the Senate assembled to give them audience in the temple of Bellona where L. Velurius Philo after he had declared to the exceeding joy of the LL. of the Senate that they had fought a battaile with Anniball the last that ever the Carthaginians were like to fight and that this grievous and lamentable warre was now come to an end he went on still and related that Vermina also the sonne of Syphax was vanquished and subdued which was no small increase of the other exploits so happily atchieved Then he was commanded to go forth from thence directly to the assembly of the people there to impart these gladsome newes unto the multitude Wherupon for exceeding joy and in token of thanksgiving all the temples in the citie were set open and solemne processions decreed for three daies Now when as the embassadours of the Carthaginians and king Philip for they also were arrived required to have a day of audience in the Senate the Dictatour by direction from the Senate returned them this answere That the new Consuls should satisfie their request After this was the solemne assembly holden for the election of magistrates and Consuls were created Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Aelius Paetus for Pretours first M. Iunius Pennus who was allotted to have the civill jurisdiction in the citie then M. Valerius Falto unto whome the Brutians countrey fell by lot to governe next M. Fabius Bâ—tâ—â— whose hap was to rule Sardinia and P. Aclius Tubero to be L. deputie of Sardinia Concerning the provinces wherein the Consuls were to be emploied it was not thought good to determine any thing before the embassadours of king Philip and likewise of the Carthaginians had delivered their embassages for as they saw the end of one warre so they foresaw the beginning of another Cn. Lentulus the Consull was inflamed with an ardent desire of the province of Affricke for if the warre continued he aimed at an easie victorie and if it were at the point of an end he gaped at the honour of finishing the same and hoped to have the name That determined it was whiles he was Consull And therfore he protested plainly that he would suffer nothing to passe before that the province of Affricke were assigned to him His colleague a sober temperate and discrete man gave his consent for he saw full well that as the contending for that glorie with Scipio was unjust and unreasonable so in it hee would be overmatched and never able to import and carrie it away from him Q. Minutius Thermus and M. Acilius Glabrio two Tribunes of the commons gave out and said That Cn. Cornelius went about to compasse that which was commenced and assayed in vaine the yeare before by T. Claudius the Consull For when by warrant from the Senate a bill was proposed unto the people whome their pleasure was to nominate for government of Affricke all the 35 Tribes gave their voices and awarded that province to P. Scipio Much contention there passed and many bickerments both in Senat-house and before the people in the debating of this question but in the end they grew to this point to refer all to the judgement of the Senate So the LL. of the Senate having taken their oath for so it was agreed upon thus concluded and gave this order First that the two Consuls should either agree together betweene themselves or else cast lots for their provinces namely which of them should have the rule of Italie and who the charge of a fleet of fiftie saile Item to whether of them twaine befell the navie he should saile over into Sicilie and if peace might not be fully concluded with the Carthaginians then to crosse over into Affricke where the Consull should warre by sea and Scipio by land by vertue of the same commission and authoritie that he had alreadie Moreover if the conditions of peace were accepted of both parts that then the Tribunes of the Commons should propound unto the people as touching their wil and pleasure whether the Consull or P. Scipio should conclude the peace and which of them if the victorious armie after conquest obtained were to be brought backe out of Affricke should have the conduct thereof home againe Also if they nominated Scipio for to make the peace and bring away the armie likewise then the Consull should not cut over from Sicilie to Affricke As for the other Consull who had the government of Italie he should receive
these teares of yours and weeping that you make is absurd and nothing to the purpose Then should yee have wept and shed teares when our armour and weapons were taken from us when our ships were set on fire when wee were interdicted and forbidden to make warre with forraine nations for then had wee our deadly blow then our backes and hearts were broken And never thinke that the Romanes have proceeded hardly against you in comparison of the hatred that ye bare one to another No great citie mightie State can long continue and rest in quiet If it have no enemies abroad it findeth some at home much like unto strong and lustie bodies which seeming sure ynough against all outward accidents and causes of sicknesse are overcharged with their owne strength and fulnesse of humours and thereby subject to most deadly maladies So much forsooth and no more we feele of the publicke miseries and common calamities as toucheth and concerneth our selves in particular wherein nothing pincheth us more nor goeth neerer to the quicke than to for go our monie and part with our pence And therefore when Carthage was conquered and despoiled of all her auncient honours when yee saw her disarmed and stripped naked when yee saw her forlorne of all the armed nations of Affricke no man then sighed no man groned thereat but now when the tribute imposed is to be paied out of your private purses yee keepe a weeping and wailing as in some publicke funerall and mortuarie carried forth But alas I feare me greatly that ere it be long yee shall find and feele That your weeping this day hath been for the least losse of all the rest Thus spake Anniball to the Carthaginians Scipio having assembled his whole armie together before them all restored Masanissa to his fathers kingdome and over and besides endued him with the possession of the citie Cirtha and other townes and territories which belonged to the realme of Syphax and were now in subjection to the people of Rome Vnto Cn. Octavius he gave order to conduct the fleet into Sicilie and there to make it over to Cn. Cornelius the Consull The Carthaginian embassadours he willed to goe to Rome that those acts and capitulations which were concluded by him with the advise of the ten Commissioners might likewise passe under the approbation of the Senat the consent of the people and so be ratified and confirmed for ever Thus Scipio having obtained peace both by sea and land and embarked his armie failed toward Sicilie and arrived at Lilybaeum From whence he sent away a great part of his armie by sea and himselfe passed by land through Italie which now was joifull as well for the peace concluded as the victorie atchieved Where all the way as hee went not onely the people came forth in multitudes out of the cities to do him honor but numbers also of the countrie peasants out of the villages filled all the high waies along untill he came to Rome where he entred the citie riding in the most stately and magnificent triumph that ever had been Hee brought into the citie chamber 100033 pound weight of silver He divided among his souldiors out of the spoile four hundred Asses apeece Syphax by his death rather disappointed the people of a goodly shew pageant in the triumph than diminished any whit the glorie of the triumpher hee died at Tybut not long afore to which place he had been removed from Alba howbeit his death was not obscure by reason that he was solemnly caried to his buriall with the pompe of a publicke funerall at the charges of the citie But Polybius a writer of good account reporteth That this K. was led in the very triumph As Scipio rode triumphant Q. Terentius Cullco followed after with a cap of libertie set upon his head and ever after so long as hee lived hee honoured him as beseeming it was and acknowledged him the author of his freedome But as concerning his surname Africanus I cannot for certaine learne whether it were the favour of his souldiours first or the affectionate love of the people afterwards that brought it up or rather began upon some of his owne house and linage that courted and flattered him therewith like as in our fathers daies Sulla was surnamed Faelix and Pompeius Magnus This is certaine that he was the first Generall that ever tooke his name of the countrie and nation by himselfe subdued and thereby was renowned But by his example afterwards others nothing comparable to him in victorie and conquest woon goodly titles and glorious inscriptions to their images and honoured their houses with noble stiles and additions THE XXXI BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the one and thirtith Booke THe causes of the warre began againe with Philip king of Macedonic which had discontinued are set downe to be these In the time of the holie feast of Ceres two yong men of Acainania who had not been prosessed in those sacred mysteries came to Athens and chaunced among other of their countrimen to goe into the chappel of Ceres For which as if they had committed some hainous fact in the highest degree they were by the Athenians executed The Acarnanians moved with indignation for the death of their neighbors required aid of Philip to be revenged for them Some few moneths after peace granted to the Carthaginians in the five hundred and fiftieth year from the foundation of the citie of Rome when the Embassadours of the Athenians who now were besieged by Philip craved aid of the Senate and they were of advise and resolved to helpe them not withstanding the Commons gainesaid it by reason that they thought the continuall troubles of so many wars were greevous and bravie unto them yet so sarre prevailed the authoritie of the nobles that the people also gave their consent to succom their consederate cittie This warre was committed to the managing of P. Sulpitius the Consull who led an armie into Macedonie and sâ—ought certaine battailes fortunatly against Philip which were performed by horse-service The Abydons being invested and beleaguered round about by Philip following the example of the Saguntines slue their wives and children and their owneselves after them L. Furius the Pretour overthrew in a pight field the Gaules called Insubres that rebelled and likewise Amilcar the Carthaginian who began to make war in those parts where Amilcar was slaine and with him five and thirâ—ie thousand men Moreover this booke containeth the expeditions and voiages of king Philip and Sulpitius the Consull and the winning of certaine citties by than both Sulpitius the Consull warred with the helpe of king Attalus and the Rhodians L. Furius the Pretor triumphed over the Gaules FVll well apaied am I likewise that I am now come to an end once of the Punicke warre as if my selfe had been in person there and borne my part in
before the warre began Then the Consull having assembled the people for this purpose in Mars field before that he cited the Centuries to give their voices called them all together and made a speech unto them in this wife It seemeth quoth he that you are ignorant my masters and citizens of Rome that the matter put to question is not whether ye would have warre or peace for Philip will not permit that to be at your disposition and pleasure who alreadie prepareth mortall warre both by sea and land but whether ye would rather choose to transport the legions into Macedonie or receive your enemie here within Italie And what difference there is betweene the one and the other you have had sufficient proofe and experience if ever at any time before even in this last warre especially with the Carthaginians For who is he that maketh doubt but if we had with speed relieved the Saguntines besieged who fled unto us for helpe and earnestly craved for our protection like as our ancestors and progenitors in due time assisted the Mamertines we should have turned the whole violence and force of the warre into Spaine which by our long driving off and lingering delaies we entertained in Italic to our great losse and grievous calamitie Neither need we to doubt of this but that we have hitherto staied Philip in Macedonie who without question had combined with Anniball by meanes of letters and intercourse of embassadours for to have passed over into Italie before this time only by sending of Laevinus with a fleet to begin with him at home and to make warre in his owne kingdome Deferre we then to doe that now when Anniball is chased out of Italie and the Carthaginiaus defeated which then wee did when wee had the same Anniball our enemie within Italie Go we on still and suffer the king by winning the citie of Athens like as wee permitted Anniball by forcing of Saguntum to trie and see our slackness and cowardise we shall have him I warrant you arrived in Italie not at five moneths end as Anniball was after his departure from Saguntum but within 5 daies after he is disankered once under faile from Corinth Set case ye will not compare Philip with Anniball no nor the Macedonians with the Carthaginians yet I am sure ye will make them matches equall with king Pyrrhus so far forth I say as one man excelleth another in valour and one nation surpasseth another in power Epirus hath never bene accounted nor is at this day but the smallest appendant to the kingdome of Macedonie and of least importance But as for Philip the whole and entier seignorie of Peloponnesus is under him and lord he is of Argos it selfe a citie enobled as well by the death of Pyrrhus as the auncient name and renowne that goeth of it Compare now againe the times of our state How much flourished Italie in those dayes more than now Our affaires were then much more found and unfoiled our captaines safe our armies all so many as they were untainted whom the Carthaginian warres afterward consumed yet as puissant and great as we were Pyrrhus assaied us he put us to trouble and sorrow enough yea and came in traine of victorie to shake our free hold even welneere to the citie of Rome So as not only the Tarentines and all that tract of Italie which they call the greater Greece banded with him in such sort as a man would have thought they had followed the very language and those of their name but the Lucanes also and the Brutians yea and the Samnites revolted from us and rebelled And are ye of beleefe that these will be quiet and remaine in loyaltie and obedience if Philip once were passed over into Italie Yes mary will they there is no question for they stood fast afterwards and continued true in the Punick warre Nay nay never make reckning that these States will not revolt from us so long as they know any one unto whom they may turne and raunge themselves If ye had thought much of it and bene loth to passe over into Affrick in good faith at this day ye should have had Anniball and the Carthaginians your enemies still in Italie Let Macedonie therefore be the seate of warre rather than Italie let our enemies cities and lands be destroyed with fire and sword We have found full well by good experience that our fortune is better and our forces more puissant abroad in forain parts than at home in our owne countrey Go to therefore in the name of God to the Scrutinie and give your voices and those things that the LL. of the Senate have devised to do graunt ye the same and yeeld your assent Ye have not only the Consull author of this advise and counsell but also the immortall gods who as I offred sacrifice and prayed devoutly unto them that this warre might redound to the good and benefit of my selfe of the Senate of you of our allies of the Latine nation and finally of our armies and armadaes have vounchsafed me all the signes and tokens of comfort and joy and assured me that all shall be well and according to our hearts desire This Oration of his once ended they went presently to deliver up their voyces and gave affirmatively for the warre and suffred it to passe according as he had propounded Then by an order from the Senat there was a solemne supplication for three dayes proclaimed and in all churches and chappels and before every shrine and alter the gods were prayed unto that the warre which the people had allowed of against king Philip might be well atchieved and have an happie end Moreover the Consull Sulpitius conferred with the heraulds and asked their advise Whether they would ordeine that the warre to be denounced against king Philip should be intimated to himselfe in person or thought it sufficient to the proclaimed within the confines of his dominion at the next frontier towne of all where he kept a garison and guard they pronounced againe That it mattered not but the Consull should please himselfe and do full well in the one and the other Then the Consull was permitted by the LL. of the Senate to chuse whom he would so he were not a Senatour for to send as a messenger or pursevant of armes to geve the king defiance and to publish warre After this it was debated in counsell how the armies should be disposed as well of Consuls as Pretors The Consuls were commaunded to enroll two legions and to discharge and casse the old armies Sulpitius who by a decree was to manage this new warre of so great name and consequence was allowed to take with him out of that armie which Scipio the Viz-consull had brought out of Affrick as many voluntaries as he could procure but in no case to urge any old souldiour against his will Also it was decreed that the Consull should allow unto the Pretours L. Furius Purpuria and Quintus
degree The people of Acarnania complained unto king Philip and enformed him of this villanous part and hostile act by them committed and obtained a graunt from him that they might be permitted with the aid of the Macedonians to make warre upon the Athenians This armie at first invaded the territories of Athens and with fire and sword made wast and havocke of all and so with a rich bootie of all sorts returned into Acarnania These were the first quarels on both sides that stirred coales and kindled fire between them Afterwards was defiance given and open warre proclaimed by the generall decrees of both States For when king Attalus and the Rhodians pursued after Philip as he retired into Macedonie and were come as farre as Aegina then the said king passed over to Pyreaeum for to renue and confirme the league with the Athenians Against his comming the whole cittie went forth with their wives and children to meet him on the way the Clergie with their rich vestiments goodly ornaments were readie to receive him as hee entred the cittie the very gods themselves in a manner abandoned their shrines to give him entertainement Immediately was the people summoned to a generall assembly that the king might deliver his mind before them all but afterwards upon more sage advise it was thought to stand better with the honour and majestie of a prince that he should set downe in writing what he thought good rather than in open place either to blush himselfe in recounting his favours and good turnes done unto the citie or in hearing the acclamations of the multitude in token of joy to be abashed ashamed of their grosse and unmeasurable flatterie But in his letters which hee sent unto the assemblie and were there openly read and published first he made a rehearsall of the benefites that this confederate cittie had received at his hands Secondly he discoursed of the worthie exploits which he had performed against Philip. And finally he knit up all with an exhortation that whiles they had himselfe the Rhodians and especially the Romanes to friend them they should put themselves in armes and begin warre as who if they now forslowed the enterprise and let slip the present opportunitie should hereafter seeke in vaine to find it which once they had so retchlesly lost Then had the Rhodian Embassadours audience given them who lately had done the Athenians a great pleasure in recovering and sending home unto Athens foure long foists which newly had been borded and taken by the Macedonians Hereupon with generall accord they decreed to denounce and wage warre upon king Philip. But first they did king Attalus incredible honour beyond all measure and then likewise to the Rhodians Then and never before there was some speech moved of adjoining unto the ten auncient tribes one other tribe which of the kings name should be called Attalis Vnto the citie of the Rhodians they gave in token of vertue a crown of beaten gold And like as beforetime the men of Rhodes had granted free Burgeoisie of their citie to the Athenians so they of Athens now endued the Rhodians with their liberties and franchises This done king Attalus returned to his fleet in the rode of Aegina The Rhodians then weighed anker from Aegina failed to Cea From whence along the islands they passed to the Rhodes in their voiage confedered themselves with them all excepting Andros Paros Cythnus which were guarded by garrisons of the Macedonians In Aegina king Attalus made his abode acertain time entred into no action by occasion of messengers whom he had sent into Aetolia and embassadors that were expected from thence But as he could not prevaile with the Aetolians persuade them to take arms contenting themselves with the peace that in some sort they had concluded with Philip so himselfe and the Rhodians who no doubt if they had pressed and followed hard upon Philip might have gained and enjoied this glorious title That they alone of themselves had delivered Greece from servitude by suffering him once againe to crosse the seas as farre as Hellespontus and to possesse himselfe of the commodious and important townes of Greece thereby to reenforce his power and gather more strength gave food and nourishment to the warre and in the end let the Romanes goe away with the honour both of managing and also of finishing the same Philip carried with him yet a more princely mind and kingly courage who although he was not able to match and make his part good so much as with Attalus and the Rhodians his enemies yet was hee nothing at all daunted with the thundering threats of the Romane warre but sent Philocles a captaine of his with a power of two thousand foot and two hundred horse to invade and spoile the territorie of the Atheniens committed his Armada to the charge of Heraclides to set saile for Maronea and himselfe in person marched by land thither with another regiment of two thousand footmen lightly appointed and two hundred men of armes Maronea he forced at the first assault But as for Aenus after he had with much labor and travaile laid siege thereto a long time in the end he was maister thereof through the treason of Ganymedes deputed L. Govern or there for king Ptolomeus After this he surprised woon other castles as Cypsela Doriscon and Serrheum From thence hee advanced forward to Chersonesus where he gained Eleus and Alopeconnesus which willingly surrendred Callipolis also Madytos with some other peeces of base account and reckoning But the Abydenes shut their gates against the king and would not suffer so much as his embassadours to set foot within their cities There lay Philip a long time before the town and beleaguered it and surely had not Attalus and the Rhodians foreslacked the time it might have beene saved and the siege raised Attalus sent thither three hundred souldiours and no more to lie in garrison and the Rhodians one galley onely with foure bankes of oares out of the navie when it rode at Tenedos And afterwards when as Attalus himselfe was thither come at what time as the townesmen could hardly hold out any longer against the siege he made them a shew onely neare at hand of some helpe other reliefe would he affoord none to his allies either by land or sea The Abydens at first planted their engines and artillerie along the walles and with shot from thence not only distressed their enemies and kept them from approch and entrance but also annoyed them as they lay in harbour with their ships but afterwards seeing part of their walles ruinate and laid open and perceiving besides that the enemies had undermined and were come under the ground as farre as the inner countermure which the inhabitants in great hast had raised within forthwith they sent embassadours to the king to treat and article about some conditions for delivering up the citie The townesmen capitulated and
harts were welnigh done for neither wer there any more inrodes now by land as there were woont to be from Corinth side by the way of Megara along into their territories and the men of warre and pyrats ships which from Chalcis had made not onely the seas dangerous to the Athenians but also the maritime and sea coasts durst not now approch nearer than to the cape of Sunium no nor venture into the open maine sea from out of the streights of Euripus Over and besides there came in to them three Rhodian gallies with foure bankes of oares there were also three open ships of Athens well rigged and appointed for to keepe the quarters that lay along the river Claudius was well appayed and thought he had gotten enough for the present in case the citie and territorie of Athens might be sufficiently guarded by this fleet But see there presented unto him an occurrent besides of far greater importance and consequence Certaine banished persons of Chalcis expelled from thence by the wrongs and violence of those that sided with king Philip advertised him that the citie of Chalcis might be easily surprised without any conflict or resistance at all for not onely the Macedonians raunged abroad every where up and downe because there were no enemies neare at hand to feare but also the townesmen presuming upon the garrison of the Macedonians neglected the guard of the citie Vpon the assurance of their words he set forward and although he was arrived at Sunium with to good speed that he might with ease have sailed to the entrance of the streights of Eubcea yet for feare of being discovered when he was got once past the cape he kept his fleet within the bay still untill night and at the shutting in of the evening he weighed anker and lanched forth and having a calme sea he arrived before Chalcis a little before the breake of day and presented his forces against those parts of the citie that were least peopled and with the helpe of some few souldiours he skaled and got the towre that stood next with the wall about it whiles in some places the warders were sound asleepe and in others not at all to be found Then they advanced forward unto those parts that were more inhabited and stood thicker with houses where after they had killed the guard and broken open a gate they received into the towne all the rest of their souldiours Whereupon there was running now on every hand into all parts of the citie and much hurrie and confusion which was the greater because the enemies had set fire on the houses about the market place The kings garners also were of a light fire together with the arcenall and armorie where there was exceeding store of provision of engins of artillerie and other ordenance and instruments for warre After this they fell to execution and to massacre in every place as well those that fled as those that made head so as they missed not one that was of age meet to beare armes but either he was killed or put to flight Sopater likewise the Acarnanian captaine of the garrison was there slaine All the pillage was first brought and piled up together in the common place of the citie and afterwards embarked The common goale besides was broke open by the Rhodians and the prisoners and captives let out whome Philip had there lodged as in a place of surest guard and custodie Then they overthrew the Images and statues of the king and brake their neckes which done they founded the retreat went a shipboord and returned to Pyreaeum from whence they came But if the number of Romane souldiers had beene such that they might have kept Chalcis still with a garrison without quitting and abandoning the defence of Athens a great matter had been gotten in the very beginning of the warre to wit the citie of Chalcis and the passage of Euripus had beene taken from the king For as the narrow passe of Thermopyle stoppeth the way into Greece by land so the streights of Euripus maketh all sure by sea Philip at that time lay in the citie Demetrias where after he heard the newes of the calamitie besalne upon a confederate citie albeit now it was too late to helpe when all was lost yet because he would be revenged which is a thing that commeth neare to the nature of aid and succour he went forth immediatly with five thousand footmen lightly appointed and deliver and three thousand horsemen with all the speed and hast he could to reach nere unto Chalcis making full reckoning that the Romans might be surprised on a sodaine but being disappointed of this hope and thither come where he could see nothing els but a piteous spectacle of a friend-citie halfe ruinate and still smoking and so few people left alive that they hardly were able to bury their dead he returned as hastily as he came and having passed over Euripus at a bridge hee lead straight to Athens by the way of Baeotia with a deepe persuasion and hope that a like enterprise unto the Romanes should have the like issue And verily he had not missed of the semblable effect correspondent to his designes but that a certaine watchman one of those whome the Greekes call Hemerodromos that is posts and carriers that in one daies space will run and rid a mightie deale of ground descried from a watch-towre the kings troupes marching whereupon hee ran out afore and came to Athens ere midnight There were they all asleepe too and as retchlesse as they of Chalcis were a few dayes past which was the losse of their town The Pretor of the Athenians and Dioxippus the captaine of a regiment of hired strangers and aid-soldiers awoke at this so fearfull and sodain tidings and gat up assembled the souldiers into the market-stead commanded to sound alarme from the highest place of the citie that all men might take knowledge that the enemies were nere at hand By which meanes they ran every man from all parts to the gates and up the walls Within few houres after and somwhat before day light he approched the citie and seeing many lights every where hearing also a noise of people running to and fro as in time of such a tumult he staied his march and commaunded his souldiours to sit them downe and rest themselves intending to proceed by ouvert and open forces since covert and craftie courses sped no better and so at length he came before Dipylos This Dipylos is a gate standing in the very front of the cittie greater and wider a good deale than the rest Both within and without that gate are large and broad streets so that both the inhabitants within-forth may marshall an armie and lead in battaile ray from the common place directly to the gate and also the enemies without have roume at will to conduct a power as well of horse as foot by meanes of a spatious causey or high way which reacheth out almost a mile in length
from the foresaid gate and leadeth to the place of exercise or schoole called Academia At this quarter of the cittie the Athenians together with the garrison of Attalus and the regiment of Dioxippus issued forth entred the causey above-named having first within the gate set their men in order of battaile Which when Philip saw he made full account That he had his enemies as he would himselfe to doe his pleasure with them and that now he should have his fil of a massacre and carnage that he had wished for so long for there was not a State or citie in all Greece that he maliced more than this of Athens And therfore he exhorted and encouraged his souldiours that they should have their eie upon him ever as they fought and know well this that where the king was there should the banners guidons be displaied there should the strength and force of the battaile be and so he set spurres to his horse and ran with full carriere to charge the enemies Thus was he not onely carried away with heat of choler but ravished also with a desire of glorie esteeming it a goodly thing and a matter tending to his great honour for to be seene fighting in the view of a great multitude of people that had taken up and filled the battlements of the walls as it were to behold a solemne spectacle Thus being advaunced a good way before the maine battaile accompanied with some few men of armes he rode among the mids of the enemies where he bare himselfe so valiantly that as he mightily heartened his own men so he affrighted no lesse his enemies Many a one he wounded with his owne hand reaching at them that were neere levelling at those that were farther off and drave them afore him like sheep and followed hard upon them in person to the very gate where he made soule worke among them thronged and crouded as they were together in the streight of the passage for hast they made to escape and committed a greevous slaughter And albeit this was but an unwise rash adventure of his yet he retired himselfe in safetie without farther daunger of his person by reason that they who were placed in the turrets of the gate forbare to shoot and launce their darts because they would not hurt their own side intermingled among the enemies But after this when the Athenians kept their souldiors within the wals Philip sounded the retreat and pitched his tents at Cynosarges where there was a temple of Hercules and a schoole of learning and a grove standing about it As for Cynosarges and the school Lyceum and whatsoever was either religious or pleasant and delectable about the cittie was burned And not onely the edifices but the sepulchres also and monuments of the dead were defaced and cast downe in which furious heat of anger nothing was spared were it sacred or prophane without regard of God and man The next morrow when the gates were first kept shut and afterwards set open againe upon a suddaine because the garrison of Attalus entred into the citie from Aegina and the Romane from Pyreaeum side Philip dislodged and remooved backe from the citie almost three miles From whence he went to Eleusine hoping to surprise the temple at unwares together with the towne and castle which both environneth the temple and also commaundeth the same But when he perceived that the corps de guard was not neglected and that a fleet besides was comming from Pyreaeum to succour them he gave over this dessigne and led his armie to Megara and so streight forward immediately to Corinth and having intelligence that the Achaei held a generall Diet and counsell at Argos thither hee came unlooked for of the Achaeans and put himselfe amongst them at the very session and assembly Consultation there was about waging warre with Nabis the tyrant of the Lacedemonians Who seeing that the seignorie of Achaea was taken from Philopaemenes and conferred upon Cycliades a captaine not to bee named and compared with him and perceiving also that the aids which the Achaeans had were fallen from them and gone took their vantage renued the old quarrell and made fresh war upon them wasting the villages and territories of the borderers yea and threatning the good towns and cities also Now whiles they sat devising and conferring together what number of souldiours should be levied and enrolled out of every severall state and cittie for to withstand this common enemie Philip franckly promised to ease them all of that care as touching Nabis and the Lacedaemonians and not onely to impeach them for spoiling the lands of their Allies but also to lead his armie out of hand into the very territorie of Laconica and Sparta and thither to turne the whole terror of this warre This kind speech and friendly offer of his being with a generall applause of them all accepted Marrie this you must quoth he take withall that good reason it is whiles I my selfe am content to defend and maintaine your countrie by my forces mine owne territories inthe meane time bee not disfurnished of their garrisons and left naked and therefore if yee thinke good provide me as many souldiours as may suffice for the guard of Oreum Chalcis and Corinth that thus making all sure behind me I may be secured from daunger that way and with more resolution prosecute the war against Nabis and the Lacedaemonians The Achaeans smelled him quickly and knew ful wel to what end this gracious promise of his frank offer of aid against the Lacedemonians tended His only drift was to draw forth of Peloponnesus the youth and floure of the Achaeans as a pledge and sure hostage for to engage the whole nation so farre as they should be interessed in the warre that he had with the Romanes Cycliades the Pretor of the Achaeans thinking it bootlesse and no good policie to discover so much and to enforce that point against him inferred onely this speech and said That it was not lawfull by the customes and ordinances of the Achaeans to propose other matters to parle or than those for which they were assembled together so after the order enacted for levying waging an armie against Nabis he dissolved brake up the assembly which he now had held right stoutly and with the libertie of the place who otherwise before that time was taken ever for no better than one of the kings flatterers and favorits Thus Philip put besides the great hopes that he had conceived levied some small number of voluntarie souldiours and returned to Corinth and the land of Attica During the time that Philip was in Achaea Philocles a captain under the king departed out of Euboea with two thousand Thracians and Macedonians for to wast and spoile the confines of the Athenians and over against Eleusina passed over the forrest and hil Cytheron from whence having sent out the one halfe of his forces every way to prey upon the plain country he sat
somewhat I have to speake against king Philip whose horrible murders committed upon those of his owne house even his neerest kinsfolke and friends whose loose life and unbridled lust more unkind and inhumane in manner than his crueltie yee know better that are neerer unto Macedonâ—e As for you my masters of Aetolia we have for your sakes begun warre with Philip and you againe without us have concluded peace with him It may be you will alledge that whiles we were occupied in the Punicke warre yee were forced and compelled for feare to take such conditions of peace at his hands who was the stronger we likewise pressed with greater affaires and troubles forbare to prosecute and follow that warre which by you first was laid downe and given over At this present seeing by the grace and goodnesse of the gods the Punicke warre is come to an end both we have emploied and bent all our forces against Macedonie and ye also have good occasion and opportunitie offered to reenter into amitie and alliance with us unlesse ye had rather perish with Philip than vanquish with the Romanes When the Romane Embassadour had ended this Oration the Aetolians generally were enclined and affected to the Romanes but Damocritus their Pretor corrupted as the speech went with a summe of money received from king Philip and made for him gave assent neither to the one partie nor the other but said That in counsels of great weight and importance there was nothing more hurtfull and prejudiciall than hast for repentance qd he follow it never so soone when a thing is once done yet it commeth too late and booteth not considering that rash councels can not be revoked hastie and headlong courses cannot possibly be recalled nor matters once past be reduced againe to their former state As for the proper time of that resolution now in hand wherof my selfe ain of advise that the due maturitie and full ripenesse should be expected it might now at this present be set downe and concluded upon For seeing that by our lawes and ordinances provided it is that we may not treat of any affaires concerning peace or warre but in the generall counsels called Panaetolaik or Pylaik therefore for the present I would have you to ordaine and decree that your Pretour without fraud or covin might call and hold a Diet or court of Parliament whensoever he is minded to treat of warre or peace and whatsoever then and there shall be proposed and determined it may stand in as good force strength and vertue as if it had passed in a full Panaetolaik or Pylaik councell Thus the embassadors being dismissed and sent away in suspence and nothing decided and concluded he said That hee had performed a singular peece of service to his nation and countrey For now they would side and take part with those whose fortune it were to speed better in the field Thus went matters in the assembly of the Aetolians Now Philip with all diligence prepared for warre both by sea and land His sea forces hee assembled together unto Demetrias a port in Thessalie making account that Attalus and the Romane fleet would in the beginning of the next spring depart from Aegina Over his navie and all the sea coasts he appointed Heraclides Admirall like as he had done aforetime Himselfe levied and gathered his land-forces supposing verily that hee had debarred and bereft the Romanes of two great meanes of aid to wit the Aetolians of the one side the Dardanians of the other in that the narrow streights and passage of Pelagonia was stopped and made sure against them by his sonne Perseus The Consull on the other side made not preparations for warre but was on foot and in action alreadie conducting his armie through the confines of the Dassaretians and transporting with him out of his wintering harbor all the provision of grain wherof the country yeelded him sufficient to the maintenance of his soldiers The great towns and villages were surrendred unto him partly for love and partly for feare some were forced by assault others abandoned by the inhabitants and were found desolate by reason that the barbarous people were retired into the mountaines neare by to save themselves and at Lingum neare the river Bevus he encamped from whence hee sent to purvey for come out of the garners and barnes of the Dassaretians Philip saw well enough that the country all about was in an hurrey and the people in great feare and fright but being uncertaine to what place the Consull entended to march he sent out a cornet of light horsemen as espials to discover what way the enemies tooke and whither they pretended to goe The Consull likewise for his part was as doubtfull well hee wist that Philip was dislodged from the places where he had wintered but in what quarter he journied he knew not and therefore he also had set forth certaine horse in espiall to scoure the coasts These two bands or troupes from divers and contrarie parts encountred in the end in one way after they had a long time wandered at adventure through the countrey of the Dassaretians Both parts knew well by the noise they heard a farre off as well of men as horse that enemies approched and therefore they had both horse and armour in readines before they were in sight one of another for so soone as ever they were within their entervieu they made no stay but charged immediatly and joyned issue It fortuned that for number and valour both they were equally matched as being choice and elect men of either side whereupon they fought for certaine houres alike uutill such time as their owne wearines and the faintnesse of their horses parted the battaile in doubtfull victorie Of the Macedonians there died 40 horsemen and of the Romans five thirty And for all this neither brought the Macedonians any better intelligence to their king nor the Romans to their Consull of the place where the enemies were incamped But certaine fugitive traitours gave advertisement thereof who commonly in all warres upon a running head and light humour that naturally they have are given to hearken after news and to enquire in what tearmes enemies stand Philip imagining that it would availe somewhat both to purchase the affectionate love of his souldiours and also to induce them more cheerefully and readily to undertake all hazards for his sake in case hee seemed to have a carefull regard to burie those horsemen which were slaine in the journey and expedition aforesaid commaunded their bodies to be brought into the campe to the end that all men might see what honour hee did them in their funerals But see how nothing is more uncertaine nor whereof a man may make lesse reckoning than the minds and affections of the multitude That which was thought would have made them more willing and forward to enter into any daunger and jeopardie whatsoever even that wrought a contrarie effect and caused them to be most
warre Now the Aetolians the Athamanes and Dardanians and many other warres rising sodainly at once some from one place and some from another had diverted and turned Philip a contrarie way Against the Dardanians as they returned out of Macedonia he sent Athenagoras with the footmen lightly armed and appointed and the greater part also of the horse giving him in charge and direction to follow them hard at their heeles as they departed and to play upon their backes and cut off the taile of their rereward to teach them against another time not to be so hastie to come abroad with an armie againe Democritus the Pretour of the Aetolians who in the Dict aforesaid held at Naupactum persuaded to take a longer time for to consult about this warre had in the next councell or parliament following mooved the Aetolians to enter into armes namely upon the same that was spread abroad of the horsmens fight before Octolophus and also upon the comming of the Dardanians and Pleâ—ratâ—s with the Illyrians into Macedony besides the arrivall of the Romane fleet at Oreum and the generall voice and bruit that went how Macedonie should shortly be assailed also by sea over and above so many nations that from all parts about were come alreadie by land These motives regained Democritus the Aetolians to friend the Romanes againe Who joyning unto them Aminander the king of the Athanians went forth together for to besiege Cercinium They within the towne had shut their gates whether by constraint or willingly of themselves it was not knowen for they had the kings garrison within among them How ever it was within few daies Cercinium was taken and burnt As many as remained alive after that great defeature as well bond as free one with another were with the rest of the pillage carried away This fearefull example caused all the people inhabiting about the marrish of Boebe to abandon their cities and to retire themselves for securitie into the mountaines The Aetolians for want of rich prey and bootie which they could not find there turned from them and marched toward Perrhaebia In that quarter they woon by force the citie Cyretirae cruelly put it to the ransack The inhabitants of Malloea surrendred of themselves without compulsion and were received into protection as allies Out of Perrhebaea Aminander was of advise and desirous to march against Gomphos by reason that the countrey of Athamania bordered so neere upon that citie and it seemed easie to be forced without much trouble But the Aetolians fingers tickled and itched againe to be doing with the rich and fertile fields of Thessalie and thither went they to raise booties and seeke pillage Athamander followed still for companie albeit he liked well neither of these fashions of the Aetolians thus outragiously to make rodes and to spoile every where nor of their manner of encamping at adventure in what places soever they chanced to come without all discretion regard and care of fortifying and guarding the armie Fearing therefore least their inconsiderate rashnes and supine negligence might be an occasion that he or his should come to a shrewd turne and incurre some domage spyed his time and seeing them to incampe in a plaine neere to the city Phaecadum he tooke a little hill little above halfe a mile off where both he and his might with the helpe of any small guard lie in securitie Now when as the Aetolians seemed in manner to have forgotten that they were in the enemies country but that they drave some booties whiles they were some of them wandring and stragling disbanded and halfe armed others within their campe without any corps du guard swilling and sleeping all night and day long and made no difference of the times Philip came upon them before they looked for him And it being once known by the report of some that fled out of the fields in great affright that he approched then Democrâ—â—us and the rest of the captaines began to quake for feare Now was it about noonetide of the day at what time as most of them having taken their full lode of wine and viands lay along fast asleepe Then they fell to awake and raise one another and to give the alarme anon they sent out every way to call in those that were preading abroad in the fields So much they were astonied that for hast many of the horsemen went forth without their swords and most of them forgat to put on their cuiraces Thus being led out in post hast and hardly in all foot and horse together able to make up the number of sixe hundred they light upon the kings Cavallerie for number armour and courage much better than themselves And therefore at the first push were discomfited for before they were well entred into skirmish they fled shamefully away toward their campe Some of them came short thither and were either slaine or taken prisoners even as many as the kings horsemen overtooke and gat betweene them and their other companies that fled Philip when he saw his men approch neere unto their campe commaunded to sound the retreat for both horse and man was wearie not so much with fight as with their long journey and the exceeding speed that they made Whereupon hee gave commaundement that the horsemen by troups and the light armed footmen by their companies and squadrons should water their horses one after another and go to their dinner and repast Others lie kept still in armour for a guard attending the regiment of the footmen that came but slowly forward by reason they were heauily armed at all peeces who being come they also were enjoyned to pitch downe their ensigns and lay their weapons before them and to take a short bait and hastie pittance sending two or three at the most out of every band for to water the horses All this while the horsemen together with the light armed souldiours stood well appointed and in readinesse if happily the enemie would have given any attempt The Aetolians bestowed armed men all about the gates and the rampier intending to guard and defend their strength and fortifications for now by this time they also that were scattered over the fields had retired themselves into the campe And so long as they beheld the enemies to keepe quiet and not stirre and were themselves in a sure hold they made their bravadoes and were very lustie but after that the ensignes of the Macedonians began to advaunce forward and march in order of battell well appointed close unto their trench all at once they abandoned their guards and quarters and ran out at the backe part of their campe and fled to the foresaid hill where the Athamaniens were encamped Many of the Aetolians were likewise in this hastie flight killed or taken prisoners Philip made no doubt but that the Athamaniens also might have been driven from their hold if there had beene day ynough behind but the day being spent alreadie first in the skirmish and afterward in
the ransacking of their campe he set him downe upon the next plaine hard at the foot of the hill aforesaid intending very early the next morning to affaile the enemie The Aetolians skared as much now as they were before when they quit their owne campe fled scattering away the night following Here Aminander stood them in very good steed by whose good guidance and direction the Athamaniens being skilful in the coasts of the countrie conducted them into Aetolia over the high mountaines whereas the enemies followed after them in blind and unknowne by-waies Some few of them happened in this confused and scattered flight to loose their way and stumble upon the Macedonian horsemen whom Philip by day light had sent to cut off the taile of the enemies so soone as he perceived the hill abandoned About the very same time Athenagoras a captaine under the king overtooke the Dardanians as they returned into their countrey and at the first put their arrierward in disarray But afterwards the Dardanians turned head againe embattelled themselves so they fought on even hand nothing was woon nor lost on any side The Dardanians began not so soone to advance forward and march on againe but the kings power with their horsemen and light armed souldiours came upon them afresh and put them to great trouble For they had no such meanes of helpe and were besides surcharged with heavie armour and withall the place gave great advantage to those of the kings part Very few were slaine more wounded none at all taken prisoners for the manner of the Dardanians is not to breake out of their rankes and arraies for a little and upon small occasions but as they fight close so they retire together and part not Thus Philip having restrained these 2 nations by 2 brave exploits which were as happily performed as bravely enterprised recovered the losses againe by him received in the Romane warre There happened besides another occurrent which deminished the number of his enemies the Aetolians For Scopas one of thâ— cheefe noblemen of that nation being sent from Alexandria by king Ptolomaeus with a mightie masse of gold caried away with him into Aegypt sixe thousand footmen certaine horsemen waged for mony to serve Neither had he left behind him any of the floure and youth of Aetolia if Damocritus had not chastised and rebuked them and so by that means kept some of them at home making remonstrances unto them one while of the warre that was toward and another while of the desolation which was like to ensue thereupon But whether he did this upon a good zeale and care that he had of his countrey or only to crosse Scopas because he had not sed him well with rich rewards and fat presents it is not known And thus much concerning the affaires passed betweene Philip and the Romanes for that summer The Romane fleet having in the beginning of the same summer committed to sea from Corcyra together with the lieutenant Au. Apustius passed beyond the point of the cape Malea and joined with king Attalus neere Scyllaeum in the territorie of Hermione Then the whole cittie and State of Athens upon hope of present aid and succour brake out and poured forth at once all the hatred and malice which they had conceived against Philip and which a long time for very feare they had held in and therefore kept themselves in good and reasonable tearmes with him Now in this citie there never want prompt and readie tongues to stirre up and provoke the common people to a commotion And as in all free States generally such kind of men are entertained and borne out by the favor of the multitude so in Athens especially where eloquence is in most request and beareth greatest sway Presently therfore an Act was put up and proposed unto the common people and by them graunted and confirmed That all the Statues and Images of king Philip together with their titles and stiles likewise of all his progenitors and predecessors as well men as women should be defaced pulled downe and destroied Item That all the festivall daies the sacrifices and sacrificers which had been instituted and ordained for the honor of him should bee profaned and unhallowed againe Item That the very places wherein ought had been erected or inscriptions graven to his honour should be held as detestable and accursed and that from thence forward it might not bee lawfull to set up there any of those things that ought to stand and be dedicated in a pure and cleane place Item That the publicke priests of the citie in all their praiers and so often as they praied for the good estate of the people of Athens and their allies for the preservation of their armies and armadaes should detest and curse by name king Philip his children and realme his forces both by land and sea with all the race and name of the Macedonian nation Moreover it ran on in the decree That if any man from that time forward would preferre and propound any thing that might tend to the disgrace and infamie of Philip the whole people of Athens should approve and allow the same whatsoever and make an act thereof Contrariwise if any person say or doe any thing for his honour or to impeach and checke his dishonour whosoever should happen to kill the said partie he should be deemed and reputed that he had killed him justly and lawfully Finally this branch was comprised within the decree That all things ordained in times past against Pisistratus his line and progenie should bee observed and stand in force against Philip. Thus verily warred the Athenians against Philip with letters and words wherein they are right valiant and to say truth good at nothing els But Attalus and the Romans having from Hermionae shaped their course for Pyreaeum arrived there And after they had sojourned some few daies in Athens were loden with a number of decrees wherein the Athenians recounted the praises and commendations of their allies beyond all measure like as they had before exceeded in shewing their malice against their enemie they set saile from Pyreaeum to Andros Where riding at anker in the bay called Gaureleon they sent certaine men to sound the minds of the inhabitants Whether they would chuse to yeeld the towne willingly or rather abide the hazard of a forcible assault Who answered againe that the kings garrison being possessed of the castle and keeping it for Philip they were not their owne maisters Whereupon the king and the Roman lieutenant set their forces on land and with all preparation of engines artillerie fit for an assault approched the citie divers waies The Romane standerds and their armes not seen before in those parts the resolute courage also of the souldiours who so lustily and nimbly came neere to skale the walls terrified and amased the Greekes much more than any thing els Therefore immediately they fled into the castle and the enemies were LL. of the citie Now
after they had for two daies space held out in the fortresse presuming more upon the strength of the place than the force of their armour and weapons they and the garison together compounded upon the third day to quit the place so they might be brought with a convoy to Delium a towne in Boeotia and evâ—ry man to have one single suite of apparell Then the Romanes leaving the bare citie unto king Attalus ransacked it themselves and tooke away with them all the pillage and ornaments that beautified the same And to the end that the Isle should not lie wast and desart Attalus persuaded the Macedonians in manner all and certaine also of the Andrians there to remain Afterwards they also who by composition were transported to Delium were by the faire promises of the king drawn away from thence which they gave eare credit unto the sooner for the love of their native country the misse whereof they might hardly brooke From Andros they crossed to Cythnus There they spent certaine daies in assaulting the citite to no purpose and seeing the gaines would hardly quit their paines they departed from thence Neere unto Prasiae which is a place of Attica within the maine there joined unto the Roman fleet twentie pinnasses of the Issaeans who were sent to rob spoile the territorie of the Carystians the rest of the fleet remained at Gerestum a noble rode and port of Euboea untill such time as the Issaei were returned from Carystum Then all together they made saile passing the mids of the maine sea they fell with the isle of Icus neer unto Scyrus There they were staied for certaine daies by reason of the raging Northwind which being once laid and the sea calme again they passed to Scyathos a citie lately pilled ransacked by K. Philip. The soldiers raunged over the countrie and brought corn with them to their ships and whatsoever else was fit for mans food Other bootie neither was there any not deserved had the Greeks to be spoiled at their hands Thence they bent their course for Casandrea first they rode at anker neer unto Mendis a village situate by the sea side belonging to that State From whence having sailed beyond the cape and desirous to come about with their vessels for to approch the verie walles of the citie there arose a tempest and sodaine ghust wherein they had like to have beene cast away but scattered they were asunder and having for the most part lost the rackling of their ships they escaped with much adoe to land This tempest at sea was also a fore-token presaging unto them that they were to follow the warre by land and to give over sea service For when they had brought all their ships together and set their men a shore they assailed the towne but they had the repulse with many a bloudie blow besides for there was within a strong garison of the kings whereupon they gave over their enterprise returned backe and sailed over to Canastaeum a citie of Pallaene And having doubled the point of Torona they set their course for Acanthus There at first they forraied the territorie then forced the town and ransaked it And for that their ships had their ful fraught charge of pillage they sailed no farther forward but returned from whence they came to Scyarhus and from thence to Eubaea where leaving behind them maine navie they put in with ten ships lightly appointed to the Bay or gulfe of Malea for to parley with the Aetolians about the whole course and managing of the warres The chiefe of this embassage sent from the State was one Sipyrrhicas an Aetolian who came to Heraclea for to treat and conferre about these affaires together with the king and the Romane Lieutenant They demaunded of Attalus by vertue of the accord and agreement before made to furnish them with a thousand souldiours for so many ought hee by right to set out and mainteine whensoever they were to wage warre against Philip. But this demand was denied to the Aetolians in regard that aforetime they likewise thought much to make a rode to spoile Macedonie at what time as Philip kept foule worke about Pergamus burning all edifices before him as well sacred as prophane when they mought have drawne him perforce from thence into his owne realme to looke unto his proper affaires there Thus the Aetolians were dismissed with more hope than helpe for the Romanes sed them only with faire words and large promises of all things Then Apustrus with king Attalus returned to the fleet After this they laid their heads together and began to consult about the siege and assault of Oreum A strong citie this was both in regard of the walls and also of a good garison by reason that heretofore it had ben once assailed Now there were 20 saile of Rhodian ships all close covered with hatches and decks which under the conduct of captaine Agesimbrotus had joyned with the fleete of Attalus and the Romanes after the winning and conquest of Andros These ships they sent to lye in the Bay of Zelasium a promontorie or cape above the citie Demetrias lying very conveniently over against Isthmia for this intent that if the Macedonian ships should come abroad from thence they might be readie in gard to make saile against them Heraclides an admirall for king Philip lay there at rode with the navie attending rather some enterprise by opportunitie and vantage of the enemies negligence than by plaine and open force The Romanes and Attalus in the meane time planted their ordinance against Oreum at divers parts The Romanes at the castle side that standeth upon the sea The king from the vale that lieth betweene two forts where as the citie is enclosed also with a wall And as they assailed in sundrie places so their manner of assailing was much different and their engins divers The Romanes assayed to approch the wall with tortoises pavoises and mantilers and to shake it with the Ram They of the kings part used Crossebows Balists Catapults and all manner of engins to shoot forth quarels and darts yea and to levell and weigh mightie stones of exceeding great weight They undermined also and in summe they practised all meanes which they saw by experience did good during the former assault and siege But the Macedonians were not only more in number than the time before to defend the citie but also of better courage and resolution by reason that the king had rebuked them sharply for their fault passed and they remembred well both his menaces and also his promises for the time to come in so much as the assailants had small hope to win the towne in hast Meane while the Romane Lieutenant supposing that some other exploit might be performed leaving a sufficient number as he thought for the finishing of the fabriks begun and other engins of assault put over to the next places of the continent where he surprised on a sodaine Larissa not that
neither were there any prisoners led captives in shew nor spoiles caried in pomp before his chariot nor yet his souldiers followed after So as it appeered that all other things besides victorie alone perteined properly to the Consull After this were the plaies exhibited with great magnificence by P. Cornel. Scipio which hee hâ—d vowed in Affricke during his Cousulship Also there passed an order for the lands of his souldiours That for so long as each one had served in Spaine or Affricke hee should have two acres for every yere and that these lands should be set out and assigned unto them by ten Decemvirs for the purpose deputed Then were certaine Triumvirs created for to supply and make up the number of Romane inhabitants in Venusia by reason that during the time of Anniball his warre the strength of that colonie was much enfeebled and impaired C. Terentius Varre T. Quintus Flaminius and P. Cornelius Scipio the sonne of Cneus enrolled new coloners to inhabite Venusia The same yeere C. Cornelius Cethegus who governed Spaine as Proconsull discomfited a great hoast of the enemies in the countrie of the Sedetanes In which battaile by report were shine 15000 Spaniards and 78 militarie ensignes taken C. Aurelius the Consull when hee was returned out of his province to Rome against the solemne election of magistrates complained not as men made reckoning he would have done That the Senate expected not for his comming nor that the Consull was not permitted to debate the matter with the Pretour but found himselfe grieved That the Senate had decreed a triumph so as the partie onely was suffered to speake who was to triumph and none of them â—â—ght be heard who were present at the battaile And whereas our forefathers ordained that lieutenants colonels marshals and centurians yea and in one word the souldiours should be at a triumph for this end and purpose that the truth might appeare to the world of all things atchieved by him unto whome so great honor was to be done Was there any one quoth he of all that armie which fought with the Gaules I say not a souldier but so much as a lackey or horseboy following the campe of whome the Senate might enquire whether the Pretour spake true or false This done and said he published the day of assembly for the election abovesaid wherein were created Consuls L. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Villius Tappulus After them were Pretors chosen L. Quintius Flaminius L. Valerius Flaccus L. Villius Iappulus and C. Bebius Pamphilus Graine and other victuals that yeare were cheape Great store of corne was brought out of Affricke which the Aediles of the chaire distributed to the people at two Asses a Modius They also set forth the Roman games and pastimes right sumptuously yea and represented them one day more than ordinarie Moreover of the â—â—er raised by fines and forfeitures they made seven brasen statues which they set up in the 〈◊〉 house of the city The Plebeian plaies likewise were thrice renued all over by the Aediles 〈◊〉 the commons L. Terentius Masâ—aliota and C. Bebius Pamphilus Pretour elect Finally the suâ—â—erall games that yeere were foure daies together exhibited in the common place of the citie â—â—caâ—ioned by the death of M. Valerius Laevinus and celebrated they were by his two sonnes 〈◊〉 and M. who also shewed unto the people a brave spectacle of fencers at the sharpe wherein â—â—ere were five and twentie couples that entred the lists performed combat M. Aurelius Cottâ— â—â—e of the Decemvirs that yeer departed this life and in his place M. Acilius Glabrio was subordained In the solemne assembly for electing Aediles of the chaire it chaunced that those two which were chosen might not immediatly enter into office for C. Cornelius Cethegus was created in his absence whiles he governed the province of Spaine And C. Valerius Flaccus who was present at his owne election might not be sworne to maintaine the lawes because hee was the Flamin or priest of Iupiter For lawfull it was not for any magistrate to exercise his place above five daies unlesse he were sworne to the lawes Then Flaccus preferred a petition that he might be dispensed with wherupon the Senat ordained That if the Aedile would find one to sweare in his name at the good pleasure and discretion of the Consuls then the Consuls if they thought it mee should deale with the Tribunes of the Commons to propound it unto the people that it might passe under their graunt So L. Valerius Flaccus the Pretour elect for the yeere following was presented to take the oath for his brother Then the Tribunes put it to a canvase before the people and they enacted That the oth of his brother should be of the same validitie as if the Aedile himselfe had taken it in his own person Concerning the other Aediles also there passed an act of the commons For when the Tribunes proposed unto the people Which two they would have to go into Spain as LL. deputies with commaund over the armies to the end that C. Cornelius the Aedile of the chaire might come home to beare his office and L. Manlius also after so many yeeres depart out of his province the people ordained that Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Stertinius should have the conduct and government in Spaine in qualitie and title of Proconsuls THE XXXII BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the two and thirtith Booke MAny straunge and prodigious sights as they were reported from divers countries are here related and set downe among which this is one that in Macedonie there was a bay tree sprung up of it selfe in the poupe of a galley T. Quintius Flamininus the Consull fought fortunately against Philip in the stâ—eights of Epirus and having put him to flight hee compelled him to returne into his owne kingdome Himselfe with the assistance of the Aetolians and Athamanes infested sore and plagued Thessalie which bordereth upon Macedonie L. Quintius Flamininus the Consull his brother by the aid of king Attalus and the Rhodians made conquest by war at sea of Eubaea and all the sea coast The Achai werereceived into amitie The conspiracie of slaves that complotted to deliver and set at large the hostages of the Carthaginians was detected and tooke no effect The number of Pretours was encreased to sixe The Consull Cornelius Cethegus defeated the French Insubrians in battaile League and amitie was concluded betweene the Romanes and the Lacedemonians with their tyrant Nabis Over and besides there is contained in this booke the winning of many cities in Macedonie WHen the Consuls and Pretors were entred into office upon the Ides of March they cast lots for the government of the provinces To L. Lentulus fell Italie and to P. Villius Macedonie As for the Pretours L. Quintius had the jurisdiction of the citie of Rome C. Babius the government of Ariminum L. Valerius ruled
the Consull sped well in the battaile But all other writers both Greeke and Latin at leastwise whose Annales I have red report that Villius performed no memorable act and that the Consull T. Quintius who next succeeded tooke in hand the whole and entier warre himselfe Whiles things thus passed in Macedonie the other Consull L. Lentulus who staid behind at Rome held a generall assembly for the election of Censors And among many famous and noble personages who sued for the dignitie P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus and P. Aelius Patas were created Censors These two agreeing together in great concord both elected a Senat without diffaming any person and also fermed out the toll for portage of all things that were sold at Capua Item they set and to ferme let the custome for passage that way wheras the camp stood and where now there is a towne built and enrolled three hundred coloners for that number was limited by the Senat there to inhabit They sold also the lands of Capua lying under the hill Tifata About the same time L. Manlius Acidinus departed out of Spaine and was prohibited by M. Percius Lecca a tribune of the Commons to enter at his returne into the citie with the solemne pomp of an Ovation not with standing he had that honor graunted by the Senate So he came into Rome as a private person and brought into the chamber of the citie 1200 pound weight of silver and thirtie pound weight welneere of gold The same yeere Cn. Babius Tamphilus who had received the province of Fraunce from C. Aurelius the Consull of the former yeere engaged himselfe rashly within the marches of the French Insubrians and was environed and enclosed round about both he and in manner his whole armie He lost above 6600 men See what an overthrow was received in a warre whereof there was no reckning made and from whence no danger was feared any more This caused L. Lentulus the Consull to come out of the citie of Rome who being arrived into a province full of trouble and turnult after he had received the charge of a frighted and dismayed armie gave the Pretour a great check and rebuke and tooke him up roundly with reprochfull termes yea and commaunded him to get him gone out of the province and to repaire to Rome Neither performed the Consull himselfe any exploit worthie of remembrance by reason that he was called home to Rome for to hold the solemne election of Magistrates which also was stayed by M. Fulvius and M. Curius Tribunes of the Commons who likewise would not suffer T. Quintius Flamininus having ben but Quaestor for to stand for a Consulship Now a dayes say they the dignities of Aediles and Pretours are nought set by and not worth the seeking for and these noblemen will needs mount into the Consuls place not by steps and degrees of other offices wherein they should make prouse and geve good testimonie what their cariage is but leaping over those in the mids joyned the lowest and highest together This debate which began in Mars field in the assemblie of the people came at length to be decided before the Senat. And the LL. ordeined That for as much as lie which sued for that dignitie was by law capable thereof it was reason that the people should have plenarie and absolute power to create him or whomsoever else they pleased So the Tribunes submitted themselves under the authoritie of the Senatours And for Coss. were elected Sex Aclius Paetus and T. Quintius Flamininus Then ensued of the election of the Pretours In which were created L. Cornelius Merula M. Claudius Marcellus M. Porcius Cato and C. Helvius who had bene Aediles of the Commons By whom the Plebeian playes were renued and a solemne feast made in the honor of Iupiter in regard of those playes The Curule Aediles likewise C. Valerius Flaceus who also was the Flamine Dialis or Priest of Iupiter and C. Cornelius Cethegus exhibited the Romane games with great magnificence The great Pontifies or Bishops Servius Sulpitius and L. Calba dyedthat yeere In whose places were enstalled M. Aemylius Eepidus and Cn. Cornelius Scipio Now when Sex Aelius Paetus and Titus Quintius Flamininus the Coss. were entred into their Magistracie they assembled the Senate in the Capitoll where the LL. gave order that concerning the two provinces of Macedonie and Italie the Consuls should either agree between themselves or els cast lots whether of them should governe the one of the other And that he whose hap was to have the charge of Macedonie should enroll of Romanes three thousand footmen and three hundred horsemen Also of Latin allies five thousand foote and five hundred horse for to supplie and furnish out the legions And for the other Consull it was decreed that he should have an armie all entier and new L. Lentulus the Consull of the former yeere continued still Governor in the province with express commaundement that neither himselfe should leave the government nor withdraw his forces from thence before the Consull were come with the new legions So the Consuls referred themselves to the direction of the lots To Aelius fell Italie and Macedonie to Quintius As for the Pretours who also were guided by lots L. Cornelius Merula had the jurisdiction of the citie of Rome M. Claudius governed Sicilie To M. Porcius was allotted Sardinia and C. Helvius his lot was to be L. Deputie in Gaule After this they began to take musters For over and besides the Consular armies the Pretours also were charged to levie souldiours To Marcellus were assigned foure thousand footmen of Latin allies and three hundred horsemen to go into Sicilie And for Cato three thousand foote of the samekind of souldiours with two hundred horse to serve in Sardinia upon condition that when both these Pretours were come into their provinces they should discharge all the old souldiers there as well footmen as horsemen Then the Consuls graunted the Embassadours of king Attalus leave to come into the Senate house where having audience geven them after they had declared how their king and maister had assisted the State of Rome with his forces as well by sea as land and shewed himselfe cheerefull readie and obedient to this present day for to execute and performe whatsoever the Romane Consuls had enjoined him to do they said now that they much feared least from hence forward he should not be able to do the same by reason he was empeached by Antiochus For Antiochus taking his vantage and finding the realme of Attalus disfurnished of garisons and unprovided of forces both by sea and land had invaded the same For which occasion Attalus besought the LL. of the Senat there assembled that if they minded to use his navie and employ the meanes that he could make in the service of the Macedonian warre they would then send him a sufficient garison to defend his kingdome but if they thought not well thereof his request was to permit himselfe to returne with
with Philip. How is it then that he keepeth himselfe away and in his absence demaundeth our helpe rather than with his personall presence protecteth us both from Nabis and the Romanes Vs I say his auncient Allies But what speake I of us Why hath he suffered them so to force and win Eretria and Carystum why endured he that so many cities of Thessalie should bee lost How could hee abide Locris and Phocis to be overrun so as they are and Elatia now at this day so streightly besieged and hotly assaulted Why quit he the streights of Epirus and abandoned those imprenable holds upon the river Aous by force for feare of his owne accord or howsoever and when hee had forgone and disseised himselfe of that passe which hee held why retired hee into the inland parts of his realme for his safetie If willingly and of his owne accord hee abandoned so many of his allies and left them to be spoiled and ransacked by the enemie what can hee alleadge or say for himselfe why those allies aforesaid may not provide for themselves the best they can If for feare let him pardon us likewise if we be afraid But if he were vanquished by force of armes and therfore retired backe shall wee good Cleomedon sustaine and endure the Romane puissance and their mightie armies against which yee Macedonians were not able to stand Or would you have us to beleeve you that beare us in hand how the Romanes warre not at this present either with greater numbers or stronger forces than they have done heretofore rather than trust our owne eies and that which daily wee see before our faces In those daies they succoured the Aetolians with their navie and warred neither under the conduct nor with the armie of a Consull The maritime cities of the confederates of Philip were then in trouble and tumult but all the mediteranean parts within the continent were so secure and warished from the Romane forces that Philip spoiled and forraied the Aetolians imploring and seeking for helpe of the Romanes but all in vaine But now at this day the Romanes having finished the Carthaginian warre which for sixteene yeares space they supported in the very heart and bowels of Italie have not sent a garison to succour and maintaine the Aetolians in their warres but are come themselves as leaders and commaunders Generall and by land and sea at once have warred upon Macedonie And this is the third Consull of theirs who at this present maintaineth mortall warre upon it to the uttermost of his power Sulpitius hath encountred the king in the middest of Macedonie bidden him battell discomfited and put him to flight after hee had laid wast and desolate the wealthiest quarter of all his kingdome Quintius lately hath driven him out of campe and field notwithstanding he were possessed of the streight avenues of Epirus and bare himselfe boldly and confidently upon the naturall situation of the ground of his strong defences and force of a complete armie and having pursued him as hee fled into Thessalie hath taken the garrison townes of the king and in manner within his owne sight woon by fine force his confederat cities Suppose and say that all those things which the Athenians erewhile have alleadged concerning the crueltie the avarice and unbridled lust of the king bee not true but supposed slaunders admit that those enormities and wicked parts committed within the Atticke land against the gods of heaven above of the infernall spirits beneath touch not us at all and are much lesse pertinent than those outrages which the Elaeuntij and the Abydenes so far remote from us have endured Forget we our selves if yee will the hurts the wounds and losses that we have received the murders the pilling and rifling of the goods of Messena in the middest of Peloponnesus Likewise how his friend and host Garitenes at Cyparissia was killed against all law of god and man even in a manner sitting at the board with meat in his month Say we nothing also of Attalus the father and sonne both Sicyonians who were cruelly massacred and yet he was wont to call the silie and wretched old man Father Also forbeare we to speake of the sonnes wife who was carried away into Macedonie to make her his harlot and concubine to abuse her at his pleasure Let other rapes of virgines forcings of honourable dames be forgotten let us imagine that wee have nothing to doe not to meddle with Philip for feare of whose crueltie ye were all so mute and could not open your mouth For what other cause of silence had yee being called hither to this counsell Let us put the case that we were to debate the matter with Antigonus that most mild and just prince at whose gracious hands wee have received so many favours and pleasures above all other kings would he demaund thinke ye that wee should doe that which possibly then could not bee done Peloponnesus is a demie island joined to the firme continent and maine land by the narrow streight or banke of Isthmus lying open and exposed to nothing more than to sea-forces If one hundered covert and decked ships with hatches and fiftie lighter vessels which are open together with thirtie Brigantines or foists of Issa should come to pill and spoile our sea coasts and begin to assaile our townes and citties that lie open upon the river even on the very strond and sea bankes should we retire our selves thinke yee into our cities within the land Why what els As though we were not alreadie afflicted and plagued with intestine war which sticketh even within our ribs and bowels When Nabis and the Lacedemonians by land the Romane navie by sea shall lie upon us to doe us all annoy how should I call upon the kings societie or soothe helpe of the Macedonians Or shall wee of ourselves by our owne strength and meanes save our cities which shall be assaulted against the puissance power of the Romans For in the former war we bravely defended did we not the citie of Dymae We have examples ynough of the fearful calamities and losses of others that we need not to make our selves examples unto others Take heed I beseech you how you set light and disdaine that the Romanes have of their owne motive offered their friendship and alliance which indeed yee were to wish for and seeke all that ever ye could It is for very feare no doubt that they are driven being in a straunge land to flie unto you for your alliance because they would gladly shroud themselves under the shadow of your wings be harboured within your havens and sustained by your victuall and provision No no lords they are first of the seas who can denie it there is not a land they set foot into but immediately it is their owne and in subjection unto them whatsoever they seeme to request they can commaund if they list And because they are willing to spare and forbear you therefore it is
would say over the river The fight continued long doubtfull The Achaei being of themselves in number a thousand disordred some foure hundred of the other and forced them to recule and afterwards the entier right point of the battaile began to shrinke and geve ground As for the Macedonians so long as their battaillon called Phalanx kept their array and stood close together could not possibly be stirred or removed but after their left side was laid naked and they began to reach out on all hands their long pikes against the enemie charging them acrosse upon the flanke they were presently troubled and first they put themselves in disaray afterwards they turned their backs and last of all flung their weapons from them and ran away for life untill they were come to Bargilia Thither also was Dinocrates fled The Rhodians having followed the chase as long as they had any day to see retired into their camp And for certeine it is knowne if in this traine of victorie they had presently made speede to Stratonicea they might have bene maisters of the towne and never drawne sword for it but whiles they spent time in recovering the burrough townes and forts of Peraea they let this opportunitie slip out of their hands and lost it for ever For in the meane space they that lay in garison and held Stratonicea were encouraged and tooke better heart Dinocrates also anon with those forces of his that remained put himselfe within the walls Then was the towre besieged and assailed all in vaine neither could it be forced and woon but by Antiochus a certeine time after Thus went the affaires in Thessalie in Achaea and in Asia much about one and the selfesame time Philip being advertised that the Dardanians were entred within the confines of his realme and wasted the high countrie of Macedonie albeit he saw that almost in all parts of the world unhappie fortune still followed and coursed both him and his wheresoever they were yet esteeming it more grievous and heavie than death it selfe to be disseized of the possession of Macedonie also he made a levie in great hast out of all his cities of sixe thousand foote and 500 horse with which power of Macedonians he sodainly surprised the enemie unprovided and not ware of his comming about Stobi in Pelagonia Great numbers of men were slaine in conflict but more in the fields such as were disbanded and raunged abroad for greedinesse of bootie and pillage But as many as could make meanes to flie more readily and easily away never stood out the triall of a battaile but returned home into their owne countrey Having thus put life as it were againe into his men by this one expedition and exploit a matter of no consequence to the totall adventure of his whole estate he retired himselfe to Thessalonica The Punick warre was not atchieved and brought to an end so happily and in so good a time for the Romanes who otherwise should have warred at once both against the Carthaginians and Philip but it fel out as well and in as fit a season that Philip was now vanquished just against the time that Antiochus in Syria prepared to levie warre against them For besides that the service was much more easily managed against them single and apart than it would have bene if they had banded both at once and brought their forces together it chaunced also that Spaine about the very same instant brake out to a tumultuous insurrection Antiochus being returned to Antioch there to winter after he had the summer before brought under his subjection all the cities belonging to Ptolomoeus within the country of Coele-Syria was yet never the more at quiet mindfull of peace afterwards For when he had assembled a puissant power both of land and also of sea-forces and purposed to employ the whole strength of his realme he sent afore by land in the beginning of the spring his two sonnes Ardues and Mithridates with a mightie armie commaunding them to attend him at Sardis himselfe in person set forth a voyage by sea with a fleete of a hundred saile of couvert ships with decks and hatches besides two hundred lighter vessels as Galions and Brigantines purposing at one time to assay all the cities in Cilicia Caria coasting along the sea side which were within the dominion of Ptolomaeus and with all to aid Philip as well with shipping as souldiours for as yet Philip was not utterly subdued not the warre with him brought to a finall end Many brave and worthie exploits enterprised the Rhodians both by sea and land in their loyaltie and faithfulnes to the Romanes and for the safegard and defence of all the Greekish nation But no one thing shewed their magnificence more than this that being nothing terrified at that time with such a world of warres threatned against them they sent embassadors to the king to let him understand that if he sailed forward and stayed not his Armada they would encounter him at the Bay of Nephelis which is a promontorie or cape of Cilicia renowmed for the auncient league of the Atheniens And this they did not upon any hatred they bare to his person but to impeach him only for comming to joine with Philip thereby to hinder the Romanes in their good course of setting Greece at libertie At the same time Antiochus was busied in the siege and assault of Coracelium against which he had placed all ordinance and engins of batterie for he was alreadie master of the cities of Zephyrium Soli Aphrodisias and Corycus and having doubled the point of Anemurium a cape or forland also of Cilicia he had woon likewise the citie of Selinus All these and many other forts of that coast being yeelded unto him by composition either for feare or willingly without any assault only Coracesium shut their gates against him and staid his progresse beyond his expectation There the embassadours of the Rhodians had audience And albeit that embassie was such as might have set a king into a fit of choler and chased his bloud yet he tempred his anger and made answere that he would send his embassadors to Rhodes and give them in charge to renew the auncient rights and privileges as well of his owne as of his auncestours with that citie and State and to will them not to stand in feare of the kings comming for that neither they nor any allies of theirs should susteine harme or damage by him For it was no part of his meaning to infringe and breake the amitie which he had with the Romanes as it may appeere as well by his late embassie sent unto them as also by the honorable decrees and answeres made by the Senate and sent unto him For it fortuned that even then the embassadors of king Antiochus were returned from Rome having had a friendly audience there and a gracious dispatch according as the time required for as yet the issue of the warre
walls to re-build the edifices to redeem and ransome the Lysimachians that were in slaverie to seeke out all those that were dispersed over Hellespontus lespontus and Chersonesus and gather them together yea and to enroll new inhabitants upon hope of gaine and profit and by all meanes possible to store and people the citie againe And withall because he would ease them of the feare they had of the Thracians hee went in person with the one halfe of his land forces to wast and spoile the confines of Thrace the other part with all the sea-souldiours and marriners the left hard at worke about the repairing of the citie About this time as L. Cornelius being sent by the Senate to compose the controuersies and variance betweene the two kings Antiochus and Ptolomeus abode at Selymbria so of the ten Commissioners abovesaid P. Lentulus departed from Bargyllae P. Villius and L.T. Terentius from Thassus and arrived all three at Lysimachia where L. Cornelius likewise met them from Selymbria and a few daies after king Antiochus being newly returned out of Thracia The first meeting and saturation betweene him and the Commissioners was friendly and courteous yea and there passed to and fro afterwards divers amiable kindnesses and loving entertainements mutually But when they entred once to parle of their commission that they had in charge and of the present State of Asia then there was frounsing and their bloud up The Romane agents stucke not to tell him to his face that all that he had done since he tooke the sea and departed with his fleet out of Syria was displeasant unto the Senate saying That they thought it meet that all the cities should bee restored unto king Ptolomeus which had been under his dominion For as touching those townes which sometime Philip had been possessed of and which Antiochus had surprised and seased upon taking this time and vantage when Philip was emploied another way in the Romane warres it was no reason nor a thing tollerable that the Romanes should for so many yeares space by land and sea endure so great toile and hazard such perils and suffer Antischus in the end to goe away with the fruit reward of all the service But set the case that the Romans would take no knowledge of his comming into Asia as a matter impertinent unto them can they dissimule also that now he is come over into Europe with all his forces both for land sea and little wanteth of making open warre upon the Romanes Marie as for him he will not let to denie that he levieth any warre although he were arrived and landed in Italie To these challenges the king made answere and said That he saw well ynough and knew before that the Romans were inquisitive and curious ynough to search what king Antiochus ought to doe but they never once thought of their own selves how far forth they should by right proceed as wel by lands as by sea As for Asia it pertained not at all to the people of Rome neither had they more reason to enquire what Antiochus did in Asia than Antiochus to search into the actions of the people of Rome in Italie As concerning Ptolomeus from whom they complaine that he had taken certain cities he did them to understand that there was amitie betweene him and Ptolomeus and they were now in tearmes of knitting themselves shortly in neerer bonds of alliance affinitie Neither sought hee the spoile of Philip and to enrich himselfe by his adversitie and misfortune or passed over into Europe against the Romanes ***** But when he was vanquished once all that ever he had by right and law of warre became the possesions of Selencus and so consequently as he tooke it appertained unto him And during the time that his progenitors and predecessors were busied and troubled with other affaires first Ptolomeus catched at some things and Philip after at other so between them they usurped seized upon on other mens possessions and namely of certaine places neere and hard by in Thracia which without all controversie belonged unto Lysimachus For to reduce which into their auncient State hee was thiter come and now was in hand to reedifie Lysimachia anew lately destroied by the violence of the Thracians to the end that Seleucus his sonne might hold it as the roiall seat of his kingdome Thus as they continued arguing an d debating for certain daies there ran a rumour but without any certaine author that king Ptolomeus was dead whereupon they could grow to no conclusion of all their parlies yet they made semblance on both sides that they heard nothing thereof And as wel L. Cornelius who was sent in embassage to both the kings Antiochus and Ptolomeus requested respite of some small time to conferre with Ptolomeus to the end that himselfe might be arrived in Aegypt before any alteration were made in the new possession of that kingdome as also Antiochus made reckning that Aegypt would be his if this good occasion then were presented unto him Therefore having dismissed the Romanes and left his sonne Selencus behind him with all the land forces for to finish the building againe of Lysimachia which he had begun himselfe with all his fleete sailed to Ephesus and having sent his embassadors to Iuintius to treate soberly about a league and amitie he coasted along Asia and so arrived in Lycia And when he heard for certein at Patarae that Ptolomeus was yet living he gave over his purpose of sailing into Aegipt yet neverthelesse he shaped his course and set saile for Cyprus and when he had doubled the point of Chelidonium he stayed awhile in Paymphylia about the river Eurymedon by occasion of a mutinie among the mariners and oremen From thence he weighed ankar and when he was sailed as farre as a place called The heads of the river Sarus there arose agoust and fearefull tempest wherein he had like to have bene cast away and drowned with all his fleet Many of his ships were run aground many of them swallowed up of the sea so as there escaped not one of them by swimming to land A number of men there perished not of base mariners only and unknowne common soldiers but also his neere and especiall friends Having rallied the dispersed reliques of this shipwrack seeing he had no meanes and was not able to reach and gaine Cyprus he returned againe to Seleucia with an armie nothing so puissant not so well furnished as when he set out in his voyage There he commaunded his ships to be haled aland and laid up in their docks for winter now approched and himselfe tooke his journey to Antiochea there to lye all that winter time And in these termes stood the affaires of the kings At Rome there were first instituted in this yeere three Triumvirs called Epulones to wit C. Lecimius Lucullus T. Romalesus who was the man that put up the bill for their creation and
and in private occasions as ye have found by good experience But Cato said moreover There would bee no emulation and envie betweene this good wife and that if neither one nor other were allowed that libertie of apparell and ornaments True it is but in steed thereof they all are mightily discontented and greeved at the heart in the meane while disdaining to see the wives of our allies of the Latine name and nation permitted to weare those ornaments which they are forbidden to have to see them I say all gorgeously set out with spangles and jewels of gold clad in their purple and skarlet clothes riding in their coaches all over their cities whiles they at Rome take pains to go afoot on their ten toes as if the State of the Empire were seated in their townes and not in this their owne citie of Rome This indignitie were ynough to wound the hearts of men make them bleed what hurt doth it then thinke you to silie women whom small matters God wot are wont to trouble Alas poore soules no magistracie and place of government in State no sacerdotal dignities in the church no triumphes no ornaments and titles of honour are they capable of no gifts no spoiles and prises gotten in warres can fall to their shares Neatnesse and finenesse gay garments trim attire and gorgeous habiliments are the honour and ornaments of women in it they take delight on it they set their hearts of it they make their joy And therfore well have our ancestors called all furniture for the decking of women Mundus Muliebris What lay they off in time of sorrow mourning but their gold purple what put they on resume again when their mourning is past but their gold purple what hang they on them besides in time of publick joy and solemn processions but their better apparell their richest attire most costly ornaments But per adventure after ye have once repealed the law Oppia it will not be in your power to overrule them if happily you should forbid them to wear any thing that now the law restraineth them of And perhaps some shal have more ado with their daughters their wives sisters find them lesse tractable and pliable unto their minds than now they are Never fear that women cannot shake off their obedience so long as their governours be they fathers husbands or brethren are alive nay of all other things they abhor cannot brook to be at their own libertie when it commeth by the death either of husbands or parents Widdows state and Orphans life they may not abide Be sure therfore they had leifer have their ornaments and attire to be at the disposition of yourselves than of the law And therfore to speake a truth you must in equity and reason protect and defend them in kindnesse and not oppresse them with hardnesse and bondage delight ye must to be called their fathers and husbands rather than their lords and masters It pleased the Consull erewhile to give them hard words and odious tearmes calling this their meeting A mutinie of women and a very insurrection and departure of theirs and daunger there is no doubt least being up once they will seize upon the mount Sacer as sometimes the Commons did in their furious anger or els possesse themselves of the Aventine and there encampe and keepe an hold Well this weake and feeble sexe borne to beare must suffer and endure whatsoever ye shall ordain set down against them But take this with all at the loose for a final conclusion that the greater power authoritie ye have over them the more discretion and moderation ye ought to use in that soveraintie of yours After debate of words passed in this wise in favor and disfavor of the law the day following the women flocked in greater multitudes into the open streets and banding themselves together as it were in one troupe they be set the dores and houses of the Brutt who by interposing themselves had hindered and crossed the bill preferred by their fellow Tribunes and never gave they over to keepe this stur untill those Tribunes slaked in their opposition for to inhibit the same Which done there was no doubt then but all the tribes with one voice would abrogate and abolish that law Thus twentie yeeres after the enacting thereof it was repealed and anulled M. Percius Cato after the abrogation of the law Oppia presently departed with a fleet of five and twentie gallies whereof five were set out by Allies and arrived in the port of Luna to which place hee commaunded his forces to assemble and after by vertue of an edict sent out along the sea coast he had gathered together vessels of all sorts as he losed from Luna and proclaimed that they should all follow after him to the port of Pyreneus from whence hee purposed to set forth against the enemie with an Armada of many saile and well appointed Who having passed beyond the mountaines of Liguria and the gulfe of Gaule arrived and met all together at the day and place appointed From thence they came against Rhoda where they expelled the Spanish garrison that held the fortresse From Rhoda with a good gale of wind they sailed to Emporiae Where all the whole armie excepting the marriners were set a land At the same time Emporiae were two townes seperate one from the other by a wall The one of them was inhabited by Greekes who came from Phocaea from whence the Maffilians also are descended the other was possessed by Spaniards But the Greeks towne lieth out into the sea so as the whole compasse of the wall is not halfe a mile about but the Spanish towne seated farther into the land and devided from the sea is defended with a wall three miles in circuit A third sort of Romane inhabitants were joyned unto them by Caesar the Emperour of famous memorie after he had vanquished Pompeys children And at this day they are confused and medled one with another and become one entier bodie by reason that first the Spanyards and afterward the Greekes were made free denizens of the citie of Rome A man might well mervaile seeing how open they lye of the one side to the maine sea how exposed they are on the other side to the danger of the Spaniards a nation so fierce and war like what thing it was that garded and protected them Discipline it was and good government and nothing els which mainteined and preserved them in that weakenes of theirs discipline I say which is ever best enterteined of them who live in feare of the mightier that are round about them One quarter of the wall looking to the fields is passing strong and exceeding well fortified having but one gate in all that side which ordinarily is alwayes warded by one of the Magistrates In the mainteined not for custome and fashion nor by vertue of any law but they performed it with as great care yea
and went the round and saw to the setinels with as much diligence as if the enemies were hard at gates A Spaniard came not within the citie neither went they forth themselves unlesse it were upon just occasion But on the sea side the issue was open for any man at his pleasure By that gate which turneth toward the Spanish towne they never used to go forth but in great number even a third part welneere of the townesmen and those who the night before had watched upon the walls And this cause induced them to go abroad for that the Spaniards being no men at sea gladly would traffike and trade with them willingly buying of them their strange merchandise from forein parts brought in by ships and venting unto them againe their land commodities and fruits arising of the maine The desire of this mutuall commerce and necessarie intercourse was the cause that the Spanish towne was open to the Greeks And in greater safetie and securitie they were also by reason that they were shadowed under the wing of the Romane amitie which they interteined with as great loyaltie as the Maffilians although they were nothing so mightie and puissant And even at this time they received the Consull and his armie with great courtesie and liberalitie Cato sojourned there some few daies whiles he was advertised by his espials where his enemies abode and what their forces were and because he would not be idle whiles he stayed there he bestowed all that time in training and exercising his souldiours It hapned to be that season of the yeere when the Spaniards had their corne within their granges readie for the thrashing floore where upon he for bad the comepurveiours to provide graine and sent them home to Rome Warre saith he shall feede and mainteine it selfe Being departed from Emporiae he wasted and burnt the territorie of the enemies forced them to run away in every place where he came and put them in exceeding fright At the same time as M. Helvius departed out of the farther province of Spaine with 6000 garison souldiours delivered unto him by the Pretour he was encountered by a great armie of the Celtiberians before the towne Illiturgum Valerius writeth that they were twentie thousand strong that twelve thousand of them were slaine the towne Illiturgum woon againe and all above fourteene yeeres of age put to the sword From thence Helvius marched to the camp of Cato and because the countrey was cleere from enemies he sent back the garison into the nether Spaine and tooke his journey to Rome where he entred the citie Ovant in pety triumph for the happie successe atchieved in his affaires He brought into the treasurie of silver in bullion or Ingots 14732 pound weight of silver coine 17023 bigate peeces and of Oscane silver 120338 pound weight The cause why the Senate denied him full triumph was this for that he warred under the conduct and name of another and not in his owne province But it was two yeeres before he returned by reason that the yeere betweene he was stayed there lying sick of a long and grievous disease and put over his government to Qn. Minutius his successor Whereupon Helvius likewise entred the citie of Rome in that manner of triumph two moneths only before his successor Qu. Minutius triumphed He likewise brought into the chamber of the citie 34800 pound weight of silver in masse of bigates in coine 78000 of Oscane silver 278000 pound All this while the Consull lay encamped in Spaine not farre from Emporiae Thither repaired unto him from Bilistages a prince of the Ilergetes three embassadors where of his sonne was one complaining that their forts were assailed by force of armes and they had no other hope to make resistance unlesse they might have a gard of Romane souldiours to defend them and 5000 say they will be sufficient for never would the enemies abide by it if such a power came against them The Consull answered them and said that he had a feeling and compassion of the perill of feare whether it was wherein they stood howbeit he was not at that time furnished with such forces that he might safely spare so many out of his maine armie thereby to dismember the same and to empaire his strength considering a mightie hoast of his enemies was not far off with whom he looked every day and he knew not how soone to joyne battaile in open field with banner displaied The embassadors hearing this sell downe prostrate at the Consuls feete and shed teares humbly beseeching him not to forsake them in this piteous plight For whither say they shal we go if we be repulsed from the Romanes No allies we have besides nor other hope in all the world This danger we might have avoided well enough if we would have bene false and disloyall if we would have banded and rebelled with other Spaniards but no menaces no terrours presented unto us could drive us to renounce our fealtie hoping alwaies that we should have help and succour enough from the Romanes but now if no meede if no reliefe come from thence if we be denied at the Consuls hand heaven and earth we call to witnes that we must be forced full against our wills and upon meere necessitie to revolt from the Romanes for feare we drinke of the same cup that the Saguntines have done afore us and choose we wil to dye with the rest of the Spaniards for companie rather than perish alone by ourselves So for that day they were dismissed without other answer But all at the night following the Consul was much distracted in mind and carefull in both respects Vnwilling he was to cast off his allies and see them destitute and as unwilling again to breake his armie considering that in so doing he might either delay the opportunitie of geving battaile or endanger himselfe in the very innstant of conflict But at length he resolved in no wise to diminish his owne forces doubting least in the meane while he should receive some dishonor at the enemies hand As for his associates he thought it best to interteine them with good hopes for want of better helps considering that often times and especially in war outward semblances and vaine shewes are held and taken for truth and substance and serve the turne well enough and when a man is throughly persuaded that he hath aid and succour the very trust and confidence there of hath ministred hart to give the venture of some exploit and preserved him as well as the thing it selfe The next morrow he delivered this answere unto the embassadors That albeit he feared to abate his own strength in serving other mens turne with any part of his forces yet he had at this present more regard of their occasions and dangerous estate than of his own Where upon he gave commandement that a third part of all his bands and companies should have warning to bake and dresse viands with all speed for to bestow lay
in the ships and streightly he charged that they should be rigged and ready appointed against the third day and willed with all two of the embassadors to report so much to Bilistages and the Ilergetes As for the yong prince his sonne he deteined stil with him used him graciously and bestowed savours rich gifts upon him bounteously The embassadors tooke not their leave nor departed before they saw the souldiers embarked and thus by making relation hereof as a thing assured and past all per adventure they filled the heads not of their own friends only but also of the enemies with the bruit of Romane aids comming neere at hand The Consull now when hee had set this countenance of the matter and made sufficient semblance to serve his purpose gave order that the souldiers should be disbarked again set a land and himselfe seeing now that the time of the yeere approched commodious for action and execution of martiall affaires dislodged and remooved his standing winter campe within a mile of Emporiae From whence as any occasions and opportunities were presented he led fourth his souldiers a for aging and boothaling into the enemies land sometime one way and sometime another leaving alwaies a competent guard to defend the campe Ordinarily their manner was to steale out by night to the intent that both they might go on still farther from their leagre and also surprise the enemies at unawares and unprovided by which meanes not onely his new and raw soldiers were exercised but also many of his enemies were caught up and came short home where upon they durst no more peepe out of their forts and holds of delence Now after he had made sufficient proofe of the hearts as well of his owne men as of his enemies he commanded all the marshals colonels horsemen and centurions to assemble before him and unto them he made this speech The time quoth he is now come that you so often have wished for in which you may shew at full your vertue and valour Your service hither to hath beene more like the manner of forraiers than warriours but now shall ye come to a maine battaile and as enemies fight hand to hand with professed enemies From henceforth you may if you will not wast their fields onely and spoile their territorie but ransacke the pillage of rich and wealthie cities Our fathers before us and auncestours in times past when as in Spaine there were both Generals and armies of Carthaginians having themselves no leaders and commaunders no souldiers and forces there yet would they needs have this article among others capitulated in the accord and composition with the Spaniards That the river of Iberus should limit their seignorie and dominion Now at this day when two Pretours and a Consull when three entire Romane armies have the government and charge of Spaine now I say after ten yeeres space almost wherein no Carthaginians have set foot and been seene in all these quarters of both provinces we have lost our seignorie on this side Iberus This must yee recover and win againe by force of armes by manhood and valiancie yee must I say compell this nation more rash and inconsiderate in rebelling than constant and resolute in maintaining warre for to receive once more the yoke of subjection which they have shaken from off their neckes Having exhorted and encouraged them in this manner he gave them to understand that he would set forward in the night and lead against the enemies campe And so he let them depart to refresh their bodies At midnight after he had devoutly taken with him the signes and approbations of the birds for his better speed he put himselfe in his journey because he might be seazed of some place to his liking before the enemies should descrie him hee set a compasse in his march and led his souldiors cleane beyond their campe And having by day light set his companies in battell array he sent out three cohorts even close to the rampier and trench of the enemie The barbarous people wondering to see the Romans shew themselves behind at their backe ran too and fro to take armes Meane while the Consull held his men with these and such like speeches My souldiours quoth he there is no other hope now left but in cleane strength and valour and I of verie purpose have wrought it so Betweene us and our campe the enemies are encamped all behind at our backe we have our enemies land The bravest courses are ever safest namely to build and ground our hope surely upon vertue And here with all hee gave order that the cohorts aforesaid should retire of purpose to traine foorth the barbarous people by making semblance of retreat and flight And so fell it out in verie deed as he thought and supposed for they imagining that the Romanes for verie feare were retired issued forth by heapes out of the gate and bespred with armed men all the ground that lay betweene their owne campe and the enemies battel And whiles they made great hast to embattell themselves the Consull who was alreadie arranged in battell ray in all respects well appointed charged upon them before they were marshalled and set in order First he put forth the cornets and wings of horsemen from both points and flankes of the battaile but they of the right side were straightwaies repulsed and by their hastie and fearefull reculing caused the footmen also to be mightily affraid Which the Consull perceiving he commaunded two elect cohorts of footmen to wheele about the right flanke of the enemies and to shew themselves at their backes before the other companies of foot encountred and charged one another This sodaine terror affrighted the enemies but set all upright again and recovered the battaile of the Romans which through the feare of the Cavallerie began to shrinke and goe downe Howbeit the horsemen and footmen both of the right point were so troubled and so farre out of order that the Consull was forced to plucke some of them backe with his owne hand and turne them with their faces affront the enemie Thus all the while that the shot lasted the skirmish was doubtfull so as now the Romanes in the medley had much adoe to make head and stand to it in the right side whereas the fright and flight first began But on the left and all affront the barbarous had the worst and with great horror they looked behind and saw their enemies how they played upon their backs rested not After they had done with flinging their iron darts and launcing their fierie javelins they drew their swords and herewith began the conflict afresh They were not wounded now from a farre off by blind chaunce and hap-hazard they knew not from whence but foot to foot they stood and hand to hand they coped and let drive one at another no hope at all was now but to trust in pure strength and maine force The Consull seeing his men wearied encouraged and
all other Assist me I pray you herein with your good counsell I assure you I will not bee directed by any advise more willingly than by that which you yourselves shall give mee When they held their tongues and would not speake a word he said unto them againe that he was content they should pause upon the matter and consult thereof a few daies When they were called againe and kept silence in this second meeting and conference as well as in the former he made no more adoe but in one day rased the walls of all their cities which done hee went forward against those that hitherto were not come in nor yeelded obedience and into what quarters soever he came he received al the States one after another there bordering and adjoining into his protection save onely Segestica a wealthie citie and of importance the which he forced with mantelets and rolling pavoiâ—es and such like fabrickes More difficultie in subduing these enemies hee found than others afore him who first came into Spaine in this regard for that in times past the Spaniards at the beginning revolted unto them as being wearie of the tedious yoke of subjection under the lordly government and tyrannie of the Carthaginians But Cato had more ado with them now in that out of libertie and freedome which they had usurped and beene used to hee was to vouch them as it were bond and to bring them againe to servitude Besides hee found all out of frame and order whiles some of them were up in armes others were forced by siege to revolt as not able to have held out long unlesse they had beene rescued and succoured in time But of this nature and courageous mind was the Consull that he would himselfe in person be present and manage all affaires as well those of smallest moment as also those of greatest weight and consequence and not onely devise and give direction what was best to bee done but would himselfe set to his hand and execute most of the exploits and effect them fully There was not one amongst them all that he commaunded with more severitie and rigour than his owne selfe In living neerely in spare feeding in much watching in painefull travell he strived to surpasse and outgoe the meanest common souldiors And no priviledge challenged he no advauntage sought he to himselfe in his whole armie above others but onely honour and soveraigne commaund The Pretor P. Manlius had the more trouble in his war-service by reason of the Celtiberians whom as it hath ben said before the enemies had levied hired with their monie And therfore the Consull being sent unto by the Pretor his letters led his legions also thither Being there arrived now the Celtiberians and Turdetanes were severally encamped apart one from the other the Romanes fell presently to maintaine light skirmishes with the Turditanes and eftsoones charged their corps de guard and how rashly and inconsiderately soever they began the game yet they ever went away winners As for the Celtiberians the Consull sent certaine Tribunes or knight marshals unto them to emparle giving them in charge to make them an offer and tender unto them the choice of three conditions First if they could be content to arraunge themselves to serve under the Romanes and to receive at their hands double wages to that they bargained for with the Turditanes Secondly whether they would be willing to go their waics home under safe conduct and publicke securitie besides that their siding with the Romane enemies should not be laid to their charge nor bring them within the compasse of any daunger Thirdly if they had more mind to warre then that they should set downe some time and place when and where they might come to an issue and trie it out in a set battaile The Celtiberians required to take a day for to consider better upon these points So they assembled togither in counsell with great trouble and confusion by reason that some Turdetanes were thrust in among them upon which occasion they might worse grow to any conclusion Now albeit uncertein it was whether there would be any warre or peace with the Celtiberians yet the Romanes gathered their provision out of the territorie and borroughes of their enemies like as in time of peace yea and more than that they entred oftentimes within their fortifications and defences as if there had bene some common traffike and commerce agreed betweene them by way of private truce The Consull seeing he could not draw the enemie to a battaile first led certeine companies lightly appointed with banners displaied to raise booties in one quarter of the countrie which as yet was free had not tasted of the wars but afterwards hearing that all the bag and baggage and other cariage of the Celtiberians was left at Saguntia he set forward thither to give an assault to the towne But seeing that nothing would move and stir them he paied not onely his owne souldiours their wages but also the Pretours armie their due and leaving the maine hoast in the Pretour his campe himselfe returned to the river Ebre accompanied only with seven cohorts With these forces as small as they were he woon certain towns and there revolted unto him the Sedetanes Ausetanes and Suessetanes The Lacetanes a nation living out of the way after a savage manner within the wilds and woods kept still in armes not only upon a naturall and inbred wildnesse but also upon a guiltie conscience in that whiles the Consull and his armie was emploied in the Turdulois warre they had made suddaine rodes and incursions into the lands of their Allies and pitifully wasted the same And therefore the Consull advaunced forward to assault their towne and led against it not onely his owne cohorts and bands but also the youth of his Allies who had good cause to bee angrie and to oppose themselves unto them The towne which they inhabited lay out in length but was nothing so wide and large in breadth and within one halfe mile or lesse hee pitched downe his ensignes and planted himselfe There hee left behind a guard of choise companies and streightly charged them not to stirre out of that place before hee came unto them himselfe The rest of his forces hee led about unto the farther side beyond the towne Of all the aid-souldiours that he had about him the greatest number were the youth of the Suessetanes and those he commaunded to approch the wall for to give the assault The Lacetanes when they took knowledge of their armor colours calling to mind how often they had overrun them at their pleasure wasted their lands without checke or empeachment how many and sundrie times they had in raunged battell discomfited and put them to flight all at once set open the gate and fallied out upon them The Suessetanes were so little able to sustaine the forcible charge of their onset that they hardly could abide their very shout first crie The Cos. seeing
to yeeld unto fortune And first hee sent an herault into the campe to know whether the enemies would permit and suffer him to send his embassadors unto them Which being graunted Pythagoras repaired unto the Generall with no other charge and commission but only to request that the tyrant might parle with the Romane Generall Hereupon the Councell was assembled and generally opined it was that there should be graunted unto him a conference insomuch as both time and place was agreed upon and appointed Now when they were come to the hils standing in the middest of that quarter with some small companies of souldiours attending on either side upon them they left their cohorts behind them standing in guard within the open view and fight of both parts and then Nabis came downe with a certain chosen guard for his bodie and Quintius accompanied with his brother Eumenes the king Sobilaus the Rhodian and Aristhenus the Pretor of the Athaeans with some few knight Marshals and Colonels And then the tyrant being put to his choise whether he would speake first or heare another began his speech in this wise If I could have be thought my selfe ô Quintius and you all that are here present and imagined what the cause should be that you either proclaimed or made warre first against me I would have attended the issue of my fortune with silence But now I could not have that mastery and commaund of my selfe to forbeare but that before I perish I would needs know the reason and cause of my ruine and overthrow Certes if ye were such men as the Carthaginians are reported to be with whome there is no regard of truth no trust and securitie in covenants of societie and alliance I would not then marvell at all if you made small reckoning and cared but little what measure yee offered unto me But now when I behold and advise you well I see you are Romanes whose manner is to entertaine most duly and precisely the observation of holy rites and divine religion and the faithfull keeping of humane league and alliance When I consider and looke into my selfe I hope think verify that I am one with whom in generall as well as with the rest of the Lacedaemonians ye are linked by vertue of a most auncient league and in particular regard of my selfe a private amitie and societie hath been lately renued by the warre with Philip. But peradventure some man will say That I have broken and overthrowne the same first in that I hold the citie of the Argives And how shall I be able to answere this and excuse my selfe Shall I plead to the substance of the matter or to the circumstance of the time The thing itself presenteth unto me a two-fold plea for my defence For being called by the inhabitants themselves of the citie who offered the towne unto me I received it at their hands and in no wise seized upon it by force I received it I say when it sided and took part with Philip before it was comprised within your league As for the time it justifieth and cleareth me also and my doings For even then when as I was possessed of Argos I was allied and associate with you in good accord and in our covenants we articled and capitulated to send aids unto you for your warres and not to withdraw the garison from Argos And verily in this difference and question about Argos I have the vantage as well in regard of the equitie of the fact in that I received a citie not of yours but of your enemies received it I say not surprised by force but offred and delivered willingly as also by your owne confession for that in the conditions of the association agreed betweene us ye left Argos free unto me But it may be that the name of Tyrant hurteth me and some of mine actions condemne me much and namely that I set slaves free and devide lands to the poore commons As for the name thus much I am able to answere that such as I am better or worse still I am the very same man and no other than I was when you even you ó Quintius entred alliance with me then I remember well I was called King among you and now I see I am termed a Tyrant And therefore if I my selfe had changed the title and stile of my dignitie and government I must have yeelded a reason and accoumpt of my levitie and inconstancie but seeing you have altered it ye ought to answere for your vanitie Now as concerning the multitude so augmented by the enfranchising of slaves as touching the land also parted and distributed among the poore and needie I can mainteine and justifie my doings herein and protect me under the defence and priviledge of the very time For all these things be they as they be may I had done alreadie when ye made a league and covenant with me and received aids at my hand in the warre against Philip. But in case I had done so at this very present I stand not upon this whether I either had offended you or broken your amitie but thus much I averre that done I had according to the custome and fashion of our auncestours And ye must not thinke to square and trie the practise of Lacedemon according to the rule and squire of your lawes and ordinances For to let passe many other things and needlesse it is to compare particulars yee choose your gentlemen or men of armes according to their revenue according to revenue yee choose likewise the footmen Your will is that some few should excell in welth and power and the commons be subject and vassals unto them Our Law-giver thought not good that the Common-wealth should be ruled by a few whom you call a Senate nor that one or two States should excell and have preeminence in the citie but he thought thatin the equalitie of welth and worship there would be many more to beare armes for their countrey I have made a longer discourse I confesse than the ordinarie and naturall brevitie of our speech in these parts will beare And I might have knit all up in one word and said that I had done nothing after I was entred into amitie with you wherewith you needed to have taken any offence and bene displeased Then the Romane Generall made answere to these points in this manner No friendship nor association at all have we made with you but with Pelops the true and lawfull king of the Lacedemonians whereof I must needs say that the tyrants also who afterwards held the seigniorie and soveraigntie of Lacedemon have usurped the right and enjoyed the benefit during the time that we were otherwise employed and wholy busied one while in the Punick warres another whiles in the Gaules and evermore in one or other like as you also have done in this last Macedonian warre For what was lesse unsitting and more absurd than for us who waged warre against Philip for the libertie of
way but to lye in siege against the citie and that would require long tract of time for as much as it was not Gyttheum and yet that was betrayed and rendred and not forced by assault but Lacedaemon a most strong towne both for men and munition that they were to lay siege unto and assault And whereas the onely hope was that when they approched with the armie there might some dissention and sedition have risen among themselves within now when as they saw the ensignes in manner advaunced hard to the citie gates there was not one that mutined or stirred at all Hee added moreover and said That Villius the Embassadour newly returned from Antiochus reported how all was not found there not the peace like to continue and that hee had passed over into Europe with farre greater forces both for land and at sea than at any time heretofore and if quoth hee the armie should bee wholly employed in the siege of Lacedaemon what other power have wee to maintaine warre withall against so puissant and mightie a prince as is Antiochus These were the remonstrances that openly he gave out but secretly hee was troubled in mind for feare least a new Consull should come in his place and have the government of the province of Greece and so hee should leave unto his successour the honour of the victorie of a warre commenced by him and in good forwardnesse But when hee perceived that his allies were nothing inclined to his waies notwithstanding all his contradiction and bending to the contrarie by making semblant that hee now drew with them and was of their mind he woon them all to approve his designment and intention Well God speeed our hand quoth hee let us besiege Lacedaemon since yee will needs have it so but considering that the laying siege unto cities is a thing as ye well know that goeth so slowly forward and oftentimes maketh the assailants sooner wearie than the defendants you ought even now to cast this account presently with your selves that wee must lye all winter long about the walls of Lacedaemon And were there nothing but travell and perill that during so long time we were to endure I would exhort and encourage you to suffer and abide the same with stout bodies and resolute minds But besides all that we must be at great cost and expences about fabricks engins and instruments of artillerie requisite to the assault of so great a citie we must I say be provided of victuals good store against winter as well to serve us as you Be well advised therfore to the end that you should not sodainly in hast huddle up these matters or after yee are once entred into the action give over and abandon it with shame that yee dispatch your letters aforehand every one to the State wherein hee liueth and found them to the depth how their hearts serve them and what strength and forces they have Of aids and succours I have enough and to spare but the more in number we are the more maintenance shall wee need At this time the territorie of our enemies hath nothing but bare soile and naked ground and withall the winter is comming on apace all which season carriage especially farre off is combrous and hard This Oration at the first caused them every one to regard and looke homeward to domesticall difficulties and inconveniences namely the idlenesse the envie and backbiting of those which tarie at home against them that are employed in warfare the common libertie which causeth men of one societie and communaltie hardly to accord and sort togither the publicke want of treasure and the niggardise of privat persons when they are to part with any thing out of their owne purses And therefore suddainly changing their minds they put to the discretion of the Romane Generall to doe and determine what hee thought expedient for the good of the people of Rome and their allies Whereupon Quintius taking the advise onely of his owne lieutenants and Provost-marshals engrossed these articles and conditions following according to which peace should be concluded with the tyrant Imprimis That there be a truce made for the tearme of sixe moneths betweene Nabis and the Romanes king Eumenes and the Rhodians Item That both T. Quintius and Nabis should immedaitly send Embassadours to Rome that the peace might be ratified and confirmed by the authoritie of the Senate Item That from that day forward wherein the conditions put downe in writing should be presented unto Nabis the truce aforesaid should begin Item That within ten daies next after ensuing all the garrisons quit Argos and the rest of the townes within the territorie of the Argives and then those pieces to be delivered void and free unto the Romanes Item That no slave taken captive in warres belonging either to the king or to any publicke state or privat person be had away from those townes and if any before time had beene carried forth they should be restored againe duly to their right masters Item That Nabis should deliver againe those ships that hee had gotten from the maritime cities and that himselfe have no vessell at all but onely two gallions and those to have no more than sixe and twentie ores a peece to direct and rule them Item That he render all the rennegate traitors and captives unto all the cities consederate with the people of Rome as also make restitution to the Messenians of all their goods againe that either could be found or the owners know certainly to be theirs Item That he restore to all the banished Lacedemonians their wives and children but of the wives so many onely as would be content to follow their husbands and that none of them should be compelled against their wills to goe with any exiled person Item That to as many mercenarie souldiours of Nabis as were either gone from him into their owne cities or to the Romanes all their owne goods should be justly and truly delivered againe Item That in the yland of Crete he should not be possessed of any one citie and looke what cities hee then held hee yeeld them to the Romanes Item That hee enter into alliance with no Candiote nor with any other whatsoever ne yet make warre with them Item That he remoove all the garrisons out of all the cities that himselfe had delivered up and which had surrendred themselves and all they had under the protection and obedience of the people of Rome not molest them neither by himselfe nor any of his Item That he build no towne nor castle either in his owne land or in any other Item That for the more assurance of performing these covenants he give five hostages such as it should please the Romane Generall to choose namely his owne sonne for one of them Last of all That he make present paiment of one hundred talents of silver and fiftie more yeerely untill the tearme of eight yeeres be run out These articles engrossed were sent to Lacedaemon
Pretour delivered unto them from the privie counsell of that nation of which we have before spoken That they should not beleeve that they were to be employed in warre against the Achaeans or in any other service according as each one might imagine and conceive in his owne head but he charged them to be readie to performe and execute obediently whatsoever sodain designement Alexamenus upon the present occasion should happen to attempt were it never so unlooked for strange inconsiderate audacious and to rest upon this That they were sent with him to accomplish that and for no other purpose Thus Alexamenus with the conduct of these men thus prepared to his hand came unto the Tyrant and no sooner was he arrived but he possessed him presently with a world of hopes giving him to understand That Antiochus was alreadie passed over into Europe that shortly he would be in Greece and over-spred all seas and lands with his armies and armadoes that the Romanes should full well know and find that they have not now to deale with such an one as Philip that the numbers of his foote and horses by land cannot be counted nor his ships at sea numbred that the battaile of his Elephants at the very first sight will decide the matter and finish the warre Moreover that the Aetolians with all their forces were ready and prest to come to Lacedaemon as neede required at any time but indeede desirous they were to shew and muster before the king at his arrivall a goodly number of armed souldiours Nabis therefore himselfe should doe verie well not to suffer those forces which hee had to decay with long repose and idlenesse but bring them forth and traine them abroad make them to run in their armour thereby both to whet and sharpen their courages and also to exercise and inure their bodies for by use and custome the labour will be lighter and by the courtesie and graciousnes of their Generall not without delight and pleasure Hereupon they began to issue out of the citie and oftentimes went into the plaine lying hard by the river Eurotas They of the tyrants guard kept commonly in the battaile or middle ward and himselfe with three horsemen at the utmost with whom Alexamenus for the most part was used ordinarily to ride before the ensignes taking survey and viewing the utmost points and wings of the armie The Aetolians were placed in the right wing as well those that came before to aid the tyrant as those thousand that were newly arrived with Alexamenus Now had Alexamenus taken a custome one while to tourney as it were amongst the rankes before in the companie of the tyrant and to instruct him in some matters sounding to his commoditie otherwhiles to ride to his owne men into the right wing and soone againe to returne to the Tyrant as if he had given them charge of somewhat necessarie to be done But upon that day which was appointed for to doe the feat and murder the tyrant after hee had ridden forth with the tyrant to the usuall place and kept him companie a while he tooke occasion as his maner was to make a step aside to his own soldiors and then he went in hand with those horsmen which were sent with him from out of Aetolia said thus unto them Now sirs you must adventure execute that lustily and without delay which you were commaunded to performe by my direction and leading Be ready with heart and hand and be not slack and idle to exploit that which yee shall see me to undertake and enterprise And looke whosoever he be that either standeth still or will seeme to argue and interpose his owne wit and advise to crosse mine let him make account he shall never go home againe to his owne countrey With that he set them all a quaking for well they remembred what their charge was when they came foorth from home Now was the Tyrant a comming on horseback from the left wing Then Alexamenus commanded his horsemen to couch their launces downe and to have their eye upon him Hee also setled himselfe to take a good heart unto him which was not a little daunted at first with the cogitation of so great a designment that he had projected When he was now approched and come neere the tyrant he ran with full carriere at him gored his horse and overthrew himselfe to the ground He was not so soon unhorsed and laid along but the horsemen stabbed him with many a thrust wherof the most part did no harme considering they were driven against his corslet but in the end they found where his bodie was naked unarmed so he gave his last gaspe before he could bee rescued by his guard in the maine battaile aforesaid Then Alexamenus taking with him all the Aetolians made all the hast he could to possesse himselfe of the royall palace The Pensioners and Squires of the bodie seeing this murder done before their eyes were at first mightily affrighted but afterwards perceiving the armie of the Aetolians to go their waies and depart they ran to the breathlesse carkase left among them and of men that should have guarded his bodie and revenged his death they became a sort of idle gazers and lookers on And surely there would not a man have once stirred in case the multitude had immediatly been called to an assembly and if after armes laid downe they had been entertained by him with some oration or remonstrances framed according to the time The Aetolians were kept many togither in armes still without any outrage or wrong done or offered to any one person But all things that they did hastened the speedie ruine and destruction of those that had committed this fact as it could not otherwise be in all reason but they should so be served who had plaid so leaud and treacherous a part The captaine and ringleader of all this mischief kept him selfe close shut within the royall pallace spending both night and day in rifling and searching the Tyrants coffers and his treasurie And the Aetolians for their part also fell to ransacking as if they had woon that citie by assault which they made countenance and semblance to set free The indignitie of these their prankes the contempt with all and small regard made of them encouraged and animated the Lacedemonians to gather togither and consult of the matter Some were of opinion and said That the Aetolians were to be thrust out by the head and shoulders and to be sent away with a mischiefe and their owne libertie to be recovered which under a colour of being restored was intercepted and taken from them others advised and said that for fashion at leastwise some one of royall blood should be set up for to be the head in this action Now there was of that race and streene one Laconicus a young child brought up with the children of the late Tyrant him they mounted upon horsebacke and then they tooke armes with all speed
forbeare the haven and suffer the Magnesians to be at peace and libertie and to beware that under a pretence of parle he did not sollicite and disquiet the multitude After this there was no farther talke and speech betweene them but plaine debate and altercation whiles Villius the Romane blamed and challenged the Magnesians as unthankfull persons and forewarned them of the miseries calamities that hung over their heads and again the multitude cried out aloud and accused as well the Senate as Quintius Thus Villius without doing any good returned to Quintius But Quintius having dispatched a messenger to the Pretour that he should reduce home his forces retired himselfe againe by sea to Corinth The affaires of Greece thus interlaced and blended with the Romane have caried me away as it were out of my lists not for that they were so necessarie and important to be written but onely because they were materiall to the cause of the war against Antiochus After the Consuls were elect for there I began my digression L. Quintius and Cn. Domitius the Consuls went into their severall provinces Quintius into Liguria and Domitius against the Boij As for the Boij they held themselves quiet yea and the whole bodie of their Senate with their children their captaines also with their Cavallerie to the number in all of fifteene hundred yeelded themselves to the Consull But the territorie of the Ligurians was over run and wasted and some fortresses woon whereby not onely there were prises gotten of all sorts and prisoners taken but also diverse captives as well citizens as allies were recovered out of the enemies hands This very yeere a Colonie was planted at Vibo by an act of Senate and Commons and there went thither three thousand and seven hundred footmen three hundred horsemen The Triumvirs who had the placing of them were Q. Naevius M. Minutius and M. Furius Crassipes Every footman was endued with fifteene acres of land and the horsemen twise as much It was a territorie held last in the tenure of the Brutians and they had conquered it first from the Greekes About the same time there happened at Rome two most fearfull accidents the one of them continued long but was not altogither so vehement and terrible for there was an earthquake endured eight and thirtie daies All which time the lawsteed or vacation from all courts of law and civill causes continued in great feare and pensivenesse in regard whereof a supplication was holden for three daies As for the other it was not a vaine feare but a very losse indeed that touched many men for there began a skarfire in the beast market and continued a day and a night burning many houses standing on the Tyber side and all the shops and warehouses with marchandise of great price were consumed Now was the yeer well drawing toward an end and daily more and more the bruit and rumour of the warre with Antiochus encreased and likewise the care that the LL. of the Senat had thereof And therfore they began to treat as concerning the provinces of the Magistrates elect to the end that all of them might be more circumspect and intentive to their charges So a decree passed that the Consuls should have the governance of Italie by name and also to go whithersoever the Senat should please to dispose of them and all men knew well enough that the warre against Antiochus was upon the point Also ordained it was that hee whose lot it was to manage that warre should have the conduct of foure thousand footmen of Romane citizens and three hundred horsemen besides sixe thousand allies of the Latine nation and foure hundred horsemen L. Quintius the Consull was appointed to take musters for those souldiors that there should be no stay but that the new Consull might immediatly put himselfe in his journey to what expedition soever the Senate thought good Item It was decreed as concerning the provinces of the Pretours in this manner namely That the first lot should assigne the double jurisdiction civill and forreine as well among citizens as strangers the second should concerne the Brutians the third the navie and the same to saile whithersoever the Senat would appoint the fourth for Sicilie the fift for Sardinia the sixt for the nether Spaine Over and besides L. Quintius the Consull was commaunded to enroll two new legions of Romane citizens besides twentie thousand foot and eight hundred horsemen of allies of the Latine nation and this armie they set out for that Pretour who was to governe the Brutij Two chappels that yeere were dedicated to Iupiter Capitolinus the one of them L. Furius Purpureo vowed in the Gaules warre as Pretour the other when he was Consull and Q. Martius Ralla the Duumvir dedicated them This yeere there passed many sharpe and grievous sentences and judgements upon usurers against whome being privat men M. Tuccius and P. Iunius Brutus the two Aediles of the chaire commended action Of that silver wherein they were fined was made a charriot with foure wheeles guilded and set up it was in the Capitoll in the cabinet of Iupiter above the top of his shrine likewise twelve bucklers guilded The same Aediles also caused the porch or gallerie to be made without the gate Tergemina among the carpenters As the Romanes were wholly amused upon preparation for this new warre so Antiochus for his part sate not still three cities there were which kept him backe and checked his progresse to wit Smyrna Alexandria in Troas and Lampsacus the which he never could to that day force by assault or draw into amitie with any conditions whatsoever and to leave them behind in those tearmes when he should in proper person passe over into Europe he was not willing Somewhat also he was impeached by a consultation as touching Anniball For at first he was staied and hindered by occasion of the open ships which hee intended to send with him into Affricke And afterward buzzed it was into his head by Thoas the Aetolian especially and question moved whether it were good simply to send him thither at all or no This Thoas when Greece was all in an hurrey and full of troubles bare them in hand that Demetrias would be in their power at their devotion And like as wâ—â—â— his leasings touching the king in multiplying and magnifying his forces he had brought many of the Greekes into a fooles paradise even so also after the same manner he ceased not to feed the king with lies and fill him with hopes making him beleeve that all men wished for him with all their hearts would run by heapes to the sea strond to meet him so soon as they could but ken his fleet under saile This selfesame man was so bold also as to alter the kings mind as touching Anniball which seemed before resolved and settled For he persuaded him that the kings navie was not to be dismembred and part thereof to be sent away and if hee were to make
with which because he would make them equall to the left wing of the enemie hee set up the trinkets or small sailes meaning to make way into the deepe commanding them that followed still to make head and direct their prows against the right wing neere the land Eumenes was the rere-admirall and kept the rereward close together but so soone as they began to bee troubled with taking down e their tackling he set forward with all speed and hast that hee could make and by this time were they in view one of the other Two Carthaginian ships led before the Romane navie which were encountred with three of the kings ships And considering the ods of the number two of the kings came about one And first they wiped away the oares on both sides then they shewed themselves alost with their weapons and bourded her and after they had either overturned or killed the defendants they were masters of that ship The other that was in single fight and assailed but by one seeing the other ship taken by the enemies fled backe into the maine fleet before shee was environned by the three enemies Livius chasing hereat and angrie at the heart advaunced forward with the Admirall ship afront the enemie against her those other two which had enclosed the Carthaginian ship aforesaid hoping to doe the like by this came onward which Livius perceiving commaunded the rowers to let their oares hang in the water on both sides for the more stay and steadinesse of the ship and likewise to cast their yron hookes fashioned like hands for to grapple the enemies ships as they approched and came neere unto them and when they were come to close fight in manner of land-service then to remember the valour of the Romanes and not to hold the kings slaves for men of any worth And with much more facilitie and ease than the two ships before conquered one this one for that gained two By this time the maine fleet on both sides encountred on all sides and fought pell mell Eumenes who being in the rereward came last in place after the conflict was begun perceiving that Livius had disordered the left wing of the enemies made head against the right where he saw them fighting on even hand not long after the left wing began to flie For Polyxenidas so soone as he saw himselfe without all question overmatched in valor of the soldiors caused the trinquets and all the cloth he had to be set up and purposed to flie amaine Those likewise that were toward the land and fought with Eumenes within a while did no lesse The Romans and Eumenes so long as the marriners were able to plie their oares and so long as they were in hope to annoy the taile of the enemies followed the chase lustily ynough but after that they perceived their owne ships charged heavily loaden with victuals follow after to no purpose to lag behind nor like to overtake them which were the swifter because they were the lighter staied at length their pursuit after they had taken 13 ships both with their soldiors mariners sunketen Of the Romane Armada there perished but one Carthaginian which at the first encounter was beset with two ships Polyxenidas never gave over flight but made way stil until he had recovered the haven of Ephesus The Romans abode that day in the place from whence the kings armada came purposing on the morrow to make fresh saile after the enemie And in the mids of their course they met with those 35 Rhodian ships covered conducted by Pisistratus their admirall and taking those also with them they followed the enemie even as far as Ephesus where in the mouth of the haven they rid in order of battel by which bravado having wroong as it were from the enemies a plaine confession that they were vanquished the Rhodians and Eumenes were sent home The Romanes setting their course for Chius first sailed by Phoenicus an haven towne of Erythraea and having cast anker that night the next day they weighed and arived within the Island close to the citie it selfe where having sojourned some few daies especially to refresh their rowers they passed forward to Phocaea Where leaving source quinquereme galeaces the fleet arrived at Canae and because the Winter approched the ships were laid up in their dockes on drie land and for their safetie were trenched and paled about In the yeeres end the Generall assemblie for election of magistrates was holden at Rome wherein were created Consuls L. Cornelius Scipio and C. Laelius For now all men had an eie to the finishing of the warre against Antiochus The next morrow were the Pretours also chosen namely M. Tuccius L. Aurunculeius Cneus Fulvius L. Aemylius P. Iunius and C. Atinius Labeo THE XXXVII BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the seven and thirtith Booke LVcius Cornelius Scipio the Consull having for his lieutenant P. Scipio Africanus according as hee had promised that he would be lieutenant to his brother if Greece and Asia were ordained to bee his province whereas it was thought that C. Lalius for the great credite that hee was in with the Senate should have had that province given him tooke his voiage for to warre against Antiochus and was the first Romane that ever sailed over into Asia as captaine and commaunder of an armie Aemylius Regillus sought fortunately with the aid of the Rhodians before My 〈◊〉 against the voiall navie of Antiochus The sonne of Africanus taken prisoner by Antiochus was first home to his father M. Acilius Glabrio triumphed over Antiochus whome hee had driven out of Greece as also over the Rhodians Afterwards when Antiochus was vanquished by L. Cornelius Scipio with the assistance of king Eumenes the sonne of Attalus king of Pergamus hee had peace graunted unto him upon condition that hee should quit and forgoe all the provinces on this side the mount Taurus And Eumenes by whose helpe Antiochus was overcome had his kingdome enlarged To the Rhodians also for their helping hand certaine citties were given and graunted One Colonie was planted called Bononia Aemylius Regillus who vanquished the captaines of Antiochus in a navall battell obtained also a navall triumph L. Cornelius Scipio who finished the warre with Antiochus had the like surname given him as his brother and was called after Asiaticus WHen L. Cornelius Scipio and C. Laelius were Consuls after order taken for the service of the gods there was no matter treated of in the Senate before the suite of the Aetolians And as their embassadours were instant and earnest because the tearme of their truce was but short so T. Quintius who then was returned out of Greece to Rome seconded them The Aetolians relying more upon the mercie of the Senate than the justice of their cause and ballancing their old good turnes done to the Romanes to the late harmes and trespasses committed used
fleete moreover under a coulor of calking and calfretting he would lay up some ships on dry land others he would send away into the havens neere at hand and keepe some few riding at anker before Ephesus in the haven and those if he were forced to battaile he would set out to fight The same negligence that Pausistratus heard say Polyxenidas would use in his fleete the same himselfe presently shewed in his owne For some of his ships he sent to Halicarnassus for victuals and other to Samos the citie to the end that he might be in redinesse when the traitor gave the signall of assault Polyxenidas still by false semblance encreased the errors and vaine imaginations of Pausistratus for some ships indeed he drew aland and laid up dry and as if he ment to hale up more he repaired and amendeth the docks Oremen and mariners he sent not for out of their winter harboroughs to go to Ephesus but secretly assembled them to Magnesia Now it fortuned that a certeine souldier serving under king Antiochus who was come to Samos about some private affaires of his owne was apprehended there for a spy and brought to Panormus before the Admirall Pausistratus Who being demaunded what they did at Ephesus I know not whether for feare or upon small loyaltie that he bare to his prince and countrey discovered all namely that the fleete rid in the haven rigged decked and trimmed in redinesse Item that all the rowers and mariners were sent to Sipylus in Magnesia Item that some vessels and those very few were drawne up to land and the docks and harbours were shut up close and lastly that never at any time before the navie was so carefully looked unto nor sea affaires so well managed But the mind of Pausistratus was so possessed before with foolish conceits and vaine hopes that he would not beleeve these informations and intelligence s for true Polyxenidas having set all things forward and in good readinesse by night sent for the rowers and mariners from Magnesia and having in great hast shot to sea and set aflote those vessels which lay at one side upon the land after he had spent the whole day not so much in making provision as trifling out the time for the nonce because he would not have the fleete to be seene when it set forth weighed ankar and losed after the sunne was gone downe and with 70 saile of covered ships because he had a contrary wind entred the Bay of Pygala before day where resting all the livelong day for the same purpose as before the next night he sailed to the neerest coasts of Samos From whence he gave commaundement to one Nicander an Archpirate to set saile for Palinurus with five close covered ships there to land and from thence to march with his armed souldiers over the fields the neerest way to Panormus and to come upon the back of the enemies himselfe in the meane while divided his fleete into two parts and made way to Panormus there to keepe the entrie and mouth of the haven on both sides Pausistratus at first was troubled for a while at this unexpected occurrent but afterwards as one that was an old beaten souldiour he quickly tooke hart againe and calling his wits together supposed that he might more easily repulse the enemies by land than by sea and led his souldiours in two squadrons unto the promontories which bearing out into the sea like two hornes to force the haven from which two capes or heads he supposed that he might easily set back and put by the enemies with shooting darts from both sides But Nicander who was sent by land impeached this disseine of his so that he was forced sodainly to change his mind and alter that course and therefore commaunded all his men to go a shipboord and away Hereupon exceeding feare there was both among the souldiours and also the mariners as if they were to take their flight by sea and not to fight seeing themselves invironed at once both by land and sea Pausistratus supposing the only way to escape and save themselves was to make way through the mouth of the haven and so to recover sea-roome after he had seene all his men embarked commaunded the rest to follow and himselfe first plying and labouring hard with ores skudded amaine with his ship to the entrance of the haven Now when she was once past the streight and come into the open sea Polyxenidas was there to welcome him with three Galeaces of five banks of ores and so beset him The poore ship was wounded with the yron pikes bearing out in the beake heads of the galeaces and so bouged and sunke withall The defendants upon the hatches were overwhelmed with shot of darts and among the rest Pausistratus himselfe manfully fighting lost his life The rest of the ships were bourded and taken some before the haven others within and some there were that by Nicander were seized as they laboured to lose from the land and to launch forth Five ships only of Rhodes and two of Cous escaped cleere and fled which made themselves way even among the thickest of their enemies by the meanes of a fearefull burning flame of fire that they had with them For they set me two long per ches or poles bearing forward at the prow like two sprit sailes in every ship carying yron pots and pans afore them full of light fire The Gallies of Erythrea meeting the Rhodian ships not farre from Samos as they fled the which were comming to help them turned their course backward into Hellespontus unto the Romanes About the same time Seleucus gained the citie of Phocaea by treason entring in at a gate which the warders set open of purpose for him And for feare Cymae and other townes of that coast revolted unto him Whiles these things thus passed in Aeolis and that Abydus had endured the siege for certein dayes by the defence of the kings garison that manned the walls now that all were overtoiled and wearied the magistrates of the citie by the permission of Philotas captaine of the garison articled with Livius upon conditions to render the towne The only point whereupon they stood and which stayed the conclusion was this for that they could not agree whether the kings souldiours should be sent away armed or disarmed And whiles they debated hereabout newes came of the Rhodians defeature and so the oportunitie of gaining the towne slipt out of their hands For Livius fearing least Polyxenidas pussed up with the successe of so great an exploit would surprize the fleere that rid at Canae leaving presently the siege before Abydus and the garding of Hellespont put to sea afresh those ships that lay dry at Canae And Eumenes came to Elea But Livius went to Phocaea with all his fleete to which he had adjoyned two trireme gallies of Mitylenae But when he heard say it was kept with a strong garison of the kings and that Seleucus was encamped not far off after he
had pilled the sea coast and charged hastily his ships with a good bootie and those were prizes of men especially he stayed no longer there than untill Eumenes might overtake him with his fleete but directed his course streight to Samos The Rhodians upon the first newes of this their overthrow feared much and withall mightilie forrowed for besides the losse of their sea-soldiours and ships they lost also the very floure and strength of their youth for as much as many yong gentlemen of their nobilitie accompanied Pausistratus among other motives in regard of his authoritie which was right great and for good desert among his countrymen But afterwards considering how treacherously they were over-raught and namely by one of their owne citizens borne among them their melancholie turned into choler and their sorrow into anger Whereupon they sent forth ten ships immediatly and few dayes after other ten under the conduct of Eudamus the Admirall over them all who albeit he were not for other feates of armes and martiall skill equall to Pausistratus yet they supposed verily he would be a leader so much the more warie and circumspect as he was the lesse hardie and courageous The Romanes and king Eumenes first fell with the Iland Erythraea where they stayed one night and the morrow after gained the point of Corycus a promontorie of the Teians From whence when they purposed to crosse over to the neerest parts of Samos not waiting for the sunne-rising by which the Pilots might observe the disposition of the weather they hoised up sailes against a very doubtfull and dangerous tempest for the wind turned from North-east to full North as they were in the mids of their course whereby they began to be mightily tossed among the surging billows of the rough angry sea Polyxenidas supposing that the enemies would take their course directly to Samos there to joyne with the Rhodian fleete deparred from Ephesus and first ankered at Myonesus from thence he failed to an Iland called Macris to the end that as the enemies fleet sailed by he might take advantage to set upon either some ships singled severed from the bodie of the fleet or play upon the rail and reregard therof After that he perceived the whol fleet to be dispersed by force of the tempest he thought first to take that occasion to fall upon them but the wind rising still more and more and raising greater waves because he saw he could not possibly come neere to bourd them he cut over to the Iland Ethalia minding the next day to assaile the ships in the maine sea as they passed to Samos Some small number of the Romane ships in the beginning of the night put into the haven of Samia which they found void and emptie the rest of the fleete after they had bene tossed and tormented all the night long in the deepe at length light upon the same harborough Where being advertised by the pesants of the country that the enemies ships lay in the rode of Athalia they fell to consult whether presently to bid battaile put it to the hazard or expect the arrivall of the Rhodian fleet Deferring therefore that enterprise for so upon advertisement they were agreed they traversed to Coricus from whence they came Polyxenidas likewise having staid at anket in vain returned to Ephesus then the Roman ships while the seas were thus cleere of enemies sailed over the Samos Thither also arrive d the Rhodian fleet few daies after and that it might appeare how long looked for it was they all presently set saile for Ephesus with purpose either to trie an issue by a battell at sea or else if the enemie refused the triall to expresse and wring from him a plaine confession of cowardise which was a materiall point and of great importance to moove the minds of the other neighbour-cities Being arrived to the very haven mouth they embattailed their ships stood directly affront opposed unto it And when they saw none make saile not set out against them the one part thereof rode aflote at ancre still in the very haven mouth the other discharged the souldiors set them a land Vpon whom as they were driving a mightie bootie which they had raised by harrying all the country over Andronicus a Macedonian who lay in garison at Ephesus sallied forth even as they approched the walles of the citie and having eased them of a great part of their prey aforesaid he chased themselves to the sea unto their ships The morrow after the Romans having bestowed an ambush about the mid-way between marched in order of battaile against the citie to see if peradventure they could traine forth the Macedonian again without the walles but perceiving that no man durst come abroad for suspicion feare of an await they returned to their ships again and when they saw their enemies would not abide them neither at sea nor on land in the end the fleet sailed againe to Samos from whence it came Thence the Pretour made out two gallies of Italian confederates and as many Rhodians under the conduct of Epicrates the Rhodian Admirall to defend and keepe the streights of Cephalenia which Hibristas the Lacedaemonian togither with the youth of the Cephalenes infested with his roving and robbing in so much as there could no ships passe by sea to and fro with victuals betweene-Italie and that coast At Pyraeeum Epicrates met w ith L. Atmilius Regillus comming to succeed in the Admiraltie who hearing of the deffeiture of the Rhodians and having himselfe but two Quinquereme galleaces brought Epicrates backe with him into Asia with foure ships There accompanied them also the open ships of the Athenians And he passed over by the sea Aegeum Thither also arrived Timasicrates the Rhodian in the dead of the night with two Quadrireme gallies from Samos Who being brought unto Aemylius declared how he was sent to quiet and defend that sea coast which the kings roving ships and men of warre by their often excursions from Hellespontus and Abydus had made too hot for the hulkes and other ships of burden which used to passe that way As Aemylius sailed from Chios to Samos two Rhodian Quadrireme gallies were sent by Livius to meet him and king Eumenes also with two Quinquereme galleaces presented himselfe unto him Being all arrived at Samos Aemylius after he had received the navie of Livius and sacrificed orderly as the maner was called a counsell At which C. Livius for his opinion was asked first spake and said That no man giveth more found and faithfull counsell than hee who persuadeth another man to that which himselfe would doe in the same case As for mee my intent and purpose was to goe against Ephesus with the whole armada and thither to bring with me the vessels of burden charged with the heavie ballace of gravell and sand and to sinke them in the verie haven mouth for to choke it up And to make this barre against the
of armes without planting engins of batterie and other fabricks and besides that three thousand armed men sent from Antiochus for defense were entred into the citie presently they gave over the siege and the fleete retired to the Ilands having done no other exploit but only pilled the territorie about the citie This done it was thought good that Eumenes should have licence to depart into his owne kingdome that he might provide for the Consull and the armie all necessaries toward the passage over Hellespontus also that the Romane and Rhodian fleets should returne to Samos and there remaine in gard and have an eye unto Polyxenidas least he removed from Ephesus and made some attempt that way So the king returned to Elea the Romanes and Rhodians to Samos where M. Aemylius the Pretor his brother deparred this life The Rhodians after his funerall obsequies performed sailed to Rhodes with thirteene ships of their owne one quinquereme galeace of Cous and one other of Gnidos there to lye in rode readie to make head against the fleete which as the bruit blazed was aflote and comming out of Syria Two dayes before that Eudamus losed from Samos with the Armada thirteene ships sent from Rhodes under the conduct of Admirall Pamphilidas to encounter the said Syriak fleete taking with them foure other ships which were for the gard of Caria delivered from siege Daedala and other petie forts which the kings souldiers assailed Then it was advised that Endamus should incontinently set forward on his voyage And to that fleete which he had under his charge he adjoyned also foure open ships Being departed he made saile in all hast that he possibly could and arrived at the port called Megiste where he overtooke those that were gone before from whence they came in one band and traine jointlie together unto Phaselis and then they judged it the best way in that place to attend the comming of the enemie This Phaselis standeth upon the confines betweene Lycia and Pamphylia It lieth farre within the sea and is the first land that sheweth itselfe to them that saile from Cilicia to Rhodes and from thence a man may ken and discover ships under sayle a farre off for which cause especially this was chosen for a sit and convenient place wherein they might encounter the enemies fleete But by reason the aire was unholsome and the season of the yeere unhealthfull for it was midsommer and the smels and stinking savours such as they had not bene acquainted with many contagious diseases and maladies which they foresaw not began to spread commonly abroad and especially among the mariners for feare of which plague mortalitie they departed from thence and passed beyond the gulph of Pamphylium and being arrived in the river Eurymedon they received advertisement from the Aspendians that the enemies were already before Sida Those of the kings side had sailed but slowly in regard of the adverse season of the winds named Etesiae which keepe their set and certein time like as those do which they call Favonij Now of the Rhodians there were 32 quadtireme Gallies and 4 other triremes besides The kings fleet consisted of 37 and those of greater burden and wastie among which were three mightie Galleaces of 7 banks of ores on a side and four of 6 besides 10 ordinary trireme gallies There were others also that knew by a sentinell or watch-towre standing on a certein high place how the enemies were at hand The next morning by breake of day both these fleets set forth of the haven as if they would have fought that very day And after that the Rhodians had passed the cape which from Sida hangeth over into the sea then presently were they discovered of the enemies the enemies likewise descried by them The left-wing of the kings fleet flanked with them maine sea was commaunded by Anniball and Apolionius one of his gallants and courtiers led the right so as now they had managed their ships broad in a front-ranke The Rhodians advanced forward ordred in length casting their battaile into files In the vaward the Admirall ship of Eudamus was formost Caryeitus governed the reregard and Pamphilidas had the conduct of the middle ward Eudamus seeing the enemies battaile arraunged redy for conflict put forth into the open sea commanding those that followed after in order to keepe their array and so directly to affront the enemie which at the first caused some trouble for he was not so farre advanced into the deepe that all the ships could be set in array along the landside and besides himselfe making too much hast with five ships only encountred Anniball for the rest followed not after him because they were bidden to raunge afront Now the reereward had no roume left them toward the land and thus whiles they hastily were jumbled together the sight by that time was begun in the right wing against Anniball But at one instant the Rhodians cast off all feare as well in regard of the goodnes of their ships as of their owne experience and usuall practise in service at sea For their ships with great quicknesse and agilitie making saile into the maine sea made roume for every one that came after along the land side and withall if any one hapned to run upon a ship of the enemies with her piked beake head either it rent the prow or wiped away the ores or passing cleere through betweene the ranks and files turned againe and charged upon the poupe But the thing which terrified the enemie most was this That a great galeace of the kings which had seven bankes of ores on a side was bouged and tooke a leake with one onely knocke that it received by a Rhodian ship farre lesse whereupon the right wing of the enemie doubtlesse enclined to flye away But Anniball pressed Eudamus very much in the open sea most of all with multitude of ships for otherwise in all respects Eudamus had the ods and better hand of him by farre and certeinly he had compassed and enclosed Eudamus round but that a flag was put out of the admirall by which signall the dispersed ships are woont to rally themselves togither whereupon all those that had gotten the better of the enemy in the right wing made hast to joyn in one for to succour their fellowes Then Anniball also and the ships about him tooke their flight but the Rhodians were not able to make way after them and to mainteine the chase by reason that their rowers many of them were sicke and therefore the sooner weary Whereupon they cast ancre in the maine sea and stayed to eat and take some refection for to strengthen their bodies And in this while Eudamus espyed and beheld the enemies how they haled and towed by ropes at the taile of the open ships that went only with ores certaine other which were lame maimed sore brused and cracked and might see 20 others not much sounder than they to
for being so neer unto Ephesus as it was there could not any thing bee done either by sea or land but it was within the eie of the Colophonians and by their meanes notified streightwaies to the Romanes Now hee made full account that they would remoove their fleet from Samos to succour that a associate citie of theirs and so Polyxenidas might thereby take his time and good opportunitie to execute some notable exploit Wherupon he went in hand to plant Fabrickes against Colophon and having raised his rampiers and cast trenches on both sides alike even to the every sea he approached with mantellets terraces as well the one part as the other close unto the walls and under the roufworkes plaied upon them with the push and peise of the ram The Colophians much troubled and affrighted with these daungers and distresses sent their Oratours to Samos unto L. Aemylius to crave in humble manner the aid and succour of the Pretour and people of Rome Aemylius was much discontented and offended in his heart that he had made so long abode at Samos and performed no service Nothing lesse thought he than that Polyxenidas whom twise alreadie in vain he had chalenged and bidden battel would now offer to fight He reputed it also for a disgrace and shamefull indignitie unto him that Eumenes his fleet assisted the Consull to wast over the legions into Asia and himselfe was assigned and enjoined to succour and aid the citie of Colophon besieged the issue whereof would be so doubtfull and uncertaine Eudamus the Rhodian who was the man than had deteined and kept him still at Samos when hee was desirous to passe over into Hellespont yea and all the rest were instant with him shewing declaring how much better it was either to deliver his allies from siege or to defeat the fleet againe which had beene once vanquished and so to put the enemie quite besides the possession of the sea than with the abandoning of his confederates and betraying Asia both sea and land into the hands of Antiochus to depart into Hellespont where Eumenes with his fleet was sufficient to hold him play and to quit that part of the warre which was committed to his charge Well they losed from Samos to provide victuals for that all their owne provision was spent and shaped themselves to crosse over unto Chios That was the garner and storehouse of the Romanes and the very place unto which all the ships of burden and the hulkes sent out of Italie used to set saile and direct their course So they set a compasse about toward the coast of the Island that lay farthest off from the citie opposite to the Northeast in regard of Chios and Erythraea And as they were about to passe over thither the Pretour was certified by letters that great store of corne was come out of Italie to Chios that the ships which were charged with wine were kept backe by contrarie and crossewinds Likewise reported it was that the Teians had furnished king Antiochus his fleet with victuals plenteously and liberally and had promised also unto him five thousand vessels of wine Whereupon he shifted saile suddainely in the middest of his direct course and made head for Teios intending either with their good wils to serve himselfe of the provision prepared for the enemie or else to hold them for no better than enemies Having directed the prows of their ships toward the land they might deserie as it were a fifteene ships neer unto Myonesus Which the Pretour supposing at the first to bee of the kings fleet resolved to make way after them but afterwards it appeared they were brigantines or pinnaces and certaine small barkes of rovers and men of warre These rovers having harried and spoiled all the maritime coasts of the Chians were upon their returne with great store of prises and pillage but when they discovered a fleet in the deepe sea a farre off they made all the saile they could and fled Y are of fleerage they were and good of saile by reason that their vessels were more light and made of purpose to tidway and besides neerer they were to land And therefore they had recovered Myonesus before the fleet could come any thing neere unto them The Pretor thinking verily to force them out of the haven made after without direction of a skillfull pilot knowledge of the place Now this Myonesus is a promontorie or cape betweene Teos and Samos a very mountaine made in fashion of a steeple broad ynough at the foot but rising narrower full and runneth up to the top sharpe pointed On the maine or land side it hath one advenue by a streight and narrow path From the sea it is founded upon rockes beaten and eaten with the continuall surging waves of the sea insomuch as in some places the cliffes that hang over bear more into the sea than the vessels that he under in the harbour take up of the sea The Pretor with his ships durst approach neer unto those crags for feare of being within the shot of the pirates who were perched upon the top of those steepe rockes and so they spent that day and lay off At the last a little before night they gave over that vaine enterprise without effect and the morrow after arrived at Teios and having lodged their ships within the harbour which themselves call Geraisticus and it lyeth out at the backeside of the cittie the Pretour set ashore and sent out his souldiours to forray the territorie about the citie The Teians seeing how their lands were spoiled even under their very noses addressed certaine Oratours to the Romane Admirall arraied all in white after the manner of humble suppliants And as they would have seemed to excuse their cittie for having done or said anything against the Romanes rending to hostilitie hee both charged them directly that they had releeved the fleet of his enemies with victuals and also told them what quantitie of wine moreover they had promised to Polyxenidas But and if they could be content to doe the like by the Romane fleet he would recall his souldiours from pillage otherwise hee would repute them for his enemies The embassadours aforesaid made relation of this heavie answere Whereupon the magistrates of the cittie assembled the people together for to consult and conclude about this matter what they were best to doe Thither as it happened was Polyxenidas arrived with the kings armada who having losed from Colophon when hee heard that the Romanes were departed from Samos that they had chased the Pirates as far as Myonesus were now wasting harrying the lands of the Teians also that their ships ankered in the rode Geraisticus himselfe also cast anker over against Myonesus hard by an Island which the sailers and marriners call Macris in a secret bay hard by escouting and espying from this neere harbour what the enemies did and intended And at the first in good hope he was to discomfite and defeat
forgoe their outragious folly he would make them this offer That they should yeeld under the same condition and in those very termes as afore-time they had submitted to C. Livius when they came under his protection At the hearing of that they demaunded and had five dayes space to consider of the matter during which time they made meanes to receive some aid from Antiochus but after their embassadors whom they dispatched to the king had made relation That there was no succour to be expected from him then they set open their gates having articled and capitulated beforehand that no outrage by way of hostilitie should be exercised committed upon them As the Rom. entred into the city with banners displayed the Pretour declared with a loud voice That his will and pleasure was they should be spared for as much as they had yeelded Whereat the souldiours on all hands set up a great cry That it was an intollerable shame that the Phocaeans who were never true and loyall confederates but alwayes dogged and malicious enemies should goe away so scotfree and not suffer for their sinnes At which word as if the Pretour had given them a signall of ransacking they ran into all parts of the citie to rifle and spoile Aemylius at first stayed them what he could and reclaimed them againe saying That it was not the manner to sacke cities rendred by composition but such as were forced and woon by assault and even those also were at the disposition of the Generall and not of the souldiours But seeing that they in their angrie mood of revenge and covetous desire of goods were of more power than the respective reverence of his person his qualitie and commaundement hee sent out beadles and trumpetters throughout the city charging all persons of free condition whatsoever to repaire before him into the market place to the end that no vilany and outrage might be done upon their bodies And so the Pretor did his best to perform his word and promise in whatsoever lay in his power for he restored unto them their city their lands their own laws And for that the winter approched he made choise of the two harbors of Phocaea to bestow his ships therfor the winter time Neere about that time the Consull having passed beyond the borders of the Adrians and Maronites received newes that the kings navie was defeated at Myonesus and Lysunachia disfurnished of the garrison and this latter tidings was more acceptable and pleasing unto him than the other of the navall victory and especially when they came thither where in very truth the city plenteously stored with all sort of victuals as if they had been provided of purpose against the comming of the army received them courteously whereas they made no other account but to endure extremity of want and painfull travell in besieging thereof There they abode some few daies as it were in campe untill such time as their carriages and sickely persons of their traine might reach unto them such as they had left behind in all the forts and castles of Thrace wearyed with long journey and enfebled with divers infirmities When all were come and well refreshed and recovered they put themselves againe in their journey and matching through Chersonesus they came to Hellespont where finding all things in readines for their transporting such was the industrious care and diligence of king Eumenes they passed over without trouble and molestation into the peaceable coasts of their allies and friends without empeachment of any person notwithstanding some ships arrived in one place and some in another And this was the thing that much contented the Romanes and mightily encouraged them to see they had so free passage into Asia which they made full reckoning would have ben a matter of great difficultie and trouble After this they encamped and made their abode a certaine time neere Hellespont by occasion of those daies which happened then to be wherein the Salij used to daunce with their scutchions called Ancilia during which time they made scruple of conscience to take any journey untill those Ancilia were bestowed againe in the temple of Mars By reason of which daies P. Scipio also withdrew himselfe apart from the armie upon a more strict regard of conscience and religion which touched him neerer than other because he was himselfe one of the Salij and was the cause that the army stayed behind and came not forward to overtake the campe And even then there happened to come unto the camp from Antiochus one Heraclides a Bizantine having in charge to treat as touching a peace and good hope he conceived to obtein the same with ease by reason of the long abode and stay of the Romanes in that one place of whome hee had looked for no other but that as soone as they had set foote in Asia they would have marched apace straightwaies against the kings campe Howbeit this course he tooke not to goe directly unto the Consull before he had spoken and conferred with Scipio and in deed such direction and charge he had from the king himselfe in whome he had reposed his greatest hope for besides his magnanimitie and noble courage as also the satietie of glory and honour whereof already hee had his full great inducements unto the king that hee would bee easily wrought and made most pliable to hearken after peace all the world knew full well how soberly he had carried himselfe in his victories first in Spaine and afterwards in Africke and more than all this a sonne of his was captive in the said kings hands But where when and by what chance he was taken prisoner writers agree not no more than in many things els Some say that in the beginning of the warre he was beset and enclosed round within the kings ships at what time as hee sailed from Chalcis to Oreum Others write that after the Romane army was passed over into Asia hee was sent out in espiall with a troupe of Fregellane horsemen to view and discover the kings campe and when the kings Cavallerie made out to charge upon them hee made hast to retire and in that hurrie his horse fell with him and so hee and two other men of armes with him was surprised taken and brought to the king But this one thing is for certeine knowne that if there had beene sure and firme peace betweene the king and the Romanes nay if there had beene familiar acquaintance and hospitalitie betweene him and the Scipioes this young gentleman could not possibly have had more friendly entertainment not beene more kindly intreated liberally used yea and honorably regarded than he was For these causes the Embassadour attended the comming of Scipio and so soone as he was arrived presented himselfe unto the Consull requesting that hee might deliver his message and be heard Whereupon in a frequent assembly he had audience given him and thus hee spake Whereas quoth he there have beene divers and sundry embaslages passed to
through and gotten in made the more bloody carnage amongst them for very anger and despight that they had kept them foorth so long It is said that there were slaine that day about fiftie thousand footmen and 4000 horsmen 1400 taken pisoners together with fifteene elephants with their governours A number of the Romanes were hurt and wounded but there dyed not iu the field above 300 footmen and 24 horsemen and of the regiment of king Eumenes not past five and twentie And for that day verily the conquerours after they had ransacked only the tents and pavillions of their enemies returned to their owne camp with great plentie of pillage but the next morrow they fell to spoiling the bodies of the dead and gathered their prisoners togither And upon this victory there came embassadours from Thyatira and Magnesia unto Sypilus for to surrender and deliver up their cities Antiochus who fled accompanied with some few having gathered unto him many more in the way who rallied themselves unto him arrived at Sardis about midnight with a small power of armed men and hearing that his sonne Selencus and some other of his friends were gone before to Apamea himselfe also at the fourth watch departed thence with his wife and daughter toward Apamea after hee had committed the charge of guarding the citie Sardis unto Zeno and appointed Timon governour of Lydia But the inhabitants of the said city and the garrison souldiours within the castle despised these governors and by generall consent addressed embassadors unto the Consull Much about the same time also there arrived embassadors from Tralles and Magnesia which standeth upon the river Maeander and likewise from Ephesus to yeeld up their cities For Polyxenidas advertised of the issue of this battaile had abandoned Ephesus and having sailed with the fleet as farre as Patara in Lycia for feare of the Rhodian ships which rid in guard within the harbour of Megiste disbarked and put himselfe a shore and with a small company marched by land into Syria The cities of Asia were surrendred into the hands and protection of the Consull and submitted to the people of Rome By this time now was the Consull possessed of Sardis and thither repaired unto him Scipio from Elaea so soone as ever hee could endure the travell of journey At the same time there came an herald from Antiochus unto the Consull who by the mediation of Scipio made request and obteined thus much That the king might send his oratours and embassadours unto him And after few daies Zeusis who had beene governour of Lydia together with Antipater Antiochus his nephew or brothers sonne arrived Who first dealt with king Eumenes and communed with him whome by reason of old jarres and quarels they supposed verily to be the greatest enemy unto peace and that he would never abide to heare therof but him they found more reasonable and enclining to peaceable tearmes than either the king their master or themselves hoped looked for So by the means of Scipio him togither they had accesse unto the Consull who at their earnest petition graunted them a day of audience in a frequent assembly there to declare their commission what they had in charge Then quoth Zeusis we are not so much to speake and deliver ought of our owneselves as to aske and be advised of you Romanes what course to take and by what meanes of satisfaction we might expiate and satisfie the trespasse of the king our master and withall obteine grace and pardon at your hands who are the victours Your manner alwayes hath beene of a magnanimous and hautie spirit to forgive kings and nations by you vanquished How much more then is it decent and beseeming you to doe the like yea and with a greater mind and more generous and bountifull heart in this victory and conquest which hath made you LL. of the whole world For now it behooveth you to lay downe all debate and quarrell with mortall men here upon earth and rather like the immortall gods in heaven to provide for the good and safety of mankind and them to pardon and forgive Now was it agreed upon before the comming of the Embassadours what answere to make unto them and likewise thought good it was that Africanus should deliver the same who spake by report in this wise Wee Romanes of all those things which are in the power of the immortall gods have that measure which they vouchsafed to geve us as for heart and courage which dependeth upon out owne will and mind wee have borne and ever will the same without chaunge and alteration in all fortunes neither hath prosperitie raysed and lift it up aloft nor adversitie debased and put it downe For proofe hereof I might produce your friend Anniball as witnesse to say nothing of others but that I can report mee to your owne selves For after wee had passed over Hellespont even before wee saw the kings campe and armie when the hazard of warre was indifferent when the issue doubtfull and uncertaine looke what conditions of peace wee then offered on even hand and whiles we were equall one unto the other and stood upon tearmes of advauntage the same and no other wee present unto you at this time now that wee are conquerours Forbeare to meddle within Europe depart wholly out of Asia so much as in on this side Taurus Moreover in regard of the expenses defraied in this warre yee shall pay fifteene thousand Talents of silver according to the computation of Euboea five hundred in hand two thousand and five hundred at the assurance making of the peace by the Senat and people of Rome and a thousand talents yeerely for twelve yeeres next ensuing Also yee shall make paiment unto Euments of foure hundred talents and the remnant behind of the corne and graine which was due unto his father And when wee have contracted and concluded these covenants to the end that we may rest assured that ye will performe the same we demaund for a gage and sufficient pawne that yee deliver into our hands twentie hostages such as wee shall like well of and chuse And for as much as wee can never bee persuaded that the people of Rome shall enjoy long peace there where Anniball is we demaund above all things to have him in our custodie Also you shall deliver into our hands Thoas the Aetolian the principall authour and firebrand of the war with the Aetolians who caused you to take armes against us upon assurance that he gave you of them and likewise armed them upon the trust they had in you Item together with him you shall deliver Mnasimachus the Acarnanian togither with Philo Eubulidas the Chalcidians The king shall now contract peace in worse estate than he was by reason that he maketh it later than hee might have done But in case he hold off still and delay know he well thus much That the roiall majesty and port of kings is with more difficultie abated and
taken down from the highest pitch and degree unto the midst than from that mean estate cast downe headlong to the lowest Now these embassadours were sent from the king with this charge to accept of any articles of peace whatsoever And therefore it was decreed that embassadors should be directly sent to Rome The Consull divided his armie into garisons for to winter some in Magnesia upon the river Maeander others in Tralleis Ephesus After few daies the hostages abovesaid were brought to Ephesus from the king and embassadours also came who were to goe to Rome Eumenes likewise went to Rome at the same time that the kings embassadours and there followed embassages moreover over of all the States of Asia Whiles the affaires of Asia passed thus in these tearmes there were two pro-consuls returned out of their severall provinces both in manner at once upon hope to obtaine triumph to wit Q. Minutius out of Liguria and M. Acilius out of Aetolia When the exploits were heard as well of the one as the other Minutius was flatly denied triumph but Acilius had it graunted with great consent of all men who rode into the cittie triumphant over king Antiochus and the Aetolians In which triumph there were carried before him two hundred and thirtie ensignes three thousand pound weight of massie silver in bullion of coine in Atticke Terradrachmes one hundred and thirteene thousand in Cistophores two hundred and eight and fortie thousand In plate many vessels engraved and chased of great weight Hee carried also in pompe the implements of the kings house all of silver with rich sumptuous apparrell Also crownes of gold five and fortie presented unto him by cities associate besides all sorts of rich spoiles and moreover hee led divers noblemen prisoners and last of all sixe and thirtie captaines as well Aetolians as those who served under the king As for Democritus a great commaunder of the Aetolians who some few daies before had broken prison escaped by night he was by his keepers that made fresh suit after him overtaken upon the banke of Tybris but before he could be attached by them he fell upon his owne sword and ran himselfe through Onely there wanted those that should have followed after his charriot otherwise the triumph had beene magnificent and stately both for the pompous shew and also for the honour and renoume of exploits atchieved But the joy of this triumph was blemished with heavie tidings out of Spaine of a losse and overthrow received of the Portugales in the countrey of the Vascetanes neere the towne Lyco under the conduct of L. Aemylius where sixe thousand and one hundred of the Romane armie were left dead in the place and the rest discomfited and beaten backe into their campe which they had much ado to defend and hold and were forced to retire in manner of flight and by long journies recovered the peaceable quarters of their friends And this was the newes out of Spaine From out of Fraunce the embassadours of the Placentines and Cremonians were brought by the Pretour L. Aurunculeius into the Senat where they made much mone and complaint for default and want of inhabitants whereof some were devoured by the edge of the sword in wars others consumed by maladie and sickenesse yea and certaine of them departed out of their colonies for wearinesse they had of the Gaules their neere neighbours Whereupon the Senate ordained C. Laâ—lius the Consull to enroll if hee thought so good sixe thousand families for to bee distributed among those Colonies aforesaid and L. Aurunculcius the Pretour to create three Commissaries called Triumvirs for the conducting of the coloners and inhabitants aforesaid And created there were M. Attilius Serranus L. Valerius Flaccus the sonne of Publius and L. Valerius Tappus the sonne of Caius Not long after against the time of the Consuls election which approched neere C. Laelius the Consull returned out of Fraunce to Rome and he not onely by vertue of the act of the Senate made in his absence enrolled certaine Coloners to supplie the want in Placentia and Cremona but also proposed a bill and according to it the LL. of the Senat ordained That two new Colonies should bee conducted into the land that appertained to the Boians And at the very same time were letters brought from L. Aemylius the Pretour as touching the battell at seasought neere to Myonesus which letters also gave intelligence that L. Scipio the Consull had transported his armie into Asia For joy of the said navall victorie there was ordained a solemne procession for one day in regard that the Romane armie was then first on foot in Affricke the said procession continued another day with supplication to the gods that this voiage might turne to the prosperitie and joy of the Commonweale And the Consull was enjoined at each procession and supplication to sacrifice twentie head of greater beasts After this ensued the solemne assembly for the chusing of Consuls which was holden with great strife and contention For M. Aemylias Lepidus stood to be Consull a man growne into an ill name and hardly spoken of among the people in that hee had left his government and charge in Sicilie for this occasion and businesse onely without making suite unto the Senate and craving leave so to do Together with him were competitours in election M. Fulvius Nobilsor Cn. Manlius Volso and M. Valerius Messala But Fulvius was chosen alone because the rest had not sufficient voices of the Centuries and he the morrow after nominated Cn. Manlius for his colleague and gave the repulse unto Lepidus for Messala kept silence and held his tongue Which done the Pretours were elected namely the two Quinti Fabij the one surnamed Labeo the other Pictor who had been consecrated that yeere for the Flamin Quirinall M. Sempronius Tuditanus Sp. Posthumius Albinus Lucius Plautius Hypseus and L. Baebius Dives During the time that M. Fulvius Nobilior and Cn. Manlius Volso were Consuls Valerius Antias writeth That there was a rise rumour raised at Rome and held for certaine that L. Scipio the Consull together with P. Africanus were called forth to a parley with king Antiochus as touching the enlargement and deliverie of young Scipio the sonne of Africanus and by that meanes were both of them arrested and taken prisoners also that when these cheefe commaunders were under arrest the kings armie incontinently advaunced against the Romane campe the same was surprised and forced and the whole power of the Romanes utterly defeated By occasion whereof it went currant also that the Aetolians began to looke aloft refused to obey and shooke off their alleageance also that their princes and cheefe States were gone into Macedonie Dardanie and Thrace to levie wage auxiliarie forces moreover that A. Terentius Varro and Marcuâ— Claudius Lepidus were sent out of Aetolia from A. Cornelius the Propretour for to report these newes at Rome Last of all to make up the tale he addeth and saith that the
as they may and are not wee confesse in so good case as you howbeit they carrie with them as brave a mind as your selves and the day hath been when they were monarchs when they conquered by their owne sword a mightie dominion and held the same when they had it Now they are content with that empire where it now is nay they wish it may remaine and continue there for evermore where it is settled at this present They shall bee well apaied and thinke they are well to maintaine their libertie by your force of armes since they have no meanes of their owne to defend the same But will some man say there be certaine cities that held a side and banded with Antiochus answere again So were others before that took part with Philip so there were that combined with Pyrrhus as for example the Tarentines and to say nothing of other States which I could name and rehearse even Carthage it selfe enjoieth freedome and is governed by her owne lawes Consider then my LL. what a precedent therein yee have set downe to your owne selves and how yee ought to confirme and uphold so good an example You must resolve to denie that unto the covetous desire of Eumenes which you would not graunt to your owne ire against the Carthaginians which they had most justly deserved And as for us Rhodians with what valour and loialtie wee have served and aided you as well in this warre as in all others which yee have had in those parts and quarters wee report us to your owne selves and leave it to your judgement And now in time of peace wee here present unto you that counsell which if you will accept and approove all the world will beleeve and say That you have borne your selves more honourable in the usage than in the atchievance of your victorie This Oration seemed to fit well the greatnesse and majestie of the Romanes When the Rhodians had done the embassadours of Antiochus were called in Who after the usuall and stale manner of those that crave pardon confessed the king was in fault and humbly besought the LL. of the Senate to have more regard of their own accustomed gracious clemencie than remember the kings trespasse who had paied sufficiently for it alreadie and finally that they would ratifie and confirme by their authoritie the peace graunted by L. Scipio their L. Generall according to those conditions which by him were capitulated and set downe So both the Senate thought good to admit of that peace and also within few daies after the people gave their assent and established the same And this accord was solemnely confirmed in the Capitoll with the kings Procurator or agent to wit Antipater the cheefe of the embassage who also was Antiochus his brothers sonne This done the other embassages of Asia had audience were all dispatched with this one answere That the Senate would send ten deputies or commissioners according to the auncient custome of their auncestours to heare decide and compose all the affaires of Asia But the finall conclusion of all should be this That whatsoever pertained to the dominion of Antiochus on this side the mountaine Taurus should be assigned to king Eumenes excepting the countries of Lycia and Caria so farre as the river Maeander all which must lie to the signorie of the Rhodians As touching the other cities of Asia which had been tributaries to Attalus those also were to pay tribute to Eumenes but such as were sometime homagers to Antiochus those should bee enfranchised and remaine free The ten Commissioners whome they appointed were these to wit Q. Minutius Rufus L. Furius Purpureo Q. Minutius Thernius App. Claudius Nero Cn. Cornelius Merula M. Iuntus Brutus L. Aurunculeius L. Aemylius Paulus P. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Aelius Tubero These men had plenarie power and full commission to take order and determine as they thought good in all the occurrents that were presented in these affaires But they had direction from the Senate as touching the principall points Imprimis That all Lycaonia and Phrygia both the more and the lesse that Mysia with the kings chases and forrests that the cities of Lydia and Ionia except those that were free at the day of the battell fought with Antiochus and expressely by name Magnesia neer Sipylus together with Caria which is called Hydrela and all the territorie of Hydrela lying toward Phrygia moreover Telmessus and the forts of the Telmessians reserving only that territorie which belonged to Ptolomeus the Telmessian that all these countries I say and cities above written should bee given and graunted to king Eumenes Item That the Rhodians should bee ense offed in Lycia without the foresaid Telmessus the sorts and territorie appertaining sometime to Ptolomeus Telmessius which parcels I say were reserved as well from Eumenes as the Rhodians Item To the Rhodians was graunted that part of Caria which lieth beyond the river Maeander neere unto the isle Rhodes together with the townes villages fortresses and lands bounding upon Pisidia except those townes which were free the day before the battell with king Antiochus in Asia The Rhodians when they had given thankes to the Senate for these gratuities were in hand with them for the citie Soli in Cilicia they alleadged that they likewise as well as themselves were descended from Argos by occasion of which confraternitie and neere alliance they loved together as brethren by nature in regard whereof they made petition that over and besides other donation they would doe them this extraordinarie favour as to exempt that cittie also from the servitude and subjection of king Antiochus Then were the embassadours of king Antiochus called for and treated with all about this matter but to no effect For Antipater stood stoutly upon this point and pleaded hard That the accord was past alreadie and might not be revoked or altered and that against the tenour of the articles and covenants therein comprised it was not the citie Soli but all Cilicia that the Rhodians demaunded and never would they rest till they were gotten over the mountaine Taurus Then were the Rhodians called back againe into the Senate unto whom the LL. of the Senat after they had made relation how earnest the kings embassador was with them upon the point added thus much more over said That it the Rhodians deemed in very deed that the matter concerned the honor of their citie and State the Senat would worke all possible meanes to cause the kings embassadors to relent how stiffe and obstinate soever they stood For this courtesie the Rhodians thanked them much more hartily than for all the rest before and said withall that they would yeeld and give place to the arrogant spirit of Antiochus rather than seeme to give any cause or occasion of troubling the peace And so as touching the citie Soli there was no alteration made Whiles these matters were thus debated and passed the embassadors of the Massilians brought intelligence that L. Baebius
pretie pipe like a faucet within it and withall they made a pipe indeed of yron to fit it and an yron lid likewise to cover the other end or mouth thereof but the same had many holes in divers places of it Now this vessell they stuffed full of downe and soft fethers and then set it with the head forward against the very mine From the lid or cover aforesaid there stood proking out long sharp pikes which the Macedonians call Sariffae for to keepe off the enemies Within the fethers they put a cole or sparke of fire and then with a paire of smithes bellowes the nose whereof went into the pipe aforesaid they blowed the cole and set it on a smuddering fire within the fethers By which meanes there arose not only a mightie deale of smoke but also it caried with it a stinking savour by reason of the fethers burning within and so filled all the mine underneath that skarce durst any man abide within for feare of being choked During these affaires about Ambracia Phaneas and Demoteles two embassadors sent from the Aetolians by a generall decree of the whole nation came with a full and plenarie commission unto the Consull For their Pretour seeing of the one side Ambracia besieged and on the other side the sea coast endammaged with the enemies ships and in a third quarter the Amphilochians and all Dolopia piteously wasted by the Macedonians and that the Aetolians were not able to oppose themselves and make head at once against three warres in divers parts had assembled a generall Diet for to consult with the chiefe of the Aetolians what was to be done in this case All their opinions jumped in this one point To seeke for peace if it were possible under equal indifferent conditions if not yet in as tollerable termes as they might In confidence and assurance say they of Antiochus the warre began and now that Antiochus is vanquished both by land and sea yea and hunted as it were out of the compasse of the world into an angle beyond Taurus what hope remaineth to mainteine and wage the warre any longer and therefore Phaneas and Demoteles were to deale as in such a case and time as they thought best according to their wisedome and fidelitie and the common good of the Aetolians for what other counsel remaineth what course else can they take or what choise beside hath fortune left them With this so large and free commission I say were these Embassadors sent who besought the Consull to spare their citie to have mercie and pitie of their nation sometime linked in amitie unto them and forced through very calamitie and miserie for loth they were to speake of any injuries and wrongs offred to fall into such follies neither have the Aetolians in this late warre of Antiochus deserved to suffer more harme than they were worthy to receive good for their service in the former warre against Philip and as they were not largely rewarded and recompensed then so they ought not to be punished and chastised extremely now The Consull made answere againe That the Aetolians had made a suing for peace many a time but sincerely and truly at no time and since they had sollicited and drawne Antiochus to warre let them hardly follow his example in craving peace Like as he therefore hath not quit and rendred some few cities which were in question about their libertie and freedome but parted with a rich and wealthie kingdome even all Asia betweene this and the mountaine Taurus so unlesse the Aetolians will simply lay all armes aside and come to treate for peace unarmed hee would never give them audience And to be short if they will peace have they must deliver up their armour and all their horses first yea and make payment of a thousand talents of silver and the one moitie thereof to pay downeright upon the naile before hand Over and besides this braunch I will annex unto the accord and covenant That they shall hold for their friends and enemies those whom the people of Rome reputeth to be theirs and none other To this answere the Embassadors said never a word both for that they were very hard and grievous impositions and also because they knew the natures and minds of their countrymen and neighbors at home how untractable they were and not to be removed if they once tooke a pitch whereupon they returned unto them without doing anything at all to know the advise once againe of the Pretour and the principall States what to resolve upon in every respect whiles all stood whole and upright But they were welcomed with outcryes and well shent for their labour in that they had not dispatched and made an end and so were sent away and commaunded to bring back with them one peace or other As they went againe toward Ambracia they were forlayed and surprized in an ambush laid for them neere the high way side by the Acamanians with whom at that time they warred and were had to Tyrrheum and there imprisoned And by this occasion the peace was delayed Whiles the embassadors of Athens and Rhodes who were come already to intreat for them remained with the Consull Aminander also the king of the Athamanes presented himselfe under safe-conduct in the Romane campe and tooke more care for the citie of Ambracia where he had sojourned the greater part of his exile than in the behalfe of the Aetolians By them the Consull was certified of the hard hap of the Aetolian Embassadors and then he gave commandement that they should be brought from Tyrrheum When they were come they began to treat of peace Aminander in the meane while laboured what he could in that enterprise which he especially had undertaken namely to induce the Ambracians to submit unto the Romans but when he saw he did but small good for all his parling with the principall persons of the city from their walls at length by the Consull his permission he entred into the towne where partly by good counsell and partly by prayer and entreatie hee persuaded them in the end to put themselves into the Romanes hands Now as touching the Aetolians they found much favour by the meanes of C. Valerius the sonne of that Levinus who first contracted amity with that nation and was besides halfe brother unto the Consull by the same mother And the Ambracians after capitulation made that the Aetolians who came to aid them might goe forth without harme set open their gates Then articled it was with the Aetolians Imprinus To pay 500 Euboike talents of silver two hundred presently and the other 300 at fixe paiments yeerely by even portions Item To render all Romane captives and fugitive traitors and rennegates that they had into the hands of the Romanes Item To chalenge jurisdiction over no city which since the time that T. Quintius passed over into Greece was either forced by the Romans or entred voluntarily into amity and society with them provided alwaies
that the yle Cephalenia be not comprised within this capitulation These articles albeit they were somewhat easier than they looked for yet the Aetolians requested that they might ac quaint their counsell withall and permitted they were so to doe Some small variance and debate distracted and held them awhile as touching those cities which having beene in times past within their seignorie and jurisdiction they hardly could abide to be dismembred as it were from their body But in the end there was not one but agreed to accept of the peace The Ambracians gave unto the Consull for a present a coronet of beaten gold weighing 150 pound Their statues of brasse and marble their painted tables wherewith Ambracia was better stored and adorned than all the other cities of that region because it was the royall seat of king Pyrrhus where he kept his court and resiance were all taken downe and carried away nought else was touched nor any hurt done besides The Consull dislodged then and remooved from Ambracia into the higher and more inland parts of Aetolia encamped before the city called Argos Amphilochium two and twentie myles distant from Ambracia and thither at length repaired the Aetolian embassadors unto him who marveiled much at them why they stayed so long When hee understood by them that the generall counsell of the Aetolians had approoved of the peace hee willed them to goe directly to Rome unto the Senat and permitted also the Athenians and Rhodians their mediators and advocates to go with them and as orators to speake in their behalfe and moreover he graunted that his halfe brother C. Valerius should accompany them which order when he had taken himselfe crossed over the water to Cephalenia When they were arrived at Rome they found both the cares and the hearts of the chiefe Senators wholly possessed beforehand with many complaints and imputations that Philip had enformed against them for hee by meanes of his embassadours and letters complaining that the Aetolians had unjustly taken from him the Dolapians the Amphilochians and Athamania and that his garisons yea and last of all his sonne Perseus were driven out of Amphilochia had wholly averred the Senat from giving any eare at all to their requests and prayers howbeit the Rhodians and Athenians had audience given them with patience and silence The Athenian Embassador Leon by report mooved and persuaded the Senat with his eloquent tongue and by a familiar parable and similitude hee compared the people of Aetolia to the nature of the sea For like as it being of itselfe calme is troubled and made rough by the winds even so saith hee the people of that nation all the while they entertained friendship with the Romanes and perfourmed their faithfull promise unto them so long were in their right kind and continued peaceable and quiet but after that Thoas and Dicaearchus began to blow from out of Asia as after that Menetas and Damocritus blustred and puffed from the parts of Europe then arose a storme and tempest with the ghusts whereof driven they were to Antiochus and cast as a man would say upon a rocke Well the Aetolians after they had beene much tossed a long time from post to pillar in fine effected that these articles of peace ensuing were freely agreed upon Imprimis The nation of Aetolia shall maintaine faithfully and truly the empire and seignorie of the people of Rome Item They shall suffer to passe through their countrey and confines no armie that shall bee conducted against their allies and friends nor assist them with any aid or maintenance whatsoever Item They shall repute the enemies of the Romanes for their enemies and wage warre against them Item They shall deliver unto the Romanes and their confederates all rennegates all fugitives and prisoners that are among them excepting such as having beene once taken and returned home chaunced to be caught againe the second time or those who being Romane enemies were taken prisoners by them at what time as the Aetolians served in garrison under the Romanes As for the rest as many as are forth-comming and may be found shall be delivered without fraud or covin within 100 dayes next ensuing to the magistrate of Corcyra but those that appeare not within that time shall bee likewise rendred whensoever their fortune is to be met withall Item They shall yeeled fortie hostages such as the Romane Consull in his discretion will approove and like well of provided that none of these pledges be under twelve yeeres of age not above fortie Neither shall there be taken for hostage any Pretour or captaine over horsemen not publicke Notarie or Secretarie to the state not yet any one hath lien in hostage before-time Provided also that Cephalenia shall be exempt from the articles of this accord Item As touching the summe of money which they are to pay and the manner and tearmes of the paiment there shall be nothing changed of that which hath beene concluded with the Consull yet if they had rather pay the same summe in gold than in silver they may so doe provided then that they keepe the rate and proportion of one for ten to wit that one golden peece of coine goe for ten times so much in weight of silve r and no more Item What cities what lands and territories what persons soever which having at any time heretofore held tenor of the Aetolians were by the Consuls T. Quintius and Ca. Domitius or any time since their Consulship either subdued and conquered by force of armes or otherwise of themselves came under the obeisance of the people of Rome the Aetolians shall make to claime not chalenge unto them Finally the Aeniades with their citie and territorie shall appertaine to the Acarnanians Vnder these conditions above-said the accord was concluded with the Aetolians Not only in the same sommer but also much about those very daies wherein these affaires were managed by M. Fulvius in Aetolia Cn. Manlius the other Consull maintained warre in Gallogrecia whereof at this present I will begin to write This Consull in the beginning of the spring came to Ephesus where after he had received the armie of L. Scipio and taken a revieu and survey thereof he made an oration to his souldiours wherein first he praised their valour and vertue in that with one battell they had finished the warre against Antiochus then hee exhorted them to enter into a new warre with those Gaules who had succoured king Antiochus with aid and were beside of nature so untamed that unlesse their puissance were abated their courage taken downe to little or no purpose it was that Antiochus was remooved beyond the mountaines of Taurus Last of all some discoursehe made of his owne person which was nothing prolixe and long implying neither vaine untruthes not excessive reports The souldiors gave audience to the Consull with great joy and a generall applause making this account that since king Antiochus was vanquished the Gaules alone who were one
many a time and often hath discomfited and put them to flight Neither would I have you to thinke that savage beasts only newly taken and keeping at the first their sell and wild nature after a time that they have beene sed by mans hand grow to be tame and gentle but that the fiercenesse and crueltie of man is likewise of the same nature to be dulced and made tractable Are ye persuaded that these Gauls resemble their fathers grandfires in conditions Their forefathers long since left their native country for fault of ground and land to possesse and being driven to passe through the most rough and difficult countrey of Illyricum first came into Paeonia and afterwardes traveiled all over Thracia fighting ever as they went with most fierce and cruell nations untill at length they seized upon these parts and setled there After I say they had been hardened and made more fell by so many travailes and daungerous adventures they were received in the end within such a land as through the aboundance of all good things might feed franke them up All that fiercenes and savage nature of theirs which they had when they first came thither is no doubt mollified by the goodnes of a most fertile soile by the sweetnes pleasure of a most temperat aire last of all by the gentle and debonair nature of the inhabitants their neighbours And even you also in good faith are to looke unto it martiall men although you be and the very off spring of Mars himselfe yee are I say to take heed and beware of these delights of Asia and betimes to get you forth from them So forceable are these forreine pleasures and delicate entisements to quench and corrupt the vigor of your spirits so powerfull is the commerce and conversing with strangers so potent is the contagion as it were of their maners and discipline of neighbour inhabitants Yet this one good turn ye shall have that as against you they have not that courage which in times past they had so among the Greekes here they are of as great name as ever they were in auncient time So that amongst your allies you shall win as great honour by your victorie as if you should have conquered the Gaules when they were at the height of their valour and prowesse After the assembly dismissed and Embassadors sent to Epossognatus the onely prince in those parts who persisted in amitie with Eumenes and had refused to aid Antiochus against the Romanes the Consull marched forward The first day hee came to the river Alander and the morrow to a certaine village which they call Tyscon Thither repaired unto him the Embassadors of the Oroadians craving to be accepted as friends but they were enjoyned to pay two hundred talents and when they requested leave to make relation and report hereof at home they were permitted From thence the Consull led his armie to Plitendum and after that hee encamped at Alyattos Thither returned they who had been sent to Epossognatus togither with the Embassadors of prince Compulsus requesting the Romans not to war upon the Tectosages for that both himselfe and Epossognatus also would goe in person to them and persuade the nation to doe whatsoever they should be commaunded The prince obtained his request and so from thence the armie began to march through the land which they call Axylos and well it mought so be called for it hath no wood at all in it nor beareth so much as thorns or any thing els to burne and maintaine fire cow-dung is all their burning for want of other sewell Whiles the Romanes lay in campe before Cuballum a fortresse of Gallograecia they discovered the Cavallerie of the enemies comming toward them with a great hurrey and tumult and they charged so fiercely and sodainly upon the corps de guard of the Romans that they not only troubled and disordered them but also killed some of them The alarme beeing given within the campe the Romane horsemen at once issued forth of all the gates discomfited the Gaules and flew certaine of them in the chase The Consull perceiving now that hee was come into his enemies countrey marched not from thenceforth without sending out his espials before and kept his armie togither in battatle array with great heed and carefulnesse Thus hee held on his journey continually untill he came to the river Sangarius where he purposed to make a bridge because there was no passage over at any fourd This Sangarius ariseth out of the mountaine Adoreus and running through Phrygia it joyneth with the river Thymbris neere unto Bithynia and so growing bigger by receiving a double current keepeth his course through Bithynia and dischargeth himselfe into Propontis a river not so famous and noble for the greatnes therof as because it yeeldeth fish abuudantly to all the nations bordering and dwelling therupon When the bridge was finished and the armie passed over as they marched along the banke side the Galli or priests of Cybele the great mother of the gods were come from Pessinus and with streamers infules and other ornaments met them and in their fanaticall verses as men bestraught and out of their wits seemed to prophesie and foretell that the goddesse vouch safed the Romanes a faire way to warre and victorie yea and the conquest and seignorie of that countrey Hereat the Consull said That he accepted their words for a presage of good fortune and thereupon in that very place he pitched his tents The next day he went as far as Gordium a towne verily it is none of the greatest but more frequented and resorted unto for traffique and merchandise than usually such drie townes are that stand farre within the land Three seas there be triangle wise of equall distance all from it On the coast toward Sinope it hath Hellespont and the shores of the other tract whereas the Cilicians inhabite by the sea side Moreover it bordereth upon the confines of many great nations who for their mutuall need and commoditie have commerce of negotiation and meet togither in that one place This towne at that time they found altogither dispeopled by reason that the inhabitants were fled for feare but well stored full of wares and goods of all sorts Whiles the Romans lay there encamped there came Embassadours from Epossognatus reporting unto them that hee had made a journey to the princes of the Gaules but could obtaine no reason at their hands also that they were dislodged out of the champaine countrey had quit their villages and lands in great numbers and togither with their wives and children drave before them and carried with them whatsoever they could and were retired to the mount Olympus from whence they purposed to defend themselves by force of armes and the strong situation of the place The embassadours likewise of the Oroandians gave more certaine intelligence to wit That the whole people in generall of the Tolistobogians had seized the hill Olympus that the Tectosages
have his funerall accompanied with the death at the same time of two most renowned and great personages Anniball poisoned himselfe by occasion that Prusias king of Bithynia unto whom hee was fled for succour after the defeature of king Antiochus would have yeelded him into the hands of the Romans who had sent of purpose T. Quintius Flamininus to demaund him Likewise Philopamen the Generall of the Achaens an excellent man was poisoned by the Messenians who tooke him prisoner in warre Colonies were sent to Pollentia Pisaurum Mutina and Parma Over and besides this booke containeth the prosperous affaires against the Celtiberians also the beginning cause of the Macedonian warre whereof the originall spring arcss from Philip much discontented that his kingdome was empaired by the Romanes in regard that he was forced by them to withdraw his garisons out of Thrace and other parts DVring the time that these affaires passed at Rome if this were the yeere wherein they happened both Consuls made warre against the Ligurians a nation borne as it were to maintaine the militarie discipline of the Romanes and to find them occupied in all times of respite and rest from greater warres neither was there any other province that gave a sharper edge to the valour of the soldior For Asia with the beautie of their cities the abundance of all commodities as well by sea as land the effeminate tendernesse of the enemies and the roialtie of the kings riches had made their armies more wealthie than valiant and especially under the government of Cneus Manlius nusled they were in much loosenesse and negligence And therupon it was that finding the way in Thrace a little more rough and difficult than ordinarie to travell in and an enemie better practised and exercised to deale withall they received a great foile and losse among them Now in Liguria they met with all thingsthat might rouse and awake sleepie souldiours the countrey rough and full of mountaines that much adoe they had themselves to seize the same and as great a labour they found to disseize the enemies that were before possessed of them the waies sleepie up-hill narrow and daungerous for ambushes the enemie light swift nimble and suddainely setting upon them giving no time of rest no place of repose and securitie Driven they were of necessitie to assault strong and fortified castles with great difficultie and daunger both the countrey poore and needie which caused the soldiors to spare and live hardly and affourded them no foison of preys and prizes and therefore no victualers scullions souldiors boyes and lackies followed the camp neither the labouring beasts for carriage tooke up a length their march nothing there but armour and men reposing all hope in their armes and nothing else And never wanted they some matter of quarrell and some occasion or other to make war for by reason of their barenesse and penurie they made rodes into the lands of their neighbors but so as they never ventured all at once nor put the main chance in hazard C. Flaminius the Consull having fought sundrie times with the Friniat Ligurians and in many battailes gotten the better hand over them even at home in their owne countrey brought the whole nation by composition under obedience and disarmed them but because in the deliverie of their armour they dealt not soundly and faithfully and should have beene chastised therfore they abandoned their villages and fled to the mountain Auginus whither the Consul pursued them hard at heeles howbeit being disbanded and scattered againe and most of them disarmed they fled into the valley through places where no wayes led and over broken and cragged steep rocks whereas the enemies could not possibly follow after and so passed the other side of Apennine But as many as kept still within their hold were beset round about and overthrowne Then were the legions led to the further side of Apenninus where the enemies for a small while defended themselves by the height of the place but an on they yeelded Then was their armour sought up with more care and diligence than before and they were disfurnished and stript out of all After this was the warre diverted and turned wholly upon the Apuan Ligurians who had so over-run the territories of Pisae and Bolonia that they could not be manured and tilled The Consull having subdued them also graunted peace unto the borderers and now that he had brought the province into quietnes and rest to the end that his souldiors should not be idle and doe nothing he made a causey or street-way from Bononia to Arretium The other Consull M. AEmylius set on fire the villages and wasted the lands of the Ligurians as well in the champaine fields as the valleys when the inhabitants themselves were retired into the two mountaines Balista and Suismontium which they held Afterwards hee assailed them also who had taken the hills aforesaid and first wearied them with lights skirmishes afterwards he forced them to descend into the plaine and there in a set battaile vanquished them in which conflict the vowed a temple to Diana Thus having subdued all on this side Apennine hee then set upon those that dwelt beyond the mountaine among whom were the Frisinat Ligurians so farre as to whome C. Flaminius went not all those AEmylius subdued despoiled them of their armour and forced the multitude of them to forsake the mountaines and come downe into the plaines After he had quieted the Ligurians he led his armie into the country of the Gauls and made an high way from Placentia to Ariminum so as it met with the causey Flaminia and in the last battell wherein hee fought with banners displayed against the Ligurians he vowed a temple to queene Iuno And these were the exploits for that yeere in Liguria M. Furius the Pretour in Gaule seeking in time of peace for some pretence and colour of warre had taken from the Cenomans their armour notwithstanding they were innocent and did no harme The Cenomanes made complaint hereof at Rome to the Senate and were put over to the Consull AEmylius unto whome the Senat had directed a commission of oier and determiner After great debate with the Pretor they overthrew him in the action and had their armour delivered unto them againe and so the Pretour was commaunded to give over his government and depart out of the province After this the Embassadours of the Latin nation who assembled and resorted in great number out of all parts of Latium had audience given them in the Senat. These complained that a great multitude of their own naturall citizens were removed and gon to inhabit in Rome and there were enrolled whereupon a commission was graunted to Q. Terentius Culleo the Pretour to make search for such and looke how many of them those Latine allies could proove to have been enrolled either themselves or their fathers in any citie or corporation of theirs either at the time that C. Claudius and M. Livius were Censors
Hee had purposed to triumph in the moneth of Iannarie but hearing that Aemilius the Consull who was advertised by letters that Aburius the Tribune of the Commons had renounced and let fall his opposition which hee commensed was comming in proper person to Rome onely for to hinder the triumph and stayed by the way sicke hee prevented the day for feare hee should have had more anger and trouble in his triumph than during his warre So upon the 22 day of December he triumphed over the AEtolians and Cephalenia Before his chariot there were borne a hundred crownes of gold weighing twelve pound a peece of silver 83000 pound weight of gold 243 pound weight of Attick Tetradraches 118000 of Philip peeces of gold coyne 12422 images of brasse 285 of marble 230. Likewise of armour as well defensive as offensive and other spoile of the enemies an huge deale besides Catapults Balists and other engins and peeces of batterie Moreover there went before him 27 captaines either AEtolians and Cephalenes or els under king Antiochus left by him in those parts The same day before that he entred into the citie he bestowed in the cirque Flaminius many militarie gifts and presents upon many colonels captaines horsemen and centurions as well Romanes as allies Generally to all the footemen he gave out of the pillage 25 Denarij apeece twise as much to the centurions and threefold to the horsemen Now approched the time of the solemne assembly for the election of Coss. and because M. Atemilius whose lot it was to be president thereof could not be present at the day C. Flaminius came of purpose to Rome By whom were created Consuls sp Posthumius Albinus and Q. Martius Philippus After that were Pretours elected to wit T. Moenius P. Cornelius Sulla C. Calpurnius Piso M. Licinius Lucullus C. Aurelius Scaurus and L. Iuintius Crispinus In the end of the said yeere after the Magistrates were thus created Cn. Manlius Volso the third day before the Nones of March triumphed over the Gaules who inhabit Asia The cause why he triumphed so late was this for that he would avoid making his answere according to the act of Petilius whiles Q. Terentius Calleo was Pretour fearing he should burne in the flame of the same sentence and judgement whereby L. Scipio had bene condemned or least the flame of another mans judgement I meane the sentence whereby L. Scipio had bene condemned would have bene too hote for him and caught hold of him likewise considering that the jurie and enquest were more incensed and provoked against him than Scipio for that he succeeding after him had spoiled and marred with all kind of licentious loosenes the militarie discipline which Scipio had observed most precisely and severely Neither was he noted and touched in name for those things only which by bare heeresay were reported to have bene done in the province farre remote from the view of men but also of those particular instances to be seene daily in the demeanour of his soldiours For verily the forein excesse and strange superstuities tooke beginning from the Asian armie who brought all with them into the citie They were the first within Rome that tooke up the use of brasen tables of rich counterpoints carpets cupbourd-clothes hangings and curteins of sundry kinds of tyssew Likewise of one footed standing tables buffotes and cupbourds which in those dayes were counted magnificent and stately moveables Then came up the manner of having at bankets singing miniken wenches and such as could play upon the dulcimers and other instruments of musick with dauncers jesters and other pastimes and delight some pleasures and fits of mirth at the table Then began the bourd to be furnished and set out with more exquisit and deintie viands and of greater expense Then Cooks who in old time were reputed the most contemptible slaves as well for calling and estimation as for the use they were put unto came to be in great request and price and that which before time was a mechanicall kind of manuall service grew now to be accoumpted a science of deepe skill and understanding And yet all these things that then bare so great a shew were scarce so much as small seeds and slips to the excessive superfluities that were to ensue ' Well C. Manlius caried in triumph two hundred crownes of massie beaten gold weighing twelve pound a peece of silver 220000 pound weight of gold 2103 pound weight of Attick Tetradrachmes 127000 of Cistophores 250000 of Philip golden peeces 16320. Also much armour there was and spoiles of Gaules caried in shew upon wagons and 52 captaines of enemies were led before his owne chariot Amongst the souldiours hee gave a donative of two and fortie denarij apeece he doubled the same to every centurion Also to every footman hee gave duple pay and to every horseman triple Many there were of all States and degrees whom he rewarded with militarie presents for especiall service and those followed next after his chariot The souldiours chaunted such songs and sonnets as a man might easily see they were composed to feed the humor of a Generall desirous of glorie and one that made much of his souldiours especially whereby his triumph was more honored with the affectionate favourof them than otherwise recommended and celebrated with the heartie love of the people Howbeit the friends of Manlius served him in good sleed to win the good will of them also through whose solliciting and earnest endeavour there passed an act of the Senate that out of that money which had been shewed in triumph there should be repaired unto the people that subsidie which had bene levied among them for souldiers pay and not yet contented back againe So the Treasurers of the citie made true and faithfull paiment with all diligence of 25 asses and d. in every thousand for the loane About the same time two Colonels came out of both provinces of Spaine with letters from C. Catinius and L. Manlius the governours there by which letters intelligence was given that the Celtiberians and Lusitanes were in armes wasting spoiling the lands of the Rom. confederates The Senate referred the entier consultation of this matter to the new Magistrates During the time of the Roman games that yeere which P. Cornelius Ceihegus and Aulus Posthumius Albinus represented a certeine mast or high pole which stood not fast in the shew place called Circus maximus fell downe upon the image of Pollentia and overthrew it to the ground The LL. hereupon made some scruple in conscience and ordeined that the solemnitie of those games should continue one day longer and caused two images to be set up for that one and that the new should be all gilt Likewise the Plebeian plaies were renewed one day more by the AEdiles C. Sempronius Blaesus and M. Furius Luscus The yeere following averted the Consuls Sp. Posthumius Albinus and Q. Martius Philippus from the armie from the regard I say of warres and government of provinces
part soever of the warre which hee charged and laid upon mee Also when L. Scipio the Consull his successor determined to lead his armie by land to Hellespont I not only gave him leave to passe peaceably through my realme but also caused the high waies to bee paved and gravelled bridges to bee made against his comming yea and furnished him with provision of victuals And this did I not in Macedonie alone but also throughout all Thrace where among other matters this was not of least importance and consequence to restrainethose barbarous nations there from running upon them and to keepe them in peace and quietnesse In consideration now of this kind affection of mine if I may not call it a good desert unto you whether ought yee Romanes in reason to give mee somewhat to that I have to augment and encrease my dominion by your largesse and munificence or to take from mee as you doe that which I have either in mine owne right or by gift from you The Macedonian citties which you confesse to have been parcels of my kingdome are not restored unto mee Eumenes on the other side he comes to make spoile of me as if I were Antiochus and marke I pray you the devise of it he pretendeth a decree of the ten delegates to colour his most shamelesse impudent and cautelous falshood even that by which himselfe may bee most refuted and convicted For in very expresse and plaine tearmes it is thus written That Chersonnesus and Lysimachia are given to Eumenes Where I pray you and in what corner of the instrument and patent stand Aenus Maronea and the citties of Thrace Shall hee obtaine that at your hands and by your meanes as given and graunted from those ten Delegates which hee never durst so much as once demaund and require of them Tell mee if the thing bee worth so much in what place yee would raunge and reckon me If your purpose bee to persecute mee as an enemie and mortall soe spare not but goe on still as yee have begun but if you respect mee as a king as your allie and friend I beseech you repute me not worthie of so notorious and manifest a wrong This Oration of the king in some measure mooved the Commissioners and therefore by framing a meane and indifferent answere they held the matter still in suspence undecided If say they the citties in question were given to Eumenes by vertue of a decree set downe by the tenne Delegates wee will not chaunge nor alter any thing therein But in case Philip acquited them by conquest and force of armes hee should have held them as the guerdon of his victorie If neither wee are of opinion That the hearing and decision of this difference shall bee referred over to the Senate and to the end that all may remaine entire the garrisons in those citties shall bee withdrawne and depart These I say were the causes that principally estraunged the affection of Philip from the Romanes and wrought discontentment in his heart insomuch as evident it is that the warre was not enterprised by his sonne Perseus upon any new quarrels and fresh occasion but upon these motives let unto him by his father to bee pursued No suspition was there at Rome of a Macedonian warre L. Manlius the Pro-consull was returned out of Spaine and when he demaunded a triumph of the Senate assembled in the temple of Bellona the same in regard of his noble and worthie exploits might have beene obtained but for example sake it was not graunted For an order it was in Rome by auncient custome of their forefathers that no man might triumph who brought not his armie backe with him unlesse hee left unto his successour the province fully subdued and settled in peace Howbeit Manlius was allowed an indifferent honour namely to enter into the citie by way of Ovation In which solemnitie he had borne before him in a pompeous pageant two fiftie coronets of gold Moreover in gold a hundred thirtie two pound weight and in silver sixe thousand three hundred Also he pronounced aloud in the Senate that Q. Fabius the Questour was comming and brought with him ten thousand pound weight more of silver and eightie of gold which he meant likewise to bring into the chamber of the citie That yeere a great commotion and insurrection there was of bondslaves in Apulia L. Posthumius the Pretour had the government of Tarentum and he sat in inquisition upon a damned crew of certaine herdmen and grasiers who had conspired together and used to rob by the high way side and in the common pastures belonging to the citie which commission he followed with such severitie and rigor that he condemned seven thousand of them Many escaped and fled but many were executed and suffred death As for the Consuls long were they kept in the citie of Rome about the levie of souldiers but at length they went into their provinces The same yeere C. Calpurnius and L. Quintius the Pretours in Spaine having in the beginning of the Spring led forth their armies out of their wintering holds and joyned their forces togither in Beturia advaunced forward into Carpetaine where the enemies were encamped with a resolution to manage and conduct the warre with one joynt mind and common councell together Not farre from the cities Hippon and Toletum there began a skirmish betweene the foragers of both parts that were gone forth to make provision seconded they were from the one campe and the other by meanes whereof the whole armies of both sides by litle and litle came forth into the field to strike a full battell In this tumultuarie medley the enemies had the vantage as well of the ground wherein they were embattailed as of the manner of fight and service By reason whereof both the Roman armies were discomfited and driven back into their campe but the enemies pressed not upon them notwithstanding they were put in great fright and much disordered The Romane Pretors doubting least their camp the morrow after should be assailed dislodged in the night betwene in great secret silence without any found of trumpet and departed In the morning by breake of day the Spaniards in ordinance of battaile approched the trench and rampier and beeing entred within the campe which they found void and emptie beyond their hope and expectation they rifled and ransacked all that the Romanes left behind them whiles they made hast away in the night season from whence the enemies returned to their owne campe and there for certaine dayes abode in standing leaguer and stirred not In that battell and in the chase together there were slaine of Romans and allies 5000 and with the spoiles of their bodies the enemies armed themselves from thence they marched to the river Tagus The Romane Pretours in the meane season employed all that time to levie and assemble new forces out of the consederate cities of Spaine and in comforting and encouraging the hearts of their own souldiors after
as they suppose at Ergavica that day to testifie their victorie but kept the field and challenged them out of their campe to fight Moreover that the next morrow all the day long they gathered up the spoiles of the dead and on the third day strooke a second battaile which was greater than the other and then at length the Celtiberians without all doubt lost the field cleere insomuch as their campe was forced and ransacked Furthermore that there died of the enemies that day two and twentie thousand and not so few as three hundred taken prisoners and well-neere as many horse besides the winning of threescore and twelve militarie ensignes and so the warre came to a finall end the Celtiberians made peace indeed continued fast and firme therein with all loyaltie and were not so fickle and unconstant as before They write moreover that the same summer L. Posthumius smit a brave and fortunate battaile with the Vaccei in the farther province of Spaine where hee put to the sword 35000 enemies and forced their campe But it soundeth more like a truth that hee came not timely enough into that province for to performe any such exploits during that summer season The Censors made a revieu and new choise of Senators in good concord and faithfull unitie for the president of the Senat was chosen M. Aemylius Lepidus the Censor himselfe who also was the high priest or Arch-bishop Three Senators were cassed and deprived of their places but Lepidus held some in whom his colleague over-passed and lest out Of that portion of mony which out of the main allowance was divided between them they caused these works following to be made Lepidus for his part raised the great causey or wharfe at Tarracina which was a peece of worke nothing acceptable to the people for that he had himselfe lands and possessions there of his owne and seemed to ease his private expenses under colour of doing a publike work with the cities money He built a Theatre a fore-stage or a vant-scaffold neer the temple of Apollo He bargained with the Publicans or Vndertakers for the polishing blaunching whiting of the temple of Iupiter in the Capitoll and likewise of the pillars about it From these pillers he removed the Images and Statues which seemed to have beene unhandsomely set one against another and out of all order Likewise he tooke from thence the targuets and field-ensignes of all sorts that were there set up and fastened But M. Fulvius put sorth to making more workes in number and those of better and greater use To wit a peere and certaine maine piles within the river Tyberis upon which piles certaine yeares after P. Scipio Affricanus and L. Mummius being Censors tooke order for arches to be founded and erected Item A stately hall or palace behind the new shops of the banquers Item A fish market with other shops round about it which hee sold to particular persons Item A market place and a porch or gallerie without the gate Tergemina and another behind the arsenall neer the temple of Hercules Item neere the Tyber and behind the church of the goddesse Hope he caused to be built the chappel of Apollo the Physician Now they had besides another stocke of money in common which they emploied in taking order for water to be conveighed into the citie certaine vaults to be made But this worke was empeached by M. Licinius Crassus who would not suffer the water to passe through his ground Over and besides these same Censors instituted certaine rents for portage and pondage and diverse other imposts Many chappels also and publicke places in the tenure and occupation of privat persons they tooke order to be reduced to the use of the people in common and to be set open for all commers They chaunged the order of giving voices and caused to enroll the tribes according to sundrie quarters and divisions having regard withall of the degrees of men of their trades misteries and occupations Also the one of the Censors M. Aemylius sued unto the Senate that allowance should be made unto him of money for the games and plaies at the dedication of the temples of queen Iuno and Diana which in the Ligurian war he had vowed eight yeeres before and assigned there was unto him twentie thousand Asses So hee dedicated both those temples within the cirque or shew-place of Flaminius Also he exhibited stage plaies three daies together after the dedication of the temple of Iuno and two daies after the other of Diana and every of those daies within the cirque Flaminius The same Censour dedicated in Mars field a chappell to the sea-gods vowed by L. Aemylius Regillus eleven yeares before in a navall battell at sea against the captains of king Antiochus Over the gates of which chapell there was fixed a table with this title FOR THE APPEASING AND COMPOSING OF A GREAT VVAR BETWEENE TVVO KINGS * THE HEAD * TO SUBDUE ** FOR TO MAKE PRACE** THIS CONFLICT * VVHEN L. AEMYLIUS REGILLUS THE PRETOUR THE SON OF M. * VNDER THE CHARGE COMMAUND AND GOVERNMENT HAPPIE FORTUNE AND CONDUCT OF HIM BETVVEENE EPHESUS SAMOS AND CHIOS THE FLEET OF KING ANTIOCHUS THE ELEVENTH DAIES BEFORE THE KALENDS OF FEBRUARIE WAS VANQUISHED DISCOMFITED SHAKEN BATTERED AND PUT TO FLIGHT AND THERE UPON THE SAME DAY TVVO AND FORTIE GALLIES VVERE TAKEN VVITH AT THE MARRINERS AND SERVITOURS VVITHIN THEM AFTER VVHICH FIGHT K. ANTIOCHUS AND HIS REALME***** IN CONSIDERATION HEREOF VOVVED A TEMPLE TO THE SEA GODS ASSISTANTS UNTO HIM IN ATCHEEVING THE NAVALL VICTORIE Another table likewise with the very same inscription was set up and fastened over the gates of the temple of Iupiter in the Capitoll Within two daies after that the Censours had chosen a new Senate Q. Fulvius the Consull made an expedition against the Ligurians and after he had passed with his armie over wilds and mountaines where no tracts led them through streights and passes of forrests he fought a pight battell with the enemies and not onely woon the field but also in one and the selfe same day forced their campe Whereupon three thousand and two hundred of the enemies all that quarter of Liguria yeelded unto him Then the Consull placed these that had surrendered in the plaines and champaine countrey and planted garisons upon the mountains Letters hereof with great speed came to Rome wherupon there were ordained processions for three daies During which time of procession the Pretours celebrated sacrifices and killed fortie greater beast But the other Consull A. Manlius did no exploit worth remembrance in Liguria Three thousand Transalpine Frenchmen passed over the Alpes into Italie in peaceable manner marching without any hostilitie or harme doing and requested of the Consull and the Senate a territorie to inhabite where they might remaine quietly under the siegnorie of the Romanes But the Senate commaunded them to avoid out of Italie and gave the Consull Q. Fulvius in charge to make search and
and frequent market kept in the port from whence there was conveighted all manner of provision into the campe And to the end that this might hold in more securitie good guards were set about the camp on every side Toward Istria there was one standing frontier garrison consisting of a cohort of Placentines levied on a sodaine opposed and lodged betweene the sea and the campe And to the end the same might serve for a guard to defend them that watered at the river M. Ebutius a colonell of the two legions was commaunded to adjoyne two squadrons of souldiours out of the second legion T. and C. both Aely colonels likewise had led the third legion by the way that goeth to Aquileia which should guard the forragers and sewellers From which quarter about a mile distant was the camp of the French And a certaine pettie king there was among them one Carmelus having the conduct of three thousand armed souldiors or somewhat more So soones as the Romanes were approched the lake Timavus with their campe the Istrians set them downe secretly in a close place behind a little hill and from thence followed the Romane armie as it marched by crosse and crooked waies espying and lying for all advantages that might be presented for intelligence they had of all that was done either at sea or by land And when they perceived upon a time the corps de guard before the campe feeble and weake and that there was a great number of unarmed merchants betweene the campe and the sea without any defense at all either from land or water they ran at once upon the two foresaid guards to wit the Placentine cohort and also the squadrons of the second legion Now their enterprise at the beginning was covered and hidden by occasion of a morning mist which at the first warmth of the sunne brake and scattered away and then began somewhat to appeare through it but the light was not yet cleere and come to the full by reason whereof everything as commonly in such a case shewed farre bigger than it was And this at that time mightily deceived the Romans causing the armie of the enemies to seeme the greater by many degrees At which sight the souldiours of the one guard as well as the other being affrighted fled into the campe with a great tumult and alarme and there caused far more feare than they brought with them for neither were they able to tell why they fled thus as they did nor give a readie answer to those that asked them the question Over besides a great noise they heard from the campe gates as where there was no sufficient guard to sustaine the first assault Besides their running thus huddle togither in the darke while one tumbled upon another made such a confusion that they knew not whither the enemies was within the rampier or no. No other crie was heard but this To sea To sea For by occasion that one souldiour at adventure began to set up that note all the campe presently rung againe therewith from one end to the other Whereupon at first as if they had beene commaunded so to doe to the sea they ran some few armed but the most part without any armour or weapons afterwards more and consequently at last in manner all yea and the Consull himselfe seeing that he laboured in vaine to reclaime them backe he fled and could prevaile neither by commaund no r authoritie ne yet with praiers in the end onely M. Licinius Strabo a Tribune or Colonell of the third legion abandoned of his owned legion remained behind with three ensignes and no more The Istrians finding him alone for no man else was seene in armes to make resistance entred joyntly into the campe ran upon him and as he was embattailing his souldiors and encouraging them in the quarter about the Pretour his lodging surprised and with numbers over-charged him The skirmish and fight was more cruell than for proportion of so few defendants and not ended before that the Tribune himselfe and those about him were slaine every man The Generall his pavilion and all about it was overthrowne which when the enemie had ransacked and rifled of all that was there they went as farre as the treasurers lodging the market place and to the gate Quintana where they found abundance of all things set out readie for their hands and within the treasurers pavilion the tables spred and covered with good cares meat upon them Then their chiefe lord and leader the pettie king aforesaid made no more adoe but fate him downe fell to his victuals and made good cheere and anon all the rest following his example did the semblable and never once thought of armes or of enemies and like to those who were not wont to faâ—e so well and feed liberally they greedily overcharged their bellies with wine and viands but the Romanes all the while stood in farre other tearms They trembled they went hastily to their businesse both on land and sea Downe went the shipmen and sailers with their titls and boothes and looke what provision of victuals or other things were set foorth to sâ—â—le upon the strand and shore they harried and hurried a shipbord the souldiours all affrighted ran amaine to the sea side for to be embarked The marriners fearing least their vessels should bee overcharged some put backe the prease and withstood them for comming in others shove off from the wharfe and launched into the deep Hereupon began a braule and broile and from that they fell together by the eares souldiours and mariners one with another some went away with knockes and wounds and others left their lives behind them untill at length by the Consull his commaundement the fleet was retired farre from the land Which done hee began to sort the armed and unarmed apart And hardly were there of so great a multitude twelve hundred found with armour about them and very few horsemen that had brought their horses with them All the rest were a confused and disordered companie resembling the rascall sort of camp-followers as victuallers launders skullions and lackies who had beene a readie bootie to have preied upon in case the enemies could have thought upon any feats of armes Then at last came a messenger to recall the third legion and to surprise the guard of the Gaules and with that from all parts they began to returne againe toward their owne campe for to recover it and wipe away and fordoe the shamefull blot and dishonour which they had received The Colonels of the third legion commaunded the souldiours to throw down upon the ground their forrage and fewell they charged the Centurions to set the elder and unweldie souldiours two and two upon the horses and labouring beasts which they had discharged of their load willed the horsemen to take up behind them every one a young lustie footman shewing what an honor it would be to the third legion for to regaine by their valor the
that the solemne sacrifice as he pretended was the thing that hindered him and nothing els This order being set downe and thus passed in the behalfe of P. Licinius then steps me up M. Cornelius and required them to take an oth of him likewise that hee might not goe into the nether province of Spaine So both these Pretours were sworne according to one and the same forme of oth Whereupon M. Titinius and T. Fontetus were commaunded to remaine in qualitie and place of Proconsuls within Spain and retaine still the same authoritie and power of commaund and order was graunted that for to supplie their forces there should bee sent unto them three thousand citizens of Rome with two hundred horse and also five thousand Latine allies and three hundred horsemen The solemnitie of the Latine holydaies began the third day before the Nones of May wherin because at the sacrificing of one beast the magistrate of Lanuvium in his praier left out these words Populi Romani Qutritium and praied not for the good estate of the people of Rome and the Quirites it bred a scruple The matter was mooved in the Senate and the Senate referred it over to the Colledge of the bishops and prelates of the church And they pronounced this award That for as much as those Latine feasts were not solemnized as they ought they should begin againe a new and that the cittizens of Lanuvium by whose default they were thus to be renewed should bee at the charges of all the beasts for sacrifice Moreover to breed more fearefull scrupulositie in mens minds it fortuned that Cneus Cornelius the Consull as hee returned from that solemnitie out of the Albane mountaine fell downe in a sit of Apoplexie which turned into an Hemiplegia or dead palsey all the one side of his bodie and so hee was conveighed to the bath and hote waters at Cumes where by occasion that his disease grew upon him still hee departed this life from whence hee was brought to Rome and there carried forth in all magnificence of funerall obsequies and right honourably enterred Hee had bene Bishop also as well as Consull Q. Petilius the other Consull being commaunded to hold an assembly for the surrogation of a colleague unto him so soone as possibly hee might bee warranted by the auspices and approbation of the sacred birds and withall to proclaime and publish the Latine seasts and holydaies aforesaid summoned the election against the third day before the Nones of Sextilis and the Latine solemnitie the third day likewise before the Ides of the same month Whiles mens minds were much possessed alreadie with religion and set upon their devotions word was brought moreover of certaine fearfull prodigies to wit that at Tusculum there was seene a burning flame in the skie that at Gabes the temple of Apollo and many private mens houses likewise at Graviscae the towne wall and one of the gates were smitten with thunderbolts For the procuration where of the LL. of the Senate ordained that the Bishops should give order according to their discretion Whiles the Consuls were thus staied first both by their owne scripulous holinesse then one of them by the death of the other afterwards by occasion of the new election the renewing of the Latine festivall solemnitie C. Claudius in the meane time approched with his armie to Modenna which the Ligurians the yeere before had woon Hee had not continued the siege full three daies but he forced the colonie and having thus recovered it from the enemies he restored it againe to the former inhabitants Eight thousand Ligurians died there within the wals upon the sword and immediatly he dispatched his letters to Rome wherein hee not onely declared the simple newes but glorified himselfe and made his boast That through his fortitude and fortune both the Romans had not an enimie that durst shew his head on this side the Alpes and that he had conquered so much land as might serve for to be divided by the poll among many thousands Tib. Sempronius likewise at the same time fought many fortunate battailes in Sardinia and utterly tamed and subdued the Ilanders fifteene thousand enemies he there slew all the States of that nation which had revolted were reduced to obedience under the people of Rome the old tributaries had an imposition and exactation laid upon them of a duple tribute which they surely paid the rest were put to a contribution of corne After hee had set the province in quietnesse and received out of the whole Iland two hundred and thirtie hostages hee sent certain lieutenants as messengers to make report at Rome of all his proceedings who also in his behalfe should make suite unto the Senat That in regard of the happie successe in those exploites under the charge conduct and fortune of Tib. Sempronius first due honour praise and thanksgiving might be rendred to the immortall gods and then that himselfe might bee allowed at his departure out of the province to bring away his armie with him The Senate gave audience to the messengers abovesaid within the temple of Apollo and upon their relation ordained a general procession for two daies commaunding the Coss. to sacrifice 40 head of greater beasts withal enjoyned Tib. Sempronius the pro-Consull to continue that yere with his armie in that province Then the election which had bin published against the third day before the Nones of Sextilis for the substitution of one of the Coss. was the same day accomplished And Q. Petilius the Cos. created for his colleague M. Valerius Lavinus for to enter immediately into his magistracie This Laevinus had bin a long time desirous to be emploied in some province or other and fitly it fell out for his longing desire that letters came importing how the Ligurians rebelled and were gone out againe in armes So after hee once heard the contents of these letters he made no longer stay but upon the very Nones of Sextilis all goodly to be seene in his warriors coat of armes he commanded the third legion by occasion of this alarme to go into France to C. Claudius the Pro-consull also the Duumvirs or two wardens for the ports and navie to goe to sea and with a fleet to make saile for Pisae and from thence to coast about all Liguria and thus by hovering upon the seas to terrifie the enemies that way also Q. Petilius likewise the Cos. had appointed a day for his armie to meet in the same place Moreover C. Claudius the Pro-consull advertised of the Ligurians revolt over and besides those forces which he had about him at Parma levied in hast a strength of more souldiours and so with his complet armie approached the borders of the Ligurians The enemies upon the arrivall of C. Claudius by whose conduct they well remembred how late they had bene discomfited and put to flight neere the river Scultenna minding to seeke for defence rather by the strength of advantageous places
VNDER THE CONDUCT AND HAPPIE GOVERNEMENT OF TIE SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS CONSULL THE LEGION AND ARMIE OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME SUBDUED SARDINIA IN VVHICH PROVINCE THERE VVERE SLAINE AND TAKEN PRISONERS EIGHTIE THOUSAND ENEMIES WHICH GRACCHUS AFTER HE HAD MANAGED THE AFFAIRES OF STATE MOST FORTUNATELY DELIVERED MANY CAPTIVES OUT OF BONDAGE AND RECOVERED THE TRIBUTES AND CUSTOMES TO THE COMMON-VVEALE BROUGHT HOME VVITH HIM HIS ARMIE SAFE AND SOUND CHARGED VVITH AN EXCEEDING RICH ECOTIE AND REENTERED THE CITTIE OF ROME IN A SECOND TRIUMPH IN MEMORIALL OF VVHICH EXPLOIT HEE CAUSED THIS TABLE TO BE SET UP AS A PRESENT IN THE HONOUR OF IUPITER Now this table conteined the portraiture of the Iland Sardinia and the picture also and resemblance of sundrie battailes Moreover in this yeere were represented to the people certaine pastimes and shewes of sword-players whereof some were small and of no account but one above the rest exhibited by T. Flaminius surpassed And this hee did in honour of his father deceased with a dole of flesh among the people a great publicke feast besides and stage-playes for foure dayes togither But the principall matter in this festivall solemnitie was this That in three daies space there fought at utterance with unrebated swords threescore and fourteene champions THE XLII BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the two and fortith Booke FYlvius Flaccus the Censor uncovered the roofe of the church of Iuno Lacinia which was selated with marble and all to cover a temple which he had dedicated But by an act of the Senate he was forced to bestow the sclates there againe Eumenes the king of Asia complained in the Senat of Perseus king of Macedonie His inimies done to the people of Rome are here reported for the which defiance was sent and warre proclaimed against him P. Licinius Crassus the Consull unto whom the province of Macedonie was assigned passed over thither and in certaine light expeditions fought sundry battels with Perseus in Thessalie all by horse-service but with bad successe The Senate appointed a day of bearing betweene Masanissa and the Carthaginians touching the territorie in question Embassadours were sent in the associate citties and States and to the consederate kings to request them to continue loiall and fast in friendship by reason that the Rhodians stood in doubtfull tearmes The Censours tooke a review and numbred the citizens of Rome wherein were enrolled in the subsidie bookes 257231. Moreover this booke containeth the fortunate exploits against the Islanders of Corsica and the Ligurians AFter that L. Posthumius Albinus and M. Popilius Laenas the Consuls had before all other things proposed unto the Senate as touching the governement of the provinces and conduct of the armies ordained it was that Liguria should be the charge as well of the one of them as the other Also that both of them should levie new legions and two apeece they were allowed to have therewith to defend the said province keep it in obedience besides ten thousand footmen and six hundred horse of Latine allies Moreover to enrol three thousand foot and two hundred horsemen of Romanes for a supplie in Spaine Last of all commaunded they were to prest fifteene hundred footmen and a hundred horse of Romane citizens with which strenght that Pretour unto whom Sardinia fell should passe over into Corsica there to warre and M. Attilius the old Pretour in meane time to see unto the government of Sardinia This done the Pretours went to cast lots for their provinces A. Attilius Serranus had the place of lord cheefe justice within the citie and C. Cluvius Saxul the jurisdiction betweene citizens and forrainers Vnto Cn. Faebius Buteo fell the higher Spaine to M. Matienus the lower M. Furius Crassipes was to governe Sicilie and C. Ciciretus Sardinia Before that these magistrates tooke their journey the Senate was of advise that L. Posthumius the Consul should goe into Campaine for to limit out the citie-citie-lands apart from the grounds of private persons for that it was seene and knowne that particular men setting out their bounds encroching by little little upon the Commons inprocesse of time held a great part of it in their own possession This Cos. was angrie offended with the Praenestines for that upon a time when he went thither amongst them in qualitie then of a private person to offer sacrifice in the temple of Fortune they did him no honour neither in publike nor private Whereupon before hee departed now from Rome hee addressed his letters before him to Praeneste that the cheefe magistrate should come and meet him upon the way provide him a lodging at their cities charges and at his departure from thence to see that there were sumpter horses and beasts of cariage readie for him Now before this mans Consulship the magistrates of Rome had never beene chargeable to their allies not put them to cost for any thing whatsoever and therefore allowed they were from the citie their mules set out they were with tents and pavillions and all other furniture and provision for the warres to the end that they should not lay upon the allies any such burden Privat lodging they had in friends houses which they enterteined courteously and liberally with reciprocall hospitalitie For at Rome likewise their houses were open to receive those hosts of theirs with whom they were wont before to have kind usage and who had bidden them welcome In like manner embassadours if they were sent by chaunce to any place of a sodaine imposed upon the towns and cities through which they were to passe one sumpter horse onely to farther expence were no allies put for any Romane magistrates This revenge of the Consull for a discourtesie offered due and just though it were yet not to have beene exercised during his magistracie and the silence of the Prenestines proceeding either of too much modestie or over-great feare gave occasion to the magistrates ever since to take it for a priviledge and custome to doe the semblable yea and to charge their allies with more grievous impositions everie day than other in the same kind as if the precedent example had beene approoved In the beginning of this yeere the embassadours who had beene sent into Aetolia and Macedonie made report That they might not come to the speech of K. Perseus for that some said he was absent others that he was sicke and the one as false as the other was untrue howbeit they might evidently perceive and see that preparation was made for warre and that hee would delay no longer but enter into armes In like sort they related that in Aetolia the civill dissention and sedition grew daily more and more neither could the chieftaines of these factions discords be repressed and held in awe by their countenance and authoritie As the citie of Rome was amused upon the continual expectancie of the Macedonian warre before any enterprise
wise as they went The Macedonians as they had begun an audacious enterprise inconsideratly so they left it undone as fearfully and without advise Now by this time was the king come again to himself And the morrow after his friends conveied him to his ship from thence to Corinth and from Corinth along the streights of Isthmus they brought their vessels crossed over to Aegina where his cute was caried so close and secret without admitting any person to come unto him that the rumor ran into Asia how he was dead And Attalus his brother by your leave gave good care therto beleeved the news sooner than was beseeming brotherly love and unitie For he entred into such talke both with his brothers wife and also with the captaine of the castle as if he had bene the undoubted heire and assured inheritor of the crowne All this Eumenes knew full well afterwards who albeit he purposed to dissimule the matter and to put it up at leastwise with silence yet at their first encounter and meeting together he could not hold but reproved and reproached his brother for being so forward and over-hastie to court and woe his wife The bruite also was blowne to Rome and a blunder there was of the death of king Eumenes About the same time C. Valerius was returned out of Greece who had bene sent thither as embassadour to looke into the state of the countrie to marke also and observe the plots and proceedings of king Perseus He reported all things sutable and agreeable to the intelligences given by king Eumenes and withall brought with him from Delphi dame Proxo in whose house those villanous traitours were lodged and harboured also one L. Ramnius a Brundusian who enformed moreover and gave evidence as followeth This Ramnius was one of the principall citizens of Brundusium used to lodge and entertaine in his house not onely all the Romane captains when they came to towne but also the embassadours of forreine nations such as were of greatest marke principally those that were sent from any kings By this means acquainted he grew with Perseus albeit they never had seene one anothers face And being invited by the king his letters wherein he was promised great hope of some nere and inward friendship above others and consequently of great preferments therby he made a journie unto him Within a short time he was wound into very familiar acquaintance with the king and drawne into private conference discourse of secrets farther ywis than himselfe was willing or well liked of For the king dealt with him yea and importuned him with instant praiers and large behests of rich rewards that for as much as all the Romane captaines and embassadours used to take his house for their Inne he would cause as many of them as he writ for to be poisoned Now for that hee knew it was a right difficult and dangerous matter to come by such a poison and compasse this project especially if many were partie privie to him and besides the event uncertaine either in the effect of the drug it selfe to be strong quicke and forcible enough to doe the feate or in the secret working thereof lest it should be found and spied he would therefore put into his hands such a poison as neithier in the giving nor after it was giuen might be knowne by any signe whatsoever Ramnius fearing least if hee refused and denied hee should be the first man to take assay make experiment of the poison promised so to doe and then departed But returne to Brundusium hee would not before he had spoken with C. Valerius the Embassadour who then sojorned as hee heard say about Chalcis First unto him he revealed this plot by his commandement came along with him to Rome where being brought into the Senate after audience given hee laid abroad in every point all that had passed This new matter over and besides those which Eumenes had reported was the cause that Perseus was the sooner taken for an enemie and so declared the rather because they saw him not onely about to make open warre of a princely and royall mind but also to practise and execute privilie all kind of mischiefe by way of covert brigandage theevish stealth and secret poison The mannaging of this warre was put off and referred to the new Consuls howbeit for the present ordained it was that Cn. Sicintus the Pretour who had the jurisdiction betweene citizens and staungers should levie and enroll soldiours who being conducted to Brundusium should with all convenient speed commit to sea and saile over to Apollonia in Epirus for to seize upon the maritime citties to the end that the Consull unto whom the province of Macedonia should be allotted might arrive there with his vessells in safetie and set his forces on land with ease Eumenes after he had been kept a long while at Aegina during the time of his hard and dangerous cure so soone as ever he might goe safely abroad went to Pergamus where over and besides the old hatred setled in his breast being pricked also with this fresh and bleeding villanie practised by Perseus he prepared warre with all his power to the utterance and thither repaired unto him embassadors from Rome to testifie their joy for his evasion and escape out of so neere and great a daunger When the Macedonian warre was delaied and put off for one yeere and the rest of the Pretours gone alreadie into their provinces M. Iunius and Sp. Lucretius unto whome befell the government of Spaine after that they had importuned and wearied the Senate in suing so long for one thing obtained at the length a commission for a supply of soldiours to make up the armie by vertue whereof they enrolled 3000 foot and 150 horse for the Romane legions and levied five thousand foot and three hundred horse for the armie of the allies These forces were transported into Spaine with the new Pretours The same yeere after that a great part of the Campaine territorie which privat persons here and there held in occupation without regard of lawfull title and tenur was upon diligent survey made by Posthumius the Consull recovered againe for the publicke use of the citie of Rome M. Lucretius a Tribune of the Commons preferred a law That the Censors should let out to ferme the said Campaine lands to tenants for yeerely rent A thing that had not been done for many yeeres after the winning of Capua namely that particular men should be so greedie as to encroch thus beyond their bounds upon the common wast The Macedonian war being now concluded but not as yet published and proclaimed whiles the Senat was in doubtfull expectation what kings would friend them and who would side with Perseus there came to Rome embassadours from Ariarates bringing with them the kings sonne a verie child The speech they made was to this purpose That the king their master had sent his sonne to Rome there to have his
this flinching of his and absenting himselfe by intimation of another act and law provided in that behalfe namely That if he entred not into the citie of Rome before the Ides of November immediately following it should be lawfull for C. Licinius to proceed in judgement and give sentence against him in his absence This cord towed and haled him to Rome with a witnesse and when he was returned and entred into the Senat they were upon his top and gave him such a welcome thither as testified their displeasure and hard conceit of him After hee had been well baited and shaken up among them an act of Senate was entred in this wise That so many of the Ligurians as had not beene enemies after the time that Q. Falvius and L. Manlius were Consuls those the Pretours C. Licinius and Cn. Sicinius should restore and establish in their former state of freedom and that the Consull C. Popilius should set them out lands to occupie and possesse beyond the Po. By vertue of this arest many a thousand were set free and enfranchised who being transported over the river Po had land assigned unto them accordingly Now M. Popilius upon the law Martia promulged by the two Marij Tribunes of the Commons answered for himselfe judicially twise before C. Licinius At the third time the Pretour overcome with a respective grace and favour to the Consull absent the earnest praiers of the whole name house of the Popilij adjoiurned the defendant to make appearance in the court upon the Ides of March on which day the new magisrates were to enter into their offices and this hee did because himselfe by that time should be a private person againe and therefore not to sit upon the bench as judge to heare pleas and to determine Thus the foresaid act as touching the Ligurians finely shifted and cunningly avoided came to just nothing At that time the Carthaginian embassadours were at Rome with Gulussa the sonne of Masanissa betweene whome hard hold and much debating there was in the Senate The Carthaginians complained that over and besides the lands about which there had been sent commissioners from Rome before-time to view the place and to enquire into the cause Masanissa within the last two yeeres had by force and armes possessed himselfe of more than threescore and ten townes and castles within the Carthaginian domaine and territorie And an easie matter was it for him to doe who made reckoning of nothing nor had regard of any person whereas the Carthaginians were so tyed and obliged by their capitulations to the good-abearing that they held their peace for inhibited they were to beare armes without their owne countrey And albeit they knew assuredly that they should war within their owne confines if they desseized the Numidians of those peeces yet feared they that one expresse article of the accord wherein they were debarred in plaine tearmes to wage warre against the associates of the people of Rome Howbeit the Carthaginians could no longer endure his pride crueltie and avarice Sent therefore they were unto the Senate as humble oratours that to might please them to graunt one of these three requests to wit That either they might debate with indifferent audience before them being allies to both alike as touching the right of the one the other or that they would permit the Carthaginians to defend themselves by just and lawfull armes against unjust and ungodly force or else finally if partiall favour swayed more with them than the truth of the cause to set downe at once what their pleasure was should be given away out of their owne to Masanissa For they yet would have some gage of their hand and know what they gave whereas he himselfe had no stay nor would ever see to make an end so unsatiable was his lust and appetite But in case they might obtaine none of these points and that there could be found any fault or trespasse of theirs committed since the peace graunted unto them by Scipio then that they rather than any other would chastise them For leifer they had to live in servitude under the siegnorie of Romanes with safetie than enjoy such as libertie as should bee exposed to the injuries of Massanissa And better were it for them to perish and die once for all than to live and languish under the yoke of a most cruell and bloudie butcher At which words the tears trickled downe their cheekes and downe they fell at their feet Lying thus prostrate upon the ground as they moved pitie and compassion to themselves so they procured despight and malice against the king Then thought good it was to demannd of Gulussa what hee had to answere as touching these matters or els if he had so rather himselfe to declare before for what cause upon what occasion he was come to Rome Gulussa made answere That neither it was easie for him to deale in those points wherof he had no commission from his father nor for his father to give him any such charge considering that the Carthaginians shewed not unto him of what business they would treat ne yet made him so much as privie of their comming to Rome This only was known that there was a close counsell holden for certaine nights by the principall States of Carthage within the temple of Aesculapius from whence embassadors were dispatched to Rome with hidden and secret messages And this was the cause that his father had sent him to Rome to beseech the Senat not to give credite to the slanderous accusations that should be preferred against him by those that were common enemies as well to them as him who hated him for no other cause but for that he had continued so constant in his sealtie allegeance to the people of Rome The Senat thus having heard what they could say of both sides sat in counsell as touching the demands of the Carthaginians and at length commaunded this aunswere to bee returned How their advise and pleasure was that Gulussa should presently depart and goe into Numidia and give his father to understand from them that with all speed hee send his embassadours to the Senate as concerning those complaints which the Carthaginians had made of him also to give intimation and knowledge unto the Carthaginians that they repaire likewise thither to debate their contoverasies and differences betweene them And if it lay in their power to effect ought for the honour of Masanissa they would be as willing to doe it hereafter as they had been readie heretofore Marie to minister justice for savour and affection that they would not doe in any wife Willing they were that every man should know and hold his owne and keepe him within compasse neither minded they to set out new limits but to observe the old bounds Indeed they had granted to the Carthaginians after they were conquered both townes to inhabite and territories to possesse not to this end that in time of peace they should
of the Baetians so as by no means anymore hereafter they can be rejoined to the Macedonians by consent and accord The greater part of the Senate approved this service of theirs as performed with singular discretion and dexteritie But the old Senators and those that held in remembrance the ancient maner and custome of the Romanes said plainly That in all the course of that embassie they could see no Romane practise and dealing at all Our ancestors say they were wont to war not by wait-laying and secret ambushes not by skirmishes in the night season ne yet by false semblant of running away and suddaine turning their face againe at unawares upon their unprovided enemies neither fought they to glorifie themselves by subril flights more than by true vertue and valour Their use and manner was to intimate and publish was before they made any yea and to denounce and proclaime the same otherwhiles also to assigne and appoint the very place where they went to strike a battaile According to this plaine and faithfull dealing they detected and disclosed unto king Pyrrhus the physician that would by poison have taken away his life by the same they delivered bound unto the Faliscians the vilanous traitour that would have betraied the children of their K. These are the Roman fashions say they not to use the cunning casts and slie shifts of the Carthaginians nor the crasrie pollicies of Grecians who ever reputed it more glorious and honorable by fraud to compasse than by force to surpasse the enemie Indeed otherwhiles for the present time more good is done greater matters are effected by guile pollicie than by valour and vertue but to say a truth the courage of that enemie is for ever conquered who is forced to contesse that he was vanquished not by cunning not by venture but in just and lawfull warre by maine strength and close fight at handie gripes Thus spake the auncients who had no great liking to the new-found devises of these politicians Howbeit that side of the Senate which made more reckoning of profit than of honestie carried it away and imported so much that not onely the first embassie of Martius was approved as well performed but also himselfe was sent back againe with certaine Quinqueremes with a mandate also commission to deal in the rest according as he should thinke to stand with the good of the common weale They dispatched likewise Aul. Attilus to seize Larissa in Thessalie for feare least if the terme of truce were expired Persius should send a garrison thither and hold in his hand the capitall citie of Thessalie The said Attilus had a warrant to receive two thousand footmen of Cn. Sicinius for to effectuate that enterprise Also P. Lentulus lately returned out of Achaea was allowed the conduct of 300 souldiours of the Italian nation to the end that at Thebes he should endevour to bring all Baeotia under the obedience of the Romanes When all things were set in this forwardnes albeit they were at a point and fully resolved to make warre yet thought good it was to give audience unto the embassadours of Perseus in the Senat who rehearsed and related in manner the same reasons which were delivered by the king in the late conference and parlie Much ado they made and laboured hard to acquit the king of the imputation laid to his charge for seeking the death of Eumenes but with final probabilitie or none at all for the thing was too apparant In the end they fell to praier and intreatie howbeit no eare was given unto them with any such mind and heart as could bee either instructed or inclined In stead thereof warned streightly they were to depart immediately foorth of the liberties of Rome and within thirtie daies out of Italie After this P. Licinius the Cos. who was charged with the province of Spain had commandement given him to assigne unto the armie the soonest day that he could for to meet in one certaine place C. Lucretius the Pretour who had the conduct of the fleet tooke his leave of the citie with 40 Quinqueremes for advised it was that the rest of the ships which had beene repaired should be staied at home for to be emploied otherwise about the citie And the Pretour sent his brother Lucretius before with one Galeace or Quinquereme and commission to receive of the allies that shipping which by covenant they were to find and with them neere the Iland Cephalenia to joine with the rest of the armada to wit from the Rhegines one trireme gallie from the Locrians twaine from the Vrites four With which he coasted along Italie and having doubled the utmost point of Calabria within the Ionian sea he arived at Dyrrhachium There he found ten gallions or barkes of the Dyrrhachians twelve of the Issaeans and fiftie foure belonging to king Gentius which he tooke all with him along making semblance that he supposed they were provided of purpose for the service of the Romanes with this fleet by the third day hee fell with the I le Corphu and so forward he made saile and arrived at Cephalenia C. Lucretius the Pretor having losed to sea from Naples crossed the strengths of Sicilie and on the fiftieth day cut over likewise to Cephalenia Then the fleete strucke anchor expecting as well the arrivall of the land forces as also that the hulkes and vessels of carriage which were scattered upon the seas from the rest of their companie might overtake them It happened about this time that Pub. Licinius the Consull having conceived and solemnly made his vowes within the Capitoll departed in his coat of armes from the citie A solemnitie at all times verily this is done with much dignitie and majestie but especially with exceeding great pleasure and contentment of the beholders when the Consull is accompanied with a stately traine at his first setting forth to encounter some great and famous enemie renowned as well for vertue as qualitie and fortune for at such a time men assemble and gather together not onely in regard of dutie to acquit themselves of their devoir but also upon a desire they have of the verie shew and fight presented unto their eies namely to see their captaine to whose conduct and counsell they have committed the managing and defense of the common-weale Moreover they take occasion thereby to thinke of the hazard of warre how adventurous is the event and how doubtfull the issue of battaile in the field They call to mind the alternative course of good fortune and bad and namely how by the blind ignorance or the unadvised rashnesse of leaders many soiles and overthrowes have happened and contrariwise by politicke wisdom and hardie courage great matters have been effected and happy victories atchieved And what mortall man is he that knoweth of what mind and cariage good or bad how fortunate or unluckie the Consull is whom they send forth to war whether he be like soon to be seen again in triumphant wise
with his victorious armie mounting up the Capitoll unto those gods of whom now he taketh his leave or shall give occasion to the enemies in the same manner to rejoyce As for Perseus the king against whome this expedition and journey is taken a prince hee is highly renowmed both by the Macedonian nation so famous for fears of armes and also by his father Philip who among other fortunate archievements of his was ennobled by his war against the Romans Moreover the verie name of Persius himselfe since time that first the diadenie was set upon his head was in every mans mouth and no talke continually but of him and the expectation of this warre With these and such like cogitations I say a mightie number of men of all sorts and degrees attended and accompanied the Consull at his departure With him were sent two Colonels or knight-marshals above the rest who had been Consuls namely C. Claudius and Q. Mutius also three brave and lustie young gallants to wit P. Lentulus and the two Manlij both surnamed Acidini the one sonne to M. Manlius and the other to L. Manlius The Consull thus accompanied first went to Brundusium to the armie and from thence passed the seas to Nymphaeum and so encamped in the territorie of Apollonia Perseus some few daies before upon the returne of his embassadours from Rome who had cleane put him out of all hope of peace held a councell wherein for a good while the matter was debated with great varietie of sundrie opinions Some were of mind that in case the Romans enjoined them either to yeeld a tribute or to forgoe some of their lands yea if they imposed upon them some fine by way of amends and satisfaction in briefe whatsoever else they set downe and ordained to doe and suffer all for to redeeme their peace and not to refuse any condition were it never so hard but to take heed and provide in any wise that Perseus put not himselfe not the realme upon the dangerous hazard of so great a jeopardie For if hee held still the maine point and continued in quiet possession of his kingdome in time and space much good might happen by meanes whereof he should be able not onely to licke himselfe whole and recover his losses but also become hereafter dread and terrible even unto those of whome now he standeth in feare But the farre greater part caried with them a more courageous spirit and gave advise accordingly For they affirmed That if Perseus parted with ought and yeelded never so little he must make account with all to quit the free-hold of his whole kingdome soone after For t is neither money not land say they that the Romanes want but this they wore full well That as all things els in the world so especially great monarchies and empires are subject to many accidents and casualties right well they know also how they have quelled and bruised the puissance of the Carthaginians and for to yoke their necks and hold them downe have set up a mightieking to be their neighbour and to commaund them yea and that Antiochus and all his race is remooved and chased beyond the mountaine Taurus There remaineth only now the realme of Macedonie which is both seated in a neere region and also if the fortune of the people of Rome should happen to saile seemeth able to give heart and courage to her kings at this day answerable to that of their noble progenitors in former times And therefore whiles the state standeth entire and unfoiled Perseus ought to resolve whether he had leiser by forgoing one thing after another strip himselfe in the end of all his goods and lands and so turned cleane out of his kingdom be driven to request at the Romans hand either Samothracia or some other such petie Isle where in qualitie of a private person he may survive his roiall estate and live to old age in base contempt and needie povertie or els to take arms in the defence and maintenance of his royall place and dignitie like a prince of valor and courage and either abide all hazards whatsoever the fortune of the field shall plunge him into or after victorie atchieved deliver the whole world from the dominion imperious seignorie of the Romans And no greater wonder and miracle is it to hunt the Romans out of Greece than it was to chase Anniball out of Italie neither see wee in good faith say they how by any reason it can well stand that he who resisted with all his might and maine his owne brother that would have made himselfe king against all right and law should now to straungers and aliens render the possession thereof which hee came so well and truly by and wherein he is so rightfully inversted Finally in war and peace howsoever men make questions disputing and arguing too and fro yet this conclusion they all graunt and agree upon That as there is nothing more shameful and dishonest than to abandon and loose a kingdome without battaile so there is nothing more glorious and honourable than for the maintenance of princely dignitie and regall majestie to hazard all fortune whatsoever This counsell was holden at Pella the auncient pallace wherein the Macedonian KK kept their royall court Why then quoth hee on Gods name since you are of that mind and resolution let us take armes and to the field whereupon he sent his letters into all parts to his gallants and captaines and assembled and drew all his forces to Citium a towne of Macedonie Himselfe in person after he had perfourmed a magnificent sacrifice like a king of an hundred head of beasts to the honour of Minerva surnamed Alcida he departed accompanied with a number of his courtiers pensioners and yeoman of the guard to Citium To which place were gathered alreadie all his forces as well Macedonians as auxiliarie strangers Hee pitched his campe before the towne and embattailed all his armed men in the plaine Hee was in all fortie thousand strong whereof one halfe well-neere consisted of those whome they call Phalangiae and those were commaunded by one Hippias of Berrhaea Besides there were two choice companies for the flower of age and strength of Bodie selected out of the whole number of targuettiers called Cetrati This regiment themselves called by the name of The legion and the same was under the conduct of Leonatus and Thrasippus both Eulyestanes The rest of the targuettiers to the number of three thousand or verie neere were led by Antiphilus of Edessa The Paeonians those also of Pacoria and Pastrymonia places subject unto the Thracian and the Agrians togither with some inhabitants of Thracia entermingled among them amounted also to the number of three thousand Didas of Paeonia had levied and armed them even the man that murdered young Demetrius There were besides two thousand Frenchmen in armes under the leading of captaine Asclepiodorus From Heraclea likewise out of the Sintians country there were three thousand
Thracians free-men borne under a leader of their own The like number well-neere of Cretensians followed their commaunders Susus of Phalasarna and Syllus of Gnosos also Leonides the Lacedemonian had the charge of five hundred out of Greece but a mixt companie they were of divers nations This Leonides was said to have bene of the bloud roiall a banished person condemned in a frequent assembly and counsell of the Achaeans for certaine letters which he sent to Perseus and were entercepted The Aetolians and Boeotians who in all made not above five hundred were conducted by Lyco an Achaean These auxiliaries or aid-soldiours of so many states and nations mixt and blended together grew fast upon the number of twelve thousand armed men As for the cavallery he had levied out of all Macedonie three thousand horse or thereabout Colys king of the Odrysians the sonne of Scathes was thither come with a thousand choosen men of armes and almost as many footmen In summe the whole armie arose to the number of 39000 foot and foure thousand horsemen And this was held for certain that the like army was never raised by any king of Macedonie unlesse it were that again with which Alexander the great passed over into Asia Twentie yeeres now and sixe werecome and gone since time that peace was graunted unto Philip at his owne suite and request during which space betweene Macedonie being in rest and quietnes had brought sooth a goodly frie of fresh youth a great part where of was of sufficient age to beare armes and by the continuall skirmishes which they maintained with the Thracians their neighbours were rather whetned than weakened and more enured than wearied and in one word lived ever in practise of martiall fears wherby it came to passe that all things were prest and in readinesse for the war which Philip first and Perseus afterwards projected to wage against the Romans This armie stirred and advaunced a little not in manner of a full march as to a present battaile but onely for this that they would not be seene to have stood still in their armies and thus armed as the souldiors were Perseus called them to an audience intending to make an oration unto them Being mounted up to his Tribunall he stood there with his two sonnes about him one of either hand whereof the elder named Philip he adopted to be his child whereas indeed by nature he was his brother but the younger whom they called Alexander was his owne naturall sonne Then and there he exhorted his souldiors to fight manfully and laid before them what wrongs and injuries the people of Rome had done both to his father and also to himselfe As for my father quoth he forced he was by all kind of indignities to enter into armes and begin warre againe but in the very preparation therof he was suddenly surprised and strucken with death To my selfe at one time were embassadors from them sent to treat of peace armed souldiours also for to seize upon the cities of Greece Afterwards by a deceitfull shew of a parley under colour of reconciliation and peace making we were born in hand and drawn out a whole winter to the end that they might gaine time to prepare for warre And now is the Consull comming with two Roman legions having either of them some three hundred horse besides and with a proportionable number and that is the most of allies as well foot as horse And say that the KK both Eumenes and Masanissa joine with their aidforces yet can they not amount above the number of seven thousand Now that yee have heard what the strength is of the enemies regard and compare your own armie namely how far both in number as also in goodnesse and qualitie of souldiours you surpasse them being your selves from your childhood and infancie warriours trained in practise of armes warfare wrought framed and hardened in so many battels where as they be new raw souldiers taken up in hast enrolled now the first time against this present service As for the auxiliaries of the Romans what are they but Lydians Phrygians and Numidians but we to set against them have to aid us Thracians and Gauls the most courageous nations under heaven For harnish and weapons they have no other than such as every poore souldior is able to provide for himselfe but the Macedonians are furnished out of the kings roiall armorie and arcenal with such armors of proofe as my father in many yeers caused to be made with great care and to his no small expence The Romans be far from their provisions the same exposed to all the casualties of the sea but we besides the revenues and issues out of the mines of metall have laid by both coine and corne sufficient to serve for ten years The Macedonians have store and soison in great abundance heape-full of all things necessarie and bee provided as well by the gracious favour of the gods as the carefull diligence of a king It remaineth now that ye carrie that mind and courage with you which your noble progenitors bare before you those I say who after they had conquered and subdued all Europe passed into Asia and by force of armes made way and discovered that part of the world that was never heard of before and gave not over to win ground still and make more conquests untill they were barred by the red sea and could find no more land to conquer But now beleeve me fortune hath denouced a triall by warre not for the purchase of the utmost bounds and marches of India but for our free hold and possession for our inheritance even of Macedonie These Romanes when they warred against my father pretended a goodly title and made a glorious shew to the world as though they would deliver Greece and establish it in freedome but now in open and plaine tearmes they shoot at Macedonie intending to bring it into servitude to the end there might be no king neere neighbor to the Romane seignorie not any nation renowmed for martiall prowesse permitted to beare armes and have weapon in hand For these things and no lesse forced shall yee bee to part with and deliver up unto these prowd LL. together with king and kingdome in case yee surcease war and to doe whatsoever they will commaund you All the while that he delivered this speech there might be heard secret succlamations oftentimes sufficiently testifying the generall assent of them all but at these last words they lift up their voices and cried out aloud part for anger and indignation menacing the enemie part for courage and resolution exhorting the king to be of good cheare and take a good heart in so much as hee was constrained to give over and make an end of his Oration onely he commaunded them to bee readie for the remove and to put themselves in the journey against the enemie for by this time advertised he was that the Romans were dislodged from Nymphaeum After
and made free those they thought meet to be sent to Carteia neere the sea side and there planted also that those Carterians who were willing still to keepe home and remaine there should be priviledged as Coloners so enrolled and to enjoy besides a portion of lands assigned unto them This was a Latine colonie and was called the colonie of the Libertines At the same time there came as Embassadour out of Africke Gulussa the sonue of Masanissa and likewise the Carthaginian embassage Gulussa first was brought into the Senate who declared what his father had sent unto them against the Macedonian warre promising with all that if it pleased them to impose more upon him hee would be readie to performe the same in remembrance of the benefits received from the people of Rome finally he gave the LL. of the Senate a cave at by the way to take heed that the Carthaginians deceived them not in the end for that resolved they were and went in hand to prepare a great navie under pretense of sending it to the Romanes against the Macedonians which if it were once readie tigged and furnished it was in their choice then to make whome they would either friends or foes Being entred the campe and shewing the heads alost they stuck such a feare that if immediately the armie had come forward and advaunced against them the campe might have been woon and yet even then as it was they fled amaine and some there were who gave their opinion to send embassadours to treat and with praiers to intreat for peace Vpon the newes reported hereof many cities submitted and were surrendred Such as made excuse and laid the fault upon the follie of two persons only who had of their owne accord offered themselves to be punished obtained pardon of the Pretour And then forthwith hee went in expedition against other citties but finding them all readie to doe whatsoever they were commaunded hee passed quietly with his armie through that countrey in peace which but a while before was all up in armes and on a light fire This lenitie of the Pretour which he used in taming and subduing this most sierce and proud nation without effusion of blood was by so much more acceptable to the LL. of the Senate and the whole bodie of the people as the Consull Licinius and the other Pretour Lucretius had warred in Greece with greater crueltie and avarice As for Lucretius the Tribunes of the Commons accused him daily in their ordinarie orations before the people for his absence Notwithstanding his excuse was alleadged that absent he was and emploied about the affaires of the State But in those daies so unknowne were things done hard by that even at that present he was at his ferme within the territorie of Antium and busie in conveighing a conduct of water out of the river Loracina to Antium the charges wherof he defraied with the money raised out of the sale of prizes taken from the enemies Some say that he bargained to have that peece of worke effected for the summe of a hundred thirtie thousand Asses Moreover he embelished and adorned the temple of Aesculaptus with the painted tables found in the pillage The envie and ill will the obloquie also and dishonour like to grow to Lucretius turned upon his successor Hortensius by occasion of the embassadours of Abdera who in piteous wife complained with teares before the Senate that their towne was by Hortensius forced and ransacked How the cause of this ruine and destruction of their cittie was no more but this that being enjoined by him to make paiment of a hundred thousand Denarij and allowance of fiftie thousand Modij of wheat they requested some respite of time wherein they might addresse their embassadours as well to Hostilius the Consull as unto Rome concerning this imposition For searcely were they come unto the said Consull but they heard how their cittie was forced the principall citizens thereof beheaded and all the rest sold in portsale under the guirland These were greevous indignities in the sight of the Senate whereupon they passed the same ordinance in the behalfe of the Abderites rites that the yeare before had beene directed in the like case as touching the Coronaeans and commaunded the Pretour Q. Maenius to publish the said decree before the publicke assemblie of the people In like manner two Commissioners were sent namely C. Sempronius Blasus and S. Iulius Caesar for to reestablish the Abderits in their freedome who also had in charge to signifie from them both to the Consull Hostilius and also to the Pretour Hortensius That the Senate judged the hostilitie offered unto the Abderites injurious and the warre unlawfull and therefore that all such as were brought into servitude should be sought out and restored again to libertie At the same time presentation was made unto the Senate of certaine complaints against C. Cassius who had been Consull the yeare before and at that time was emploied in qualitie of a Colonel-marshall together with A. Hostilius in Macedonie Likewise there arrived the embassadours of Cintibilus a petie king of the Gaules A brother of his having gaudience graunted in the Senate made a speech wherein he complained that C. Cassius had given the wast to the lands and territories of the people inhabiting the Alpes who were their allies and consederates and from thence had led away into capritive many thousand persons And much at one instant there came the embassadors of the Carnians Istrians Iapides with complaints against Cassius That first hee had enjoined them to furnish him with guides for to shew and direct him the best way to march with his armie into Macedonie and so departed in peace from them as if he had ment to war elsewhere but afterwards out of the midway of his journey he returned upon them and in hostile manner over ran their frontiers robbing spoiling and burning wheresoever he went and to this day they cannot devise and know the reason wherefore the Consull should hold them for enemies and deale so cruelly by them As well the prince of the Gaules aforesaid being absent as these embassadours in place received this answere That as touching the outrages for which they shewed themselves greeved the Senate neither knew thereof beforehand that ever they were intended ne yet approved of the same since they were committed But against al right equitie it were to condemn unheard in his own defence absent such a personage as he is namely a man who had ben Consul considering also that his emploiment about the C.W. is the occasion of his absence When C. Cassius is once returned out of Macedonie then if they would shew themselves and accuse him face to face the Senate would heare the cause and take knowledge accordingly yea and endevour that they should be satisfied and contented Moreover thought good it was that these nations should not be dispatched onely with this bare answere but that embassadours also should be
was committed to L. Aonylius Paulus the Consull now the second time for the yeere following Paulus before the publike assembly of the people praied unto the gods that all inselicitie and cursed fortune comming toward the people of Rome might bee averted from thence and light upon his owne house And so having taken a voiage into Macedonie vanquished Perseus and subdued all Macedonie A little before he should strike a battel C. Sulpitius Gallus a martial Colonel fore-warned the armie that they should not wonder and be troubled in mind at the eclipse of the mome which was to happen the next night following In like sort Gentius the king of the Illyrians having entred againe into armes was overcome in field by Anicius the Pretour and having submissed himselfe unto him was with his wife children and kindred sent to Rome From Alexandria there arrived the embassadors of Cleopatra and Prolomeus king and queene of Aegypt complaining of Antiochus king of Syria for that he warred upon them Perseus having sollicited Eumenes king of Pergamus and Gentius king of the Illyrians to aid him was by them abandoned for that he made not true pairment of money according to his promise IN the beginning of that spring which immediately followed the winter wherein these occurrents happened Q. Martius Philippus the Consull came to Brundusium with five thousand men whome hee intended to transport over the seas for the supplie of his legions And M. Popilius one who had been Consull and other brave gallants of noble parentage as well as himselfe followed after the Consul to be martiall-Tribunes in the Macedonian legions Also about the same time C. Martius Figulus the Pretor admirall of the navie repaired to Brundusium Who weighing anker loosed to sea from Italie together and arrived the next day at Corphu but the morrow after that they put within Actium an haven of Acarnania From thence the Consull set saile for Ambracia where hee disbarked and travelled by land to Thessalie But the Pretor having doubled the point of Leucas entred the gulfe of Corinth and leaving his vessels at Creusa journeied likewise by land to Chalcis unto the naval forces making such expedition that he crossed through the middest of Baeoria in one day At the same time A. Hostilius lay encamped in Thessalie neere to Palaepharsalus Who albeit hee had performed no memorable exploit of warlike feats yet he had reclaimed his souldiours from all licentious loosenesse where with they were corrupted and raunged them within good order of militarie discipline Also by his faithfull carriage in government hee had entertained and kept the love of the allies still yea and protected them from all manner of wrong and injurie Now when he was advertised of the arrivall of his successour he assembled with all diligence his forces both men and horse and gathered together all armour as well offensive as defensive and so with a brave armie right well appointed he went forth to meet the Consull upon the way As their first encounter and meeting was honorable and besitting as well their own reputation as the great estate of the Roman name so for the managing of the affairs afterward it was very expedient to the Consull Philip For the pro-consull turning to his own armie exhorted the soldiors to performe valiant service and so when he had delivered it to the Consull returned to Rome Some few daies after the Consull made an Oration in a solemne audience of all his souldiours Wherein first hee began with the particide of Perseus committed upon the person of his owne brother but projected against his very father Then he proceeded forward and declared the wicked and divellish meanes whereby he attained to the crowne also his practises of poysoning his bloudie murders how hee laid await for king Eumenes his life by way of detestable brigandage robberie moreover the injuries offered to the people of Rome and the sacking of associate cities against the covenants of accord All which dealings of his he should find one day quoth he by the issue of his affaires how odious and cursed they are in the sight also of the immortall gods For the gods are evermore favourable and gracious to pietie and fidelitie the only means whereby the people of Rome is mounted to that pitch and height of felicitie Then hee compared the forces of that State which alreadie compassed the round world with the strength of Macedonie he set armies to armies making remonstrance how far greater was the puissance of Philip and Antiochus before yet was it defeated utterly by no greater power than the Romans now were able to shew Having thus enkindled enflamed the courages of his soldiors by this maner of exhortation he began to debate in counsell as touching the principall maine point of the whole war And thither repaired unto him from Chalcis the Pretor C. Martius after he had taken the charge of the armada sea-forces Resolved it was and concluded to make no longer abode in Thessalie there to loose time but presently to dislodge remove directly into Macedonie that the Pretour also should endevour and cast how at one and the selfesame time hee might infest and annoy the sea costs of the enemies Now after that the Pretor was dismissed sent away the Consull commaunded his souldiours to bring every man with him provision for a moneth and so the tenth day after he had received the conduct of the armie he removed the campe and set forward When he had gone a daies journey he called together the guides and after hee had commaunded them everyone to declare before the counsell there assembled which way each one of them intended to direct the armie he caused them to void and goe aside and then debated it was in counsell which course to take above all others Some were of opinion to lead by the way of Pythoum others advised to passe over the Cambunian mountaines like as the yeere before Hoslilius the Consull conducted his armie and there were who gave advise to goe neere to the moore and marish of Ascuris Now there remained yet some part behind of the way which lay in different still and common to all these places and therefore their consultation of this point was put over unto the time when they should encampe neere to the parting and division of the said waies So from thence he led the armie to Perrhaebia and sat him downe between Azorus and Doliche for to consult once againe for all which way to take The same time Perseus knowing that the enemie approched but yet ignorant which way hee ment to come determined to beset all the passages with strong guards Whereupon he sent ten thousand yong lustie men lightly armed to the very pitch of the Cambunian hils which the inhabitants themselves call Volustana under the conduct of captaine Asclepiodotus But hee commaunded Hipptas with a power of twelve thousand Macedonians to seize the streights of a certaine sort situate
courage may be thereby quailed and daunted In all meetings now yea and at every bourd I would not else yee shall have them that in their table talke will lead your armies into Macedonie that know where they are to lodge and encampe what commodious placer are to be seized and kept with garrisons at what time and through which passe the entry must be made into Macedonie where the gamers and storehouses forcorne should bee built and set which way by land and sea both the provisions of victuals ought to be brought when the time serveth to encounter and fight with the enemie and when to sit still and rest Neither are they content to set downe and pronounce what is to be done for the better but if ought happen to be mannaged otherwise than they have thought and judged expedient they are so bold as to controll the Consull yea and readie to commense processe against him judicially These are shrowd hinderances I may tell you to warriours and men of action For all men have not the gift of resolution and constancie to neglect the speech and talke of men as sometimes Fabius had who chose rather to have his authoritie and commaund diminished and impaired by the follie and vanitie of lewd people than with their favorable applause and good opinion to mannage his affaires but untowardly Yet take me not so as if I were a man that would have no captaines to be admonished and advised by others nay contrariwise of this judgement I am That hee who worketh all by his selfe-wit and followeth onely his owne head is selfe-willed and proud and nothing sage and wise What is then to be done First in mine opinion Generals and commanders of armies are to be instructed by discreet and prudent men by such as are skilfull by profession in feates of armes and militarie science by those also that by long practise are throughly experienced nay more than that they are to be taught and counsailed by them that are usually present and conversant in the execution of affaires who daily see the vantage of places marke the proceeding of the enemies and observe the opportunities of times those I say who as passengers in one ship are partakers of the same daunger If therebe any man therefore who is verily persuaded of himselfe that he is able to direct me and give me any counsell in the conduct of this warre which I have in charge for the good of the common weale let him come forth and not denie his helping hand to the weale publick and go along with mee into Macedonie Furnish him I shall with ship with horse with tent-roume with conduct money and all things necessary for his voiage If any be loth so to do had rather sit warm at home preferring the ease and repose of the cittie before the travaile and paine of warfare let him not here on the land take upon him to play the pilot and steersman at sea Matter hee shall find enough within the citie to talke of seeke no father let him hold him there and keep his babble prattle to himselfe know he whosoever he is that we will content our selves with our own counsell about us in the camp After this oration ended the Latine festivals solemnized the day before the calends of March together with the sacrifice duly celebrated upon the Albane mount the Consull and the Pretour Cn. Octavius departed incontinently into Macedonie It is recorded in the Chronicles that the Consull was honoured with a greater frequencie that accompaied him than usually had beene knowne and that men presaged in manner assuredly the end of the Macedonian warre how the Consull should have a speediereturne and obtaine a brave and glorious triumph During these occurrents in Italie Perseus who because he was to be at the charges of disbursing money never thought of it to goe through with that which before he had begun namely to adjoine unto him Gentius king of the Illyrians so soone as hee perceived that the Romanes were entred the streights and the warre come now to this extremitie of hazard thought good now to make that sure and put it off no longer Whereas therefore he had covenanted and promised by his embassadour Hippias three hundred talents of silver with condition also that for securitie hostages should be put in of both parties interchaungeably hee sent Pantaucus one of his most trustie friends to dispatch and make an end of this affaire This Pantaucus met the Illyrian king at Medeon in the countrie of Labeatis where hee both tooke an oth of the king and also received his hostages Gentius likewise sent his embassadour named Olympio to demand the semblable oth of Perseus require hostages accordingly with him were certain persons sent of purpose to receive the money who also by the advise of the said Pantaucus were to goe in embassie with the Macedonians to Rhodes and the men hereto appointed were Parmenio Morcus But they had in charge and commission after the oth taken after hostages money received to go to Rhodes and not before Good hope they conceived that the Rhodians might be sollicited and induced to take armes against the Romans by using the name of these two kings at once and this accompt they made that if this state which carried the renowne and honour above all others for sea-service would once combine and band with them they should leave the Romans no hope at all either on land or sea When these Illyrians arrived Perseus departed with all his cavallerie from before the river Enipeus where hee was encamped and encountred them neere Dium There were all the accomplements performed according to the covenants in the sight and mids of the cavallerie whom the king of purpose would needs have to bee present at this accord of association made betweene him and king Gentius supposing that it would comfort and encourage them the more So the hostages were given and taken in the presence of them all They also who were to receive the money were sent to Pella where the king his treasure lay and those that should goe to Rhodes with the illyrian embassadours had commaundement to embarke at Thessalonica Now was Metrodorus there lately come from Rhodes who asured them by the meanes of Dion and Polyaratus two principall personages of that cittie that the Rhodians were prest and readie to warre Whereupon the said Metrodorus was appointed the chiefe in this embassage of Macedonians and Illyrians together At the same time likewise was addressed and imparted both unto Eumenes and also unto Antiochus such advise and counsell in common as the present condition wherin their affairs stood might minister affourd argument Namely that a free citie and a king were two by nature enemies that possibly could not sort together That the people of Rome went in hand with them severally one after another that which was a greater indignitie unsupportable used the force of kings to
overthrow the state of kings For so by the aid of Attalus they had brought his father Philip to ruin by the help likewise of Eumenes and partly also of his father Philip Antiochus was defaited and even now against himselfe both Eumenes and Prusias were put in arms if the kingdome of Macedonie were once subverted have at Asia next which the Romanes have in some part seized alreadie for their owne under a colour of enfranching citties and setting them free and then they will not leave untill they have Syria too For now is Prusias preferred in honour before Eumenes and Antiochus for all his conquest is chaced and debarred out of Aegypt which ought to have bene the recompence for the war by him enterprised atchieved In these regards Perseus advertised ech of them to consider and provide therefore either to force the Romanes to make peace with him or else to hold them for the common enemies of all kings in case they persisted still in so unjust a war The commission that the embassadors had to Antiochus was apert open but unto Eumenes and embassador was sent under a pretence of ransoming certain captives but practised there were under hand more secret complots which caused Eumenes even then to bee suspected odious unto the Romans yea charged afterward with more grievous matters althoughuntruly For he was reputed little better than a traitor and a professed enemie to their state wheras indeed both he Perseus strove who could compasse surprise and overtake one another better in fraud and avarice Now there was one Cydas a Cretensian an inward and most secret friend to Eumenes this man had communed first at Amphipols with one Chimarus a countrieman of his who served under Perseus in the wars and afterwards at Demetrias conferred with another named Menecrates also with a certaine third person called Antiochus all captaines to king Perseus even under the very wals of the foresaid cittie Over and besides Eropon who at this time was sent had beforetime ben emploied in two severall embassies to the same Eumenes These secret communications and embassages were badly spoken of but no man knew what was concluded between the two kings Howbeit thus the case stood Eumenes as he had no mind nor intention to war upon Perseus so he was not desirous in his hart that he should have the victory of the Romans not so much for the old enmitie which had ben between both their fathers as for the hateful quarels kindled among themselves For this concurrence and aemulation there was betweene these two princes that Eumenes could never abide to see Perseus for to purchase so great welth so much honor as he must needs acquire by the conquest of the Romanes he saw moreover that Perseus from the first beginning of this war sought by all meanes possible for peace the neerer he was to daunger domage aimed thereat every day more than other employing his whole studie and care about nothing els He perceived also that among the Romanes because the warre grew to be longer than they hoped and looked for as well their captains as the Senat were well enough content and very desirous to see an end once of so troublesome hurtfull and difficult a warre Knowing thus as he did the mind and will of both parties he enclined and framed to that which of it selfe as he thought might fall out where the stronger was wearie and the weaker in feare and therein desired he to Thew his double diligence thereby to win a thinke and purchased favour of both parts For he entred into bargaine with Perseus for a summe of money one while not to aid the Romanes either by land or sea another whiles to be a means for peace and to treat with the Romans thereabout and not to intermeddle at all in the warre but to sit still he capitulated I say for a thousand and five hundred talents making semblance and shew that for the assurance both of the one and the other readie he was not only to sweare but also to put in good and sufficient hostages Perseus was the willingest man in the world to set in hand with this as being driven thereto by the exigent of feare and presently without delay dealt with him as touching the hostages which were to be received and in fine concluded it was that they should upon their deliverie and receit be sent into Creete But when they came once to talke of the money aforesaid hee hafred and stucke at that and to say a truth either of these two summes between princes of so great name and honour was but a base and dishonest consideration a thing much unfitting ywis the giver and more the receiver Perseus verily for his part in hope to purchase peace with the Romanes was willing enough to be at the expense of so much money mary hee said that he would make paiment thereof when the thing was done and accomplished and in the meane time lay it up safe for that purpose within the temple of Samothracia Eumenes againe considering that the said Island was an appertenance to the dominion of Perseus could not see but it was all one for it to lie there and in Pella and therfore was earnest to have part therof in hand Thus betwene them there was nothing but lying in the wind for the vantage who could overreach the other and what was gained in the end but infamie and discredit As for Perseus hee not onely let fall this design and lost his opportunitie and that by his niggardise only when by the means of Eumenes he might have had either his money sure enough or peace for it which indeed he should have bought if it had cost him the one halfe of his kingdom and being once received into grace and favour of the people of Rome hee might have defamed and brought into obloquie and daunger his concurrent by charging him to have received a peece of money for a bribe and so justly have set the Romans upon his top but also the association with king Gentius which now was at the point of a contract was neglected yea and a mightie army of Gauls spred at that time all over Illyricum and presented unto him was even then refused and discharged by this pinching and saving of his mony For there came and offered their service ten thousand horsemen and as many foot and those so well practised and so good of footmanship that they were able to hold out and keepe pace with horses yea and run by their sides such I say as when the riders were unhorsed and fallen could vault and mount on the emptie horse backes ready to fight in their turnes These had bargained to have for pay every horseman ten Philip peeces of gold paied down aforehand and a footman five and their captaine a thousand Perseus departed from his leaguer lying neere the river Enipeus and with the one halfe of his own forces met these comming upon the
the people in hand most falsly that the young prince pined away with the paine of the stone in the bladder and whiles they would seeme to cut him for it they killed him out of hand in the very section Of the LVI booke DEcius Iunius Brutus had good fortune in the farther province of Spaine fighting with the Gallicians But M. Aemylius Lepidus pro-consull sped far otherwise in his wars against the Vaccci and suffered the like overthrow to that other received from the Numantines When Mancinus the autheur and maker of the accord 〈…〉 when he was unwilling to accept thereof by reason of a law forbidding expressely that any 〈…〉 hee created Cos. the second time hee had a dispensation and was freed from the law in that 〈…〉 as from the other in his former Consullship There was an insurrection of bondslaves arose 〈…〉 when it could not be suppressed by the Pretours and lord governours C. Fulvius had the charge of that province and service This war began by occasion of one Etinus a bondslave and a Syrian borne who having assembled together a power of rusticall peasants and countrie slaves broken prisons sons and horses of correction came to have a full and complete armie Moreover Cleon also another notable slave raised to the number of 70000 villaines like himselfe and they both ioining their forces together waged war many times against the people of Rome and their armie in those parts Of the LVII booke SCâ—pio Africanus laid sâ—gâ— to Numantia and whereas the armie was grown to be corrupted through 〈◊〉 and loose lâ—sâ— hee reclaimed the same and reduced it unto a most streight and severe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—ed 〈◊〉 For he cut off all the meanes and occasions of delight some pleasures hee sent pasâ—â—ing away two thousand whores and truls that followed the campe hee held the souldiours hard to 〈◊〉 everyday hee forced each one to carrie on his shoulders corne for thirtie daies and seven good slaves besides for a pallaâ—sadâ— if he spied one of them to go heavily under his lode he would say thus unto him Sâ—â—â—ha when you have the skill to empale your selfe with your swords point then cease to carrie pâ—â—â— but not before When hee saw another practise to weeld very nimbly a little light buckler hee commaunded him to beare a targuet of a bigger size and weightier than ordinarie as finding fault that he 〈◊〉 better how to hold his shield for defence of his owne bodie than to handle his sword for offence of the enemie Met he with a soldior out of his ranke and file if he were a Roman up he went and was well â—â—dged swaddled with vâ—ne-wands by the centurions if a stranger swinged tierked he was with birthjen rods by the Lictors And verily all the pack horses and other labouring beasts he caused to be sold because they should not ease the soldiors of their cariage Well many a time he bare himselfe worthily in fight and had a fortunat hand against the enemies that sallied forth against him The Vacceans were strenghtly besieged and after they had killed their wives and children they slew their owne selves upon them Scipio at what time as Antiochus king of Syria had sent unto him most rich and stately presents whereas other Generals of the field were wont to conceale the gifts of KK he avowed the accepting of them in open sight of all men even at the very Tribunall seat And when he had so done he commaunded the trâ—â—sâ—â—er to receive all and enter in his booke of receits for the state promising out of that stock to reward the hardiest men most valiant knights When he had blocked and invested Numentia on every side and saw the enemies driven to great distresse for hunger hee for bad expressely to kill any of tâ—â—m that went forth of the towne to forage and purvey victuals saving That the more they were in number the sooner they would consume and spend up the corne which they had Of the LVIII booke ITherius Sempronius Graâ—chus a Tribune of the Commons when hee promulged an Agrariâ—n law that no man should hold and occupie above five hundred arpens or acres of the citie lands seeing the Senat and order of gentlemen to storme against it grew into such an heat of cholâ—r and furious rage that presently by an act made hee deprived of Tribunitian power 〈◊〉 his Collâ—gue for maintaining the cause of the adverse part and withall created himselfe his brother C. Graechus and App. Claudius his owne wives father Triumvirs or commissaries for dividing of the said lands He proposed also and published another Agrarian law by vertue whereof if any man encroched farther and went above that stint proportion the same Triumvirs and none but they should set down and determine how far forth the common grounds the privat lands should râ—â—ch Afterwards when there sell out to be lesse ground than could be devided he protested that without the offence of the common people because erewhile he had stirred up their appetite to hope for great matters he would preferre a law That amongst all them who by vertue of the law Sempronia ought to receive lands the mony which belonged sometime to King Attalus should be devided Now this Attalus the king of Pergamus and son of Eumenes had left behind him the people of Rome his fall beire of all that he had The Senat upon these so many indignities offered by Gracehus was highly displeased and Pub. Mucius the Consull above the rest who after hee had enveighed in the Senate against him was by him haled forth before the people and accused unto the Commons howbeit hee declaimed against him once againe openly from the Rostra When Gracchus would have been chosen Tribune of the Commons a second time by the advise and procurement of P. Cornelius Nasica the cheefe peeres and nobles slew him in the Capitoll He caught his first knocke with the broken peeces of the Tribunes puâ—s And he among others slaine in that seditious garboile was never committed to the earth but throwne into the river Moreover this booke containeth the battels in Sicilie fought against the fugitive slaves with variable fortune and event Of the LIX booke THe Numantines forced by great extremities and of famine especially murdered themselves in course by turnes After the citie was woon Scipio Affricanus rased and destroied it utterly over it triumphed in the foureteenth yeere after the ruine of Carthage P. Attilius the Consull dispatched and ended the warre in Sicilie with the foresaid fugitives Arislonicus the sonne of king Eumenes invaded Asia and held it to his owne use whereas by the last will and testament of king Attalus it was bequeathed as a legacie unto the people of Rome and ought to have ben freed Against him P. Lâ—tinius Crassus the Consul Archbishop besides a thing never done or seene before took a iourney with an armie out of Italie and in a baâ—tel was
overthrowne and lest his life M. Perpenna the Consull overcame Aristonicus and received him by surrender I. Pomponius and I. Metellus were elected Censors the first Commoners that ever both together attained to that dignitie A review was taken by the Censors wherin were numbered 368823 citizens besides orphans and widows Q. Metellus the Censor gave his advise and opinion that all men should be compelled to take wives for the breeding of children His Oration to that purpose is extant which Augustus Caesar at what time as he went in hand to ioine in mariage all the three states and degrees of the citie rehearsed in the Senate as if it had beene penned to fit these times wherein we now live C. Atinius Labeo a Tribune of the Commons commaunded Q. Metellus the Censor who in the review and new choise of the Senators did him that disgrace as to lâ—ave him out to be pitched down headlong from the rock Tarpeia but the rest of the Tribunes assisted the Censour all that ever they could that this commaundement should not bee executed When Carbo a Tribune of the Com. proposed a bill that it might be lawfull to create the same man Trib. of the Commons so often as one would P. Africanus disâ—uaded this law in a most grave and pithy Oration wherein hee used these words especially That he iudged Tib. Gracchus to have ben iuslly slaine for his deserts Gracchus on the other side maintained the law and pleaded that it might passe but Scipio imported and prevailed in the end In this booke are related the wars betweene Antiochus king of Syria Phraates king of the Parthians as also the troubles of Aegypt which stood as then in no better terms Ptolomaus surnamed Evergetes for his exceeding crueltie grew hatefull and odious to his owne subjects and when the people had set on fire and burned his roiall pallace he sled by stealth into Cyprus when the kingdome was by the people made over to his sister Cleopatra whom after hee had defloured by force her daughter a virgine and so taken her to wise he had turned away in great displeasure and malice unto her he killed that son whom he had by her in Cyprus sent unto the mother his head hands and feet Certain seditions were raised by the Triumvirs Fulvius Flaccus C. Gracchus and L. Carbo who were created for the decision of land Against whom P. Scipio Africanus made resistance but being in perfect health strong and lustie he went home to his house as it might bee to day and was found dead in his bed chamber the next morrow His wife Sempronia was deeply suspected to have given him a cup of poyson hereupon especially because she was sister to the Gracchi between whom and Africanus there was grudge and enmities Howbeit there was no question and streight enquirie made how hee came to his death When his head was once laid the Triumvir all seditions beforesaid brake forth into a more light hot fire C. Sempronius the Consull fought against the Iapida first unfortunately but soone after he made amends for that losse received with a victorie atchieved by the special valor of C. Iunius Brutus the same man who before had conquered Portugall Of the LX. booke AVrelius the Consull subdued the Sardians Fulvius Flaccus was the first man that vanquished in fight the Ligurians beyond the Alpes being sent to aid the Massilians against the French Salyes who lay sore upon the borders of the Massilians and spoiled them Lucius Opimius the Pretour received under his subiection the Fregellanes who had revolted and destroied the towne Fregella Here is reported a pestilence in Affrick by an exceeding multitude of locusts killed and lying dead afterwards upon the ground A survey was taken of the citie by the Censors wherein were numbred 390736 citizenâ— C. Gracchus brother of Tyberius a Tribune of the Commons but of the twain more eloquent preferrâ—d certain dangerous and pernicious laws among the rest one as touching grain namely that the Commons should be served in the market at the rate of one halfe and a third part of Asse a Modâ—us another concerning division of lands the same which his brother before him had published and a third whereby hee meant to corrupt the order of gentlemen which then accorded with the degree of Senators namely that from out of those gentlemen 600 should be taken into the Senat for as much as in these daies there were but three hundred Senatours those sixe hundred gentlemen should bee enterâ—ingâ—d with the said three hundred that is to say that the order of gentlemen should be double in number to the Senatours and twise as strong This Gracchus having continued his Tribuneship another yeere by proposing still the Agrarian lawes prevailed that many Colonies more should bee planted in Italie and one besides upon the very plot of ground where Carthage lately destroied had stood and there himselfe chosen Triumvir therfore erected a Colonâ—e Moreover this booke containeth the exploits of Q. Metellus against those Baleare Islands which the Greekes call Gyvenesia because the people go naked all the summer time But Baleares they be named either of slinging darts or of Balâ—â—u the companion of Hercules whom he left behind there at what time as he sailed to Geryon Also the troubles in Syria be here reported wherein Cleopatra slew both her husband Demetrius and his sonne Selencus â—aking great indignation than when his father was by her killed hee without her warrant had taken the diad me upon him Of the LXI booke _â—Aius Sextius the Proconsull after he had conquered the nation of the Salyes built the Colonie Aquae Sextiae so called of the plenteous abundance of waters by reason of springs both hote and cold and also of his owne name C. Comiâ—ius the Proconsull fought fortunately against the Alloâ—roges neere the town Vindalium The cause why hee levied warre against them was for that they had received and releeved by all meanes they could Teutomalius the king of the Salvij when he flâ—d unio them and had wasted also the territories of the Heduans who were the allies of the people of Rome C. Gracchus after he had borne his Tribuneship with much sedition and kept the Aventine hill with a multitude of the Commons in armes was by L. Opimius the Consull who by vertue of an act of Senate had put the people in arme disseized of his hold and slaine and together with him Fulvius Flâ—ccus a Consular man his associate and companion in this furious outrage Q. Fabius Maximus the Consull and nephew of Paâ—lus woon a field of the Allobryges and Bituttus king of the Arverni Of Bâ—tuitus his armie were slain a hundred and twentie thousand And when himselfe in person was gone to Rome to satisfie the Senate he was committed toward in Alba for that it seemed daungerous and hurtfull to the peace for to send him backe againe into Fraunce Also there passed a decree
woon a field of the Samnites for which victorie the souldiours coates were laid off againe at Rome Yet because the fortune of the field would shew her selfe variable the colonie Essernia together with M. Marcellus was taken by the Samnites On the other side Marius in a battaile vanquished the Marsians and slew Hirmius Asimius the Pretour of the Marrucines C. Caecilius overcame the Salvij that rebelled in that province of Gaule beyond the Alpes Of the LXXIIII booke CNeus Pompeius discomfited the Picents in battaile and held them besieged for which victorie the embrodered purple robes with other ornaments and badges of the magistrates were taken up againe and put on C. Marius fought against the Marsians with doubtfull event The libertines then and never before began to serve in the warres Aurelius Plotius the lieutenant in a battaile overcame the Vmbrians likewise L. Porcius the Pretor vanquished the Marsians when as both these nations had rebelled Nicomedes was placed againe in the kingdome of Bithynia and Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia Cu. Pompeius the Consull overthrew the Marsians in a pight field When the cittie was deeply engaged and plunged in debt A. Sempronius Asellus the Pretour because he gave sentence respectively in the favour of the debtours was slaine in the market place by their creditours the usurers Moreover this booke relateth the inrodes invasions of the Thracians into Macedonie together with their wasting of those parts Of the LXXV booke AVlus Posthumius Albinus a lieutenant generall being the Admirall of a fleet was upon an infamous imputation of betraying his soldiors massacred by his own army L. Cornelius Sylla a lieutenant overthrew the Samnites in fight and woon two campes of theirs Cn. Pompeius received the Vestines upon their submission L. Porcius the Consull after fortunate successe in battaile and that he had sundrie times discomfited the Samnites as he assaied to force their campe lost his life which accident gave away the victorie of that battaile to the enemie Cosconius and Luceius overcame the Samnites in battaile slew Marius Egnatius a most noble and renowned commaunder of the enemies and had many of their townes surrendred up into their hands L. Sylla tamed the Hirpines and defeated the Samnites in many battailes and certaine States submitted unto him who having atchieved so worthie and brave exploites before his Consulship as seldome any other man besides the like repaired to Rome for to sue to be Consull Of the LXXVI booke AVlus Gabinius a lieutenant having fought fortunately against the Lucanes and woon from them many townes as he laid siege to the enemies leaguer was cut off and slaine Sulpitius in qualitie of lieutenant had the execution of the Marrucines and the surrender of that whole nation Cn. Pompeius the Pro-consull tooke the submission of the Vestines and Pelignians The Marsians likewise having bene in certaine battailes quelled by L. Murana Caecilius Pinna lieutenants craved peace Asculum was woon by Cn. Pompeius and the Italian people by Mamercus Aemylius the lieutenant were put to the sword Silo Popedius Generall of the Marsians and the authour of this villanie was slaine in battaile Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia and Nicomedes of Bithynia were driven both out of their kingdomes by Mithridates king of Pontus Last of all this booke discourseth of the incursions and spoile that the Thracians made in Macedonie Of the LXXVII booke VVHen P. Sulpitius a Tribune of the commons by the advise and instigation of C. Marius had promulged certaine pernicious laws That the banished should be restored and new citizens together with Libertines be sorted into Tribes also that Marius should be chosen Generall against Mithridates king of Pontus and when he offered violence against Q. Pompeius and L. Sylla the Consuls who contradicted his proceedings and had slaine the sonne of Pompeius the Consull who had married Syllaes daughter then L. Sylla Consull entred Rome with an armie and within the very cittie fought against the adverse side of Sulpitius and Marius and drave them forth of which faction twelve were by the Senate iudged enemies and amongst them C. Marius both father and sonne As for P. Sulpitius when he lurked in a certaine ferme-house of the countrie was bewraied betraied by his own bond-servant and so pulled forth from thence and killed The slave because he might seem to be rewarded for revealing his maister according to promise was manamised and set free but for his wicked treacherie in betraying his owne maister he was throwne downe the rocke Tarptia C. Marius the sonne crossed these sinto Affricke C. Marius the father lay hidden amongst the marishes of the Miuturnians and was plucked out from thence by the townesmen and when a certaine bondslave and a Frenchman borne was sent to kill him he was so affrighted at the maiestie and countenance of so brave a man that he went backe and would not doe the seat whereupon Marius was embarked at the charges of the cittie and carried into Affricke L. Sylla reformed the State of the citie and drew out from thence inhabitants to people the colonies Q. Pompeius the Consull tooke his iourny to receive the armie of Cn. Pompeius the Cos. and by his counsell was slain Mithridafes king of Pontus seized upon Bithyniâ— and Cappadocia drave out Aquilus the lieutenant and with a mightie armie invaded Phrygia the province of the people of Rome Of the LXXVIII booke MIthridates held Asia with his garrisons he cast into prison Q. Oppius the Pro-consull and likewise Aquilius the lieutenant Also by his commaundement all the Romane citizens to bee found in Asia were in one day massacred The cittie Rhodes which onely continued true and kept alleageance hee assailed but being in certaine battailes at sea overcome hee gave over and retired Archelaus a chiefe governour and commaunder under the king entred Greece with an army seized upon Athens and held it Moreover this booke conteineth the fearefull troubles of certain câ—ties and lands whiles the inhabitants endevoured to draw their states some to side with the king others to take part with the Romanes Of the LXXIX booke LVcius Cornelius Cinna at what time as by force and armes hee published daungerous lawes was thereupon by his Collegue Cn. Octavius driven out of the cittie with sixe Tribunes of the commons besides and being thus deprived of his rule and authoritie he became commaunder of Ap. Claudius his armie by corruption and ioyning with C. Marius other banished persons out of Affricke hee marched in warlike manner against the cittie of Rome In which war it fortuned that two brethren the one of Pompeius his armie and the other of Cinnaes encountred in fight and knew not one another New when the conquerour was in disarming and spoiling him whom he had slaine he saw what he had done and tooke knowledge that it was his brother whereupon hee fell into an exceeding pâ—teous fit of wailing and lamentation made a funerall fâ—â—e for his brothers corps stabbed himselfe through thereupon and in the
CXXI booke CAssius who had in commission from the Senate to pursue by force of armes Dolabella iudged an enemie to the commonweale being borne out by the authoritie and warrant of the State possessed himselfe of Syria and became maister of three armies which were in that province He besieged Dolabella within the citie of Laodicaea and did him to death C. Antonius was likewise taken prisoner and by commaundement from M. Brutus slaine Of the CXXII booke MArcus Brutus had but bad successe in fight against the Thracians After that all the provinces beyond-sea and the armies were under his hands and Caius Cassius they complotted both together at Smyrna what course to take for the future warre Publicola the brother of M. Messala they vanquished and yet by common consent they pardoned him Of the CXXIII booke SExtus Pompeius the sonne of Magnus assembled together out of Epirus a number of outlawes and banished persons and having a long time with this armie robbed only by way of piracie and setled as yet upon the possission of no peece upon the land first seized Messana a towne in Sicilie and afterwards the whole province And after that A. Pompeius Bithynicus the Pretour there was by Pompeie slaine he the said Pompeie in a battaile at sea vanquished Q. Salvidienus a lieutenant of Caesar. Caesar and Antonie with their armies sailed over into Greece with intent to wage warre against Brutus and Cassius Quintus Cornificius in Africke over came in plaine fight T. Sestius the captain of the Cassian faction Of the CXXIIII booke CAius Caesar together with Antonie fought at Philippi with variable fortune against Brutus and Cassius in such sort as the right points of both battailes had the better ech of them woon the others campe But the death of Cassius was it that turned the ballance made the difference who being in that point that reculed and went downe supposed that the whole armie and maine battaile was discomfited and so killed himselfe In another conflict afterwards M. Brutus also was overcome and there ended his life for hee intreated Strato that accompanied him in his flight to set his swords point toward him and so hee ran upon it The same did some fortie more of the principall Romanes among whom was Q. Hortensius likewise slaine Of the CXXV booke CAius Caesar left Antonie for to his share fell the empire of some provinces beyond-sea returned into Italie He divided lands among his old souldiours The mutinies of his owne armie by occasion that the souldiours were seduced by Fulvia the wife of M. Antonius and rose against their Generall be repressed with exceeding daunger and ieopardie L. Antonius the Consull and brother to M. Antonius by the ungracious counsell and persuasion of the said Fulvia made warre upon Caesar and having procured those nations to side and take part with him whose lands had bene made over and assigned to the old souldiours aforesaid and withall discomfited M. Lepidus who with an armie had the government and guard of the cittie entred perforce by way of hostilitie into Rome Of the CXXVI booke CAius Caesar when hee was but three and twentie yeeres of age besieged L. Antonius in the towne Perusia when he made sundrie offers to sallie out break forth he repelled chased him back yea and for very hunger forced him to yeeld and come under his obeysance As for Antonie himself and all his souldiours he pardoned but Perusia he rased and destroied Finally after hee had brought all the armies of the adverse side to submit and to stand to his mercie he finished the warre without effusion of any bloud Of the CXXVII booke THe Parthians under the conduct of Labienus who had taken part with Pompeie and that side invaded Syria evercame Didius Saxa the lieutenant of M. Antonius and held all that province to their owne use M. Antonius being sollicited by the instigation of his wife Fulvia to make war against Caesar put her away because she should be no let nor hinderance to the accord and agreement of the three rulers in their Triumvirate Then made hee a peace with Caesar and tooke to wife his sister Octavia Q. Salvidienus who complotted mischiefe against Caesar he detected and bewraied who being thereupon condemned wrought his owne death P. Ventidius a lieutenant under Antonius overcame the Parthians in battaile and chased them forth of Syria having before slaine their leader Labienus When as Sextus Pompeius held Sicilie and being a neere enemie and ill neighbour to Italie staied the transporting of corne and victuals by sea upon request Caesar and Antonie made peace with him for this consideration that he should governe Sicilie as his province Also herein are set forth the troubles and warres of Africke Of the CXXVIII booke VVHen Sext. Pompeius infested the sea againe with roverie and piracie and would not make good maintein that peace which he had accepted of Caesar he was forced upon necessitie to undertake war against him and in two navall battailes sought with doubtfull event L. Ventidius a lieutenant of M. Antonius vanquished the Parthians in Syria and slew their king The Iewes also were by Antonies lieutenant subdued Herein besides is set downe the preparation for the Sicilian warre Of the CXXIX booke SVndrie battailes were fought at sea against Sex Pompeius with variable issue so as of Caesars two fleets the one which was conducted by Agrippa got the better hand but the other led by Caesar himselfe had the overthrow and the souldiours being set a shore were in exceeding great daunger But afterwards Pompeius was defeated and thereupon fled into Sicilie Marcus Lepidus crossed the seas from out of Africke pretending to take part with Caesarin his warres to bee made against Sex Pompeius But when Caesar warred upon him also he was abandoned of his armie and being content to resigne up the honour and dignitie of the Triumvirat obteined life M. Agrippa was by Caesar rewarded with a navall crowne an honour to no man ever graunted before him Of the CXXX booke MArcus Antonius in his rioting time with Cleopatra entred into the province of Media with eighteen legions and sixteene thousand horsemen levied warre upon the Parthians and after he had lost two of his legions seeing nothing chieve well on his side he retired back But efisoons the Parthians followed him in chase whereupon in exceeding fearfull hast and great perill of the whole armie he returned into Armenia so as in 27 daies he fled three hundred myles About 8000 men hee lost by tempesteous weather But he was himselfe the occasion that he suffered these daungerous tempests over and besides the Parthian warre which unfortunately he enterprised because he would not winter in Armenia for hast he made to his love Cleopatra Of the CXXXI booke SEx Pompeius having once submitted whiles he was in the protection of M. Antonius went about to levie warre against him in Asia but by his lieutenants he was surprised and slain Caesar staied
day there is to be seene no shew or token at all The other of Severus whereof there remaine still overagainst S. Gregories church three Zones or girdles as it were of curious worke for the beautie and statelinesse of the pillars worth the seeing and pleasant to behold Reared it was in the broad street called Appia and built by Severus himselfe That which now is left thereof leaneth out so as it seemeth ever and anone readie to fall CHAP. XVII The triumphant arch of Constantine the emperour THese triumphant arches were erected for them onely who having subdued whole provinces or conquered forraine nations and obtained brave and fortunate victories seemed worthie of triumph and thereupon they were called Triumphant arches Vpon these arches for the perpetuall and everlasting memoriall of acts atchieved were cut and engraven the portraitures of the very places where the warre was performed the resemblances of fabrickes and raunged battels if the service was on land and of ships if it were at sea Howbeit untill the time of the emperors no man raised any arches and in Plinies daies they began first to be built so as that of Titus is of all others most auncient For before their age only statues and trophees were set up But in processe of time following many of these arches were raised among which that of Constantine is to be seen above the rest at the corner of the mount Palatine neere the Theatre beautified with triumphall ornaments and remaineth at this day in a manner sound and whole without any hurt This arch Constantine erected for himselfe upon the victorie which he obtained over Maxentius at the bridge Milvius CHAP. XVIII Coelius the mount and Coeliolus THe mount Coelius in old time was named Querquetulanus for the number of okes there growing but afterwards it was so called of one Coelius Vibennus a duke of the Tuscane nation unto whō the Romans graunted a place in that mountaine to inhabit For when as the Tuscane people by reason of their multitude and the strong fenced places which they held were suspected cōmanded they were to remove into a street which of themselves was named Thuscus But such as were without suspition kept the hill Coeliolus or Coelicolus i. the little Coelius a place where sometime the goddesse Diana was worshipped and at this day there standeth the church consecrated to S. Evangelista the virgine This mountaine afterwards by Tiberius was named Augustus CHAP. XIX The temples of Faunus Venus and Cupid the court Hostilia the forraine campe the house of the Lateranes the pallace of Constantine and Casorianus the horseman statue of L. Verius VPon the ridge or side of the mount Coelius there standeth a round church now patronised by S. Stephen but hallowed and consecrated in times past to Faunus Faunus hee was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. for that hee foretold things to come by voice and not by signes The Albanes in old time inhabited that part of the hill where at this day the church stands of S. Marie Dominicke In the hill Coelius stood sometimes the temples of Venus and Cupid not farre from the gate Naevia where now is the church of the holy crosse in Hierusalem The court Hostilia was in two places of Rome the one in the common Forum hard by the temple of Peace where K. Hostilius first dwelt the other in that place where afterwards the church of Saint Iohn and Saint Paule was built A place there was in the mount Coelius called Castra Peregrina toward the Northeast and the Esquiliae where at this time the church of the foure crowned Saints is frequented The house of the Lateranes also was built upon the same mount at the pallace or stately hall of the Lateranes The pallace of Flavius Constantinus neere the house of the Lateranes stood between the gates Caelimontana and Gabiusa The pallace of Caesorianus was built at the gate Naevia and the church of S. Holy-crosse in Hierusalem In the street called Lateranensis stood the statue on horseback of L. Verius Some say it was made for M. Aurelius Antonius others for Septimius Severus CHAP. XX. Of the Amphitheatres and first of that of Statilius Taurus NOw it followeth to speake of the Amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus but before we write thereof it would bee breefely shewed what an Amphitheatre is Now this word Amphitheatrum commeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. of looking round about for two prospects joined in one make the forme of an hemisphere or halfe circle Some thinke that Titus devised the Amphitheatre first but some avow and prove that C. Caesar built the first that ever was in Mars field but by the authoritie of Suetonius it is proved that Statilius reared one Amphitheatre before Titus In these Amphitheatres were prises and rewards propounded to them that would fight with beasts Condemned persons likewise yeelded there to the eies of men a horrible and fearefull sight to behold for thither were those prisoners brought by the Lictours within that enclosure to wrestle and maintaine conflict with wild beasts Moreover the emperours before they tooke their journey to any war or expedition exhibited unto the people in these Amphitheatres shewes of sword-fencers at the sharpe for life and death to the end that the souldiours should be acquainted with fight and learne not to be affraid of weapons of wounds no nor of bloud shed nor to draw backe and avoid the perils of warre to come for the noveltie and strangenesse thereof A great part of Statilius his Amphitheatrum is yet to bee seene neere the wals at S. Crosses church in Hierusalem And at the same time hee built it when Augustus Caesar encouraged and exhorted the cittizens of Rome every man according to his abilitie to beautifie and adorne the citie CHAP. XXI The water conduits why they were devised by what meanes waters were conveighed into the citie to what purpose by whom first and how many THe citie of Rome in the beginning as hath beene said in the first booke was but narrow of compasse and contained within small bounds and the people for commoditie and store of water setled upon the river Tyber But as the citie daily more and more encreased necessarie it was that some should build them houses and habitation in one place some in another farther from the river whereupon distressed it was for want of water which was to be fetched so farre off and that with great paine and labour besides those places which had no current of running waters to wash away the filth and carie it into Tyber became by the noisome aire which was infected with their lothsome and stinking smels unholsome and subject many times to the pestilence Prince Nerva therefore the emperour undertook to redresse and remedie this mischiefe and others after him by his example devised by the wit and subtile invention of men conduit pipes to bring water into those parts of the citie which otherwise had none And this verily they did two
with Romulus 11 a Taurilia plaies 1036 i Taxation or review taken of twelve colonies 731 g Tectosages Gallogretians their treacherie 998 m rewarded for their villanie 999 c Tempest extraordinarie at Rome 1088 b Dame Tullus or mother-earth 284 i Sext. Tempanius a valiant knight 163 c his modestie towards his Generall 165 h Terentius Varro his parent age behaviour rising 444 k. chosen Consul 453.f his bragging in the Senat. 455 e TereÌ„tius Varro received with thanksgiving after the battell at Cannae 472 b C. Terentius Varro his base mind shewed to the embassadours of Capua in his oration 475 d Straunge tempest at Rome 1060 i Tempe the discription thereof 1174 b Terentilla law proposed 93 e Q. Terentius Culleo honoureth the triumph of Scipio in his cap of libertie 772 l Thalassio 8 i Thaumaci besieged by Philip. 811 a the site thereof ibid. b Theatines enter into league with the Romanes 328 k Theodorus a conspiratour against Hicronymus executed 512 g hee appeacheth Thraso untruly ibid Theodorus and Sosis enter Syracusa and incite the cittizens to libertie 523 b Theoxena marieth her sisters husband 1061 b her resolution and manlike fact ibid. f Thessalonians complaints of king Philip. 1038 k Thracians set upon the armie of Cncus Manlius and rob them 1008.l Thraso innocent put to death with others 512 b Thoas his report of Antiochus forees 907 a Thoas disappointed of his plot for Chalcis 911 c hee leadeth Antiochus with his leasings 913 b suggesteth against Anniball ibd Thurus sideth to the Romanes 109 k Thuines yeeld the cittie to the Carthaginians 558 l Terminus god of bounds 38 l Terminalia 1162 l Timasitheus his religion iustice and courtesie 190 l Titienses 27. Toga Virilis 467 d Toga praetexta 7 c Treatie of peace betweene T. Quintius and Philip at the river Aous 814 k it turneth to a stay 815 b Treatie of peace betweene Philip and the Aetolians 651 b Trebius betraicth Consa to Anniball 473 a Tribes foure adioined to Rome 219. f Two tribes added to the rest 294 g Tribes added Aniensis and Tarentines 357 d Tribes 35 in all 219 f Tributes first devised 31 b Tributa Comitia 88 i Tribunes of commons created first 65 e Tribunes of commons created ten 108 i Tribunes militarie twentie chosen in an insurrection by souldiours 122 h Tribunes militarie chosen eight 119 f Tribunes of commons created againe 124 l Tribunes chosen out of Patritij 186 k Tribunes of commons continue five yeeres 242 g Law Trebonia 187 f L. Trebonius surnamed Asper 132 l Tribunes militar sixe in a legion chosen by the souldiours 232.l Trinundinum 110 k. Tripudium Solistimum 〈◊〉 Triumph graunted without the consent of the Senate 131 e Triumvirs for planting colonies 232 â— Triumviri Capitales first ordeined 388 â— Triumvirs for the night 349 e Triumviri mensarij 488 l Triumviri Epulones instituted at Rome 848 g Trientius and Tributus ager 787 e Triumvirs Capitall 1032 f Triumviri sacris faciundis 1080 l Lars Tolumnius king of the Veientians killeth the Roman embassadours 150. 〈◊〉 slaine by Aulus Cornelius Cossus 152 b Truce betweene Rome and Carthage broken by Asdruball 757 b Truce betweene Nabis and T. Quintius 877 b Truce betweene T. Quintius and Philip. 832 h Tuccia a vestall Nun executed 391 e Tullia the wife of Tarquinius Superbus 33 b she compasseth the kingdome for her husband ib. c rideth with her coach over her fathers dead corps 34 k Tullianum 727 a Tunes surprised by Scipio Africanus 745 b Tullus Hostilius created king of Rome 15 f Tumultus gallicus 255 a Turnus Herdonius put to death 36 k Tusculanes pollicie to avoid the Roman warre 235 a Tuscanes defeited by the Romanes at Sutrium 340 h.242.g 337.d Their language learned by the Romanes children 340 k Tyherinus drowned in Tybris 4 k Two tables of lawes added to the former ten 112 h Two fraternities of Triumvirs chosen 550 i Two Ternions of Triumvirs chosen to levie souldiours 548 i V VAcci prata 295 a Vadimon meere 343.d the battaile there ibid. Valeria law for appealing 357 b P. Valerius enterred at the citties charges 34 m Valerius Pulvillus and Horatius Barbatus mediatours betweene nobles and commons 122 g M. Valerius Corninus Consull at three and twentie yeeres of age 267 b his oration to the souldiours 271 c his good parts described 272 g Vanquisheth the Samnites ibid. l his speech to the rebels 278 g L. Valerius his oration in maintenance of womens bravery 856 i M. Valerius Corvinus triumpheth 293 c M. Valerius Maximus his pollicie 353 f C. Valerius Flaccus enstalled Flamen Dialis against his will and why 632 b upon his priesthood he became a new man ibid i M. Valerius Levinus his speech to sollicit the Aetolians to take part with the Romanes 602 g Valerius Flaccus his hardie exploit 557 b he and Vibius for their good service rewarded ibid. e Vaâ—â—â—â— amongst the captaines in Campe. 169 a â—â—â—iance about lands betweene Masanissa and Carthaginians 887 e Vaults in Rome made by Tarquinius Priscus 27 Vectius Metius his valour 157 e Veij first besieged 178 k woon by M. Furius Camillus 194 i Velites 532 k Venetians their beginning 3 b Venus Erycina 437 e her temple 1081 c Venus Cloacina 120 h Venusines courtesie to the reliques at Cannae 463 e Ver sacrum 849 a Vermina sendeth embassadours to Rome two 779 e Vestall virgines scourged for the fire going out 676g Vestines spoiled by the Romanes 328k Via Nomentana or Ficulenta 122l Vibius the Pelignian his valourous service 357b Vicessimaria gold 634m A Vicessime tribute of manumised persons 260i Goddesse Victoria her temple 376 g her image sent to Rome from king Hieronymus 454m The pitifull storie of Virginia .117.a.killed by her father 120 h Viridomarus slaine 391f Virius solliciteth the Campanes to revolt 476i Vibius Virius authour of the Capuans revolt from the Romanes 529 k his oration ibid. l.be with other principall nobles prison themselves 594b Visceration or dole of flesh 297A Visions appeare to the Consuls 284i Vitâ—uvius Vaccus discomfited 295.b.taken prisoner 296g Vmbrians discomfited by Fabius Consull 346g Vmbrians destroied by Romanes 351e Volones abandon their colonies 563c Voluntarie slaves for their good service made free by Gracchus 519b Volscians finally subdued by Camillus 218g Volscians in Spaine denie aid to Rome 404b Voltumnas temple 154i M. Volscius convicted for bearing false witnesse and banished 107f Vrbanae tribes foure 350i Vltro tributa 1052b Vssorie the occasion of an insurrection in Rome 58.b repressed by a law 259f Vscana valiantly defended against Perseus 1167b Vsurers fined at Rome 9121 Vsuarie repressed but cunningly practised 892h Vtica besieged by Scipio Africanus 736.i siege raised ibid. k War decreed at Rome against Macedonie 777c Winter extraordinarie cold 1088g 188k X XEnophanes a lying embassadour 497c Y YOke of servitude what it is 107e Z ZAcynthus given to Aminander by Philip. 917.a betraied by Hierodes to the Achaeans ibid
the Nobles and Senatours were served with processe wherupon grew fresh troubles and new contentions At the first noise wherof as if the signall of battaile had been given and the al'arme striken up the Aequians and Volscians tooke armes and withall their leaders and captaines such as gaped greedely after spoile and pillage had borne them in hand and persuaded them to beleeve That for these two yeares past they could not go through with their musters proclaimed for that the Commons refused to obey and brake their alleageance which was the onely cause that there were no forces sent out against them Besides say they The use and manner of their warfare is now with their licentious loosenesse discontinued and cleane decaied Rome was now no more a common-wealth and countrie to her citizens For all their anger quarrels and malice that they bare aforetime against forreine nations was now turned upon their owne selves so that at this time they had fit occasion and good opportunitie to surprise them blinded as wolves with mutuall rage woodnes one against another Hereupon they joyned their whole power and first wasted the countrie of Latium and afterwards seeing none to encounter them and make defence to the exceeding joie of those that were the authors of this warre they came harrying and spoiling al the way to the very wals of Rome even before the gate Esquilina there braving and vaunting in reproachfull and scomfull termes before the whole cittie telling them how they had laid their fields territories wast From whence they retired themselves without revenge and losse driving their booties afore them and marched along to Corbio Quintius the Consull seeing this assembled the people and there as I have heard he made to them a speech in this wise Albeit I am not privie to my selfe and my conscience accuseth me not of any fault O Quirites yet am I exceedingly abashed and ashamed to come forth into this assembly of yours that ever you should know or the posteritie hereafter understand how the Aequians and Volscians who of late daies were hardly comparable to the Hernicks came when T. Quintius was the fourth time Cos. in warlike manner with banner displaied to the wals of the cittie of Rome and went their waies againe cleare and without any hurt by them received This shamefull dishonour if I had known it would have light so just in this yeare and yet for this good while the world hath so gone and such hath been the course of our life and conversation that my mind ever gave me there was no goodnesse toward I would have avoided this place of dignitie either by banishment or death if there had been no other way to escape it And might indeed have Rome been taken in the time of my Consulship if those weapons which were under our gates had been in the hands of valorous men Then had I indeed enjoied sufficient honour alreadie then had I lived long ynough and a little too long and might have died well when I was but the third time Consull But who were they I pray you whom these most base and cowardly enemies of our despised and set so light by Were we they that are your Cousuls or you Quirites the people of Rome If we were in the fault take from us as unsufficient unworthy persons our rule and government and if that be not ynough let us over and besides be well punished and abide the smart But if the blame be in you Quirites let neither God nor man chastise your trespasse and offence only do you repent your selves and be sorie therefore It was not your cowardise that they scorned and despised neither was it their owne valour wherein they trusted For why they having ben so often defeired and driven out of the campe and the field fined with forfeiture of lands forced to go under the gallowes and brought into servitude knew very well both themselves and you also No no the variance and discord betweene our owne states and degrees is the onely bane and nothing els of this cittie the jarres and debates I say betweene the Nobles and the Commons Whiles neither we have any gage or stay of rule and commaund nor you know meane of freedome and libertie while you are wearie of Noblemen rulers and we likewise of the Commoners Magistrates they have gotten heart and waxe bold Now Gods will what meane you to doe and what would you have Tribunes of the Commons yee longed and hunkered after for quietnesse and concord sake we let you have your longing Decemvirs you had a great misse of them you desired we graunted and permitted them to be created Wearie you were anone and all too wearie of Decemvirs we forced them to forgo their office And when your anger continued stil against them being become private persons againe we suffred to be put to death and to be exiled most noble and right honorable men When you would needs elect a new your Tribunes of the Commons you chose them at your pleasure To create Consuls from out of your owne faction although we knew it hurtfull and prejudiciall to the Nobles yet have we seene that dignitie proper to Nobilitie given away as it were and made common with the Communaltie The assistance of Tribunes the appealing to the people the lawes and Acts devised by the Commons to bee rendered and imposed upon the Nobles to bind them thereto and that under the pretence and colour of 〈◊〉 or equall and indifferent lawes our owne rights and priviledges should be overthrowne we have abidden and doe still endure When will there be an end once of discord and dissention Shall we never have one citie of it Shall wee never have this to bee the common countrie of us all We can be content much better to be at quiet when we are vanquished than whiles we are victors And is it not ynough for you that you are dread and feared of us but still you seeke for more Against us it was that you tooke the mount Aventine against us it was that you held and kept the mountaine Sacer. For when the gate Esquilina was wel-neer surprised by the enemie and when the Volscians our enemies were readie to climbe our trench and banckes and to scale our wals none of you there was to be seene for to remove and set them farther off Against us ye play the men against us ye can be armed Wel then go to When ye have here beset the Senathouse taken up the market place and common hall with souldiors filled the gaole with Noblemen and those of the cheefelt and best qualitie then with like courage and stoutnesse of heart sallie forth of the gate Esquilina Or if you dare not venture so much behold and view all afore you from the wals discover your lands and territories with fire and sword wasted and consumed your goods and cattell had and driven away as booties and prises your fermes and horses burning and smoking in
every quarter But all this time the Commonweale onely you thinke by this meanes is in worse plight and poorer case the villages fired the cittie besieged and the enemie goeth his way with the honour of the warre And in what taking I pray you is your own privat estate the while Tidings will come anon to every man particularly from out of his owne livings and possessions of his proper losses and what have you at home if a man may aske to make supplie again Will the Tribunes make you restitution and amends for all your damages You shall have words of them your fill They will not sticke to speake to raile and let flie slanders freely before you against the heads of the cittie Lawes upon lawes you shall have hudled thicke and threefold Assemblies convocations and seditious invectives good store But from these their folkemotes never came there any of you home to his house richer of one gray groat or single denier nor in better state to live than before Was there ever any one carried ought from thence to his wife and children but hatred and mallice displeasure and rancour grudges hartburnings both publicke and privat From which at all times ye have been shielded and defended if not with your own vertue and innocencie yet by the helpe and aid of others But certes when ye served in wars under the conduct of us your Consuls and followed not the leading of your Tribunes when you served I say in campe and not in the hall and common place when in battaile your enemies quaked to heare you shout and not in your folkemotes the Romanes were in dread of you utas and outcries then you wan prises and conquered lands from your enemies then you returned home with triumph to your houses full of riches and wealth full of honour and renowne as well publicke as private Where as now you suffer your enemies to depart fraught and loaden with your goods Sticke to your Warde-Leetes as if you were nailed and fast pinned to them dwell still in your hall and lead your lives continually there yet must you needs war when all is done flie from it as fast as you can Greeved it you indeed and thought you it a trouble and a painful thing to take an expedition so farre as into the Volscians and Aequians countrie Lo the warre is come even unto your gates if it be not put from thence it will anon be within the wals it will scale the castle and Capitoll it will follow you even into your houses Two yeares ago the Senat gave order and commanded that there should be souldiors mustered and an armie conducted into Algidum But we sit still at home and doe nothing but chide and scold as it were one at another like curst and shrewd women contenting our selves and joying in a present peace and little seeing that of that rest there will come sundrie warres againe and that right shortly I know full well there are speeches more pleasing and plausible than these But to speake the plain truth for your good rathan to flatter and sooth for your pleasure if mine own nature and disposition did not teach and admonish me even very necessitie doth force and constraine me Willing would I be and most willing O Quirites to please you but much more would I have you to be in safetie think whatsoeverye will of me It falleth out commonly as a thing that commeth by kind that who so speaketh to a multitude in his owne cause and for himselfe is better liked and heard with more applause than hee whose mind aimeth at nothing els but a publicke weale Vnlesse peradventure you thinke these common flatterers these clawbackes and men-pleasers which give you no rest neither in warre nor peace does tirre you up and provoke you for your good But will you have the truth yee being once sollicited and pricked on by them serve their tumes in good stead either for their honor or gaine And because they see themselves to bee of no worth and regard while the states doe agree they desire to play small game rather than to sit out to be captaines of misrule and leaudnesse rather than of nothing and in one word to be the heads the ringleaders and guides of troubles and dissentions Whereof if you be so blest and happie as to be wearie now at length and will betake your selves to the auncient manners and fashions both of your owne and of your auncestors in lieu of these new fangles I will refuse no punishment nay let me be put to the most shamefull death that is if I do not before many daies passe over my head defeat discomfit and put to flight these robbers and harriers of our fields and send them packing out of their owne campe and finally translate and remove this terror of warre wherewith ye now are so affrighted and astonied from our gates and wals even unto their owne townes and citties Sildome at any time els had there been a speech delivered by a popular Tribune more acceptable unto the Commons than was the sharpe Oration at this present of a most severe Consull Yea and the very youth which amid such terrors of warre had ben wont to refuse souldiery the onely keene and sharpe weapon they had to fight withall against the Nobles now desired warre and to be in armes Over and besides the countrie kernes that fled to Rome such also as were spoiled wounded in the villages about reported more foule and cruell outrages in their eares than were presented unto their cies and set all the cittie in an hoat and angrie broile Now when the Senatours were assembled together in the Counsell house then verely they all cast their eies upon Quintius beholding and regarding him well as the onely patrone and maintainer of the majestie of Rome but the chiefe peeres and Lordes of the Senate spake out and said That hee had made an oration beseeming the soveraigne government of a Consull beseeming so many Consulships by him alreadie borne beseeming the whole course of his life that had passed off through many honourable dignities and yet alwaies deserved more As for other Consuls they either in flattering and soothing up the Commons had betraied the dignitie of the Nobles or els in seking by hard courses to maintaine the rights preheminencies and roialties of their state and to tame the multitude have thereby made them more fell and untractable But T. Quintius he hath made a speech respective and tending as well to the royall dignitie of the Nobles as to the concord and unitie of the States and principally regarding the condition of the times They would request him therfore together with his brother Consull to take in hand the care of the common-weale They would request the Tribunes likewise to joine in one accord with the Consuls and shew themselves willing and forward to have the warre kept off and put back from their cittie wals and in so fearefull and dangerous a case
into such streights that they should be driuen to extreame scarcitie want of all things Now when as for certaine daies the guards of the one side the other had rested quiet sodainly upon the arivall of Hippocrates and Himilco they within began from al parts to set freshly upon the Romans For first Hippocrates after he had encamped and well fortified himselfe fast by the great Key and giuen a signall to them that kept Acradina assaulted the old campe of the Romanes where Crispinus lay with his guard for the defence thereof then Epicides also sallied forth and brake upon the Corps de guard of Marcellus and withall the Carthaginian fleet approched close to the strond that lieth betweene the citie and the Romane camp to hinder that Crispinus might have no aid sent unto him from Marcellus And yet for all this ado the enemies made a greater stirre and tumultuous alarme than any skirmish to speake of for Crispinus not only gave Hippocrates the repulse and drave him from the defenses of his owne campe but also followed him in chase as he fled fearefully in hast away and Marcellus forced Epicides to take the citie againe and get it over his head So as now they seemed very sufficiently provided and appointed against all dangers from thence forth of their sodaine fallies and irruptions Over and besides all these troubles there hapned a common calamitie unto both the plague and pestilence in such manner as it might soone have withdrawne the minds as well of the one part as of the other from thinking any more of warre For besides that it fell out to be the Autumne or harvest season of the yeare the place it selfe by nature unholsome stinking and corrupt but much more without the citie than within the extreame and intollerable heate of the weather mightily distempered al their bodies generally in the camps both the one the other At the first by occasion of the distemperature of the season and corruption of the place they both fell sick and died but afterward by visiting and tending one another that were infected the disease grew catching and contagious and so spred and increased more and more in such manner as either they that were fallen sick perished for want of looking to and diligent attendance or if any came about them to keepe them and minister unto them they were infected and endangered also as deepely as the other so as every day a man could go no where but either death or corses caried forth to their graves were presented to his eies night and day in all places there was nothing heard but weeping wailing and piteous lamentation In the end their hearts were so hardned and made savage againe by continâ—all usage to this miserie that not only they gave over to weepe over the dead and to accompanie them unto their sepulchres with due mourning and dolefull plaints but also to cary them forth and to interre them so that the breathlesse bodies lay scattred all abroad on the ground in the sight of them that looked every houre for the like miserable death themselves The dead killed the sick the sick infected the sound partly with feare and partly with the corruption and pestiferous stench that came from their bodies And because they would dye rather upon the swords point than of this maladie some of them made offer to go alone among the armed guards of their very enemies to be killed out of hand and rid out of their miserie Howbeit the plague was hotter by farre in the Carthaginian camp than among the Romanes by reason of the corrupt water and much slaughter committed there so long siege about Saracose For of the enemies armie the Sicilians at the first so soone as they saw the sicknesse to spread commonly and increase by reason of the corruption of the place got themselves away and stole every man home to the cities neere adjoyning But the Carthaginians were faine to stick by it still as having no place to retire themselves unto and so they together with their Generals themselves Hippocrates Himilco died all of them and not one escaped Marcellus when he saw this mortalitie grow thus hote brought his people into the citie where the houses shadowie places yeelded some good refreshing to the sick weake bodies howbeit many also of the Romane armie went of it and turned up their heeles Thus when the land-souldiours of the Carthaginians were all gone and consumed of the plague the Sicilians who had served under Hippocrates withdrew themselves into certaine townes which were not great yet sure and strong both by naturall situation and also by strength of walls and other defenses the one of them three miles from Saracose the other fifteene miles distant from the haven mouth and thither they conveighed from out of their own cities adjoyning all manner of victuals and sent abroad for aids of men In the meane while Bomilcar set saile once againe with his fleete for Carthage where he made relation of the state of their confederates in such termes that still he fed them with some hope That not only by their help they might be saved but also that the Romans notwithstanding they had in some sort forced and taken the citie might be surprised and taken there themselves and in conclusion persuaded and prevailed so with them that they graunted not only to send with him a great number of hulks caricks laden with store of all things but also to furnish him with more ships of warre to encrease his Armada Whereupon he departed from Carthage with 130 gallies and 70 ships of burden and had forewinds good enough to set him over into Sicilie But those winds kept him from doubling the point of the cape Pachynus The fame and rumor first of Bomilcar his comming and then his delay above mens expectation that checked it againe wrought diversly in the minds of the Romanes and Syracusians ministring one while feare another while joy unto them both Whereupon Epicides fearing least if the same Easterly winds which then held and were settled in that corner should continue many dayes more the Carthaginian navie would returne againe into Affrick leaving the guard of Acradina to the captaines of the waged and mercenarie souldiours failed to Bomilcar riding still with his fleete in the rode that looketh toward Affrick and fearing a conflict at sea not so much because he was inferiour to the enemies either in force or number of ships for he had many more than the Romanes but for that the winds stood more favourably to help the Roman Armada than his howbeit in the end he persuaded him to try the fortune of a battaile at sea And Marcellus for his part seeing both the Sicilian forces gather and assemble togither from all parts of the Island and understanding that the Carthaginian fleet was comming with great store of victuals for feare least at any time whiles hee was shut up within the enemies cittie hee
should be assailed both by sea and land albeit he was short of them in number of ships yet determined to hinder Bomilcar for arriving at Saracose Thus rid two armadaes of enemies affronting one another about the head of Pachynus readie to joyne battaile so soone as the calmenesse of the weather would give them leave to advaunce into the maine and open sea Therefore when the East wind began to lie which for certeine daies had blustred and raged first Bomilcar waighed anchor and the vantguard of his armada seemed to gather still into the deepe only because hee might more easilie gaine the Cape and promontarie aforesaid But so soone as he saw the Romanes ships make way toward him I wot not what suddaine accident it was that afrighted him he set up all his sailes and fell off into the maine sea and after he had sent certain messengers to Heraclea willing them for to set againe their hulkes home into Affricke himselfe costed all along Sicilie and shaped his course for Tarentum Epicides disappointed thus on a suddaine of so great hopes that he had because he would not returne againe to the siege of a cittie whereof a great part was lost alreadie saileth to Agrigentum there to abide expect the event and finall issue rather than to stirre himselfe and trie any more how to helpe them with any succour from thence These things being reported in the campe of the Sicilians to wit that Epicides had quit Saracose that the Carthaginians had abandoned the whole Iland of Sicilie and in manner yeelded it againe into the hands of the Romanes after they had sounded first their minds who were besieged by talke and conference with them they sent Embassadours unto Marcellus to treat about condititions of surrendring the cittie When they were growne in a manner to this point without any squaring or difference at all That the Romanes should have the signorie all and wholly which belonged unto the kings and that all the rest the Sicilians should enjoy with libertie their own proper lawes the Embassadors aforesaid called forth to a parley those unto whom Epicides at his departure had committed the government of the affaires and declared unto them that as they were addressed Oratours unto Marcelius so they were from him sent unto the armie of the Sicilians that generally all as well the besieged as those who were without the daunger of the siege should be comprised within the treatie and abide one and the same fortune and that neither the one side nor the other should capitulate or enter into any covenant for themselves apart without all the rest Who being received and admitted for to falure and speake unto their kinsfolke friends made them acquainted with the agreement and composition betwene Marcellus and them and so after they had presented unto them some good hope of their safetie they persuaded with them so farre forth as to joyne with them and all togither for to set upon assault the bodies of the captains deputed by Epicides namely Polycletus Philistio and one Epicides surnamed Sydus When they were once made away and killed they called the multitude togither unto a generall assembly where they complained greatly of their povertie and penurie of all things for which they were woont to murmure secretly among themselves And albeit yee are distressed say they with so many miseries and calamities yet are yee not to blame fortune therefore so long as it was in your owne power and choise either to be delivered from them or to endure them longer As for the Romans said they it was not hatred but meer love and charitie that moved them to come against Saracose for to assault it For when they heard that the government of the state was usurped by Hippocrates and Epicides the ministers first belonging to Anniball and after to Hicronymus then they began to lay siege unto it intending not the overthrow and destruction of the cittie it selfe but to put downe and depose the cruell tyrant that ruled the state Seeing then that now Hippocrates is dead Epicides excluded from Saracose his deputies and captaines killed and the Carthaginians driven out of all their hold and possession of Sicilie both by land and sea what reason have the Romanes but to bee willing and well content that Saracose should continue in safetie now as well as if Hiero himselfe were living the onely mainteiner observant upholder of the Romane amitie And therefore if ought but well should happen either to the cittie or to the cittizens yee may thanke your selves and none else for letting slip opportunitie now offered of reconciliation attonement with the Romanes Never looke to have the like occasion hereafter to that which at this instant is presented if yee had the grace to see what a doore is opened for you to be delivered from the yoke of most insolent proud tyrants This speech they gave eare unto with exceeding accord and generall applause But before that any Embassadours were nominated to bee sent unto Marcellus it was thought good that new Pretors should be created Out of the number of which Pretours there were Oratours addressed unto Marcellus And the principal man among them spake in this wise Neither we Syracusians quoth hee ô Marcellus at the first revolted from you Romanes but Hieronymus impious and wicked Prince as he was yet nothing so much hurtfull to you as to us nor afterwards when peace was knit again upon the murder of the tyrant was it any cittizen of Saracose but Hippocrates and Epicides the kings right hands and ministers who oppressed and kept us under with fear of one side with deceivable sleights on another side that made the brack were the troublers disturbers of this peace Ne yet can any man come forth and say truly that ever we were at our owne libertie and enterteined not peace and amitie with you And now also I assure you so soone as by the massacre of these that held Saracose in such oppression and bondage we began againe to be our owne men and to have the law in our owne hands the first thing you see that we do is this to come present ourselves unto you to deliver up our armour and weapons to yeeld our bodies our cittie the walls and all the strength therof and to refuse no condition that it shall please you Romans to impose upon us As to your self ô noble Marcellus the gods have given you the honour of conquest over the most noble beautifull cittie of all other in Greece Behold how what memorable acts soever that we have at any time atchieved either by land or sea all makes to the advancement of the glorious title dignity of your triumph See you then that another day it be not known by bare hear-say the trump of fame how great and mightie a cittie you have woon but rather that it may stand still and remaine for all posteritie for a marke and worthie