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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A51725	Discourses upon Cornelius Tacitus written in Italian by the learned Marquesse Virgilio Malvezzi ; dedicated to the Serenissimo Ferdinand the Second, Great Duke of Thuscany ; and translated into English by Sir Richard Baker, Knight.; Discorsi sopra Cornelio Tacito. English	Malvezzi, Virgilio, marchese, 1595-1653.; Baker, Richard, Sir, 1568-1645.	1642 (1642)	Wing M359; ESTC R13322	256,112	410

Isaac and Jacob yet he destroyed not all enemies but left a part of the Land in the power of the Philistines and others mentioned in the Booke of Joshua and this he did as knowing that the Imperfection of that people whom the Holy Ghost by the mouth of Moyses cals Gens durae cervicis could not better be upheld and kept then by the feare of enemies And this the Holy Ghost expresseth likewise in the booke of Judges where speaking of those Nations which remained in the Land of Promise he saith Hae sunt Gentes quas dereliquit Dominus ut erudiret in eis Israelem It is therefore no marvell that our Lord God knowing the weaknesse of Ada●… as soon as he saw him fall into the imperfection of sin to the end he should not commit the like errour againe presently put him in the midst of discords and enmities when he said to the serpent Inimicitias ponam inter te mulierem semen tuum semen illius and for this cause it is that he hath left to the Catholique Church so great adversaries as himselfe expresseth in S. Matthew In signe whereof he would not suffer the servants to pull up the Tares but would have them to be let to grow with the Corne least plucking up the one they should withall root out the other Now for those Cities where the Citizens are given to merchandise they by all meanes ought to shun warre as being things of very different nature to stand in the shadow writing Bils of account and to endure heat and cold fighting in the field as S. Thomas teacheth us where he saith Est otiam Negotiationis usus contrarius quamplurimum exercitio Militari Negotiatores onim dum umbram colunt a laboribus vacant dum fruuntur delitiis molleseunt aninto corpora redduntur debilia ad labores Militares inepta But if Cities be so formed with Lawes that they have better meanes to make resistance in warre then to conserve themselves in Peace in this case it will be necessary to have warre with forraine Nations to maintaine peace in their own Nation otherwise it will runne a manifest hazzard to be ruined as it happened to the Lacedemonians of whom Aristotle saith Ad partem enim virtutis tota ordinatio illarum legum contendit scilicet Bellicam haec autem utilis ad victoriam consequendam Itaque salvi erant bellum gerentes peribant vero rerum potiti quoniam nec oti●…n agere nec quicquam aliud exercere sciebant praestabilius quam rem Militarem And therefore the City of Rome which was formed by Lawes and Ordinances to enlarge it selfe and grow greater by warre no sooner laid down Armes with Enemies but it tooke them up with friends that having none at last with whom to contend it contended with it selfe and became overthrown by its own forces And therefore Livy saith Nulla magna civitas diu quiescere potest si foris hostem non habet domi invenit ut praevalida corpora ab externis causis tuta videntur sed suis ipsa viribus onerantur But if they have Lawes and Ordinances to live in peace their best course is to hold them to peace The second division we brought before was of times which may be divided into two One wherein warre hath been but of late the other wherein peace hath been long if peace hath been long why should we take any other course and not continue peace still but if our case be the former it will then be ne cessary to maintaine at least some face of warre be cause as all habits whether of body or mind are hard to be left so spirits once grown fierce with warre when they want meanes to exercise their fiercenesse upon enemies with honour will hardly be kept from using it upon friends though with shame Thus it fell out that I may keep me to Tacitus amongst the Suevians and the Cherusci people of Germany who after the departure of the Romans being secure from forrain enemies they then out of the custome of waging warre and desire of glory turned their Armes upon their friends at home and therefore Tacitus saith Sed Suevi praetendebantur auxilium adversus Cheruscos orantes nam discessis Romanorum ac vacui externo metu gentis adsuetudine tunc aemulatione Gloriae arma in se verterant So the Romans most stout and warlike from the time of Scipio Nasica untill the birth of our Saviour being in a manner quiet abroad were in continuall warre at home and the peace which they came to at last was under a Prince where of Tacitus saith Post haec Pax quidem sed cruenta because it was under Augustus who finding the City tyred with discords made himselfe sole Lord whereupon S. Austin speaking of those times saith Eaque libido dominandi quae inter alia vitia generis humani immoderatior inerat Populo Romano postquam in paucis potentioribus vicit obtritos fatigatosque caeteros etiam jugo servitutis oppressit And this of may be rendered many causes the first is because in Cities used long to warre the people at least great part having no other occupation give themselves to be souldiers and if they faile of that imployment they must necessarily either sterve for want of victuals or else stirre up discords and seditions that so under one side or other they may get a living Et ex civili praelio saith Tacitus Spem majorum praemiorum Not being possible that souldiers accustomed to gaine by warre should be content with peace as Dion excellently observed in Caesar and therefore Livy saith Mercenarii milites pretia militiae casura in Pace aegrè ferebant Whereupon Salomon seeing that the greater part of his people having in Davids time been accustomed to continuall warre and had not any other trade of living would of necessity be forced to die for hunger he therefore though now in peace would not disband them but kept them still in Armes as it is written in the Booke of the Kings knowing there is nothing that sooner makes men Rebell then to have their Trade taken from them by which they gaine their living and therefore when S. Paul spake of destroying the Temple of Diana in Ephesus those Silver-smithes who lived by making such Images presently rose up in Armes and were ready to have killed him So also it was when S. Paul healed the woman possessed because Magnum quaestum faciebat Domino suo from hence it is that it will alwaies be impossible to breake the Uscocchi from using pyracy seeing they have no other trade by which to live The second cause may be taken from the Nobility who will easily be moved to raise discords in time of peace by reason of a habit which as it is produced by many Acts iterated so it necessarily produceth iterated acts and also by reason of that desire of greatnesse which alwaies accompanies the Nobility and againe by reason of the skorn it takes

contrary not only of Otho but of infinite other Emperors who by giving excessive Donatives lost the Empire For resolution we must proceed with distinction either he that comes to the Empire is the first that brought in Donatives as Caesar the Dictatour and Octavius Augustus were and then not onely they help to attaine but also to maintain the Empire and therefore Tacitus intimates it as a praise to Augustus where he saith Vbi Militem Donis or else he is not the first but finds it a custome brought in before and then as it may be a good meanes to attaine the Empire so it is a certaine ruine for maintaining it The reason of this difference is because the souldiers not being accustomed to receive Donatives the first time it is given thē they acknowledge it as a gift of the Princes bounty and account themselves obliged for it and more than so not knowing whither they should receive the like from others they endeavour to uphold him in the Empire hoping hereafter to have those things by merit which the Prince at this time hath given them of courtesie But if they have been accustomed to have Donatives and it hath been a use amongst them then where in the first they acknowledged them the only bounty of the Prince and received them as gifts of grace now accounting them as debt they take them as rewards of due which if it be denyed them it then causeth an implacable hatred against the Prince and at last his ruine and if it be granted them yet this encreaseth not the souldiers love who count not themselves beholding to the Prince for them but as fellows accustomed to have money without paines they spend it frolickly and that spent they expect new Donatives which if a Prince may satisfie a while yet he cannot hold out to doe so long but that at last he must be faine to deny them and when this happens they presently fall to choose a new Emperour of whom they may receive it and this hath been in Rome the ruine and death of many as every one may read and see We may therefore conclude that Donatives to the souldiers are very profitable to all for attaining the Empire but that the introduction of Donatives for them that were not the first is very pernitious for maintaining them in it And Galba having already attained the Empire and knowing this openly made it knowne that he meant to give no more Donatives to the souldiers as resolved to take away so great an abuse Accessit Galbae vox pro Republica honesta ipst anceps legi a se Militem non emi but it had an unhappy issue First because as I have shewed in another Discourse the Souldiers were against their genius induced to abandon Nero and therefore it had been fit with the same cunning to have held them in and not have suffered them to be conscious of their errour Miles Vrbanus longo Caesarum Sacramento imbutus ad destituendum Neronem arte magis impulsu quam suo ingenio traductus postquam neque dari Donativum sub nomine Galbae and that which followes Secondly having gotten no reputation amongst the souldiers and by reason of his age being apt to be contemned he should rather with liberality have gotten their love than through covetousnesse have procured their hate Non enim ad hanc formam saith Tacitus to not giving donatives to Souldiers Caetera erant invalidum senem and that which followes Thirdly if he would not give donatives himselfe yet at least he should have taken order that no other in his prejudice should have given them which because he did not doe he therefore with his avarice was by Otho's liberality easily oppressed Quoties Galba apud Othonem epularetur cohorti excubias agenti viritim centenos 〈◊〉 divideret quā veluti publicam largitionem Otho securioribus apud singulos praemiis intendebat adeo animosus corruptor ut Cocceio Proculo speculatori de parte finium cum vicino ambigenti universum vicint agrum sua pecunia emptum dono 〈◊〉 per focordium 〈◊〉 Fourthly to take away a custome so 〈◊〉 he should have contented himselfe in the beginning with onely moderating it especially seeing he might have obtained his purpose with any small donative Constat potuisse conciliari animos faith 〈◊〉 quantulacunque parci senis liberalitate 〈◊〉 antiquus vigor nimia severitas cui jam pares non 〈◊〉 By which words we may plainly see that Tacitus blames not his severity but the excessivenesse of it whereupon Vespasian who knew as much as Galba knew tooke a better course and had his intent For moderating only the donatives of the souldiers he left them not altogether without hope of having some by this means he preserved himselfe in the Empire and yet corrupted not the souldiers Ne Vespasianus 〈◊〉 plus civili bello 〈◊〉 quam alii in pace egregie 〈◊〉 adversus militarem largitionem eoque exercitu meliore If any should now enquire whether donatives to the souldiers corrupt Military Discipline or no I would briefly answer That rewards uphold it but that donatives corrupt it and the reason is because donatives being such as are given without cause the souldier may alwaies by the same right demand them and whilest he stands waiting for this ayd from the Prince he becomes idle and good for nothing But rewards given for some notable service cannot but for such service he demanded and that souldiers should endeavour to do such services is a matter of great profit to Military difcipline And therefore Caesar with Reward made his Souldiers more valorous and Otho with donatives corrupted them Populum Annona How much it imports a Prince for getting the peoples love to maintaine plenty by what meanes scarcity happens and how it may be helpt and how a Prince may make good use of it The fifteenth Discourse ABove all things for winning the peoples love a Prince must take care there may be plenty in regard whereof Caesar ordained two Aediles whose imployment was onely to this purpose Also Augustus knowing of how great importance this is as Tacitus relates amongst other secrets of his government had alwaies a great jealousie of Aegypt from whence all the Corne for maintenance of plenty in Rome came and indeed both the one and the other understood it rightly because as the want thereof is apt to cause insurrections amongst the people as was often seen amongst the Israelites against Moyses who if God had not mightily protected him had oftentimes for this onely been in manifest danger so on the contrary the onely plenty of things is enough of it selfe to raise a man to the Empire As was seen at Rome when the City was so opprest with a dearth that the Citizens chose rather to die in the water of Tiber than to stay upon the Land and be starved with hunger And he that will see an example of this may consider how our Lord Jesus Christ having

fed a multitude that followed him in the Wildernesse he had presently the acclamations to be a King or a Prophet Illi ergo homines saith S. John cum vidissent quod Jesus fecerat signum that is of the bread and fish he gave them dicebant quia hic est vere Propheta qui venturus est in mundum Jesus ergo cum cognovisset quia venturi essent ut raperent eum facerent eum Regem fugit interim in montem but they another time desiting to eate asked him bread Domine semper da nobis panem bune and he at that time denying to give them temporall bread the multitude which before when he gave them meat had called him a Prophet and would have had him for their King now they call him a Carpenters sonne for no other cause but because he denied them corporall bread when he meant to set them at Gods owne Table Murmurabant ergo Judaei die illo quia dixisset ego 〈◊〉 panis 〈◊〉 qui de Caelo descendi dicebant nonne 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 Joseph cujus nos novimus patrem matrem For there is no such happinesse to the people as to have wherewith to fill their bellies Whereupon as S. Chrysostome observes in making mention of the miracles and stupendious Acts of Moyses they omitted all other though farre more marvellous and mentioned onely that of Manna Patres nostri 〈◊〉 Manna in deserto A Prince therefore must of necessity either maintaine plenty or else leave his Principality and specially one that comes newly to the Empire as Augustus did And therefore Esay Prophesying of one whom the Israelites should require to accept the Kingdome shewes that if they knew him not able to maintaine plenty they should not accept him In domo mea non 〈◊〉 panis nolite constituere me Regem super vos Being assured he could never hold his Principality with dearth as it hapned to Prometheus King of the Scythians who not being able to maintaine his people in plenty by reason the Land was overflowed with the River 〈◊〉 he was cast into Prison and because Hercules turned that River into the Sea and made the Country fruitfull the fable came up that an Eagle devoured the liver of Prometheus and that Hercules freed him Having shewed that Augustus in the beginning of his raigne wonne the people to him by procuring of plenty it will be necessary to shew how dearths happen and by what means they may be helpt and how farre the Prince is faulty in them A dearth may happen first from the barrennesse of the soile as it happened to the Israelites in the Wildernesse Secondly It may happen for want of Husbandmen to till the ground which if it were tilled would be very sufficient and have to spare as in times past it happened in Mesopotamia and in our time would often happen in the Sea coasts of Siena if the care of the Serenissimo the great Duke did not supply the want of Husbandmen Thirdly it may happen through abundance of people and smalnesse of Territory as in ancient time it would have happened at Rome and would in our time at Florence if the one had not then had the Countries of Aegypt and Sicilie for a Granary and the other had not now a gracious and provident Prince for a purveyour Fourthly it may happen through the sterility of the season and of the yeere as particularly this yeere 1621. Fifthly many times there are Husbandmen and land enough to till but is not tilled either by reason of warre or for some other cause as it happened at Rome not long after the banishment of the Tarquins the people as Livy relates by reason of dissentions with the Senate refusing to till their grounds in such sort that they wanted not much of dying for hunger Lastly it happens oftentimes either by reason of a siege as in Hierusalem where mothers did eate their owne children or through incursions of enemies as in Athens all the time of the civill warre And although in none of these cases any just blame can be laid upon the Prince yet it is his part to use all meanes with money diligence and power to make resistance against fortune nature and all accidents whatsoever In the first case I shall not need to trouble my selfe to shew how a dearth may be helpt in desart places seeing he might well be accounted a man without braine that would build a City in a Countrey altogether barren and though it were so with the Israelites yet their Tabernacles were for passage and not for habitation If it should happen in the second case that is for want of men where there is Land sufficient here the Prince must induce men to marry and draw in strangers to dwell in the Countrey the first will take effect if the course of Lycurgus be observed who seeking to make the City of Sparta populous allowed great exemptions to them that begot children or else if disburthening them of taxes as the Duke of Parma at this day doth in his State of Castro he shall give occasion that gathering wealth they may endeavour to have children to whom to leave it and by this course he shal be able to draw strangers also to come and live there For men run willingly even with danger of their lives where they see there is certaine present profit to be had never having a thought of a future and uncertaine death Wherof we have example in the State of Milan where in some places the ayre is so unwholsome that few of the inhabitants ever come to be forty yeeres old yet in these places men growing rich although they see this example daily before their eyes yet they choose rather to dwell there than in other places of wholsome ayre Another course also may be taken for this inconvenience by drawing thither a forraigne Nation as Antiochus did who causing two thousand families of Jewes to come and dwell in the Countries of Mesopotamia and Babylon as Josephus relates assighed them Land to till and places where to build and then exempting them for ten yeeres from tribute he lastly gave order they should have so much Corne given them as might serve them to live till their own should be reaped And lastly those who dwell in such ayre and in such Countries should indeed have no other burthens laid upon them but only the burthen of bringing up their children Pauperes satis stipendit pendere saith Livy si liberos educent But notlling prevailes so much to make a place populous as the Princes living there and so 〈◊〉 Hostilius did and we have experience of it at Petiglidho where whilst the Orsini that were Lords of it kept their residence it was infinitely fuller of people than it is at this day under the 〈◊〉 the great Duke of Thuscany though governed by him with admirable justice and clemency of so great importance is the presence of their naturall Lord that many times men had rather have

the same God who had made water of nothing Nam si ipsi Deo contrarius Opifex fuisset non utique alienis usus esset Christus ad propriae virtutis demonstrationem And Saint Ambrose speaking of the first miracle which Christ did on the Sabboth saith Et bene Sabbatho coepit ut ipsum se ostenderet Creatorem qui Opera Operibus intexeret prosequeretur Opus quod ipse jam coeperat And thus when a Generall is changed the Instruments also and all other things are changed with him and therefore Cneius Pompeius being sent Successor to Lucullus in Asia altered all that Lucullus had done for not only it is the nature of men that succeeding another in any office they will seldome follow their predecessours courses but in this case there is another reason for it also to the end It may not be thought that getting the victory they get it more by their Predecessours carriage then by their owne and therefore no mervaile that Drusus tooke contrary courses in Germany to those which Germanicus before him had begun I conclude then These Generalls to whom a successour is sent are either needy of glory or else they have gotten glory enough If they be needy they will then precipitate the Army and themselves to get it as Cornelius did with Hanniball at Trebia if they have glory enough already they will then endevour to make a Peace that they may not hazard their Reputation with a successour as Corbulo did when hee heard of one that was to come in his place Corbulo meritae per tot annos gloriae non ultra periculum faceret But there are two oppositions may in this place be made which I cannot omit I ought not to shun The first is that the Romans changed their Generalls every yeere and yet they alwayes got the victory as in the first Decad of Livie may be seene The second that the Venetians men of so great valour and prudence that they may serve for an example to all the world have alwayes taken this course and alwayes it hath succeeded well To these reasons it is no hard matter to give an answer And first for that of the Romans it may be said that this happened thorough the weaknesse of their neighbouring Nations with whom they had war Secondly and perhaps better that although in the Roman Army they sent yeerely a New Consull yet there were many others in the Army who had beene Generalls themselves before a thing which at this day is not possible seeing every one thinks scorne to goe a private Souldier not onely if he have beene a Generall but if he have been but onely a simple Corporall before Thirdly the warres they had then were at the gates of Rome were such warres as were finished I say not in one yeere but oftentimes in one day But when they came to have warres farre off and that lasted long they then suffered their Generalls to continue many yeeres and grow old in their places From hence it was that at one and the same time having warre with Hanniball in Italy and with Asdrubal in Spaine they very often changed their Generalls in Italy but Cneius Pompeius that was their Generall in Spaine they never stird So as when they had to doe against Powerfull Armies in places far off they were then forced to send a Scipio Africanus or a Caesar or some such as knowing how much it importeth the maine of the warre to have one sole commander As to the Particular of Venice It is no mervaile that they in their Fleets at Sea doe every yeere change their Generalls seeing the warre and the Generalls Office end both at once because actions at Sea are begun and ended all at one time but when they make warre by land they change not then their Generalls every yeere as in Histories may be seene Lastly in the Common-wealth of Venice one reason there is and in Rome there was which makes the matter the lesse dangerous and it is because that Common-wealth hath so many in Sea matters so expert and excellent that they might easily change their Generall eve●y day without any danger which I cannot say ever happened to any other then to the Common-wealth of Rome and to that of Venice and the reason is because in these Common-wealths men of valour are rewarded A third way to secure a Prince from his Generalls of Armies is to send Persons of trust of his own blood as Tiberius did in sending Drusus and Germanicus but neither doth this course like me First because Princes have not alwayes of their blood that are fit to be Generalls Secondly although they have yet it seemes to me so much the more dangerous as the Army is in a mans hand of more Power and specially one not far from the Crowne and for this cause Ludouicus Sforza chose rather to leave the Castle of Milan in the custodie of a stranger who afterward betrayed it then of his owne brother And it availes not to say he is a neere kinseman seeing as I have else-where said Jnvidia Regni etiam inter Domesticos infida omnia facit there being few qui malint expectare quam accipere Imperium And therefore Jsocrates in his Oration concerning the Government of a Kingdome saith that a Prince should bestow the highest Honours upon those of his blood but the solidest Honours upon those that love him When Vespasian was made Emperour his Son Domitian had the honour but Mucianus the Authority Caesar Domitianus Praeturam cepit ejus Nomen Episrolis Edictisque praeponebatur Vis penes Mucianum by all meanes there was care taken to order it so that hee might not usurpe the Empire The like course Otho took Profecto Brixellum Othone honor Imperii penes Titianum fratrem Vis ac Potestas penes Proculum Praefectum If afterward it succeeded well with Tiberius It was because Vterque filius legiones obtinebat A fourth way is when a Generall hath gotten Reputation by some victory then presently to remove him before hee grow too famous and use him in the warres no more So did Pharao by Moses when imploying him against the King of Aethiopia he no sooner got the victory in a battaile but he presently called him backe into Aegypt So did Anthony with his Captaine Ventidius after he had overcome Pacorus So did the King of Spaine in calling home Gonsalvus But neither doth this course like me for either the victory will make an end of the warre and then there will be no need of calling him home and yet the Prince not without danger seeing one victory alone if it be finall will be sufficient to get the Generall a Name and make him presume And if that one victory end not the warre the Prince then that takes this course will have little will to proceed any further for the reasons before alleadged and if by ill luck Fortune should chance to turne he will be forced with shame and danger to