Voyages or Places which they usually accustomed to touch at in their expeditions by Sea set down after the recension of our Britain Stations have the Inscription of Itinerarium maritimum not Iter for the Britains indeed were generally accounted by the Romans themselves during the severall Ages they continued Masters of them to be toto divisi orbe and their Countrey likewise diducta Mundo wholy severed from the World and therefore not onely by their Poets but by their graver Writers also thought worthy to be termed Alter or Al us Oâ—… and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another habitable World And that not 〈◊〉 flourish only but in very good earnest in so much that Diâ—… a Consular Historian tels us That upon the apprehension hereof A. Plautius his Souldiers were very unwilling to follow him out of Gaul in his expedition hither seriously imagining it to be some service quite out of the World So that the Britains might very well seem to deserve a Notitia or Survey by themselves apart in the Description of the whole World Nature having first separated them by the vast and sometime thought unpassable Ocean More I could say by way of enlarging this Argument but I purposely forbear and refer it rather to another place Only this I add in this behalf that the word Iter doth not so fitly serve the turn in this place For first of all observe that here it doth no way exactly agree with what either the great Lawyer or Varro make the signification or meaning of the word to be in the latter of whom by the By I cannot choose but take notice of a Paradiorthosis or false emendation of Vertranius in that very place where he tels us what Iter is reading militare iter for limitare by which Varro understands nothing else but a small Path made in the confines of several mens Land ordered by a Law of the XII Tables to be not above V. Foot broad For had he meant those publick Through-fares or Waies which the Souldiers raised by uncessant and toilsome labor for their more convenient march from Station to Station call'd by Ammianus and others Aggeres itinerarii and actus publici by Herodian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Strata by Beda and such kind of Writers he would not have sayd Iter militare but via militaris the usuall word indeed Via as Iustinian teaches us containing in it both iter and actus and in ancient Authors iter militare is only quantum uno die militari gradu as Vegetius speaks conflci possit or One dayes march by Caesar and others call'd justum iter and by barbarous Writers dieta In the second place we may consider that here are XVI severall Itineraries or set marches not to be expressed by the singular Iter described from so many Garrisons to Garrisons it is likely of more esteem and concernment through others perhaps of less note here also set down to signifie all which Itinerarium must needs be thought far the more proper and significant notion by them that understand what it means and know besides to what excellent purpose such Itineraria were first instituted and appointed For they that are conversant in Antiquities of this nature cannot but take notice that to set down in writing likewise publish their particular Journeys and Marches by the several Camps Stations Mansions and Mutations so they were called by the Romans being places from which in after ages great Towns and Cities took their Originals was a thing for divers useful respects alwaies observed amongst the better managed and disciplin'd Nations and it was a business that tended to extraordinary advantage especially in great Empires and Dominions The people of Israel who had GOD for their Leader through the Wilderness to the Land of Promise most heedfully observed this course in their whole pilgrimage even from Romeses the place of their departure out of Egypt to the very Banks of Iordan and that not without the speciall Commandment of GOD himself These are saies Moses the Iourneys of the people of Israel which went forth out of the Land of Aegypt with their Armies under the hand of Moses and Aaron And Moses wrote their goings out according to their Iourneys by the Commandment of the LORD and these are their Iourneys according to their goings out And then he sets down no less then two and forty Journeys from the beginning of the Chapter to the 50. verse which S. Ierom calls Catalogum omnium mansionum per quas de Aegypto egrediens populos pervenit usque ad fluenta Iordanii Having passed over Iordan and under the Conduct of their victorious General either destroyed or dispossest the Inhabitants beyond it Three men are appointed out of each Tribe to go through the Land and describe it And the men went and passed through the Land and described it by Cities into seven parts in a Book and came again to Joshua to the Host at Shiloh As for the Kings of Persia we learn from Herodotus that they had the distances from Station to Station exactly set down through their great and vast Territories This is to be seen in him by that accurate enumeration of the severall Mansions from the Sea Coast in the lesser Asia even to Susa the Royall Palace containing in all C and XI Mansions All which described in a brazen Table with the Parasangs they were distant one from another Aristagoras the Militian brought to Cleomenes King of Sparta intending to urge the advantage he might gain thereby as a chief Argument to work him to the invasion of Persia. Although indeed he miss'd of his aime by unadvised and over-hastily telling him it would prove an expedition of some three months Journey before he had made it appear to him with what ease he might perform it his Marches and Quarter being by that Table before-hand scored out for him Buchanan therefore needed not to have sought so low for the antiquity of Draughts of this kind as the authority of Propertius Maps and Chorographicall descriptions being of so long standing And for Alexander the Great we may not imagine that so great a Commander would neglect so requisite and necessary a piece of Souldiership especially when we find that the Commentaries of his Marches were extant in Plinies time described by Diognetus and Beton whom he calls mensores itinerum Alexandri and he tells us a little before in the same Chapter that Comites Alexandri M. his followers diligently numbred and set down the Townes of that Tract of India which they had conquered and out of some of their Commentari s it is very likely was taken the summe of the 57. Chap. in Solinus inscribed 〈◊〉 Indicum Having spoken of â—…lexander I may by no meanes leave out his great parallel Iulius Caesar who though he hath left little to this purpose in those
esteemed of which contains under ANTONINUS AUGUSTUS his Name the waies and Iourneys of all the Provinces of the Roman Empire which yeildeth to us an income of so wonderfull Profit that it affords most clear light to Strabo Pomponius Mela Pliny most excellent Authors in the explication of the whole World as it were in great darkness So far Robert Talbot Out of the Preface of the famous man Andrew Schot set before Antoninu's Edition of Surita at Coleyn M. DC IX Rutilius Numatianus afforded us his Itinerary in Elegiack Verses but Antonius or whether he is Antoninus Augustus in bare name which in a Land Journey and military way and march the Roman Captains made use of of which kind we see some in Italy and fewer in Spain used by Passengers where at this day they are carried on horses which are appointed for speed But for Itinerary Tables which are very usefull in matter of War Fl. Vegetius is to be seen lib. III. De re Militari cap. VI. Of what kind of Military Tables the famous man Mark Velfâ—…r one of the seven Magistrates of the Common-Wealth of Auspurg very well deserving of all Antiquity lately found out in the Library of Conrade Peutinger a noble man there and also adorned with Scholia's or Notes But Ortelius our friend the Prince of Geographers set forth all of it also cut into Brass by the Printing of Iohn Moret in which kind I think nothing of ancient Monuments to be extant either to be preferred or comparable to it I can bring nothing of certainty concerning the Writer Onely thus much That this Itinerary may seem to be written by some learned Measurer of Land well acquainted with the places but afterwards who by the command of some Emperour it is likely after Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius for good lucks sake retained the Sirname and publickly took the name and authority of Antoninus Augustus although most old Books have Antonii perhaps by the usuall fault of the Transcribers whereby they often confound Constantius and Constantinus Ierome Surita a very learned Spaniard prefers this Work to Antoninus the Son of Severus by reason of the mention of certain places of BRITAIN but Critiques contend and the strife is still before the Judge Now it appears that such an Itinerary was composed for the Captains and Souldiers with the Proconsulls and Pretors marching into the Provinces least they should mistake their way and fall into ambushes mistaking the right way How necessary these Itineraries were Fl. Vegetius is the Author and St. Ambrose in his Sermon upon the CXVIII Psalm Now the way did not alwaies lead strait as at this day but wheeling about yet more beaten and safe which are called by Ammianus the Kings High-way and the Souldiers way and wonted Journeys Concerning High-waies Galen the Prince of Physicians is to be seen lib. IX cap. VIII Methodius Procopius in the beginning of the second Book de bello Persico He writes I believe that the City Strata was so called by the Romans from the Military way which they called Strata It remains that the account of my undertaking may appear for this was principally intended while I searchd forth the Notes of Ierome Surita a learned man upon the Itinerary of Augustus which lay hidden in the dark Out of John Annius of Viterbium Antoninus Pius Caesar Augustus wrote an Itinerary Now the Itineraties which we have now are not Antoninus's but collected perhaps out of some fragments of some former to which many things added many things diminished more things changed an argument whereof you have two Fragments for the first Fragment it belongs to the Preface but to this which we have in our hands belongs no Preface besides the common ones use no miles which the Italians alone do use Again the common ones make use of the succession of Townes because you have described all the Journeys of the World in all Nations which succession of Townes is without miles whence it appears that Florence was not in the time of Antoninus by which it appears that these vulgar Books are not all of Antoninus but that there is a great corruption of the Book by men in after times through addition and diminution procured by private mens doings Out of John Leland Antiquary under Henry the eighth Antoninus lived in the times of Constantine the Great for he mentions Constantinopolis Dioclesianopolis Maximinopolis so unlikely it is that Antoninus the Emperour wrote the Itinerary which goes about commonly in his name Out of the excellent Doctor Usher in his learned Book which he hath Intituled De Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Primordiis pag. 78. Hence also in the Itinerary to which the ordinary Books give the title of Antoninus Flodoardus of Aethicus but the old MS. of Scotus Roma Romani Hence came those words Russian Rumney used by the old Britains and others Tantum aevi longinqua valet mutare vetustas Great alterations grow by length of Time Out of William Harrisons second Edition in the same place A LIMITE ID EST A VALlo praetorio usque M. P. CLVI sic ABramenio Corstopitum M. P. XX. Vindomora M P. IX 5. Viconia M. P. XIX Vinovia Vinovium Cataractoni M. P. XXII Isurium M. P. XXIV 8. Eburacum legio VI. Victrix M. P. XVII Derventione M. P. VII Delgovitia M. P. XIII Praetorio M. P. XXV ITEM A VALLO AD PORtum Ritupis M. P. CCCC LXXXI 491. sic Ablato Bulgio castra exploratorum M. P. X. 15. alias a Blato Lugu-vallo M. P. XII alias a Lugu-valio Cairletl Voreda M. P. XIV Wrderad Brovonacis M. P. XIII Bravoniacis Burgham Verteris M. P. XX. 13. Wharton Lavatris M. P. XIV Lowthier Cataractone M. P. XVI Caturractonium Grynton Gritobrioge Isuriam M. P. XXIV Isoriam Eburacum M. P. XVIII Eboracum Calcaria M. P. IX Cacaria Helcaster Camboduno M. P. XX. Camborough Mammuncio M. P. XVIII Manucio Standish Condate M. P. XVIII 39. Deva legio XXIII CI. M. P. XX. Bovio M. P. X. 44. Bonio Mediolano M. P. XX. Rutunio M. P. XII Urio Conio M. P. XI Viroconium Uxacona M. P. XI Penno-Crucio M. P. XII Etoceto M. P. XII Utoxeter Utceter Touceter Mandues Sedo M P. XVI Mansfield Venonis M. P. XII Colewestford Bever Wansford Benna venta M. P. XVII Banna venta Lactorodo M. P. XII Lactodoro Maginto M. P. XVII 12. Magiovintum Stonystratford Duro-Cobrivis M. P. XII Dunstable Vero-Lamio M P. XII S. Albans Sullomacis M. P. IX Barnet Shelney between S. Stephens and Ilshe Longidinio M. P. XII Londini London Noviomago M. P. X. Leusham Vagniacis M. P. XVIII Maidston Durobrovis M. P. IX Duroprovis Rochester Durolevo M. P. XVI 13. Sittingborne Talb. Duror-Verno M P. XII Droverno Duroverno Durarvenno Darverno Ad portum Ritupis M. P. XII ITEM A LONDINIO AD portum Dubris M. P. LVI 66. sic Dubobrus M. P. XXVII Durobrovis Durobrius Durarvenno M. P. XV. 25. Ad portum Dubris M. P. XIV Dover haven ITEM A LONDINIO AD
of Gessoriacum were the most valiant people of Gallia because he deduces the name from Gesum a Weapon by old Authors of both Languages peculiarly appropriated to the Gauls After Julius Caesars expedition hither Strabo under Augustus and Tiberius sets down four severall places from which they then used to put forth to Sea for this our Island from the Continent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 From the severall mouthes of the Rhene the Seyne the Loir and the Gironne where also he tells us that they that took Shipping from any place neer upon or about the Rhene sail'd not directly out by the mouth of the River but from the Morini 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sayes he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among whom also is Itium naming it here onely occasionally out of Caesar's own description of his passage for he principally cites Casar's self about his own affaires and the condition of things at that time in Gauâ—… but by the context of his words he may seem to intimate also some other Haven upon their Coast which sure enough was Gessoriacum though not yet used in his time for from thence within a very little while after Claudiur took his Voyage into Britain as Suetonius relates A 〈◊〉 Gessoriacum usque pedestri itinere consecte inde transmisâ—… After a land march from Marseilles he passed â—…ver his Army from hence and not he himself onely but such also as at any time he imployed hither with Command Aul. Plautius P. Ostorius Fl. Vespasianus and others made use it is most likely of this very same Haven Neither doth that conjecture want great shew of probability that immediatly before him the stupid Caligula put his mighty Army in Battalia upon this very littus Gessoriacum as Pliny calls it For in a Bravado and meer flourish of a seeming attempt against Britain at an â—…bbing Sea he commanded the Souldiers upon the sounding of a charge to fill their Bosoms and Helmets with Shels as spoiles of the Ocean whilst himself and some selected Friends launched out in their Gallies To perpetuate the memory of which so vainglorious or rather ridiculous an action he built upon the place o altissimam turrem an exceeding high Tower appointing it also for a Sea-mark with â—…e on the top by night in imitation no doubt of that Pharus at the Port of Alexandria Out of this Tower if not the very same there are learned men who suspect that that was raised which the Dutch and we call The old man of Bullen but the French name it Tour d'ordre at this day standing very high upon the Port of Bologne or Bononia which they will have to be a later name of Gessoriacum as we shall see in what followes Neither doth it any whit hinder that the Inhabitants entitle Julius Caesar to be the Author thereof for besides that in the Fasti Capitolini Caligula is expresly entred Caius Julius Caesar Augustus c. We know full well from instances to be made at home how uncertain and groundless the reports are which are given out upon tradition concerning Caesars structures Moreover the words of Dio and Xiphilint out of him concerning this mock-show Caligula came to the Ocean as to war in Britain compared with his intention do in the judgment of a most learned man seem to carry his encampment and towring structure far enough off from Holland where notwithstanding the most do place it And he himself as mad as he was could not but know by Julius Casar's example there were neerer cuts over hither then so However it is very remarkable that the Seat of so notorious a peice of Masonry should become questionable to Posterity the works of foolish Princes as well as their Councels most commonly comming to nothing In succeeding times likewise when Britain was now become a Province of the Romans this was the onely frequented place for taking Sea thither To say nothing of Nero's Generalls For Julius Agricola's passage over under Vespasian whose Pro-praetor or President he was in the Island me-thinks I could out of Tacitus corrected prove it was from hence of which more when I shall speak of Rutupiae And for Hadrians Voyage hither we do not once imagine that it was begun from any other place especially Gessoriacum being mentioned by an Author of that time who made himself pastime in Verse with his expedition hither for which he was then thought worthy of no other payment then in the same coyne from the Emperours own hands It is L. Florus whose elegant Breviary we have of the Roman History where he takes a view of the military actions of the Common-wealth in its Infancy compared with its well-grown habit and constitution in his time and somewhat before Idem hunc Fregellae sayes he quod Gessoriacum By which he means that in elder time to have attempted by Armes Fregellae a small Town of the Latines was accounted of equall hazard to the conveying over an Army from Gessoriacum in his daies for the setling of the Affaires of Britain which it is well known Hadrian did do And upon the mentioning this passage I list not now to make stay to enquire what occasioned that foul mistake in learned Hadrian Junius his additions to his Nomenclator out of Ortelius's Theatrum whereby Iccius Portus is here said to be called Fregellae by Florus and instead thereof we shall add in this place that Albinus Caesar also did here land his British Forces against Severus which I conclude from his marching directly to Lugdunum or Lions For seeing we are told by Pliny that Polybius I know not whom he should mean except the Historian took the measure of distance from the Alps to the Portus Morinorum Britannicus which I think we have proved to be this GessoriacuÌ„ and Camden I am sure thought so by the way of Lions where else should he that was to give Battell at Lions to Severus land out of Britain but at Gâ—ssoriacum And Herodian means no other then this very Port by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gaul just over against which expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at large as they say he uses not onely for the arrivall of Albinus at this place but of Severus's Sons also with their Fathers ashes which they landed here to be conveyed to Rome where after the solemne Obsequies performed they made him a God whose Body the Britains a little before had seen consum'd in flames As for any other place to arrive at besides the memories of this age and of the former are utterly silent And in following ages also the same Haven was continued during the time the Romans had command of Britain as a Province however they say the name was changed and that it seems somewhat before Constantius Chlorus had the Government here assigned to him We learn this by a Writer of those times whose name is lost though not his History wherein he relates that Constantine his Son making
sub duobus Praesidibus constitutae Nam Anglia Gallia fuit una terra ab initio Interpreting which unam terram appellat Vivianus Continentem saith White And from his division from the Continent he conceives BRITAIN had its name corrupted from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perad-cain learning it as himself tells us from his Collegue at Doway Joannes Pallas a German and Regius Professor there of that Language But since our own Countrymen at home took the question in hand it hath found many to hold the Affirmative among whom the most confident for the maintaing of it is John Twyne deriving the name of the Island after the same signification from Brich which as he sayes is as much as Guith i. A separation in Welsh whence the Isle of Wight was so called Guith and Wight being soon made of each other And next to him is Richard Verstegan in his Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities As for our other Antiquaries they are such who following the opinion the one of the other as the same Verstegan well observes are rather content to think it sometime to have been then to labour to find out by sundry pregnant reasons that so it was indeed I alwaies except the learned Camden whose resolution herein is very grave and discreet making it a high matter of Religion De divinis operibus Supinè sententiam ferre adding moreover that lands scattered in the middle of the Ocean the Divine Providence seeing it good it should be so do confer no less to the ornament of the Universe then great Lakes and Meers disperst up and down in the firm Land do as huge Mountains neer unto vast Plains But Antonine calls us aboard and as I said before we cannot stay Diâ—… nobis facilemque viam ventosque ferentes Grant us yee Gods faire way and prosperous Winds RITUPIS or Ritupiis IN PORTU BRITANNIARUM And now are we in good time arrived in BRITAIN at Ritupiae or Rutupiae as Ptolemie calls it making it one of the two for London is misplaced there for a third principall Cities of the CANTII or Kent not of the Atrebatiâ—… as Surita by a foule over-sight tells us they being far more inland In our Voyage from Gaul we have passed over a boysterous and surging Sea Attolli horrendis aestibus adsuetuâ—… saith Ammianus of it and therefore not without cause described such by Lucan in these brave Verses Veluti mediis qui intus in arvis Sicaniae rapidum nescit latrare Pelorum Aut vaga cum Tethys Rutupinaque littora fervent Unda Caledonios fallit turbata Britannos As who in midst of Sicily safe dwell When rough Pelorus barks can never tell As Northern Britains cannot hear the roare Of flowing Seas against the Kentish shore T. M. Juvenall expresses it by Rutupinus fundus calling it so from this famous Haven-town standing upon the shore where he celebrates the Oysters taken there and conveyed thence to Rome among other farfetcht Dainties and commends Montanus the Roman Senators judicious palate in the tasting of them Nulli major suit usus edendi Tempestate mea Circeis nata forent an Lucrinum ad saxâ—…m Rutupinone edita fundo Ostrea callebat primo deprendere morsu Et semel aspecti littus dicebat Echini in all My time his tast was most authenticall If Lucrin Rocks or Circe's th'Oysters bred Or were they with Richborough water fed He found at the first tast and by the look Of Crabfish told upon what Coast 't was took Sir R. Stapylton And truly we are not to understand Val. Maximus where he speaks of Fishes Ab Oceani littoribus infusae culinis Ostreae or Senica's Conchylia ultimi maris ex ignoto littore of any other then Oysters taken upon these shoars For Pliny expresly mentions Ostrea Britannica out of Muâ—…ianus making them indeed somewhat less luscious then those of the Lucrine Lake as likewise they were not so large as those of Cyzicum his words are Cyzicena majora Lucrinis suaviora Britannicis But in after ages Ausonius the Poet seems to have admired them above others in these words Sunt Aremorici qui laudent ostrea ponti Et quae Pictonici legit accola littoris quae Mirae Caledonius nonnunquam detegit aestus Some do the Guien Oysters highly fame Some those are gather'd by a Scottish Dame Some those the Flood leaves on the British shore They are in his IX Epistle to Axius Pontius the Rhetorician in which you have variety of good Oysters thither therefore I send you for better satisfaction or else to Apicius and the Doctors of his School the Gulae proceres for we must return to Rutupiae To pass by therefore the Interpreter as it is pretended of the British History who tells us that not onely Julius Caesar landed here in Rutupinum portum at his third entrance of which yet himself makes no mention but also that Vespasian being sent hither by Claudius to make all quiet Cum ad Rutupi portum applicare incaepissâ—…t was hindred from landing here and so forced to wheel about as far as Totnes in Cornwall In an unquestionable Writer Cornelius Tacitus we find this place called Portus Rutupensis for not onely all learned men in generall beyond the Seas approve this correction of that place by B. Rhenanus but Sir Henry Savile also his most accurate Interpreter whereas indeed before it was read Et simul classis secunda tempestate ac famâ—… Trutulensem portum tenuiâ—… unde proximo latere Britanniae tecto redierat i. And withall the Navy with prosperous wind and success arrived at the Port Trutulensis from whence it had departed coasting along the neerest side of Lr. tanny and so returned thither again By which it is plain that here was the usuall Harbour where the Romans Navy rode at Anchor and consequently that this was the ordinary landing-place from Gissoriacum or Bononia in those times as it was in after ages also which we shall shew As for this place of Tacitus if it be not so to be mended Trutulensis will sound nothing and be no where to be found But Ammianus will make it good A Writer who began his History of the Roman Emperours just where Tacitus left off and indeed he is the first after him except Juvenall who mentions Rutupiae the name of it being lost for so long togegether with the former part of his History even to the times of Constantius and Julian under whom Lupicinus being dispatch't into Britain to repulse the inrodes of the Scots and Picts Bononiam venit observato statu secundo ventorum ad Rutupias sitas ex adverso defertur petitque Lundinium And elsewhere he tells us That Theodotius appointed also hither by Valentinian cùm venisset ad Bononiae littus transmeato lentiùs freto defertur Rutupias stationem ex adverso tranquillam Was carried to Rutupiae a calm Harbour
is one of the three noted Havens upon this Coast. But of that in its place here I am afraid of Rutupiae too much STADIA There have scarce been more great Nations in the World of ancient times then there have been also different Measures thereby to know not onely in Journeying the exact distance from place to place but withall the quantities and space of Lands and Possessions This we learn from Herodotus in his second Muse where he tells us That the poorer sort among the Aegyptians and such as had the smallest Possessions used to measure by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Passus that is by paces which contained five Feet They of a better condition by the Stadium which we take for our Furlong of which more anon They that had larger Demeasnes then ordinary by the Parasang But the Owners of great Lordships and Territories measured altogether by the Schoenos Now of the two last the former is by Grammarians said peculiarly to belong to the Persians the other properly to the Aegyptians But that indeed they were promiscuously used by both Nations appears not onely by this Verse of Challimachus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nor measure Wisdome by the Persian Schoenes But by the Authority of Pliny also and other good Writers However the SCHOENOS was most properly the Egyptian measure and it contained two Parasangs or threescore Stadia as Herodotus also tells us in the same place Pliny observes how ancient Authors differ about the quantity of its measure as doth Strabo likewise before him out of Artâ—…midorus But for further satisfaction in this the more exact and learned Reader may have recourse to the anciently admired Ptolemie in whom you find it to consist not of above thirty Stadia S Ierome it should seem took it not for an Egyptian word neither indeed have I it in my Catalogue of such collected out of old Writers for he renders it by 〈◊〉 making it signifie from the Greek In Nilo flumine sayes he solent naves sunibus trahâ—…re certa habentes spatia quae appellant funiculos they use to tow or hale their Ships with Ropes for certain limited and distinct spaces which they call 〈◊〉 along the shoars of Nilus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying a Rope but especially such a one as is made of Bul-â—…shes The PARASANGA was apud Persas viarum 〈◊〉 a measure of waies among the Persians saith Fesluâ—… The Etymologists deduce it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Parash A Horsman and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Angari which in Hesychius is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Persi in word and he interprets it The Kings Messengers or Letter-Carriers called also in the same Language Astande placed in equidistant Stations or Mansions as doth Suidas also following Herodotus and Iosephus This measure consisted of XXX Stadiâ—… as Herodotus writes in the place before cited and elsewhere So Xenophon Agathias Hesychius Suidas But Strabo is very inconstant according to the divers Authors he uses in severall places making it sometimes thirty as the most sometime forty sometime sixty Stadia Agathias though he follow the former authority for the measure yet he uses not the word but for it sets down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 somewhat answerable to it which signifies resting or baiting places And for Hesychius though he grant thirty Stad for the measure yet you shall find in him moreover 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Parasang contains four miles But then he counts but seven Stad and an half to the mile and so it agrees exactly with his former reckoning thirty Stadia of which measure more anon it having in the mean while occasioned the mentioning of these others And here I may by no means omit That by the Persians even to this day it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Farsang the name not yet quite corrupted or abolisht as also by Abulseda the Geographer who sayes it was esteemed but three miles by the Ancients as well as Moderns Which observation we owe to the exactly learned Mathematitian Mr. Iohn Greaves of Oxford But that I my self may observe some measure and have done with it I will refer them that desire to know more either concerning the Arabian Parasangs in the Nubian Geography of George Elmacinus or the Iewish Parasangs in Benjamin Tudelensis his Itinerary and how they differed one from the other to what he shall find in Constantinus L' Emperour's discourse by way of Preface thereunto And so much in this place of the Persian Parasang The ancient Gaules journyed by the LEUCA or LEUGA which Ammian Mâ—…rcellinus in plaine words doth witness where he describes the beginning of Gaul Exindeque saith he non â—…enis passibus sed 〈◊〉 Itinera metiuntur From thence they measure not their Journeys by Miles but by Leagues Now the Leuca or Leaâ—…ue as we call it was exactly a mile and halfe or M D. paces Iornandes sets it so plainly downe Leuga Gallica mille quingentorum passuum 〈◊〉 A Gallic league is a thousand and five hundred paces And we may as plainly collect just so much out of the same Ammianus where speaking of the Wars which Iulian. Caâ—…ar made in Gaul he hath these words A loco unde Romana promota sunt signa adusque valâ—…um Barbaricum quarta lâ—…uca signaliatur deâ—…ima idest unum viginti millia passuum From the place whence the Roman Ensignes were advanced to the Wall so it is in English or Fortress of the Enemies were fourteen leagues that is one and twenty miles Such another passage is in the Acts of the Martyrdome of S. 〈◊〉 which I forbear not to transcribe hither Ab Aurelianense Urbe usque 〈◊〉 civitatem quae III. â—…ugdunensis 〈◊〉 perhibentur stadia 〈◊〉 milliaria sepâ—…a inta quinque 〈◊〉 quae adhuc veteri Galâ—…rum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quinquaginta From Orleance to Tourâ—… are said to be six hundred Stadia seventy five miles fifty leagues as they are yet called in the old Gallic Language Although this supputation agrees not with what it is at this day Besides if you look into this very same Itinerary of Antoninus in our hands you shall find some Journeys in Gaul which indeed have the miles set down but resolved into leagues others reckon it onely by leagues neither of which he doth in any other Roman Province and it exactly observeth the forenamed proportion as Lunna M. P. XV. lâ—…ng X. c. as far as Gessoriacum over against our shoar of which you have former mention So that Isidorus by all means is to be corrected and read Luca finitur mille passibus quingentis in the Printed book mille being left out either by the oversight of the Transcriber of the Copy or else of the Composer This was observed before me by one who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning the leagues of later people and times I refer you to the very same most industrious and
Sacratiora sunt profecto mediterraneis loca vicina coelo inde proprius a Diis mittitur Imperator ubi terra finitur i. e. Good gods how comes it to pass that alwaies new Deities do come from some utmost part of the World to be worshipped by all So Mercurius from Nilus the head of which River is unknown So Bacchus came from India a place near neigbouring with the rising Sun and shewed themselves to be Gods whilest conversant with the Nations Certainly those places being nearer the heavens are more sacred than our in-land Countreys and from thence it being the Lands end and so nearer the Gods our Emperour was sent unto us And now when I shall have spoken a few words concerning the Ecclesiastical glory of Eboracum as I have already many tending to the Civil and Military renown thereof I will have quite done with it That it was adorned with an Episcopal Seat by Constantius whom we formerly mentioned our learned Antiquary tells us ex patriis scriptoribus as himself gives in his witnesses quorum nullum adhuc mihi vidâ—… contigit saith my Lord of Arâ—…agh But how then could Faganus the Companion of Duvianus sent hither by PP Eleutherus to King Lucius to plant Christian Religion be the first Archbishop thereof which yet is related Or how then could King Lucius place here one Theodosius which yet William Harrison affirms or lastly how could Sampson under the same King be Bishop of York as it appears by Godwin some have written The first beginnings of all things are full of obscurity and uncertainty In all these Narrations there is no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nothing to perswade a credit of any of them For that of the last Godwin himself holds it suspected because at the first entertainment of Christianity among us nor Hebrew nor Greek names of the New Testament were so rise among the Britains Again this Sampson is more generally reserved to some ages after till King Arthurs time As for the testimony concerning Theodosius and the other is so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without Author or Abettor of sufficient age that it will be cast forth and rejected Besides though we by no means reject the story of King Lucius and know that here the Romans did permit and had reges instrumenta servitutis as Tacitus speaks Kings in Britain as instruments to keep the people slaves and themselves no better as Cogidunus Venutius Prosutagus c. Yet though Lucius were such a one for we want sufficient authority for it we may not reasonably think that either his Territories or jurisdiction was so large as in the presence of the Romans he might constitute Bishops and Episcopal Seas especially at York the Imperial City then of Britain And therefore there are who referring the History of Lucius almost to Severus time do leave him no place in Britain except the more Northern parts beyond Antoninus Pius his Wall which he made of Turfe to sever and shut out the barbarous and unreduced Britains from the Province induced perhaps thereto by the authority of Tertullian who indeed wrote under Severus and in whom you have these words Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca Christo subdita Places in Britain not to be come at by the Romans yet made subject to Christ. And for Constantius Chlorus to do any such thing seems to me very improbable as who died a Heathen as you have heard formerly albeit it is very certain he favoured the Christians and suffered no rigour to be used toward them We must then seek for the first Bishop of York but not 'till Constantines daies and we shall find him at Arles in the Counsel there held about the year CCCXIV whither as himself writes in his Epistle to Chrestus Bishop of Syracuse he summoned to hear the Cause of the Donatists many Bishops from divers almost infinite places In the last Edition of this Councel published by Jacobus Sirmondus at Paris among other Subscriptions thereunto you have these out of Britain Eborius Episcopus de civitate Eboracensi provincia Britannia Restitutus Episcopus de civitate Londinensi provincia superscripta Adelfius Episcopus de civitate Colonia Londinensium exinde Sacerdos Presbyter Arminius Diaconus Not but that they were put to former Editions but they were such as were set forth out of corrupted Copies that nothing could be made of the Subscriptions till compared with this by the admired Selden whose words I had rather transcribe for you then translate for he that cannot understand his Latin will make nothing of them in my English In Editionibus Synodi Arelatensis anterioribus plerisque veluti Suriana ac Crabbiana quibus male Concilio secundo Arelatensi praefiguntur uti etiam in Isidoriana nomina quae primam spectant atque etiam Biniana secuti sunt Restitutum Episcopum Londinensem Ex provincia Bizacena Civit. Tubernicen Eburius Episcopus ex eadem Provincia Civitate Culucitana Adelphius quasi uterque saltem prior ex Africa fuisset Sed proxime praecedunt Galli sequunter Hispani Et dein subjiciuntur perse Africani Adeo ut loca ibi corrupta esse vix dubitandum sit Nec sane adeo difficile est ut ab imperitioribus librariis Britannia fieret Bizacena ex Eboracensi Tubernicensi Etiam Culucitanae initium à Colonia videtur Certe Subscriptiones Conciliorum depravatissimas passim habemus Nec praeter eundem in Isidoriana collectione illa veteri cui deest omnino Restitutus reperiri Ex Bitania Eburius Episcopus Ex civitate Culina Adelfius Ubi Culina Bitania Britanniae Coloniae satis proximant I call this Fborius the first Bishop of Eboracum who indeed was never heard of by the nameless writer of the lives of the Bishops of York Thomas Stubbs in his Chronicle of them or Godwin himself who wrote the Catalogue of our British and English Bishops This last reckons Taurinus placed here by Constantius the father of Constantine I believe he was deceived by Harrison or both certainly by a corrupt Copy of Vincentius Belluacensis and as heedlesly read where you have misprinted Eboracensis for Ebroicensis in Gallia This error is found likewise diffused into the Writings of two good old Chronicling Germans Wernerus Roulwinke de Laer and Hartman Schedel who no doubt took it from Vincentiuâ—… who was more then two ages before them both But that which deserves to be noted in Schedel is that among those that he writes flourished in Trojans time Thaurinus Episcopus Ebâ—…racensis is set down by him In the Subscriptions to that Council brought ere while there are some things may be observed As first that York was no Archbishoprick in these times as neither was Rome it self whence since notwithstanding we have had all Dignities and Titles in the Church Our Malmesbury confesses that in the antienter times of the Britans it was unknown where the Archbishoprick was At this very Councel as appears by
was in the Island thus much may serve to be spoken being all that is to be found in Roman memories whether Latine or Greek If you please we descend to the age of Beda a faithful Treasurer of some Roman matters neer decayed among us you shall find this City when he hath occasion to mention it in his History onely called Civitas Legionum qua à gente Anglorum Legacester à Eritonibus autem rectius Cairlegion appellatur Whom the general current of our Latin Writers follows But our English at this day name it Westchester sure in respect of the VI. Legion at York theset wo being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into which Severus as Herodian tells us disposed the whole jurisdiction of the Island in his time and Chester by reason of Excellency as the Saxons judgement was according to the common verse Cestria de Castris nomen quasi Castria sumpsit Thou Chester from a Camp received'st thy Name Now whereas Florilegus or Matthew of Westminister to the year DCCCCLXXXV saies this City or Legacestria was somtime Anglicâ—… WIRHALE dicta as I studied upon the cause thereof I received satisfaction at length from the lately most learned and still admired Doctor Usher my kinde and ever honoured friend that it proceeded from a place in the old Saxon Annals joined to Beda not rightly understood by Florilegus and this it is Hie 〈◊〉 on anne werene cearone on 〈◊〉 healum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 leâ—… dearene â—…ehaven But why as the same Author writes it was also of old time named Cynenge Cestria that indeed I am yet to inquire after Again I am not well satisfied in that peice of Antiquity which we have produced by a learned man of the former age William Harrison who me seems too confidently delivers that Deva was builded by the famous Roman Propraetor under Claudius Caesar P. Ostorius Scapula for to spare other reasons his being here was before the XX. Legion landed in the Island and they in all good reason seem to me the Founders whose Seat it was and constant abode except occasions now and then drew another way Much more do I marvell at that slip of memory and it is a notable one of so great an antiquary among us John Balaeus who confounds the two Caerleons that upon Usk in Wales where the Legio 11. Augusta bore the sway and this here upon the Dâ—…e whence Deva doubtlessly had its denomination Cities and Rivers as may be observed in most Countries being found to be many times cognomines For truly Ptolemyes books must be mended in which you shall find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the River here which must indeed have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or some such thing But they are quite out too and they are not a few for errour gets followers apace that say Deva was Doncaster more in the North when as by that the old Station Danum in Antoninus is meant far away distant as may be seen in its place The curious may know that they owe their Original of their City from the great Gyant Leon of yore to Henry Bradshaw some ages ago except the Citizens had rather own it themselves and so be thought to be of the Gyants race BONIUM M. P. X It is in some Copies but falsly read Bovium and Bomium Talbot acknowledgeth this reading of the name to be righter though he could not divine where the place was Harrison too mends it so and Camden approves it in both This without any controversie is that which at this day we call Banchor or Bangor in Flintshire There remains sufficiently express marks of the old name still therein And if you heed Guido Pancirolus he will tell you that the Numerus Bonensium so called hence did reside with their Praefectus in the Island at Derventio though I confesse the vulgar reading there is differing But the former conjecture is very probable if you change the fourth vowell into the first then which nothing is more easie or usuall Neither can any scruple be raised at the distance from Deva here just ten Miles Hear then Renulphus Cestrensis Tradunt nonnulli Pelagium fuisse Abbatem apud famosum illud monasterium de Bangor quod per decem milliaria à Legecestria distat Now this Monastery Ranulpbus speaks of is by our Beda called Bancornabyrig lingua Anglorum in quo saith he tantus fertur fuisse numerus monachorum ut cum in septem portiones esset cum praepositis sibi rectoribus monasterium divisum nulla harum portio minus quam trecentos homines haberet qui omnes de labore manuum suarum vivere solebant An example which these times abhor to imitate though these good souls I believe followed therein no worse then Saint Pauls own practise But certainly these were such foolish Monks as in the Island Capraria by Italy the Heathen Poet pleasantly lets fly at Squallet lucifugis insula plena viris Ipsi se Monachos Graio cognomine dicunt Quod soli â—…ullo vivere teste volunt Munera fortunae metuunt dum damna verentur Quisquam sponte miser ne miser esse queat Quaenam perversi rabies tam stulta cerebri Dum mala formides nec bona posse pati Men hating strangers fill the I le From which themselves thy Monks do stile Least any might their customes know They fear what Fortune doth bestow She should resume With certain woes content Th' uncertain future to prevent Strange frensie sure his weaker Brain infects who fearing storms a Halcion calm rejects See the rest in him For this is no place for them as neither for those of Aegypt men of most strict severity and outgoing the Essens rigidness among the Iews Leland and Camden agree in deducing the Monasteries name in Beda from Bonium Chorus and Burgis as if it signified Burgum Chori Bonii yet Leland hath a fetch beyond him making the syllable Ban in that word to signifie a high noted place easie to be seen Now it lies all wast and is at best but arable Land but the fame of the place is not with all decayed For Ranulphus of Chester as you see beside others say Pelagius that Arch Heritique was Abbot here Truly that he was a Britain St. Augustine Prosper Aquitanus Paulus Orosius who lived in the same age with him do affirm This is that Pelagius who under Honorius and Arcadius about the year CCCC contra auxilum gratiae supernae venena suae perfidiae longe lateque dispersit So far and wide went his fame that the Jewish Rabbins themselves let him not scape their censure for one speaking of him uses this expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They make him to have but one eye and say at home he was called Morgan which indeed in old British signifies Merigenam or pelago ortum that is Pelagius That Gildas the most antient of our British Writers was an inhabitant of this place I
could easily believe saith Iohn Leland But it is certain out of Beda that Dionothus was the Abbat there and sent for to meet Augustine that sanguinary Monk and Pseudo-Apostle at the Synod which he called here in the Island See the whole story in Beda The antient magnificence of the place the store of ruins in former ages enough witness To which let us take Malmesburies words Tot enim superfuerant hic antiquitatis indicia tot semiruti parietes tot anfractus portarum tanta turba ruderum quantum vix alibi cernas Yet hath it nothing left of its wonted lustre but the bare names of two Gates distant the one from the other some half a Mile that more North called Port-Hogan that on the South Port-Clais In the mid-place between the River Dee runnes along the old buildings being wholy ruined and corn fields now onely seen in their rooms William Harrison and Leland relate that the ploughmen usually find as they are at Work Monks bones and vestures much they should ly so long in the earth squared stones and Roman Coyn. But by no meanes may we let passe that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Malmesbury which through heedlessnesse hath happened in his writings making this Monastery the same with the Episcopall Seat which was sometime at Bangor in Caernarvonshire and so followes a vulgar errour when as this latter was like a Colony drawn out of the former But see that nobile par eruditorum Selden upon the Polyolbion Cant. XI and Usher in his Antiquities of the British Church cap. VIII Holyoke as elsewhere also following the vulgar mistake hath Bomium But the prodigious carelessness in publishing such kinde of Authors is a business deserves the publick Magistrates inspection and severity withal if it be only the Printers fault rather than mine MEDIOLANUM M. P. XX. This very Station is also mentioned in Ptolemies Geography called by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mediolanium whence there is great light to Antoninus in the finding out where this place was situate of old for Ptolemy makes it belong to a people in Britain whom he names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Ordovices ad extremum Occidentis spoken of by Tacitus too in more than one place And in the way or journey which passeth through their Territories we meet with it in Antoninus The learned David Powel of Wales following some others judgement as well as his own will have it to have been Maâ—…rafal in Montgomery shire Maâ—…rafal saies he quod praecipuum erat totius Provinciae palatium Hic Mediolanum quod Ptolemaeus Ethicus ad Occidentem per Ordovices posuerunt olim fuisse nonnulli affirmant Extant ibidem adhuc praeter constantem incolarum asseverationem 〈◊〉 parentibus ad posteros transmissam quamplurima venerandae antiquitatis monumenta quae urbis ejusdem vestigia maniseste indicant Here take wenotice that by Powel for Antoninus the name of Aethicus is set down a thing whereof we have spoken enough in the beginning of this work And whereas by our Historians we learn that the Princes of Powis land had their Palace here we the rather incline to believe that this was sometime Mediolanum because in the perusal of Beda up and down we see that British as well as Saxon Princes had their Palaces where formerly Roman Stations had their situation and being But our great Antiquary goes a little farther and out of the strait way in respect of the number of miles in the journey though not of the Itineraria ratio often before observed in this work to Lan-vethlin a market Town not full three miles off in the same shire for Methlin by a peculiar Idietism of the British tongue whereby also they say Caer-Verden for Caer-Merden Ar-von for Ar-mon Lhan-Vary for Lhan-Mary and the like And this cognation in the name comming as neer to Mediolanum as either Millano in Italy Le Million in Xanâ—…ign in France or Methlen in the Low Countries he thinks it sufficient to strengthen his conjecture modestly leaving the censure touching the truth of the whole to the judicious Reader Mediolanum in Italy as the Roman Historians affirm was a Plantation of the Gauls but how later ages came to give the original of the name from an Hog found there in the foundations whose skin bare half wool I am nothing at all solicitous And I should not be troubled with Claudian's saying it where he calls Millain Maenia Gallis Condita lanigeri suis ostentantia pellem The Gauls A Swines skin found building thy Walls As neither other Poets Ausonius Sidonius Gunterus Ligurinus c. If I did not find it also so set down by St. Ambrose himself the eloquent Archbishop so they call him thereof And I might well let pass Andreas Alciatus the learned Lawyer of that City who with the first laboured and with good praise too the refinement of the study of the Civil Law he brings quite another deduction of the name Quam Mediolanum sacram dixere puellae Terram nam vetus hoc Gallica lingua sonat Mediolan the Virgins call'd thy sacred Pile According to the antient Gallick stile For I list not at all to mention the suppositions and forged fopperies of Ioannes Annius the Viterbian Monk who brings it from I know not what Leaders Medus and Olanns men I dare say boldly that never were yet in the nature of things or Becanus his foolish Origenes who makes Mediolanum to be as much as regio virore camporum delectabilis as if at first it were Meyland from the Month May. I learned a better lesson from a far later Author and of greater modesty whom in such matters I heedfully mean to follow Ego sane ignorare Origines ejusmodi vocabulorum multo malo quam ridicule in eorum enodatione ineptire ac turpiter errare This then have I to say for our Mediolanum in Britain that the name and inhabitants of it were at first deduced out of Gaul according to Caesars authority which I have more than once alledged to this purpose in this book and to seek farther is for them who have a minde intemperately to abuse their pretious time and pains See CONDATE in what goes before The never sufficiently praised Usher out of Ninnius Collection of the antient British Cities restored by him out of the several Manuscripts le ts us know that this Mediolanum in Ptolemy and Antoninus was sometimes called by the old Britains Cair Meguaid aliter Metguod or as commonly Meivod in Montgomeryshire As for other Antiquaries of the inferiour bench who swallow all without chewing it will be enough to name them for they need not much confutation such are Cooper who to Mediolanum sets down Manchester as also Lhuyd and Nevil with Fulk who both follow him and with as little heed and judgement note to it Lancaster RUTUNIUM M P. XII There are the Ruines of a very
the time of Julius Caesar untill about the reign of Constantine the Great at which time it began to decline and was not revived again untill many hundred yeares after Of these Coines many have written as Levinuâ—… Hulsius Abraham Gorleus Aeneas Vicus but chiefly Adolfus Occo a Physitian of Auspâ—…rge in Germany who hath set down the Inscriptions of them and in words hath described the devises Others have caused the Coyns to be cut and printed as neer to the medagle it self as they could as namely Erizzo an Italian Jacobus a Bre from Julius Caesar to Valentinian printed 1611. but more general and curious are Hubert 〈◊〉 whose large Thesaurus of them in several Tomes shew his industry and genius therein And Octavius de Strada a Rosberg Courtier and Antiquary in Ordinary to the last Rodolf Emperour who from Julius Caesar hath written briefly the Lives and genealogies and set down the Coyns and medaglies of all the Emperours both of the East and west unto Matthias the Emperour curiously cut in Copper and printed 1615. Of the Roman Inscriptions have written Mâ—…us Velsâ—…r Johannes Gruter Martin Smetius Justus Lipsius in large Volumes and John Boissard in six Volumes with the Prints in Copper printed 1600. And for our own Country the right worthy judicious and nobly descended Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Baronet hath collected together so many as hitherto have been found or discovered in this land BENNAVENNA M. P. XII It is read here also according to the variety of Copies Bennaventa or Benneventa see Surita You have it twice again repeated in this Itinerary but with much interpolation of the name For in the VI. Journey from London to Lincoln you have Isannovantia for it is that very same Station And in the VIII you have it called Bannavantum in that from London to York thence also you must mend the number here saith Talbot and make it XIX see the reasons thereof in him on those two places following That Northampton stood where this sometime had its being John Lelâ—…nd a painful Interpreter of our British affairs and Walliam â—…ulk also thought whose opinion Camden at first thought good of but upon second cares and more diligent observation of the place he sets it VI. miles thence where now Wedon on the street is so called because it stands upon that Praetorian Way which the Romans built and along which Antoninus deseribes his Stations Moreover this is confirmed by the exact account or tale of Miles to the Mansions on both sides an undoubted argument Not to make that one saith our Antiquary that the springs of Avon hard by here seen and are be concluded in the composition of the name Bennavenna As for the first part of it I know not what to say to it Perhaps some bold Britain would have added Pen for which yet you see Ben because we say in Latine as well as in English Caput fluminis You know formerly that I am not skilled in and less taken in such deductions of names Therefore though I could tell you that Benna in the Gallique Language and consequently in the British did signifie as much as Vehiâ—…ulum yet doubting I should not please the best therein any more then if I should say this Bâ—…neventa was a Colony deduced from Beneventum in Italy I forbear both the first because I have no cause or reason for it the second because I have no authority or sufficient warrant to make it good neither is it likely I should This though an antient City hath not much to set forth its memory or which can assert it much from the injury of oblivion but the very name onely thrice mentioned in this Itinerary Yet if our conjecture hath any verisimilitude those Camps and muniments were neer upon this ground wherewith P. Ostorâ—…us Scapula the Propraetor here under Claudius Antonam fluvium finxit quibusque Petilius Cerealis defensus est â—…um à victore Britanno fusa Legione nona quod erat pediâ—…um interfecto huc â—…um equitibus evasisset When the Roman power in the Island was come over and gone K. Wolpher had his palace here the miracles of whose daughter Werburg a virgin are much celebrated by our Writers Which I take notice of not so much that I am taken with such relations as to bring in an observation that the Roman Stations here became afterward the dwelling of the Saxon Princes And this is not the first place where that hath been done LACTODORO M. P. XII Our Antiquary had rather read it Lactorodum as it is in the written books Ortâ—…lius hath it both waies by U. Lactorudum the Neapolitan Manuscript had it Lactodrodo M. P. XII as the rest have it In the VI. Journey it is constantly read Lactodorum see there To the name saith Robert Talbot alldunt Luttâ—…rworth Lâ—…ughborow But the distance from other Mansions here will by no means suffer it Though some Folk would have it to be the latter yet he mends it for Bedford as doth Camden also set it down so in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his excellent Work But it could not be Bedford for that stands not upon the military High-way which is certissimus index ad stationes mansiones ab Antonino memoratas reperiendas nor hath it any token else of Roman Antiquity Although sometime he thought it to be so by reading it Lectodorum and deducing it from Lettui that is in British diversoria Inneâ—… and dur aquâ—… as if the name had been Lettâ—…dur or Diversoria ad aquam Lactâ—…rate the old Town in Gaul differs as you see in the termination only perhaps this may have had some relation or dependance thereupon like others in Britain See CONDATE in this same Journey But in his last edition thereof he takes it rather to be Stony-Stratford The proportionable distance perswaded him to it And its standing upon the famous Strata thoroughfare or street as it doth he concludes all in giving the signification of both names together which are suitable and alike for he lets us know that in the old British tongue Stones are called Leach now you were acquainted but now that it stands upon the Watlingstreet and ryd signifies a ford So you have he being the interpreter Lactodorum i. e. Stony-stratford MAGIO VINIO M. P. XVI Commonly XII in the publick Books You have this Station twice again in this Itinerarv the VI. and VIII Journeyes There we will speak of the divers readings of the names and look to the numbers of Miles We find Magioninium Migiovinium Magiovintum Magintum But the first seems most likely to be the right Dunstable is a Town well known upon the rode standing upon the Chiltern in Bedfordshire every bodie knows it That this was so many ages ago named Magiovintum our Antiquary is so confident as nothing can be more For besides its standing upon the Military Roman-way the Caesars Coyns are usually found by the Swineheards saith he in the fields about which they to
it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Legio sexta Victrix as if the title there of Victrix had explained that which ere-while we brought out of the Stone Colonia Camulodunum Victricensis when as it is plain enough that that Legio sexta Victrix is to be meant of Eboracum accordingly as it is put and to be referred which also is retained in a Coyne of Severus which see there There have been some also who have sought it at Chester the Seat of the Legio Vicessinia Victrix in Ptolemy But what sayes the old Greek Proverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let us hear our great Antiquary Camden instead of all It was verily no other then Maldon in Essex Maxima saith he dictronis parte etiamnum integra superstite Nec hoc solummodo expressum nominis vestigium persuasit verum etiam distantia à Mona apud Plinium à Vanonio apud Antoninum ipse situs in antiqua Tabula Itineraria probationem praestant vel apertissimam But what is the complaint of the Poet Nec se cognoscunt terrae vertentibus annis In space of time the Lands themselves not know CANONIO M. P. IX Our learned Antiquary Camden when he saw the distance from Maldon to Chemsford to be some six miles he concluded it to be Canonium or at least that it encreased and grew out of the ruine thereof if it indeed possesse not the same ground It is a Town at this day spatious enough at the confluents of the Chelmer and as some call it of the Can which if they say right this Can gave name to the old place The same Camden in the Proecdosis of his Work makes it to be Canonden quite on the other side of the Countrey only the name somewhat alluding Talbot before him had set down to it Keldon or else Esterford of which we have Fulks testimony for in his own book no such thing appears but himself sets down Coune to it truly in the antient Military Table about the place of its site Caunonium stands to be seen instead thereof CAESAROMAGO M. P. XII I conceive there is sufficient spoken in what goes before concerning this Station We will go on therefore to the next DUROLITO M. P. XVI Camden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the learned Illustrator of the decayed Antiquities of this our Island ingenuously confesses that he cannot shew signate quo in loco this station was to be found yet he assures us and that sine dubio that it stood by the River Ley. His own words are once for all Vetusta hujus Comitatus loca semel praemoneo obscuritate ita involuta latent ut ego qui alibi aliquid viderim hic plane cacutiam But if his conjecture hold good Durolitum signifies as much as The Town upon the water Ley for there is a Village at this day called Leyton V. miles from London for which in Antoninus XV. through the heedlesnes of the Transcribers hath crept in Besides not far hence there was in old time a passage of the water whence the name of the place is called Ouldford that is Antiquum Vadum which gives sufficient testimony LONDINIO M. P. XV. What was fitting to be said concerning this I hope is enough expressed formerly to which I refer you BRITANNIARUM ITER X. Editio Aldina Suritana Simleriana  ITER A CLANOVEN   TAMEDIOLANUM   CL. sic   GALAVAM M. P. XVIII   ALONEM M. P. XII   GALACUM M. P. XIX   BREMETONACIM M. P. XXVII   COCCIUM M. P. XX.  * XVIII MANCUNIUM M. P. * XVII * XVIII  CONDATE M. P. XVIII  * XIX MEDIOLANUM M. P. * XVIII * XIX OUr very learned Antiquary either truly or as a matter of his opinion for himself makes the question p'aces Glanoventa by the banks of the River Wentâ—…beck neither wants he reasons to make it probable as first of all that it was the garrison consisting of the first Guard of the Morini in the Romans time and that per lineam Valli as we have the Good and sufficient testimony of the Notitia of the Western Empire Sub dispositione Viri Spectabilis Ducis Britanniaram per Lineam Valli excubabat Tribunus Cohortis 1. Mâ—…rinorum Glannivanâ—… Then with the old Britaine Glanoventa signified the Shore or banks of Venta as in Pomponius Mela we find a coast City or Maritime of Gallis stiled likewise Glanos Though in the Proecdosis or former Edition of his learned Work Bainbridge in Richmondshire be to be seen there GALAVA M. P. XVIII So absolutely were both editions both of Aldus and Simlerus And Hier. Surita confesses that in his best Copies the reading was alike Galava though Camden indeed would rather have it Gallants and inclines to think it Wallwick though in the former editions of his learned work we find 〈◊〉 in the Barony of â—…all for it ALONE M. P. XII The Eastern part of Cumberland is a barren hungry and lean soile neither shews it any thing save the Springs of West Tine in a plashie ground and an antient Roman Way paved some eight Ells broad leading out of Westmorland which they call Maiden-way and where the stream Alon and the same Tine do meet upon the side of an Hill som what yeilding are the remainders of a very great Town and Castle enclosed with a fore-fold Trench as likewise to the West they call it at this day Whitley Castle in testimony of whose antiquity this Inscription is yet to be seen IMP. CAES. Lucii Septimi Severi Ara BICI ADIABENICI PARTHICI MAX. FIL. DIVI ANTONINI Pii Germanici SARMA NEP. DIVI ANTONINI PII. PRON. DIVI NADRIANI ABN DIVI TRAJANI PARTH ET DIVI NERVAE ADNEPOTI M. AURELIO ANTONINO PIO FEL AUG GERMANICO PONT MAX. TR. POT X IMP COS. IIII. P. p PRO PIETATE AEDE VOTO COMMUNI CURANTE Nomen legati Augusti Propraet periit forte is est Virius Lupus LEGATO AUG PR COH III. NERVIO RUM G. R. POS. All that is said in this old Altar here is confirmed very well and witnessed by the Notitia Occidentalis Imperii which saies as much excubabat Tribunus Cohortis III. Nerviorum Alione per Lineam Valli sub dispositione Viri spectabilis Ducis Eritanniarum Onely Pancirolus following Camden is much mistaken when he saies that of this at this day it is called Lancester as if it were Alone for the Britains Allone id est supra Lonum Fl. much better we find it in Francis Holyoke Old Town upon Allone id est Vetus Oppidum ad Alonem in Northumbriâ or in William Fulk Allenton not far from Whitley Castle But by no means may we admit of that conjecture of Josias Simlerus Who in his notes to Antoninus very much amiss doth set to it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a City of Britain in Ptolemy CALACUM M. P. XIX Galacum in this Journey is the very same saith our Camden which in Ptolemy is Galatum or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉