in India are accounted rare things There is a running-water which at the entrance falls from a great Kiosck or cover'd place to keep cool standing upon a great Piscina or Lake contiguous to the Garden on the out-side and serving like that of Surà t to the common uses of the City Besides which in this Garden there is nothing worth notice Going from hence we went to see upon the same Lake a Meschita or Temple of the Mahometans whereunto there is continually a great concourse of people with ridiculous and foolish devotions not onely Mahometans but likewise Gentiles In the street before the Gate many persons sitting on the ground asked Alms to whom the passers-by cast some Rice others certain other Corn but no Money Within the Meschita in a narrow dark place by a walls side is a kind of little Pyramid of Marble and this they call Pir that is Old which they say is equivalent to Holy I imagine it the Sepulchre of some one of their Sect accounted such The people enter in with great crowds especially Women who use to be more forward in these things then others All who go in strew Flowers or Rice there to which end stand divers near the Gate that sell Flowers to whoso pleases for such Offerings But this is rather a Custom of the Gentiles then Mahometans and the Gentiles being more numerous and ancient in Cambaia 't is no wonder that some Rite of theirs hath adher'd to the Mahometans A little distant from this place we saw another Sepuchre ador'd too of some Mahometan for the Gentiles who burn their dead have no Sepulchres built with a great roof four square supported by divers pillars and under it a place open on all sides like a Porch this also many persons came to kiss and venerate Beyond the abovemention'd Garden upon the Sea-side we saw another Sepulchre of a Mahometan of quality having a high round Cupola like a Tower which is ascended by a little ladder and there you have a most goodly prospect upon the Sea and Land to a great distance These things being seen we return'd home the same way we came The next Morning going about the City we saw another Hospital of Goats Kids Sheep and Weathers either sick or lame and there were also some Cocks Peacocks and other Animals needing the same help and kept altogether quietly enough in a great Court nor wanted there Men and Women lodg'd in little rooms of the same Hospital who had care of them In another place far from hence we saw another Hospital of Cows and Calves some whereof had broken Legs others more infirm very old or lean and therefore were kept here to be cur'd Among the beasts there was also a Mahometan Thief who having been taken in Theft had both his Hands cut off But the compassionate Gentiles that he might not perish miserably now he was no longer able to get his living took him into this place and kept him among the poor beasts not suffering him to want any thing Moreover without one of the Gates of the City we saw another great troop of Cows Calves and Goats which being cur'd and brought into better plight or gather'd together from being dispers'd and without Masters or being redeem'd with Money from the Mahometans who would have kill'd them to eat namely the Goats and other Animals but not the Cows and Calves were sent into the field to feed by Neat-herds purposely maintain'd at the publick charge and thus they are kept till being reduc'd to perfect health 't is found fitting to give them to some Citizens or others who may charitably keep them I excepted Cows and Calves from the Animals redeem'd from slaughter because in Cambaia Cows Calves and Oxen are not killed by any And there 's a great prohibition against it by the instance of the Gentiles who upon this account pay a great summ of Money to the Prince and should any either Mahometan or other be found to kill them he would be punish'd severely even with death At Night we had Musick at home made by some Mahometan Women Singers and Dancers for among the Gentiles none practise such Arts who with their Indian Instruments which aâ—â— Drums Bells ty'd to the Arms and the like all of great noise gave us divertisement playing dancing and singing whilst we were at Supper but their Musick being too full of noise was to me rather distasteful then pleasing The next Morning we saw in the City a Temple of Idols one of the best which the Gentiles have in Cambaia The form of it is perfect square with walls round about supporting a flat roof which is also upheld in the middle by four pillars dispos'd in a square too within which upon the little space remaining is advanc'd somewhat higher then the roof and yet of a square form a kind of Cupoletta or little Chappel In the principal part of this Temple stand in three great Nieches so many great Idols made of white Marble and naked as the Indians paint all their Idols They are in a sitting posture yet after the manner of the East as they use to sit upon the ground with the Legs gather'd under but they sit in a place somewhat higher then the floare as it were upon a large Pedestal These Nieches are inclos'd with doors made with lattices that so the Idols may be seen without opening them but they are open'd upon occasion for any that are minded to go in They were so for us but we entred not because the Nieches are so small that we saw every thing well enough from the doors The principal Idol in this Temple is that which stands in the middle Nieche call'd Mahavir from whom the Temple is denominated Who this Mahavir is and whether he be all one with Mahadeu as I have some suspicion I do not yet know because the Indians who talkt with us either in the Portugal or Persian-Tongue being all Factors or Merchants and consequently unlearned could not give us any account of these things besides they speak those Languages ill and are not intelligible saving in buying and selling With other learned Gentiles to whom alone their Indian Speech is familiar we could not discourse for want of Language wherefore of all these things and all the particularities of their Religion I reserve my self to be further inform'd at Goa if it shall please God where I shall have better convenience and more time and meet with some learned Brachman perhaps turn'd Christian and able to give me a more certain Relation hereof either in Portuguez or Latine and if he be a Christian he will no doubt give it me more truly then the Gentiles who I believe talk with us concerning their own matters neither willingly nor sincerely Wherefore referring my self to the better intelligence which I hope to have there I shall here only relate what I saw with mine own eyes and something more which I attain'd to understand without suspicion of error Before the Idol
reason of sundry accidents and the oppositions of the Portugals to him as to a Castilian as himself saith or as other say because it was his own mind to do so since the year before being sent away in a Petache or Shallop according to his own desire he return'd back for fear of a tempest though without reason had never return'd home into Spain to his King but when I arriv'd in India I found him at Goa where we became acquainted together and coming to visit me one day amongst other things whereof we discours'd he told me that he had heard a while since that the Prior of Savoy to wit the Duke of Savoy's Son who is a Prior was made Vice-Roy of Sicily and Generalissimo of that Sea for his Catholick Majesty Which was News to me and as a rare and unaccustom'd thing for the Spaniards to place Italians in governments of States in Italy I was not unwilling to take notice of September the thirtieth At evening the Dominicans with the Fryers of the Society del Rosario made a goodly Procession in Goa with abundance of Coaches and Images cloth'd after their manner and richly adorn'd with many Jewels all the streets where it pass'd being strew'd with green herbs and flowers and the windows hung with Tapistry and rich Carpets to which shew which is yearly made for the Feast of the Rosary which is upon the first Sunday of October the whole City was gather'd together This great Procession they make the Eve before the Feast after Vespers and in the morning of the Feast they make another less one onely about the Gate of the Church but with the same pomp and besides with the most Holy Sacrament October the tenth The Vice-Roy of Goa dispatch'd Sig Gio Fernandez Leiton my Friend Ambassador to the Gentile-Prince whose Dominion in the Kingdom of Province of Canarà more Southernly then Goa borders upon Onòr and the other Territories of the Portugals in those maritime parts This Prince Venk-tapà Naieka was sometimes Vassal and one of the Ministers of the great King of Vidià -Nagà r which the Portugals corruptly call Bisnagà but after the down-fall of the King of Vidià -Nagà r who a few years ago by the Warrs rais'd against him by his Neighbours lost together with his life a great part of his Dominion and became in a manner extinct Venk-tapà Naieka as also many other Naieki who where formerly his Vassals and Ministers remain'd absolute Prince that part of the State whereof he was Governour which also being a good Souldier he hath much enlarg'd having seiz'd by force many Territories of divers other Naieki and pety Princes his Neighbours and in brief is grown to that reputation that having had Warr with the Portugals too and given them a notable defeat he is now held for their Friend and for the establishment of this Friendship they send this Embassage to him in the Name of the King of Portugal the Ambassador being styl'd Ambassador of the State of India and though he is sent by the Vice-Roy nevertheless as their custom is he carries Letters written in the name of the King himself to do the more honour to Venk-tapà Nieka to whom he is sent This is the first Ambassador sent to this Prince in the King of Portugal's Name for before in Occurrences which fell out an Ambassador was sent only in the name of some one of those Captains and Governours of the Portugal Territories which had business with him and this was sent in answer to an Ambassador of his who hath been long at Goa negotiating with the Vice-Roy the establishment of the said Friendship The Ambassador of Venk-tapà Naieka is a Brachman call'd Vitulà Sinaì and having taken his leave of the Vice-Roy the two Ambassadors departed together at this time I having been some dayes before inform'd of this intended Embassie and being desirous to see some Country of the Gentiles where themselves bore sway and observ'd their Rites without any subjection to Christians or Moors or Princes of different Religion as in those Lands which I had hitherto seen I offer'd my self to accompany my Friend Sig Gio Fernandez Leiton in this Embassie and he hath been pleas'd to testifie very great liking of my company So that I am to take Ship with him within three days which will be the thirteenth or fourteenth of this present moneth of October I hope I shall find matter wherewith to feed our Curiosity and to give you an entertainment In the mean time I heartily salute all our Friends at Naples and most affectionately kiss your Hands From Goa October 10. 1623. LETTER IV. From Onòr Octob. 30. 1623. BEing departed from Goa and arriv'd at this Port of Onòr I shall give you some account of what hath hapned in my observation during the few days since the last that I writ to you October the tenth which because I understood lay still at Goa with the two Ships which were to go thence for Persia I have thought fit to send this to accompany it and I hope you will receive both of them together and that not without some small delectation with my News inasmuch as I am pleas'd in writing to you from several places and when I can get opportunity from those very places which afford the novelties and matters whereof I write which therefore may possibly be more grateful in the reception as being native of the Country I took Ship with our Portugal Ambassador and Sig Gio Fernandez Leiton about Evening October the fourteenth and departing from Goa we remov'd to a Town call'd Pangi in the same Island but lower near the place where the River enters into the Sea and whither the Vice-Roys use to retire themselves frequently to a House of Pleasure which they have there besides many other like Houses of private persons upon the River likewise and where also at the mouth of the Sea or Bar as they speak which is a little lower almost all Fleets that depart from Goa are wont to set sail We might have perform'd this journey by Land along the Sea-cast passing along the other Lands of Adil-Scià h till we came to those of Venk-tapà Naieka But to avoid expences and occasions of disgust with many Governours of those Territories subject to Adil-Scià h who sometimes are little courteous and impertinent the Vice-Roy would have us go by Sea and for more security sent five of those light Frigats or Galeots which the Portugals call Sangessis to accompany us as far as Onòr where we were to land So that we were in all ten Ships or Galeots to wit one which carry'd the Portugal Ambassador and us an other in which the Naieka's Ambassador the Brachman went three others laden with the baggage of the two Ambassadors and particularly with Horses and other things which the Vice-Roy sent for a Present to Venk-tapà Naieka and other Horses which I know not who carry'd thither to sell and the five Ships of War whereof Sig Hettor Fernandez was Chief Captain
of Ships which came from Goa and went to Mangalòr and Cocìn or further they were to depart the next day and therefore I prepar'd my self to go with them to Mangalòr This night I supp'd at the House of Sig Antonio Borges with some other Portugals who came in the Fleet and went to lodg by his direction in another good House together with some Souldiers of the same November the seven and twentieth That I might not go alone without any body to serve me in the Ship I took into my service a Christian of Barselòr recommended to me by Sig Antonio and nam'd Manoel de Matos with whom alone I went aboard about noon having first din'd with many Portugals of the Fleet in the House of Sig Rocco Gomes the chief Portugal in Barselòr who entertain'd us at his Gate in the street very well Among others that din'd with us there was one Sig Neittor Fernandez by me elsewhere mention'd who came from Goa to Onòr with us the Captain Major of the whole Armado Sig Francesco de Lobo Faria who commanded a Galley and six other Ships besides the Cafila of Merchants I imbarqu'd in the Ship of Sig Neittor Fernandez who in the street express'd much courtesie to me Being gone a good way upon the Sea and it being now night the Captain Major of the Galleys sent our Ship back to fetch certain of his Men and the other Ships which were not yet got out of the Port of Barselòr whereinto we designing to enter in the dark and not hitting the narrow channel which was to be kept struck upon land and the wind growing prety stiff were in great danger of being over-set and lost and the more for that when we perceiv'd it and went to strike fail we could not for a good while because the ropes either through moistness or some other fault would not slip so that the Ship being driven forceably against the ground not onely became very leaky but gave two or three such violent knocks that had she not been new without doubt she had been split The Sea-men were not onely confounded but all amaz'd nothing was heard but disorderly cryes the voice of him that commanded could not be heard every one was more intent upon his own then the common safety many of the Souldiers had already strip'd themselves to leap into the Sea some ty'd their Money at their backs to endeavour to save the same together with their lives making little account of their other goods divers made vows and promises of Alms all heartily recommended themselves to God one embrac'd the Image of our Lady and plac'd his hope in that alone I could not induce my self to believe that God had reserv'd me after so many dangers to such a wretched and ignoble end so that I had I know not what secure confidence in my heart nevertheless seeing the danger extream great I fail'd not to commend my self to God his most Holy Mother and all the Saints By whose favour at length the sail being let down by the cutting of the rope and the Sea not rough for if it had it would have done us greater mischief the Mariners freed the Ship having cast themselves into the Sea and drawn her off from the ground by strength of Arm the remainder of the night we spent in the mouth of the Haven soliciting the other Ships out and mending our own The whole Fleet being set forth before day we return'd where the Captain General with the Galley and the rest of the Ships stay'd at Anchor for us and thence we set sail all together November the eight and twentieth We sail'd constantly Southwards coasting along the Land which lay on the left hand of us Half way to Mangalòr to wit six Leagues from Barselòr we found certain Rocks or little desart Islands which the Portugals call Scogli di Santa Maria one of which we approach'd with our Ship and many of our Men landed upon it to take wild Pigeons of whose nests there is great abundance wherewith we made a good supper Afterwards continuing our course we pass'd by Carnate and at night safely enter'd the Port of Mangalòr This Port is in the mouth of two Rivers one more Northern runs from the Lands of Banghel the other more Southern from those of Olaza which stands beyond the River Southwards or rather beyond the bay of salt-water which is form'd round and large like a great Haven by the two Rivers before their entrance into the Sea whose flowing fills the same with salt water Mangalòr stands between Olaza and Banghel and in the middle of the bay right against the Mouth of the Harbor into which the Fort extends it self being almost encompass'd with water on three sides 'T is but small the worst built of any I have seen in India and as the Captain told me one day when I visited him may rather be term'd the House of a Gentleman than a Fort. The City is but little neither contiguous to the Fort and encompass'd with weak walls within which the Houses of the inhabitants are inclos'd There are three Churches namely the See or Cathedral within the Fort our Lady Del Rosario La Misericordia and San Francesco without Yet in Mangalòr there are but three Ecclesiastical Persons in all two Franciscan Fryers and one Vicar Priest to whose charge with very small revenews belong all the other Churches I went not ashore because it was night but slept in the Ship November the nine and twentieth Early in the Morning I landed at Mangalòr and went together with Sig Neittor Fernandez and others of our Ship to dine in the House of Sig Ascentio Veira a Notary of the City After which I was provided of an empty House belonging to a Kins-man of his by Sig Paolo Sodrino who was married in Mangalòr and came for Goa in our Ship The next night the Fleet departed from Cocìn but I remain'd in Mangalòr with intention to go and see the Queen of Olaza November the thirtieth After hearing of Mass in the Church Del Rosario I visited the Captain of Mangalòr not in the Fort but in a cover'd place without the Gate which is built to receive the cool Air of the Sea and where he was then in conversation He was an old Man all gray by Name Sig Pero Gomes Pasagna The first of December in the Morning I went to see Banghel by the Indians more correctly call'd Bangher or Banghervarì 't is a mile or little more distant from Mangalòr towards the South and upon the Sea and the King that rul'd there and in the circumjacent lands being at this day driven out 't is subject to Venk-tapà Naieka A Musket-shot without Mangalòr on that side is a small River which is pass'd over by a ruinous stone bridg and may likewise be forded 't is the boundary of the Portugals jurisdiction The above-said mile is through cultivated fields and then you come to Banghel which is a rich soil and sometimes better peopled then
remembrance those ancient Kings Latinus Turnus and Evander who 't is likely were Princes of the same sort Such as came to speak with the King stood without in the Porch either on one side or in the middle of the little Porch either because the room was very small and not sufficient for many people or rather as I believe for more State The King was young not above seventeen years of age as they told me yet his aspect spoke him elder for he was very fat and lusty as I could conjecture of him sitting and besides he had long hairs of a beard upon his cheeks which he suffer'd to grow without cutting though they appeared to be but the first down Of Complexion he was dusky not black as his Mother is but rather of an earthy colour as almost all the Malabars use to be He had a lowder and bigger voice then Youths of his age use to have and in his speaking gestures and all other things he shew'd Judgment and manly gravity From the girdle upwards he was all naked saving that he had a thin cloth painted with several colours cast cross his shoulders The hair of his head was long after their manner and ty'd in one great knot which hung on one side wrapt up in a little plain linnen which looks like a night-cap fallen on one side From the girdle downwards I saw not what he wore because he never rose from his seat and the Chamber was something dark besides that the painted cloth on his shoulders hung down very low His Nephew who sate beside him was not naked but clad in a whole white garment and his Head was wrapt up in a greater volume white like a little Turbant When I came before the King his Men made me come near to the little Porch in the midst of them where standing by my self after the first salutations the King presently bid me cover my head which I forth-with did without further intreaty though with the Mother because a Lady I was willing to super-abound in Courtesie speaking to her all the time uncover'd But with the Son who was a Man I was minded to enjoy the priviledg of my descent and receive the favour which he did me as due to my quality To sit upon at first they offer'd me nothing nor was it fitting to sit down upon the bare ground Yet to shew some difference between my self and the by-standers after I had put on my Hat I lean'd upon my Sword and so talk'd as long as I was standing which was not long the King who at first sat side-wise turning himself directly towards me although by so doing he turn'd his back to his Nephew He ask'd me almost all the same questions as his Mother had done Whence I came What Countries I had travell'd through What Princes I had seen Whether I had left my own Country upon any misfortune Or why How I would have done thus alone in strange Countries in case of sickness or other accidents To all which I answer'd as I had done to his Mother and upon my saying that I wander'd thus alone up and down trusting in the help of God He ask't me Who was my God I answer'd him pointing upwards the God of Heaven the Creator of the Universe whereupon certain Souldiers there present in all likelyhood Moors as if applauding me said Ah Chodia Chodia which in the Persian Tongue signifies Lord and is meant of God inferring that I worship'd the true God whom they Moors pretended to know in opposition to the Idols of the Gentiles of the Country And they us'd the Persian word Chodia because that probably the Sect of Mahomet came into these parts from Persia which is not very remote from India as also from Arabia or perhaps because the Indians of the Territory of Idal-Scià h and Dacà n being in great part Moors use much the Persian Tongue which is spoken in the Courts of those Princes no less then their natural Language whence these other Indians more inwards to the South have by reason of neighbourhood communication both in Religion and Speech The King told me several times that he had very great contentment in seeing me and that no Europaean of my quality had ever been in his Country that my person well shew'd of what quality I was Nor was he mistaken herein for what other would ever go out of Europe into his Country unless some Portugal Merchantello of those who come hither for the most part to seek wood to make masts and sails for Ships these Woods abounding with very goodly Trees I told him I was sorry I had nothing worthy to present to him that in my Country there wanted not gallant things for his Highness but it being so many years since my departure thence and my Travels so far I had nothing left as I desir'd yet as a memorial of my service I should venture to give him a small trifle of my Country Whereupon I caus'd my Interpreter who carried it to offer him a little Map of the World which I had brought with me out of Italy telling him what it was and how all the Countries Lands Seas and Islands of the world were exactly delineated in it with their Names set to each place in our Tongue and all that was necessary to make him understand what it was The King was hugely pleas'd with it and desir'd to see several Countries where they lay and how great they were asking me sundry questions about them but being he understood not our Letters written therein he satisfi'd himself with the sight onely and with shewing it to all the by-standers as a curious and ingenious piece of Art Then he ask'd me whether I could eat in their Houses or of their meats for he desir'd to give me something to eat I answer'd that I could and that the purity of our Religion consisted not in the eating or touching of things but in doing good works He earnestly desir'd me that I would stay a while till some meat were prepar'd for me for by all means he would have me eat something in his House and himself see me eating I told him that if his intention were onely to give me meat the time was already past nor was I dispos'd to eat but if it were to see me eat I could not eat in that place after the fashion of my Country not having there the preparations necessary thereunto so that his Highness should not see what perhaps he desir'd and therefore I beseech'd him to excuse me Nevertheless he was so urgent for it that not to appear discourteous I consented to obey him And till the meat came the King commanded some of his Servants to conduct me to sit down by them in the Porch where I might sit after our manner but not in the King's sight Hereupon I with-drew with some of his Men to entertain me and in the mean time the King remain'd talking with the rest of them concerning me commending me much for several
to speak In Daman I had from the Jesuits two considerable pieces of News First that the two English Ships which as I said were sent from Surà t before my departure thence upon some unknown design went to Dabul under pretext of Peace and Friendship as if to traffick in that Port and that the Moors of Dabul had spread Carpets and prepar'd a handsome entertainment for the principals upon shore but the English having fairly landed suddenly got to certain pieces of Ordnance which were there and nail'd them up then putting their hands to their Arms began to fall upon the people of the City who upon this sudden unexpected onset betook themselves to flight and were likely to receive great dammage but at length a Portugal Factor and some few others making head against the English and animating the Citizens to do the like turn'd the scale of the victory and in a short time beat out all the English killing many of them and constraining the rest to fly away with their Ships who nevertheless in their flight took two Vessels of Dabul which were in the Port richly laden but unprovided as in a secure place which was no small dammage to the City and afforded a rich booty to the English This action I conceive was done by the English out of some old grudge against the City of Dabul or perhaps onely to force it to permit them free Trade and they use deal to thus with such ports as will not admit them thereunto The other News was that Prete Janni King of Aethiopia and the Abissins was by means of the Jesuits reconcil'd to the Roman Church and become a good Catholick intending that his whole Country should do the same which if true is indeed a thing of great consequence March the seven and twentieth About noon we departed from Daman towards Bassaim in the same Barque or Almadia and sail'd all the day at night in regard of the contrary current and danger of Pirats who cannot easily be seen and avoided in the dark we cast Anchor under a place call'd Daniè March the eight and twentieth Continuing our course in the Morning we espy'd some Ships which we suspected to be Pirats of Malabar and therefore fetching a compass we made but little way forwards At night we cast Anchor in a Bay call'd Kielme-Mahi from two Towns situate upon it one call'd Kielme the other Mahi On the nine and twentieth of the same moneth we sail'd forward again but the Tide turning contrary we cast Anchor about noon and stay'd a while in a little Island near the Continent The sails being mended and the current become favourable we set forward again and having pass'd by some Vessels which we doubted to be Pirats of Malabar about night we arriv'd at Bassaim But lest the people of the Fleet which we found there with the Cafila should molest our Boat as sometimes 't is usual and take away the Sea-men for the service of the Navy we stay'd a while without the City casting Anchor a little wide of the shore and in the mean time I sent notice to F. Diego Rodriguez Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits at Bassaim for whom I had Letters from the Father Rector of their Colledge at Daman and some also for others from the Brother of theirs whom I saw in Cambaia The F. Rector sent presently to the Sea-side where I was F. Gaspar di Govea their Procurator who because 't was said the Fleet would depart that very night with the Cafila for Goa immediately without entring into the City procur'd me passage in a Merchants Frigat as more commodious for passengers in regard 't was free from the trouble of Souldiers which went in the Men of War appointed to convoy the Merchants Ships The Captain of the Vessel wherein I embark'd was call'd Diego Carvaglio with whom having agreed for my passage I presently put my Goods aboard his Ship together with Mariam Tinatin in the most convenient Cabin and Cacciatùr to take care of them It being now night I went alone with F. Govea to their Colledge to visit and thank the F. Rector and the other Fathers who very courteously retain'd me at Supper which ended to avoid the danger of being left behind I forthwith return'd to repose in the Ship Of the City Bassaim I cannot say any thing because it was night both at my entrance stay and coming away I can onely intimate that it is wholly surrounded with strong walls and if I took good notice seems to me greater then Daman but of late years many buildings were destroy'd by a horrible tempest and are not yet re-edifi'd I found in the Colledge of Bassaim F. Paolo Giovio an Italian March the thirtieth In the Morning the Fleet set sail and going off the shore we came to the Island where they take in fresh water over against a City in view at a little distance which they call Salsette and the place where we stay'd being a large and populous Island is call'd in the Portugal Tongue L' Aguada and here we stay'd all day because the wind was so contrary that we could not get off that point of Land and for that divers of the Galeots and new Frigats built to be sent and arm'd in Goa were not in order to depart and we were forc'd to stay their preparation March the one and thirtieth At Sun-rise we put to Sea for Goa but were slow in getting forth to the Main before we could set sail because the Tide was still going out and there was so little water left that our Frigat run a ground At length the Tide turning we row'd out of the streit between the City and the Island and being come into the broad Sea hois'd all our sails About mid-night following we arriv'd at Ciaùl but enter'd not into the Port because it stands much within Land upon a precipice where the Sea entring far into the Bay between the Hills and the low Shore into which also is descharg'd the mouth of a River makes an ample and secure harbour wherefore by reason of the darkness of the night which in this place is no seasonable time the Fleet would not enter but we rode at the Rivers mouth till break of day April the first Entring into the Port in the Morning we cast Anchor under the City upon the shore where nevertheless the water is so deep and our Galeots came so near the bank that we went ashore by a bridge In the entrance of the City and Haven on the right hand almost Southwards we saw that famous Hill which the Portugals call Morro di Ciaùl commanding the Harbour and all the adjacent City on the top of it stands a strong Castle which was sometimes possess'd by the Moors of Dacà n namely by Nizam-Schiah to whom also the whole Territory about it belongs and when the said King made war with the Portugals the Moors did great mischief to them from the top of this Mountain and another which stands near
a Mascherade I also bore a part in the solemnity out of my devotion to the new Saint and according to the liberty which every one took of habiting himself as he pleas'd I put my self into the garb of an Arabian Gentleman of the Desart which was accounted very brave and gallant I accompany'd with Sig Antonino Son of Sig Antonio Paraccio my friend a youth of about twelve years old who was one of those who went in the day time to the Vice-Roy and I cloth'd him in a Persian Habit of mine which I had brought from Persia or rather like a noble Chizilbase Souldier very odd and brave so that we two were a sufficiently delightful spectacle to the whole City May the one and twentieth In the Morning the Bare-footed Fathers sung in their Church a solemn Mass in gratiarum actionem for the above-said Canonization of Santa Teresia upon whose praises an Augustine Father made an eloquent Sermon the Vice-Roy and a multitude of people being present thereat May the three and twentieth The Sun entring into Gemini I observ'd that the Rain begun in Goa and it happens not alike in all the Coast of India for it begins first in the more Southerly parts of Capo Comorni and follows afterwards by degrees according as places extend more to the North so that in Cambaia and other more northern parts it begins later then in Goa and the further any place lyes North the later it begins there Whence it comes to pass that in the Persian Ephemerides or Almanacks they use to set down the beginning of Parscecal or the time of Rain in India at the fifteenth of their third moneth call'd Cordad which falls upon the third of our June because they have observ'd it in the more Northern parts of India as in Cambaia Surà t and the like where the Persians have more commerce then in other more Southern places In Goa likewise for the most part the beginning of the Rain is in the first days of June yet sometimes it anticipates and sometimes falls something later with little difference 'T is observ'd by long experience that this Rain in India after having lasted some days at first ceases and there return I know not how many days of fair weather but those being pass'd it begins again more violent then ever and continues for a long time together By this Rain as I observ'd the heat diminisheth and the Earth which before was very dry and all naked becomes cloth'd with new verdure and various colours of pleasant flowers and especially the Air becomes more healthful sweet and more benigne both to sound and infirm The arm of the Sea or River which encompasses the Island of Goa and is ordinarily salt notwithstanding the falling of the other little fresh Rivers into it with the inundation of great streams which through the great Rain flow from the circumjacent Land is made likewise wholly fresh whence the Country-people who wait for this time derive water out of it for their Fields of Rice in the Island of Goa and the neighbouring parts which being temper'd with this sweet moisture on a suddain become all green June the first I spoke first to the Vice-Roy of Goa Don Francesco da Gama Count of Bidigucira Admiral of the Indian Sea and Grand-son of that D. Vasco de Gama who discover'd East-India in which this Don Francesco was sometimes Vice-Roy and was once taken captive in Africa with King Sebastian I delay'd seeing him so long because I was busi'd for a Moneth after my arrival in changing my Habit and providing a House so that I went not abroad besides that the Vice-Roy was likewise employ'd many days after in dispatching the Fleets which went to China and Zeilan and after they were gone he retir'd to a place out of Goa to recreate himself for many days so that I had no opportunity sooner I presented to him two Letters from Rome which I brought directed to his Predecessor in my recommendation one from Sig Cardinal Crescentio and the other from the Duke of Albaquerque then Ambassador at Rome for the Catholick King and he without reading them in my presence said that without that recommendation he should have express'd all fiting Civilities to me and that he was glad to see and know me with many other Complements and courteous offers He had no long discourse with me because many other Portugal Gentlemen of the Council and other persons of the Government expected to have Audience but when I went away he told F. Morigad the Jesuit his Confessor who introduc'd me that at a more convenient opportunity he desir'd to talk with me more at length of the things of Persia and that he would send for me and in the mean time desir'd a writing in discourse which I had made a few days before concerning the Warrs of Persia of which his said Confessor who had seen it had given him notice wherefore I gave it to him with my own hand as I had written it in my Native Tuscan Tongue and F. Morigad gave him the Translation of it made by himself into the Portugal Tongue being the Vice-Roy did not understand the Italian June the ninth In the Colledge of the Jesuits was pronounc'd as 't is the custom every year a Latin Oration for the Inchoation of the Readings which the vacations being ended with the hot weather begin again with the Rain and cool weather Letters from some Banians were brought to Goa signifying that the Moghòl had enounter'd with his Rebel Sultà n Chorròm and routed him and that Sultà n Chorròm after his defeat was retir'd to a strong hold in the top of a Mountain which they call Mandù and that his Father had besieg'd them there June the four and twentieth being the Feast of Saint John Baptist The Vice-Roy with many other Portugal persons of quality as 't is the yearly custom in Goa rode through the City in Habits of Masquert but without Vizards two and two alike or three and three and having heard Mass in the Church of Saint John he came into the street of Saint Paul which they are wont to call La Carriera de' Cavalli and is the best place in Goa Here after many Companies of Canarine Christians of the Country had march'd by with their Ensignes Drums and Arms leaping and playing along the streets with their naked Swords in their Hands for they are all Foot at length all the Cavaliers run two carriers on Horse-back one downwards from the Church of Saint Paul towards the City and the other upwards running matches of two to two or three to three according as their attire agreed with their Morisco Cymiters and at last they came all down marching together in order and so went to the Piazza of the Vice-Roys Palace and so the solemnity ended I stood to see this shew in the same street of Saint Paul in the House of one whom they call King of the Islands of Maldiva or Maladiva which are an innumerable company of
small Islands almost all united together lying in a long square form towards the West not far from the Coast of India of which Islands one of this Man's Ancestors was really King but being driven out of his Dominion by his own people fled to the Portugals and turn'd Christian with hopes of recovering his Kingdom by their help Yet the Portugals never attempted any thing in his behalf and so he and his descendents remain depriv'd of the Kingdom enjoying onely the naked Title which the Portugals being now ally'd to him still give him and because many Merchants Ships come from those Islands to trade in the Ports of the Portugals they force the said Ships to pay a small matter of Tribute to him as their lawful Sovereign of which though the Governours of Ports to whom upon necessity he must entrust purloin above half from him nevertheless he gets at this day by it about three thousand Crowns yearly and therewith supports himself The like Fates have befallen many other Princes in India who hoping in the Portugals have found themselves deluded Wherein Reason of State is but ill observ'd by the Portugals because by this proceeding they have discourag'd all others from having confidence in them whereas had they assisted and protected them as they ought and might easily and with small charge have done upon sundry fair occasions they would by this time have got the love of all India and themselves would by the strength and help of their Friends undoubtedly have become more potent as also without comparison more fear'd by their Enemies June the nine and twentieth This year the Moors began their Ramadhan according to the Rules of my Calculation July the five and twentieth being the Feast of Saint James the Protector of Spain was solemnis'd with the same gallantry of Cariers and Dresses as are above describ'd saving that the Vice-Roy heard Mass in the Church of St. James In the Evening I went with Sig Ruy Gomez Boraccio a Priest and Brother of Sig Antonio Baroccio to the Church of Saint James which stands somewhat distant without the City upon the edge of the Island towards the main Land of Adil-Scià h which is on the other side of a little River or Arm of the Sea For which reason the Island is in this as well as many other dangerous places fortifi'd with strong walls and here there is a Gate upon the pass which is almost full of people going and coming from the main Land and is call'd by the Indians Benastarni by which name some of our Historians mention it in their writings concerning these parts as Osorius Maffaeus c. which Gate as likewise many others which are upon divers places of passage about the Island is guarded continually with Souldiers commanded by a Captain who hath the care thereof and for whom there is built a fine House upon the walls of the Island which in this place are very high forming a kind of Bastion or rather a Cavaliero or mount for Ordnance not very well design'd but sufficiently strong wherein are kept pieces of Artillery for defence of the place We went to visit the said Captain who was then Sig Manoel Pereira de la Gerda and from the high Balconies of his House and the Bastion we enjoy'd the goodly prospect of the Fields round about both of the Island and the Continent being discernable to a great distance The Captain entertain'd us with the Musick of his three Daughters who sung and play'd very well after the Portugal manner upon the Lute after which we return'd home About the Church of Saint James are some few habitations in form of a little Town which is also call'd Santiago and the way from thence to the City is a very fine walk the Country being all green and the way-sides beset with Indian Nut-trees which the Portugals call Palms and their fruit Cocco the Gardens and Houses of Pleasure on either side contributing to the delightfulness thereof being full of sundry fruit-trees unknown to us as also because in Winter-time the very walls of the Gardens are all green with moss and other herbs growing there which indeed is one of the pleasantest sights that I have seen in my days and the rather because 't is natural and without artifice The same happens I believe not in this Island onely but in all the Region round about In the field adjoyning to the City near the ruines of a deserted building once intended for a Church but never finish'd is a work of the Gentiles sometimes Lords of this Country namely one of the greatest Wells that ever I beheld round and about twenty of my Paces in Diametre and very deep it hath Parapets or Walls breast-high round about with two Gates at one of which is a double pair of stairs leading two ways to the bottom to fetch water when it is very low July the six and twentieth I went out of the City to a place of pleasure in the Island where was a Church of Saint Anna to which there was a great concourse of people because it was her Festival This Church stands very low built amongst many Country dwellings partly of the Islanders who live there and partly of the Portugals who have Houses of Pleasure there to spend a moneth for recreation The place is very delightful amongst Palmetoes and Groves of other Trees and the way leading to it is extreamly pleasant all cover'd with green After I had heard Mass here Sig Giovanni da Costa de Menecas a Friend of mine whom I found there carry'd me to dine with him at the House of a Vicar or Parish-Priest of another Church not far distant and of small Building which they call Santa Maria di Loreto where we spent the whole day in conversation with the said Vicar and other Friends At night because it rain'd I caus'd my self to be carry'd home in one of those Carriages which the Portugals call Rete being nothing else but a net of cords ty'd at the head and feet and hanging down from a great Indian Cane in which Net which is of the length of a Man and so wide that opening in the middle for the two ends are ty'd fast to the Cane 't is capable of one person a Man lyes along very conveniently with a cushion under his head although somewhat crooked to wit with the feet and head advanc'd towards the Ligatures and the middle part of the body more pendulous under the Cane which is carry'd upon the shoulders of two men before and two behind if the person be light or the way short two Men onely bear it one before and the other behind These Nets are different from the Palanchini and the Andòr for in these from the Cane hang not nets but litters like little beds upon which a Man sits with his legs stretch'd forth or half lying along upon cushions and so is carry'd very conveniently Moreover the Palanchini and the Andòr differ from one another for that in
same day a Petache arriv'd from Ormuz bringing News of the Arrival there of ten Ships from Surat namely six Europaean Men of War and four Merchant Ships of Moors and other people so that with those formerly arriv'd there were at Ormuz between English and Dutch ten Ships of War and the Portugal Armada not yet arriv'd This Petache they say Ruy Freira sent to Mascat to avoid falling amongst so many Enemies being alone He stay'd still there with his Vessels of Oars yet with no hope of hindring Ormuz from being reliev'd both with Men Ammunition and Victual at their pleasure January the nineteenth I went to see a Village of the Arabians a little distant from Mascat and call'd Kelbuh it lyes without the Mountains that incompass the Castle and Houses of Mascat on the side towards Sohar the way that leads to it is a narrow passage and because dangerous for the letting in of Enemies the Portugals have wisely guarded it with a rampart and some few pieces of Artillery The Town is small consisting onely of cottages or sheds made of Palm-boughs and so low that one cannot stand upright in them but onely sitting upon the ground after the manner of the Moors yet for its bigness it hath people enough because this miserable sort of Men very wretchedly but easily accommodate themselves to their own mode in any little place LETTER X. From Bassora May 20. 1625. OUr Ship being ready to depart for Bassora and being to touch by the way about Ormuz in order to consign some things to the General Ruy Freira pertaining to the service of the Armada after all the rest that were to go were imbarqu'd amongst which were Don Francesco Contigno Covacio who intended for Ormuz two bare-footed Carmelites who were for Bassora and the F. Provincial of Maniglia in the Philippine Islands who was passing into Europe I went aboard with my people at night January the six and twentieth Yet the Vessel went not off till the next day and with no favourable wind we sail'd about six Leagues casting Anchor at night not far from the shore January the eight and twentieth Having sail'd a while a contrary wind forc'd us to Anchor again and indeed in this Persian Gulph the wind is so inconstant and with-all so strong that if it happen to be contrary there is little good to be done by contesting against it in this narrow Sea but those that sail in it must in such case either cast Anchor or be driven backwards We anchor'd so near land and in so little water under a place call'd Sibo about seven Leagues from Mascat that the contrary wind increasing and the Anchor not sufficing to retain the Ship we were in great danger of being split upon the shore to the loss of all our goods and perhaps lives too the Coast being very craggy and the Sea extremely rough We were so near being lost that the Ship almost toucht the ground but a small sail hanging on the rope which runs from the top of the Mast to the Stern and is call'd by the Portugal's Sabaco sav'd us which sail alone we could make use of to keep off the shore though it being small and the Vessel heavy it suffic'd not to move it much The Arabians were already gathered together in great number upon the shore to get the booty and perhaps also to take our persons in case the Ship should be split for in these troublesom times of war they were here but little friends to the Portugals of Mascat But at length as it pleas'd God by the help of Oars and the diligence of Sig. Franc. Contigno Covacio who in many things supply'd the ignorance or negligence of other Officers of the Ship we turn'd-about the Stern of the Ship to the Sea and being deliver'd from imminent danger had time to hoise the Trinket to the wind as before we could not because it was on the other side of the Mast which they call Under-the-wind and could not be brought about without more time then our sudden and present danger permitted After which because the wind so requir'd and it was dangerous going ashore for water among the Arabians we determin'd to return to Mascat and having pass'd the Island della Vittoria so call'd from a notable Victory obtain'd by the Portugals against an Armada of Turkish Galleys which came to make war upon Mascat about-evening we re-entred the port of Mascat where our Ship falling foul upon another Ship that rode there at anchor we became in a new danger of suffering shipwrack or at least some considerable dammage Many went ashore to sleep there all night but being our departure was to be speedily I only sent my servants to fetch me some refreshment January the thirtieth The Ship having taken water and all our company imbarqu'd at four a clock afternoon we set sail again from Mascat and about Ave-Mary-time repass'd the Island della Vittoria which lies only two leagues from Mascat sailing between it and the Continent as we had done before January the one and thirtieth As we were sailing with a small wind we descry'd a Sail a far off which seeing us discharg'd a Gun as a sign for us to stay till it came up to us whence we understood it to be one of Freira's Fleet for by custom the Ships of war in India do thus and other Merchant-Ships are oblig'd to stay and obey if not the War-ship may sink them Accordingly we stay'd and by the help of Oars it presently made towards us Wherein I observ'd the little Military Discipline and good order practis'd by the Portugals in India for there was all the reason in the world that if we stay'd the coming up of this Ship according to the custom yet we should not have trusted it till we knew what it was for it might have been an Enemy or a Rover as there are many in these Seas who being Portugals by Nation and banish'd for some misdemeanors betake themselves to carry Pepper Arms and other prohibited things to the Territories of the Moors Wherefore to secure our selves from all deceit and dammage which such a Ship feigning to be of Freira's Armada might have done us we should have stay'd indeed but it ought to have been with our Arms in our Hands Falcons Corchabuses and Muskets loaden and in short in a posture of defence and fighting as occasion requir'd On the contrary this good Discipline was observ'd neither on our part nor by the Vessel which came to see who we were which imprudent confidence though it succeeded well in this case yet was undeniably a great and perillous error and had the event been ill it could not have been excus'd otherwise then by saying Non putaram a word according to Cicero very little besitting Prudent Men. This Vessel of the Armada demanded of us water and Mariners Now amongst the Portugals t is a custom for these War-ships to take from Merchants which they meet what they please either
by fair means or by foul although 't is but a disorderly thing and many inconveniences happen by it Of water we gave them two barrels but no Mariners because we had few enough for our selves and they took them not by force as they would perhaps have done from others out of respect to Sig Coutigno who was in the Ship with us and the rather because we told them we were going to carry Provisions to Ruy Freira who they informed us was retreated into the Island of Larek and that the Armada of Goa was not yet arriv'd and also that themselves were going to Mascat for Provisions In the Evening we met a Terrada or Bark of Freira's Fleet going likewise to Mascat by which we understood the same News February the first The wind turning contrary we cast anchor at distance from land for more security the shore being all the way on our left hand February the second Though the wind became somewhat favourable we weigh'd not anchor because we were to land an Augustine Fryer at Sohar of which place he was Curate and neither we nor the Pilot knowing whether we had pass'd Sohar or not nor yet what Land it was where we were therefore we sent our Boat ashore to inquire it brought word that Sohar lay a little more forward and thereupon it was remitted to carry the said Fryer on shore that so he might ride thither on a Camel by Land This business took up all the day At night we set sail but with no favourable wind so that we were constrain'd to anchor again a little further till about midnight the wind â—â—sing a little in our favour we set forwards The land in this place is a low Plain as the word Sohar signifies yet we saw abundance of hills at a great distance from the shore Sohar is four and twenty leagues from Mascat February the sixth Having by the help of Oars with much difficulty come to Chursakan which is twelve leagues beyond Sohar in the morning we sail'd under Doba which lies three leagues further The Portugals had not so much confidence in the people as to think fit to enter into the Port but resolv'd to go three leagues onwards to a secure place of friendly Arabians call'd Lima. The coast of Doba is mountainous and the Town stands behind a Promontory which runs far into the Sea Here we first discern'd the opposite coast of the Persian Gulph from whence rather rowing then sailing by Sun-set we came to an anchor under Lima. Many of our Ships went ashore some to fetch provisions of which they found but little store and others to refresh themselves I was not in a condition to do the like being in bed under deck by reason of an Ague as also was Mariam Tinatim so that neither of us could so much as look up to behold the Land February the seventh We pass'd by the Cape of Mosendom at the point of which stand two or three Rocks one further then another into the Sea That nearest the Cape is greatest and the remotest is the least which they call Baba Selam the Moorish Sea-men when they pass by it salute it with many shouts of joy Having pass'd by this Cape which is as I believe within ten or twelve leagues of Ormuz leaving Ormuz and Bender di Kombra on the right hand because we presum'd the Dutch and English Ships to be there we directed our course towards Larek hoping to find Ruy Freira there as we had understood by the way but a little after we descry'd two Ships of Freira's Armada as we suppos'd in two several places towards the Land each of which gave us a Gun whereby we apprehended that they intended either to receive or give us some necessary Advertisement Wherefore quitting our course to Larek we turn'd the Stern to the coast of Arabia towards which one of the said Ships about Sun-set seem to be retir'd We approach't near the Land about Evening and passing amidst certain Rocks went to cast anchor within a little bay which was there but in the narrow streight between a Rock and the Continent a most impetuous current of the Sea hurri'd us away so furiously that without giving us time to let down the sail it had almost dash't us against the foot of certain high Rocks where if we had touch't without doubt our Ship had been split in a thousand pieces nor had any one of us escap't with life unless by miracle nevertheless by plying our Oars stoutly and at length letting down the sail by God's mercy we were delivered from this imminent and manifest danger Yet not so fully but that we had like to have been cast upon another Rock not so much through the violence of the Current as the negligence of the Sea-men who did not govern the Sails and Helm well But at length being by the Divine Assistance freed from both dangers we got to the place we design'd and there found one of Freira's Ships which had given us a Warning-piece in the preceding day and also an armed Bark of that sort which they call Terrankim and are almost such as our Caichi or Shallops which Bark Ruy Freira sent to the Rock Baba Selam there to wait for the Armada of Goa and advertise him when it arriv'd In the Ship was Sig. Sancho di Toar who the last year had been sent from Goa General of certain Ships to assist Ruy Freira and being weary of the war now with his licence obtain'd as may be thought by importunity was returning to Mascat and so to Goa with seventy or eighty soldiers that accompani'd him After we had cast anchor although it was very dark yet some of the said soldiers and the Captain of the Terranquim came to our Ship to speak with Don Francesco Cavacio so also did the Captain of the Ship the abovesaid di Toar next morning Don Francesco disswaded the soldiers from deserting the war in a time of so great need and of so fair an occasion as would be at the coming of the Armada of Goa which was approaching hourly telling them that at Goa it would be held an action little honourable and that the Vice-Roy would severely punish whoever return'd thither abandoning Ruy Freira In short he said so much to them that being assur'd of the coming of the Fleet of Goa which before they disbeliev'd and accounted only a report to keep the soldiers in suspence almost all of them chang'd their purpose and resolv'd to continue at the war after they had been at Mascat only to provide themselves some necessaries Of such moment to the publick good is the authority and prudent discourse of a worthy person amongst people We had news from them that Ruy Freira had quitted Larek because the English at the instance of the Persians had gone thither with their Ships to drive him thence whereupon having first destroy'd certain Shops of Provision which he had made there for convenience of the soldiers and a weak
to the Governor and also to a Jew his Minister which was afterwards given to them both After dinner Captain Fort Commander of the French Ship S. Anne wherein I was to imbarque came a shore and I agreed with him to go aboard that night though he puposed to stay two or three dayes longer in expectation of more lading before he set sail Accordingly after I had written to Aleppo and supp'd in the House of Sig Antonio Grandi I was carry'd aboard by the said Captain with all my people and onely those few goods which I had brought with me from Aleppo leaving all the rest to be first receiv'd by the said Sig Antonio and then convey'd to me by Sea more at leisure Thus after many years I quitted the Continent of Asia with a certain Resolution never to set foot upon it again unless arm'd and began my Voyage towards my desired Italy there being with me of Women Batoni Mariam Tinatin a Giorgian Virgin and faithful Companion of most of my Peregrinations Eugenia an Indian Maid of Scilan and of Men F. Fra Gregorio Orsino Vicar General of Armenia and my Servants Michel di Bengala commended to me at Goa by Sig Antonio Barraccio Giovan Robehh a Chaldean of Kiumalava and the two Syrians recommended to me by that Arch-Bishop namely Abdisciva and Hendi Nestorians August the nine and twentieth All my other goods together with the Coffin of Sitti Maani conceal'd in a ball of Cotton yarn were imbarqu'd thanks be to God without any disturbance The next day I took the height of the Sun in the Port of Alexandretta and found him decline at noon from the Zenith 28 degrees He was that day in the degree of Virgo The same day by the advice of Sig Antonio Grandi to prevent all further troubles which might arise from new searching of my goods and payment of half Gabels in case I should exchange the Ship wherein I was for a Flemish Vessel call'd the Neptune as I had formerly intended to do at Cyprus I determin'd to continue in the same Ship till I came either to Malta or Sicily and the rather because the Captain was a Person to my liking and all his people honest Catholicks with whom I promis'd my self most satisfaction Besides though the Flemish Ship was greater better arm'd and accompany'd with two others and consequently as to danger of Pirats more safe yet 't was known too that the Flemmings were at Truce with the Pirats and sometimes will not fight with them but being secure not to lose any thing of their own use to submit to them and let them take all the goods of other people that they have in their Ships without the least contest So that I had some reason not to trust my self with them although much perswaded thereunto by the Master of the Ship because perhaps in such case they would not have much car'd for securing me whom they hated upon the account of Religion On the other side though the French Ship wherein I imbarqu'd was small and unprovided of Artillery yet it was an excellent Sailer and safe enough from being overtaken by any Pirate provided it descry'd him first at a little distance and had but the least advantage For which purpose a Man was constantly plac'd upon the main-sail to make discoveries and as for being surpriz'd by the Pirats without fore-seeing them as 't was possible we might be in a Morning at day-break falling among them unawares so we hop'd God would preserve us from such misfortune Of this change of my Resolution I gave account in my Letters to Aleppo and I mention it here to the end that it may appear that my passing into Italy in so small and disarm'd a Ship was not folly or rashness as perhaps it may otherwise seem but a considerate determination prudently made upon weighty and important Reasons Accordingly after Sig Antonio Grandi had presented us many refreshments for the Voyage the same Evening a little before night we set sail September the first In the Evening we pass'd by Capo Chanzir or as 't is now commonly call'd Capo Porco lying thirty miles from Alexandretta and the next Evening we discover'd the Island of Cyprus where we were to touch and stay some dayes September the third In the Morning we doubled the Cape of S. Andrea on the South of the said Island being to put in at Porto della Saline or the Port of the Salt-pits which is now the principal and most frequented landing-place of Cyprus September the fourth We enter'd the said Port which lyes on the South part of Cyprus in a large Bay surrounded with Land spacious and secure enough for all sort of Ships It lyes two hundred miles from Alexandretta and is the Port where the Turkish Army landed when they took the Island As soon as we had enter'd we were visited in the Ship by Sig Dimitrio Todorini a prime Greek Merchant but not a Cypriot who offer'd me his House and Sig Giovan Francesco Parente a Venetian my ancient Friend and correspondent in Aleppo from whence upon certain discontents befallen him there he had betaken himself hither who visited me not onely upon his own account but also in the Name of Sig Alessandro Goneme the Venetian Consul in that Island who excus'd his not coming in Person for that he was just then call'd away by the Cadhi upon a certain business September the fifth The said Venetian Consul with Sig Parente and some others of his House visited me in the Ship And though I intended not to go ashore notwithstanding all his intreaties and invitations yet he resolutely refus'd to depart till I went with him Wherefore I obey'd him and went onely with one servant leaving F. Orsino and the Women in the Ship On the seaside I found some few dwellings and magazines or storehouses which are those that they properly call delle Saline from the Salt-pits hard by where the Turks have a small square Castle with a Plat-form and Artillery to guard the Sea but of little importance Here taking Horse we rode a little mile within Land to another Village call'd Larnaca where the Franks live for the most part and there we alighted at the Consul's House And because it was yet early after a little repose we went to the Franciscan's Church call'd Santa Maria and there heard Mass which was sung with the Office pro mortuis for the Soul of Sig Giovan Maria Parente Brother to Sig Francesco who the day before pass'd to a better Life In the Evening I visited Sig Dimitrio Todorini in his own House and lodg'd in that of the Consul I will not omit that the Venetians have alwayes a Consul at Cyprus who is not of the Nobility but of the Order of Eminent Citizens whereof many Secretaries of the Republick use to be so that though the Consul of Cyprus be not dependent upon him of Aleppo as Vice-Consuls are yet he of Aleppo as noble and a more principal Minister in these
of water call'd in Latine if I mistake not Typhones Vortices but we pass'd through them without any hurt or dammage October the twenty first After many days of contrary wind which driv us in vain about the gulph of Settaglia at length it becoming favourable the Pilot and other Mariners said they descry'd land afar off which some took to be Candia others Rhodes but whatever it was we soon lost sight of it again and the same night the wind growing strong we were separated from the other Ships which were in our company Nevertheless we continu'd our Voyage alone and at evening descry'd land on the North-west which the Mariners said was the Island Scarpanti subject to the Venetians and that the good wind continuing we should soon discover Candia but about midnight the wind fell and we remain'd becalm'd October the twenry third The Wind turning favourable we discover'd land which they said was Candia at the prow of the Ship but at night lest the increasing South-wind should drive us too much to Land we put forth to Sea Southwards and left Candia on the right hand Northwards so far that we could not see it The next day the Sky being very cloudy we discover'd Malta whilst we were at dinner very near-hand the thick Air having intercepted it before and a good while before night we cast anchor just without the Port of the said Island soon after which a Guard-boat came to see who we were and whence we came in order to inform the Grand Master thereof the Officer demanded our Bill of Health which we had from Cyprus but would not touch it till it had been first dipt in Vinegar in regard of the great suspitions there were here of the Plague which rag'd much at Constantinople and other parts of Turkie But he not returning that night to us again with an answer we remain'd all aboard being suffer'd only to send for water without the City October the twenty ninth Early in the Morning the same Officer nam'd Sig. Desiderio Montemagni return'd and told us that the Knights made a little difficulty concerning my Bill of Health made at Cyprus by the Venetian Consul which was not so plain as that of the Ship which was made at Cyprus also the same day by the French Consul wherefore he made an excuse to me in their name for the delay of expediting me so suddenly I took all well commended the diligence of the Knight thankt them for their courtesie and profess'd my self obedient to their commands After which I deliver'd the Messenger a Letter for Monsig Visconti Inquisitor Apostolical there wherein I gave him account of my rrrival and desir'd him to favour me in order to a speedy exepetion F. Orsino writ another to him both which bath'd likewise in Vinegar Sig. Desiderio promis'd to present with his own hand The same day after dinner the Sig. Commendator Fra. Marcantorio Erancaccio a prime Neapolitan Cavalier my ancient friend at Naples and Sig Fra Mandosio Mandosii a Roman Cavalier both of the Religion of Malta came to visit me in a Boat which yet stay'd a little distance from our Ship as the Guard-boat also did and they offer'd me their persons to serve me with much courtesie I received much news of them concerning some of my friends at Naples and elsewhere after which they departed giving me hope that in a Councel to be held that day about other weighty affairs of the Religion my Expedition should be taken into consideration In the Evening Monsig Visconti sent me a Present of some refreshments and signifi'd to me that he had earnestly mov'd the Grand Master concerning the business of my expedition and when the Councel broke up I should hear the result thereof by his Secretary A while after the Secretary brought me word that the Councel held very long having determin'd a difference between two Spanish Knights who pretended to the Priorate of Navarre by giving it to one of them and also created a new General of the Galleys which charge was also pretended to by divers but fell to the Prior della Roccella Son of the Prince della Roccella who had a new instituted that Priorate in his Father's dominion insomuch that by reason of so many and long businesses ehiter the Grand Master had forgot or forborn to propose any thing else to wit our Expedition but that he having spoken to him as he came out of the Council the Grand Master told him that within two days another Council should be held purposely for our business because it could not be done without a Council and that in the mean time he gave order that our Ship should not depart from the Port to the end I might have the convenience of waiting the resolution concerning Landing without being carri'd away to my inconvenience to Marseilles whither those of our Ship intended directly to go and therefore we must have a little patience in the interim I return'd my thanks to Mons. Visconti and sent him word that I should have patience being secure of receiving all favour from his great courtesie Soon after which Sig Desiderio came to signifie the order to our Ship that it should not depart out of the Port. October the thirty first Besides a Present of refreshments sent me this day from the Sig. Commendator Brancaccio and frequent visits of Sig â—esiderio ane also of divers others partly known and partly unknown to me a little before night the Commissarii della Sanita Commissioners of Health came to see me and to enquire what goods I carri'd with me they told me the next day a Council would be held for dispatch of my business but hearing of the goods I brought particularly of the Ball of Cotten-yarn though they were not told what was within it for then without doubt the difficulty would have been greater they told me that by reason of the said goods I must have a little more patience for they should give me the Quarantine a little longer then if we had had nothing besides our persons November the first After dinner the Captain of the Port brought us licence to go ashore to wit for me and my company the Knights of the Council vouchsafing me this favour yet upon condition that I should pass my Quarantine not in the Isoletto whither all others are sent but at the Port where we were in the house of Sig Don Francesco Ciantar neer his Church of S. Saviour which house the Inquisitor procur'd for me and the Council as a particular favour granted me for my better convenience They prefix'd no time of the Quarantine but reserv'd it at their own arbitrement however I resolv'd it should not be very long The Caravel S. Ann which brought me desir'd to undergo the Quarantine also that they might afterwards have Prattick and sell their commodities perhaps more advantagiously at Malta but it would not be granted but the next day the Vessel was dismiss'd away for France The reason whereof I suppose
perhaps as he said not in this world for 't was four years since he had heard any News of me he receiv'd me with extream kindness and gladness After we had given one another account of many things and I had been complemented by Sig Paolo his Nephew and others that were with him I told him that I had in the Galley Batoni Mariam Tinatin my spiritual Daughter and should be glad that before we departed as I thought to do with the same Gallies for Messina that she saw the Church and something of Syracuse The Bishop presently sent Signora Maria his Brother's Wife and Mother of Sig Paolo with two of her Daughters to fetch my Women from the Galley in a Coach and Sig Paolo the Receiver of Malta and my self went in another Coach to fetch them on Land After these Gentlewomen had receiv'd them with many Complements we all went together to the Nunns Church of S. Lucie where we stay'd till evening the Nunns being much delighted to behold the strange habits of my Women and to discourse with them by Interpreters In the mean time many people flock'd into the Church to see them and several Cavaliers came to complement me and make themselves known to me It being late we were accompani'd by many Gentry and people to the Palace where my Women were receiv'd by the Bishop with much Courtesie And being the Galleys were to depart for Messina this very night I desir'd leave of the Bishop to return aboard again but he would by no means grant it saying that since I was come to see him it was not fit that I should embitter his joy with so sudden a departure much less when S. Lucy's day was so near at hand for which those that are remote use to go to Syracuse and that I was the more oblig'd to stay because I had once promis'd him by a Letter as indeed I had to come to Syracuse and spend a S. Lucy's day with him so that since chance had brought it thus to pass I must needs make my word good I answer'd many things and did all I could to get away but to no purpose for the Bishop sen the Receiver to get all my goods out of the Galley for which end was necessary for the gate of the City to be kept open a good part of the night contrary to custom and besides having caus'd a very noble Apartment to be got ready for me in the new building of his Palace he would by all means have us all lodge there Wherefore seeing his pleasure was such I thought fit to obey him and accept the favour The Gentlemen and Gentlewomen after some discourse departed and we were conducted to our apartment where because the Bishop eats not at night he left us to sup and rest The two Galleys which brought us depart this night for Messina and with them F. Orisno my late Fellow-traveller who will deliver you this Letter which I conclude this Evening not omitting to acquaint you with my tarrying here for some days to the end you may understand my deliverance and the good issue of my health and so praying God for the like to you I very heartily kiss your hands LETTER XV. From Messina January 24. 1626. IN continuation of my last to you concerning the favours I receiv'd from my Lord the Bishop of Syracuse I must tell you in the first place that on the fifth of December we were conducted by a great company of Gentry of both Sexes out of the City to several reliques of ancient Syracuse We saw the Artificial Echo reported to have been made by Dionysius in a Prison where he kept many slaves to hear what they talkt within and if I mistake not Archimedes seems to have been the contriver of the Fabrick 'T is indeed one of the goodliest pieces of Art that I ever saw in the world and perhaps was ever invented imitating nature so exactly that the Echo returns words sentences sounds and songs most intire and perfect as was prov'd in our presence with sundry Instruments If a man strike a thick extended cloth with a wand it renders a sound like the shot of Artillery which to be done so well in a Grotto form'd not by Nature but by Art is indeed a strange thing and shews a prodigious wit in the Contriver I must not omit that the roof of this grotto is hollow'd in the form of a man's ear from which probably the Artificer borrow'd the Invention since just as the voice striking the ears which are so shap'd renders the sound audible so 't is seen by experience that this great artificial Ear cut by hand in hard stone being struck in like manner produces the same effect of augmenting a sound although we know not but other Natural Echoes in Caves are fram'd after the same manner Near the place of the Echo we saw the subterranean Cavities wherein the slaves were imprison'd and over them the place of Dionysius's Palace in a very goodly situation with a Prospect extending far both on Land and Sea And near the Palace we beheld many remainders of his great Theater which was not built up like other Structures but cut and hollow'd out of the hard stone all of a piece very large and of excellent Architecture As we return'd home we saw contiguous to the City on one side the Port which they call'd Marmoreo or the Marble Port from its being built all of Stone and differing from the other great one which lies under the City on the other side for at this day the City stands wholly in the Peninsula Ortygia which is almost surrounded by the Sea saving where it joyns to the Land by a narrow Euripus December 8th I accompani'd the B p to the Church of S. Francis whither because it was the Feast of the Conception he went to hear Mass being attended by the Senate and all the Nobility of the City After which I went with divers Gentlemen my Friends to see the Church of S. Lucy without the City in the place where she was martyr'd which Church though sometimes it belong'd to Priests yet is now possess'd by reform'd Franciscan Fryers Under the Church we saw certain grottoes extending to a great distance every way under ground and made I know not whether for Sepulchres of the Ancients or for places of Refuge in times of danger December 9th Two Galleys of Malta which came from Messina with Provisions for the Iland enter'd the Port in one of which was their present General Sig Don Francesco Caraffa Prior della Roccella and Son of the Prince della Roccella who had lately founded this Priorate della Roccella at his own charge always to remain in his own Family though after his death if I am rightly inform'd it shall be no longer a Priorate or Grand Cross but only a Commendum December the tenth Accompani'd by Sig. Paolo Faraone I visited the said Prior della Roccella in his own Galley having seen him several times
Jesuits in Sicily in a Church call'd Our Lady delle Gratie I went to see the Capuchins Church the Streets of the City the Castle and whatever was remarkable which was very little January the sixteenth The weather continuing foul with snow the Captains upon consultation resolv'd to return back to Syracuse because the Galleys had not provision enough for a longer stay Wherefore after dinner we set sail back again and arriv'd before night at Syracuse whereof the Bishop being advertis'd sent Sig Paolo Faraone to fetch me and Sig Maria to conduct my women to his House January the nineteenth The weather becoming good the General sent us sudden notice that he would depart immediately as accordingly we did and at night enter'd the Port of Augusta because it was again become somewhat tempestuous The next Evening we departed from Augusta and sail'd all night with a bad wind which forc't us to make use of our Oars January the twenty first At day-break we came before Capo grosso about twenty miles from Messina and continuing our course arriv'd at Messina before Noon At the mouth of the Port we were question'd by the Commissioners of Health who were very rigorous here and indeed were to be commended for it since had it not been for the exact diligence of Messina in this matter the present Pestilence of Sicily might easily have infected all Italy for Card. Dona and others that govern'd at Palermo to avoid damnifying that City by loss of Trade have hazarded the safery not only of the whole Kingdom as is manifestly seen but also of all Italy by concealing the Plague of Palermo as much as they could instead of remedying the Infection by such severe and rigorous courses as was fit namely by burning infected Goods and the like yea they rather maintain'd that the Plague was not there when it was there and requir'd prattick to be given them everywhere procuring Orders from Spain for that purpose by which means many other places of Sicily are become infected and the Plague which had fit means been us'd perhaps would soon have been extinguisht hath continu'd above two years and continues still the Orders of the Viceroy and the Court of Spain promoting the spreading thereof in despight of all Only the City of Messina hath the glory of withstanding so great mischief for the publick safety Whilst we were under examination expecting Bills for Prattick against night I advertis'd Sig Francesco Faraone and Sig Don Palmieri di Giovanni my ancient Friends of my coming who in the Evening when Prattick was granted us came with other Gentlemen and Gentlewomen in Coaches to the shore-side to receive me and Sig Maria. After I had taken leave of the General and all the Knights of the Gallies I went ashore and was accompany'd by the said Gentlemen to the House of Sig Francesco Faraone where taking up my Residence I have been visited by most Persons of quality in the City as also Sig Maria hath been by many Ladies we also returning visits to all to whom we owed them January the five and twentieth Sig Don Giov. Bisogni a Cavalier of Messina Cousin to the Bishop of Syracuse and Husband of Donna Margarita Faraone whom I left at Catania with three of her Sons dying at Messina his Son Don Francesco who alone was here at his Father's death according to the custom of this City as soon as his Father expir'd went out of the House leaving it and the Body yet unburi'd to the care of other kinred and retyr'd to the House of Sig Franc. Faraone wherein I lodg as his nearest Kinsman and here he receives condoling visits and remaines till his Father's Body be buri'd and the House purifi'd and fitted with mourning which I mention as a custom not practis'd by us at Rome We have been to see the Bodies of San Placido and other Saints with all the other Reliques of Messina which were shewn us near the High Altar where they are kept very conveniently I have also heard one of the Moral Lectures of Sig Antonio Mazzapinta a Famous Philosopher and Publick Reader in Messina Which Lecture as also many others he read in his Extraordinary House for his own pleasure and that of the Curious Here I arrest my Pen this Letter being the last of my Oriental Voyages If it please God I shall shortly entertain you viva voce in the mean time I commit you to his Providence and kiss your Hands An account of my Arrival and Residence at Naples in the House of Sig Maria Schipano JAnuary the thirtieth Having hir'd two Felluca's for Naples and embarqu'd all our goods with good Bills of Health which in regard of Maani's Body which I carry'd with me were more then necessary and my Friends at Messina had procur'd to my satisfaction in the Morning we set sail from Messina with a good wind being accompany'd to the boat by many Persons of quality of both Sexes from whom we separated with much tenderness We pass'd the Pharo between Caribdis and Scilla the Sea being sufficiently rough though the wind favorable On the left hand at a good distance we left the Island of Strongile Vulcano and other places at night arriving at Trupia where because they refus'd to give us Prattick alledging that this was no Landing-place in these infectious times and that certain Landing-places were appointed for Passage-Vessels upon the Coast of Calabria where alone Prattick was to be had we kept out at Sea all night and pass'd il Pizzo January the one and thirtieth We pass'd by Mantea and other places at noon arriving at Paola where I went ashore A little without the City amongst the little Hills we saw the Church of S. Francis of Paola which is delicately seated amongst goodly Trees and Brooks which run between the Hills We saw the Reliques the Chappel of the Marquis Lord of the place and his Sepulchres the Lime-kiln where S. Francis did a miracle the Fountain and the Grotto wherein he lived with all other things remarkable after which we lodg'd in an Hostery or Inn upon the shore February the first Having heard Mass in a little Church there we left Paola and passing by Scoglio del Marchese and other Islands in the Evening we supp'd at Sea under Belvedere and sailing all night the next day we din'd on Land at Camerota from whence we sail'd and came to an Anchor in the Port of Palinuro which place I beheld with pleasure through the delightfull remembrance of Virgil's Verses which relate the misfortune of the Pilot Palniurus and with-all give immortal fame to the place February the fourth We departed from Palinuro and lodg'd on shore at Acciaruolo where Passengers are notoriously abus'd by being constrain'd to lodg in a lewd Inn there and pay the Host what he pleases to demand who is also to pay the Lord of the place what Rent he desires The next day we pass'd the Gulph of Salerno and bocche di Capri arriving late in the Port
it a good way inwards but I without having so much minded the Maps said that I conceiv'd we were much lower and more without the Gulph towards Bassain because although we had always sail'd and kept the ships prow directed to Daman by the shortest line yet for the two or three last dayes we had had the Wind for that place contrary which although it hinder'd us not from holding our course because we help'd our selves with the rudder and siding of the sails yet the violence of the Wind must needs have continually driven the ship something lower then we intended Two hours after midnight the current of the Gulph of Cambaia being contrary against which by reason of its impetuosness there is no sailing for a while but the ship must stay either for the turning of it which is known when it will happen because it regularly changes according to the hours and days of the Moon or for a strong Wind wherewith to master the current for this reason and also that the day-light might resolve us in what place we were we cast anchor and struk sail to wait for a more fitting time The Sea in this place began to be very rough which happens by reason of the strong current which it hath The next Morning we discern'd land afar off and according to my conjecture it appear'd that we were lower that is more to the South of Daman about twelve leagues in a place a little distant from Bassain which the English call Terra di San Giovanni but in the Sea-Chart is noted in the Portugal Tongue with the name of Ilhas das vaccas or the Islands of Cows About one a clock in the Afternoon the Tide being become less contrary we set sail again by degrees approaching still nearer the shore of India But a little before Night the current turning against us we were constrain'd to cast anchor once more nevertheless after midnight it became favourable again and we sail'd onwards by degrees till day This slow course through the Gulph of Cambaia with the plummet always in hand and sounding every hour it was requisite for us to hold because the place is dangerous in regard of the many shelves or quick-sands which are in it and especially because the current which turns every six hours now setting one way and anon the other causes great hindrance By reason of which shelves from the time of our entrance into the Gulph we did not guide the ship directly towards Surà t which no doubt would have been the shortest way by a strait line but keeping lower towards Daman fetch'd a large compass to the South tacking about afterwards to the North when we were near land onely to avoid the many shelves and shallows through which our great ships could not pass On Sunday the the fifth of February being at anchor in the Morning we discover'd near the land which was not very far from us ten or fifteen Frigots or Galliots sailing Eastwards which probably were either Portugal or Indian Merchants of some Cafila as they call a Fleet or Consort of ships coming from Cambaia to go to Goa or some other place thereabouts The night following we heard the report of Artillery which we conceiv'd to come from the City of Daman being the place nearest us Wednesday night after the Wind blew somewhat hard against us in regard whereof and the strength of the current which carry'd us in that narrow channel amongst shelves and quick-sands we sail'd for a good while very circumspectly and not without some danger On Thursday we stood right against the mouth of the River of Surà t which City is not situate upon the shore but some leagues within land And because there is no station there for great ships we continued sailing Northwards to the place where is the Port most frequented by the ships of Europe which though the best of all that Coast yet the Vessels of that Country not knowing so well how to steer make not much use of it because the entrance is a little difficult On Fryday the tenth of February in the Afternoon the favour of the current failing us we cast anchor in sight of the Port of Surà t at a little distance and our boat going a shore the President of the English Merchants who uses to reside in Surà t and is superintendent of all their Trade in East-India Persia with the other places depending on the same is now one Mr. Thomas Rastel perceiving our ships near and being at that time at the Sea-side near the landing place came in our boat to the ships together with one of their Ministers so they call those who exercise the office of Priests and two other Merchants and after a collation and a supper lodg'd with us all night He spoke Italian very well and made me many civil offers and complements shewing himself in all things a a person sufficiently accomplish'd and of generous deportment according as his gentile and graceful aspect bespoke him He inform'd me that Sig r Alberto di Scilling a German Gentleman known to me in Persia having return'd from the Court of the Moghol and other parts of India which he had travell'd to see was at that time in Surat from whence he was gone to see the City of Barocci hard by and would return speedily with which intelligence I was much pleas'd because Sig Alberto was my great friend and I extremely desir'd to see him On Saturday Morning we convers'd together for some time drinking a little of hot wine boyl'd with Cloves Cinnamon and other spices which the English call burnt wine and use to drink frequently in the Morning to comfort the stomack sipping it by little and little for fear of scalding as they do Cahue Coffee by me elsewhere describ'd And they use it particularly in the Winter to warm themselves though in India 't is not necessary for that end because albeit 't was still Winter according to our division of the seasons yet we had more heat there then cold After this short refection the President return'd a shore and I remain'd in the ship not expecting to disimbarque till we were got into the Harbour which was a little before night and the anchors were cast very near the land but because 't was now late and the City of Surat was a good distance off none of us car'd to land Nor did I go out of the ship on Sunday both because it was a sacred day and because our Captain was pleas'd to give an Entertainment to us and the Captain of the Dolphin our companion in the voyage Monday the thirteenth of the same moneth was the day of my Ague whereof I had had divers fits by the way at sea nevertheless after a collation I went on shore together with the Captain of our ship where we continu'd under certain tents pitch'd for convenience of the Tonnellers so the English term certain of their Mariners imploy'd to fill the Casks with water in expectation of Coaches to carry
us to Surat there being in those Countries subject to the Moghol abundance of Coaches made after their fashion which I formerly describ'd when I saw some of them at Casbin which the Indian Ambassador gave amongst his presents to the King of Persia nor remains any thing more to be said of them but that they are at this day much like the ancient Indian Chariots describ'd by Strabo and are generally cover'd with crimson silk fring'd with yellow round about the roof and the curtains And that the Oxen which also as anciently draw the same are fair large white with two bunches like those of some Camells and run and gallop like Horses they are likewise cover'd with the same stuff but beset with many tufts or tassels and abundance of bells at their necks so that when they run or gallop through the streets they are heard at a sufficient distance and make a very brave show With these kind of Coaches in India they not onely go in Cities but also for the most part travel in the Country To the Sea side came no Coach and therefore the Captain went on foot to a Town a mile off call'd Sohali where he intended to spend the day in recreating himself amongst the Franks who have Houses there for repositing the goods which they continually send to the Sea side to be ship'd but I could not accompany him because of my Ague and therefore staid in a Tent well cover'd with Clothes upon my bed which I caus'd to be laid upon the ground waiting till the Captain sent me a Coach and Carts from the City for my goods Whilst I was lying in this place the violence of my fit was scarce over when I beheld a Cavalier appear on the shore on Horse-back cloth'd and arm'd after the Indian manner with a Scemiter and Target who came towards our Tent and stood still to speak with some person as if he inquir'd for something among us Upon his nearer approach and my better considering him I perceiv'd 't was my great friend Sig Alberto di Scilling who being return'd from Barocci whither the President had told me he was gone and hearing news of us was come from Surat to the Sea side to meet me Whereupon raising my self suddenly from the bed we received one the other with such kindnesses as are usual between two good friends who come from far and have not seen one another a long time after which sitting down together we recounted our adventures one to the other at length he much condoling my misfortunes and regretting to find me sufficiently different from what he had left me in Persia. Towards Evening came two Coaches and a Carr with which we went together to the Town Sohali where we found the two Captains of the ships waiting for us with a Collation ready prepar'd which immediately they gave us entertaining us in conversation till night and certain Indian Women of the Town publick dancers gave us some pastime by dancing to the sound of Drums Bells and other instruments of their fashion which were sounded by their Husbands with very great noise and not without disturbance of my head A little within night the Captains took leave of us and returned to their ships and we betook our selves to rest the remainder of the night in this Town because it was necessary to stay till day before we could enter into Surat the Gates of the City being shut in the night time at least that of the Dogana or Custom-house through which we were to pass They told us the way to the City was seven Cos or Corù for 't is all one and every Cos or Corù is half a Fersegna or league of Persia so that it answers to little less then two English Miles The next Morning very early we put our selves on the way towards Surat and being I conceiv'd my abode there would be but short and that when I should depart thence my way would be by Sea therefore to avoid greater trouble both of conveyance and of the Dogana or Custom-house which is known to be rigorous in Surat I left all my Trunks and gross luggage in the ship and carry'd with me onely such few things as were requisite for daily use The high-way from the Sea side to the City as 't is also generally in this province of Guzarat wherein we were is all very even the soil green all the year and about the Town Sohali grow abundance of Trees of Indian Nuts Tamarinds and other fruits Beyond the Town the Trees are not so plentiful unless near certain houses but the fields are every where either ploughed or full of living creatures feeding in them We arriv'd at the City in good time in the entrance of which there is a River call'd Tapì or Taptì which was to be pass'd over by boat On the other side of which River something on the right hand as you go into the City which hath no walls stands a Castle lately built but very ill design'd Moreover near the place where the boats land stands the Dogana or Custom-house and it took us up some time to dispatch there because they observe very narrowly all goods that are brought in although they be but Clothes for change to see whether there be any thing coming to the Customes nor will they suffer strangers to enter till they be first known and have licence as 't is also practis'd in Venice In all things they proceed with so great wariness and good order that it being known that I conducted with me the Sig ra Mariuccia although a girl very young the Capo or President of the Dogana requir'd likewise to be inform'd of her quality and gave order that she should not be conducted with any violence or other disorder otherwise in lawful things there is no difficulty either through diversity of Religion or upon any other account We were no sooner come to the Dogana but the news of our arrival was I think by Sig Alberto's means carried to the House of the Dutch many of which have Wives there which they married in India purposely to go with them and people a new colony of theirs in Java Major which they call Batavia Nova where very great priviledges are granted to such of their Country-men as shall go to live there with Wives and Families For which end many of them for want of Europaean have taken Indian Armenian and Syrian Women and of any other race that falls into their hands so they be or can be made Christians Last year the Fleet of the Portugals which went to India was encountred at Sea and partly sunk partly taken by the Hollanders amongst other booty three Maidens were taken of those poor but well descended Orphans which are wont to be sent from Portugal every year at the King's charge with a dowry which the King gives them to the end they may be married in India in order to further the peopling of the Portugal Colonies in those parts These three Virgins
carries away people and sometimes with such violence that an Elephant cannot bear up against it but is swept away by the Water Therefore they wait certain fit hours to pass this foard namely when the Sea is at the lowest Ebb which if I mistake not in all other places of the World is wont to be when the Moon is either rising or setting in the Horizon as on the contrary when the Moon is in the middle of Heaven the Tide uses to be at the highest But in the Gulph of Cambaia I know not upon what reason perhaps because 't is much within the Land and far from the great mass of the Ocean it happens at another different hour yet well known to the Country-people The more cautious wait also the most fitting days in the moneth because at the New Moon and Full Moon the Waters are always greater and higher and without comparison highest and most impetuous of all about the Aequinoxes and Solstices In the quarters of the Moon the Tides are moderate and in other intermediate days lower then the rest So that we being come to this place a few days before the New Moon were come in a good time and likewise in a seasonable hour the Cafila or Caravan having set forth from the City in such a moment as was exactly convenient for ordering matters right for the owners of the Coaches and the others imploy'd in this journey are well instructed of every thing and know what they have to do So being united in a great troop the better to break the stream we pass'd over all that space of five Cos which was moist yet firm ground saving that in four places where we foarded the running-water of the River which nevertheless is salt there the great strength of the Sea overcoming that of the River Of the four streams which we waded the first was inconsiderable the other three came higher then the belly of the Oxen which drew the Coaches into which nevertheless the Water enter'd not because their floar and especially the wheels are very high and you sit according to the manner of the East as upon plain ground without hanging the Legs downwards but keeping them bow'd under you For greater security they hir'd sundry men on foot who held the Coaches on either side stedfast with their hands that so in regard of their lightness they might not float and be carry'd away and also to carry our bundles high on their heads that so the same might not be wetted if the Water should come into the body of the Coaches The men who go on foot in this passage either strip themselves naked covering onely their privities with a little cloth or pulling up their coat which as I said is of plain white linnen and serves both for garment and shirt and also tucking up their breeches made of the same they care not for wetting themselves 'T is certainly an odd thing to behold in this passage which is very much frequented abundance of people go every day in this manner some in Coaches and Charriots others on Horseback and a foot men and also women naked without being shie who sees them a spectacle no doubt sufficiently extravagant This wet passage being over there remain two other Cos but of firm and higher ground which is not overflow'd although it be plain and the Sea-shore to arrive at the City of Cambaia whither we came before dinner-time having travell'd that day in all twelve Cos. And here likewise we went to lodge in the House which belongs to the Dutch Merchants by whom we were receiv'd with great kindness and treated continually with exquisite chear for such was the order of the Commendator concerning us in all places Cambaia is a City indifferently large though most of its greatness consists in Suburbs without the walls which are sufficiently spacious 'T is seated on the Sea-shore in a plain almost in the utmost recess of that great Gulph whereunto it gives name The City that is the inner part without the Suburbs is incompass'd with walls built with plain cortines and round battlements The Houses within are brickt with coverings of Tiles and Cisterns which is the custom in India for provision of Water which falls in such plenty during those three moneths of the great Summer rains In our Countries they would be ordinary Houses but in these parts they are counted good and perhaps the best of the whole Province and they are made shady and cool as the heat of the place requires The City hath no form'd Port because it stands in a low Plain but 't is call'd a Port by reason of the great concourse of Vessels thither from several parts which nevertheless for the most part are Frigots Galeots and other small ones of that make which go either by oar or sail because great ones cannot come near the Land by a great way The people of Cambaia are most part Gentiles and here more then elsewhere their vain superstitions are observed with rigor Wherefore we who came particularly to see these things the same day of our arrival after we had din'd and rested a while caus'd our selves to be conducted to see a famous Hospital of Birds of all sorts which for being sick lame depriv'd of their mates or otherwise needing food and cure are kept and tended there with diligence as also the men who take care of them are maintain'd by the publick alms the Indian Gentiles who with Pythagoras and the ancient Aegyptians the first Authors of this opinion according to Herodotus believe the Transmigration of Souls not onely from Man to Man but also from Man to brute beast conceiving it no less a work of Charity to do good to beasts then to Men. The House of this Hospital is small a little room sufficing for many Birds Yet I saw it full of Birds of all sorts which need tendance as Cocks Hens Pigeons Peacocks Ducks and small Birds which during their being lame or sick or mateless are kept here but being recover'd and in good plight if they be wild they are let go at liberty if domestick they are given to some pious person who keeps them in his House The most curious thing I saw in this place were certain little Mice who being found Orphans without Sire or Dam to tend them were put into this Hospital and a venerable Old Man with a white Beard keeping them in a box amongst Cotton very diligently tended them with his spectacles on his nose giving them milk to eat with a Bird's feather because they were so little that as yet they could eat nothing else and as he told us he intended when they were grown up to let them go free whither they pleas'd From this place we went out of the City to the Sea-side to see a Garden sometimes belonging to the Kings of Guzarat 'T is small adorn'd with the same Trees as that which I saw in Surà t with some also of ours as the Figtrees and Coleworts of Europe which
and the street which leads to it is always full not onely of goers and commers to the Temple but also of beggars who stand here and there asking Alms of those that pass by The building of this Temple is small the entrance narrow and very low almost under ground for you descend by many steps and you would think you were rather going into a Grotto then into a Temple and hence there is always a great crowd there On high hung a great number of Bells which are rung every moment with great noise by all those who come to worship Within the Temple continually stand many naked Gioghi having onely their privities not very well cover'd with a cloth they wear long Hair dishevel'd dying their Fore-heads with spots of Sanders Saffron and other colours suitable to their superstitious Ceremonies The rest of their bodies is clean and smooth without any tincture or impurity which I mention as a difference from some other Gioghi whose Bodie are all smear'd with colours and ashes as I shall relate hereafter There is no doubt but these are the ancient Gymnosophists so famous in the world and in short those very Sophists who then went naked and exercis'd great patience in sufferings to whom Alexander the Great sent Onesicritus to consult with them as Strabo reports from the testimony of the same Onesicritus Many of them stood in the Temple near the Idols which were plac'd in the innermost Penetral or Chancel of it with many Candles and lamps burning before them The Idols were two stones somewhat long like two small Termini or Land-marks painted with their wonted colours on the right side whereof was a stone cut into a figure and on the left another of that ordinary form of a small pillar according to which as I said before that they use to shape Mahadeù And before all these another like figure of Mahadeù made of Crystal upon which the Offerings were lay'd as Milk Oyle Rice and divers such things The assistent Gioghi give every one that comes to worship some of the Flowers which are strew'd upon and round about the Idols receiving in lieu thereof good summs of Alms. Coming out of this Temple and ascending up the wall of the City which is hard by we beheld from that height the little River call'd Sabermeti which runs on that side under the walls without the City Upon the bank thereof stood expos'd to the Sun many Gioghi of more austere lives namely such as not onely are naked like those above describ'd but go all sprinkled with ashes and paint their bodies and faces with a whitish colour upon black which they do with a certain stone that is reduc'd into powder like Lime Their Beards and Hair they wear long untrim'd rudely involv'd and sometimes erected like horns Painted they are often or rather dawb'd with sundry colours and hideous figures so that they seem so many Devils like those represented in our Comedies The ashes wherewith they sprinkle their bodies are the ashes of burnt Carkasses and this to the end they may be continually mindful of death A great crew of these with their Chief or Leader who conducts them with an extravagant banner in his Hand made of many shreds of several colours and to whom they all religiously obey sat by the Rivers side in a round form as their custom is and in the field there were many people who came some to walk and others to wash themselves the Pagan Indians holding their Rivers in great Veneration and being not a little superstitious in bathing themselves therein From the same place I beheld a little Chappel built upon two small figures of Mahadeù not upright but lying along upon the ground and carv'd in basse relief where also were Lamps burning and people making their Offerings One of the Gioghi laying aside all other care remain'd continually in this Chappel with great retiredness and abstraction of mind scarce ever coming forth although it was very troublesome abiding there in regard of the heat of the lights and inconvenient too by reason the Chappel was so little that it could scarce contain him alone as he sat upon the pavement which was somewhat rais'd from the Earth with his Leggs doubled under him and almost crooked Returning home by the same way of the great Bazà r or Market I saw Carvanserai or Inns made with Cloysters like those of Persia one greater and square of the ordinary form and another less narrow and long Of divers other streets in which I saw nothing observable I forbear to speak The same day after dinner having taken leave of certain Armenian and Syrian Christians who live in Ahmedabà d with their Wives and Families we put our selves upon the way to return to Cambaia with the same Cafila with which we came and which every week departs thence at a set day At our setting forth we met with a little obstacle for by reason of the new Commotions between the Moghòl and his Son Sultan Chorròm who was become Master of these parts of Guznet there was a fresh prohibition in Ahmedabà d that no Souldiers Wives nor other person of quality should go out of the City by Land and this as I conceive lest the rumors of the troubles should cause the people of the City to remove into other Territories and abandon the faction of the Rebel Sultan Chorròm which they could not do if their Wives were restrain'd because Husbands are in a manner necessitated to abide where their Wives and Houses are So that by reason of this prohibition I could not have got away having my Sig ra Mariuccia with me unless I had obtain'd express leave in writing from the Governour in order to which it was needful for me to make it appear that we were strangers and not people of the Country and to pay some small summ of Money besides going backward and forward whereby we lost much time Having at length obtain'd permission and being got out of the City we went a little without the walls to see a great Artificial Lake which is there made of stone with stairs at several angles about it its Diameter was by my conjecture above half a mile It hath about the middle an Island with a little Garden to which they go by a handsome Bridge of many Arches very well built upon which I believe two Indian Coaches may go a breast Indeed these Indian Lakes are goodly things and may be reckon'd amongst the most remarkable structures of the world Having seen this we went to overtake our Cafila which was arriv'd at a Town seven Cos distant from Ahemdabà d call'd Barigia or Bariza for the Indians very much confound these two Letters g and z in their speaking We came late to the said Town by reason of our hindrances at our departure from Ahmedabà d but certain Horse-men appointed as I conceive to guard the way having met us in the night would needs accompany us thither that so we might go safely for which service
or General Nevertheless we departed from Goa the aforesaid Evening onely with our own Ship the rest being already fallen down lower toward the Sea and the Ambassador Vitulà was above a day at Pangi expecting us where we arriving the abovesaid night did not land because it was late but slept in the Vessel October the fourteenth We went a shore in the Morning at Pangì and the two Ambassadors saw one another upon the Sea-side where I being present with them Sig Gio Fernandez told the Brachman Ambassador who I was and that I went with them out of curiosity to see his King wherewith he testified great contentment but was much more pleas'd with the Pendant which I wore at my left ear as I have us'd to do for many years past for remedy of my weak sight because wearing Pendants at the ears is a particular custom of the Indians especially of the Gentiles who all wear them in both ears And because this is among the Portugals a thing not onely unusual but ignorantly by some of the ruder sort of them held for unlawful onely because 't is us'd by Gentiles therefore the Ambassador marvelled that I being of the Portugals Religion nevertheless us'd it but being told that it was not forbidden us by our Law but onely customarily disus'd and that in Europe it was us'd by many he commended the custom and bid the Portugals see how well I shew'd with that Pendant and better then they who wore none so powerful is use to endear things to the eye and make that fancy'd and esteem'd by some which others through want of custom dislike or value not This day we departed not because one of the Frigats of the Armado which was to accompany us was unprovided with Sea-men for which we were fain to stay till the day following and then were not very well provided The cause whereof was for that there was at this time a great scarcity of Mariners in Goa because the Governours of the maritime parts of the Continent subject to Idal-Scià h would not permit their Ships to come as they were wont to supply Mariners for the Portugal Armado which seem'd an argument of some ill will of that King against the Portugals of which were there nothing else theirs being weaker and more confus'd in their Government then ever and all things in bad order was a sufficient ground for remedy of which they took no other course but daily loaded themselves with new unusual and most heavy Impositions to the manifest ruine of the State taking no care to prevent the hourly exorbitant defraudations of the publick Incomes which otherwise would be sufficient to maintain the charge without new Gabels but if such thefts continue both the publick Incomes and the new Gabels and as many as they can invent will be all swallow'd up Nevertheless the Portugals are heedless according to their custom and out of a fatal blindness making no reckoning of these signs which shew the evil mind of their Neighbour Adil-Scià h think he knows nothing of these disorders and that this with-holding of his Subjects is onely an impertinence of his Officers What the event will be Time will shew But to return to my purpose Not being to depart this day we went to dine and pass the time with intention also to lodg the following night in the house of Sig Baldassar d' Azevedo who liv'd constantly in a fair House there by the Sea-side a little distant from the Villa or Fort where the Vice-Roys lodg in Pangi Whilst we were recreating our selves Sig Fernandez bethinking himself of what perhaps he had not thought of before ask'd me whether I had the Vice-Roy's Licence to go with him this Voyage and I telling him that I had not because I did not think it needful he reply'd that it was needful to be had by any means if I intended to go otherwise he could not venture to carry me for fear of giving malevolous persons occasion to criminate him by saying that he had carry'd me a stranger and without the Vice-Roy's Licence into suspected places where matters of State were to be handled in brief knowing the matter blameable and the wonted Cavils of many of his own Nation and being admonish'd by many and great troubles befallen others and particularly a Kinsman of his very innocently for very slight causes and much inferior to this he told me resolutely that without the Vice-Roy's Licence it was no-wise good either for him or me that I should go Wherefore being we were not to depart that day he advis'd me to return to the City and procured the said Licence if I intended to go and he would stay for me till the next Morning but without the Licence I must not return to take Ship nor would he by any means venture to carry me I who well understood the procedures of the Portugals and what rigor they use in their Government and to what suspitions and malevolences they are prone which cause a thousand ill usages and injustices was sensible that Sig Fernandez had reason and that the not having gotten this Licence was an inadvertency because I accounted it not necessary but to obtain it of the Vice-Roy who knew me well and had shewn himself courteous to me I look'd upon as not difficult Wherefore being loath to lose my intended Voyage as soon as I had din'd with these Gentlemen I went by boat to the City and having first given account of my business to Sig Antonio and Sig Ruy Gomez his Brother to whose House I repair'd having left that which I had hir'd and remov'd my goods to that of the said Sig ri Barocci I went with the same Sig Ruy Gomez to speak to F. Marejao a Jesuit and the Vice-Roy's Confessor and my Friend whom I desir'd as the fittest person to do it in the short time left me to get me a Licence from the Vice-Roy He went immediately to speak to the Vice-Roy about it and had the fortune to find him before he enter'd into a Congregation or Council which was to sit till night and the Vice-Roy presently writ a Licence for him with his own hand directed to the Ambassador Gio Fernandez wherein he told him that whereas I desir'd to go along with him he might carry me and shew me all kind of Civility and Honour as a deserving person with other like courteous and high expressions Having gotten my Licence I went with F. Ruy Gomez Baraccio to visit the Bishop of Cocni who in the vacancy of the See administred the Arch-bishoprick of Goa and whom I had not yet visited and understanding that he was desirous to know me and was a Prelate of great merit not onely as to Ecclesiastick matters but also in point of Government and Warr for he took divers strong places and perform'd other exploits in India for the service of his King with great valour I would not depart without first visiting him and making my self known to him This Prelate is call'd FrÃ
Naieka therewith who being still so afflicted for the death of his Wife that he went not forth in publick nor suffer'd himself to be seen when they tâ—ld him of this matter he stood a while without answering and at length said onely that they might come when they please Whereupon his Courtiers seeing him in this mood would not reply further to him concerning provisions of the journey to be sent to the Ambassador persons to convey his Goods and other such things wherefore Vitulà Sinay said that Sig Gio Fernandez might consider what to do whether to put himself upon the way towards the Court without further waiting or to have him write again and stay for an Answer for he would do which he pleas'd Sig Gio Fernandez as well for the credit of his Embassie as to avoid charges was desirous to have provisions for the journey Men to carry his Goods and other greater conveniences although in publick and with us of his company he did not testifie so much being willing to have it thought that Vitulà Sinay did this Office for him at the Court upon his own motion and not at his request yet I know that in secret he us'd great instance with Vitulà Sinay both by Writing and by Speech by the mediation of an Interpreter that he would write again to the Court and set forth to Venk-tapà how that he was the Ambassador of so great a King the first Monarch of Christians for so I heard him tell the Interpreter though he spoke with a low voice and that it was not seemly for him to go in that manner but that people should be sent to him for his journey and persons to receive him and commands given to Venk-tapà 's Ministers that he might pass through his Territories with that conveniency and decency which was requisite that since he was now within two or three days journey of the Court he would stay another week at Onòr and longer if need were till a better Answer came and that if he thought it expedient Vitulà Sinai himself might go before to do this Office as he that might do it best and who ought to arrive at the Court before him the Ambassador who afterwards might come thither alone by easie journeys after he had sent him an Answer The same night the Interpreter return'd with this message to Vitulà Sinay who was lodg'd on the other side of the River in his own King's jurisdiction October the nine and twentieth After we had heard Mass in Saint Antonie's Aegypt Sig Gio Fernandez was minded to go in person to visit Vitulà Sinay and speak to him about the above-mention'd matter wherefore entring with us into one of those boats which they call Mancive going with twenty or four and twenty Oars onely differing from the Almadies in that the Mancive have a large cover'd room in the poop sever'd from the banks of rowers and are greater then the Almadies which have no such room we pass'd out of the Port and thence from the mouth of the River Southward went to land upon the continent where Vitulà Sinay having been advertis'd of our coming expected us under the shade of certain little Hills and Trees of which all this Country is full This was the first time that I set foot in any place of the Gentiles where they bear sway themselves Sig Gio Fernandez spoke a long while and alone with Vitulà Sinay both of them sitting upon a Carpet spread upon the grass and at length the discourse being ended the Ambassador took boat again and return'd to Onòr Upon the way he told us that Vitulà Sinay said that in either case of his writing again or going in person to the Court and waiting for a new Answer many dayes would be lost therefore it seem'd best to him that we should all put our selves upon the way without further waiting and that to carry his the Ambassador's Goods they had appointed ten Men according to his King's Order wherefore Sig Fernandez told us he was resolv'd to go by all means and seeing the ten men allow'd him to carry his Goods were not sufficient they alone requiring twenty five besides those of the rest of his company he would hire the rest at his own charge and rid himself of this perplexity By this change of opinion after this interview I understod that Vitulà Sinay had spoken in such sort that Sig Fernandez perceiv'd that this coldness of sending him greater accommodations for his journey was not so much through the King 's melancholy for his Wife's death and the present confusion of the Court as for some other cause and the alledging loss of time in waiting for a new Answer was but an excuse of Vitulà but in fine the truth could be no other then that they would not give him any greater Provisions or because Venk-tà pà was not well pleas'd with this Embassie c. And to confirm this I know that before Sig Fernandez departed from Goa Venk-tapà Naieka writ thither to his Ambassador Vitulà Sinay that if they sent this Embassie to urge the restitution of the State and Fortress of Banghel which he had lately taken from a certain small Indian-Prince neighbour to Mangalòr who liv'd under the Portugal's protection for whose defence two or three years before the Portugals had made warr with Venk-tapà Naieka and receiv'd a notable defeat by him it was in vain and that Sig Gio Fernandez now first known to him might forbear to undertake this journey for that he was fully resolv'd not to restore it nor yet to give seven thousand Pagods yearly to that Prince as he had promis'd upon agreement if he went not to live out of those Territories taken from him either in Goa or in Magalòr or elsewhere he pretending at least a purpose to return to live with that annuity in the lands once his own privately in hopes perhaps to raise some new commotion one day So that Venk-tapà Naieka knowing that one of the principal businesses of this Embassie was that of the Prince of Banghel which little pleas'd him and seeing also that this year the Ships from Portugal were not yet arriv'd which every year fetch Pepper out of his Dominions and bring him in a great sum of mony by agreement made by the Portugals who every year were either to take it or pay for it and neither the Ships nor the money coming this year they could not easily pay him for the Pepper this year nor yet for a great part of that of the last for which by reason of the loss of their Ships they still ow'd him And lastly observing the Portugals weakned and low so that they not onely stood in need of him but now in some sort began to submit themselves to him with this Embassie which they sent to him and the disgrace of their pass'd defeat 't was no strange thing that being become insolent thereupon as 't is the manner of the Barbarians and designing to carry it high
one Gau consists of two Cos and is equivalent to two Portugal Leagues we lodg'd at night in a competent Town the name whereof is Dermapora In these Towns I endeavor'd to procure me a servant as well because I understood not the Language of the Country for though he that carry'd my Goods could speak Portugal yet he could not well serve me for an Interpreter because being by Race a Pulià which amongst them is accounted vile and unclean they would not suffer him to come into their Houses nor touch their things though they were not shie of me albeit of a different Religion because they look'd upon me as a Man of noble Race as for that I found much trouble in reference to my dyet For these Indians are extreamly fastidious in edibles there is neither flesh nor fish to be had amongst them one must be contented onely with Rice Butter or Milk and other such inanimate things wherewith nevertheless they make no ill-tasted dishes but which is worse they will cook every thing themselves and will not let others either eat or drink in their vessels wherefore instead of dishes they gave us our victuals in great Palm leavs which yet are smooth enough and the Indians themselves eat more frequently in them then in any other vessels Besides one must entreat them three hours for this and account it a great favor so that in brief to travel in these Countries requires a very large stock of patience The truth is 't is a most crafty invention of the Devil against the Charity so much preach'd by our Lord Jesus Christ to put it so in the heads of these people that they are polluted and become unclean even by touching others of a different Religion of which superstition they are so rigorous observers that they will sooner see a person whom they account vile and unclean though a Gentile dye then go near him to relieve him November the four and twentieth In the Morning before day the Brachman Nangasà and the Ambassador's other Men being in haste advanc'd before but I desirous to go more at my own ease remain'd alone with my Pulià and the Hackney-master as I might well enough do since the High-ways of Naieka's Country are very secure The road lay over pleasant clifts of Hills and through Woods many great streams likewise occurring I descended the Mountain Gat by a long precipice some of which I was fain to walk a foot my Horse having fallen twice without any disaster and by a third fall almost broke my Knee to pieces I din'd after I had travelled one Gau and a half in a good Town called Colùr where there is a great Temple the Idol whereof if I mis-understood not is the Image of a Woman the place is much venerated and many resort to it from several parts in Pilgrimage After dinner my Horse being tired I travelled not above half another Gau and having gone in all this day but two Gau's went to lodg at a certain little village which they said was called Nalcà l Certain Women who dwelt there alone in absence of their Husbands courteously gave us lodging in the uncovered Porches of their Houses and prepared supper for us This Country is inhabited not onely with great Towns but like the Mazandran in Persia with abundance of Houses scattered here and there in several places amongst the woods The people live for the most part by sowing of Rice their way of Husbandry is to overflow the soil with water which abounds in all places but they pay as they told me very large Tributes to the King so that they have nothing but the labour for themselves and live in great Poverty November the twenty fifth I travelled over great Mountains and Woods like the former and foarded many deep Rivers Having gone three Cos we din'd in two Houses of those people who sow Rice whereof the whole Country is full at a place call'd Kelidì In the Evening my Pulià being very weary and unable to carry the heavy load of my baggage further we stay'd at some of the like Houses which they call'd Kabnà r about a mile forwards so that the journey of this whole day amounted not to a full Gau. November the twenty sixth I pass'd over clifts of Hills and uneeven and woody places At noon I came to a great River on the Northern bank whereof stands a little village nam'd Gulvarì near which the River makes a little Island We went to this Island by boat and foarded over the other stream to the far side Thence we came by a short cut to Barselòr call'd the Higher i. e. within Land belonging to the Indians and subject to Venk-tapà Naieka to difference it from the Lower Barselòr at the Sea-coast belonging to the Portugals For in almost all Territories of India near the Sea-coast there happens to be two places of the same Name one call'd the Higher or In-land belonging to the Natives the other the Lower near the Sea to the Portugals where-ever they have footing Entring the Higher Barselòr on this side I came into a fair long broad and strait Street having abundance of Palmeto's and Gardens on either hand The soil is fruitful and well peopled encompass'd with weak walls and ditches which are pass'd over by bridges of one or two very great stones which shew that there is good and fair Marble here whether they were dig'd thus out of the Quarry or are the remains of ancient Fabricks It stands on the South side of the River which from the Town Gulvà n fetches a great circuit seeming to return backwards and many Travellers without touching at the Upper Barselòr are wont to go to the Lower Barselòr by boat which is soon done but I was desirous to see both places and therefore came hither Having din'd and rested a good while in Higher Barselòr I took boat and row'd down the more Southern stream for a little below the said Town it is divided into many branches and forms divers little fruitful Islands About an hour and half before night I arriv'd at the Lower Barselòr of the Portugals which also stands on the Southern bank of the River distant two good Cannon-shot from the mouth of the Sea having travell'd this day in all one Gau and a half The Fort of the Portugals is very small built almost in form of a Star having no bad walls but wanting ditches in a Plain and much expos'd to all sort of assaults Such Portugals as are married have Houses without the Fort in the Town which is prety large and hath good buildings I went directly to the House of Sig Antonio Borges a former acquaintance who came from Goa to Onòr together with us and to whom the Ambassador at Ikkerì had recommended me I found sitting before his House in the streets the Captain of Barselòr call'd Sig Luis Mendes Vas Conti. We discours'd together for a good while and he seem'd a gallant man though but young Here was an Armado and a Cafila
at present whence the Houses are poor Cottages of earth and straw It hath been but one strait street of good length with Houses and Shops continu'd on both sides and many other sheds dispers'd among the Palme-to's The King's House stood upon a rais'd ground almost like a Fort but is now wholly destroy'd so that there is nothing left standing but the posts of the Gate for when Venk-tapà Naieka took this Territory he demolish'd what-ever was strong in it The Bazà r or Market-place remains although not so stor'd with goods as it was in the time of its own King yet it affords what is necessary and much Areca or Fofel whereof they make Merchandize sending the same into divers parts that of this place being better then others here are also in the Bazà r some Gold-smiths who make knives and cizzers adorn'd with Silver very cheap and other like toys of which I bought some and having seen all that was to be seen return'd on foot as I came though somewhat late to Mangalòr December the second This Morning I went to see Olaza which is about the same distance from Mangalòr as Banghel is but the contrary way towards the South and stands on the other side of a great River which was to be pass'd over by boat The Queen was not here and seldom is but keeps her Court commonly in another place more within land yet I would not omit to see Olaza the rather because in the Portugal Histories it gives name to that Queen as being that Land of hers which is nearest and best known to the Portugals and perhaps the richest and fruitfullest which she now enjoyes I found it to be a fat soil the City lying between two Seas to wit the Main-sea and the Bay upon an arm of Land which the Port incloses so that the situation is not onely pleasant but might also be made very strong if it were in the hands of people that knew how to do it It is all open saving on one side towards the mouth of the Haven between the one Sea and the other where there is drawn a weak wall with a ditch and two inconsiderable bastions The Bazà r is indifferent and besides necessaries for provisions affords abundance of white and strip'd linnen cloth which is made in Olaza but course such as the people of that Country use At the Towns end is a very pleasant Grove and at the end thereof a great Temple handsomely built for this Country and much esteem'd Olaza is inhabited confusedly both by Gentiles who burn themselves and also by Malabar-Moors About a mile off Southwards stands the Royal House or Palace amongst the above-said Groves where the Queen resides when she comes hither sometimes 'T is large enclos'd with a wall and trench but of little moment In the first entrance it hath a Gate with an open Porch where the Guard is to stand and within that a great void place like a very large Court on the far side whereof stands the House whose inside I saw not because the Court was not there yet for this place it seem'd to have something of wild Majesty behind it joyns to a very thick wood serving both for delight and security in time of necessity The way from the Palace to the City is almost wholly beset with Houses Having seen as much as I desir'd I stay'd not to dine but return'd to Mangalòr there being always a passage-boat ready to carry people backwards and forwards December the third Arriving not timely enough to hear Mass in the Church Del Rosario I went to San Francesco where I heard Mass and a tolerably good Sermon made by an old Father call'd Francesco dos Neves In the Evening I prepar'd to go to see the Queen of Olaza at her Court which was the design of this litle peregrination And not finding Sig Paolo Sodrino my friend at Mangalòr I was help'd to a boat by Sig Luis Gomes a Native of Cananòr but who had liv'd long at Mangalòr I went up the River which comes from the Territories of Olaza but another more Northern different from the above-mention'd little one over which I pass'd by a bridg to Banghel and falling into the Port of Mangalòr I took with me also a Brachman call'd Narsù a Native of Mangalòr to serve me for an Interpreter with the Queen although my Christian Servant spoke the Language well partly that I might have more persons with me to serve me and partly because the Bachman being a Gentile known and vers'd in this Court might be more serviceable to me in many things than my own Servant so having provided what was needful and prepar'd victuals to dine with upon the River by the way which is somewhat long I determin'd to set forth the next Morning December the fourth Before day-light I took boat at Mangalòr in which there were three Water-men two of which row'd at the Prow and one at the Poop with a broad Oar which serv'd both for an Oare and a Helm Having pass'd by Bronghel we enter'd into the great Northern River in which on the left hand is a place where passage-boats laden with Merchandize pay a Tole to the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka to whom the circumjacent Region is subject Rowing a great way against the stream the water whereof for a good space is salt at length we stay'd to dine at a Town call'd Salè inhabited for the most part by Moors and situate on the right bank as you go up the River This Town with others round it is subject to an Indian-Gentile Lord call'd Ramo Rau who in all hath not above 2000 Pay-gods of yearly Revenew of which he payes about 800. to Venk-tapà Naieka to whom he is Tributary Nevertheless he wears the Title of King and they call him Omgiu Arsù that is King of Omgiù which is his chief place Having din'd and rested a while we continu'd our Voyage and after a good space enter'd into the State of the Queen of Oloza to whom the Country on either side the River belongs The River is here very shallow so that though our boat was but small yet in many places we struck against the ground at length about Evening we arriv'd at Manèl so they call the place where the Queen of Olaza now resides which is onely a Street of a few Cottages or Sheds rather then Houses but the Country is open fair and fruitful inhabited by abundance of little Houses and Cottages here and there of Husband-men besides those united to the great Street call'd the Bazà r or Market all which are comprehended under the name of Manèl which lies on the left side of the River as you go against the stream Having landed and going towards the Bazà r to get a Lodging in some House we beheld the Queen coming alone in the same way without any other Woman on foot accompany'd onely with four or six foot-Souldiers before her all which were quite naked after their manner saving that they had a cloth over
and in her own Dominions where I was come to visit and to do her Honour After she was gone her way I with my people enter'd into a little village and there took a lodging in an empty house belonging to a Moor of the Country and near the Palace but I caus'd my diet to be prepar'd in an other house of a neighbour Moor that so I might have the convenience of eating flesh or what I pleas'd which in the houses of Gentiles would not be suffer'd The inhabitants of Manèl are partly Gentiles and partly Malabar-Moors who have also their Meschita's there which was of much convenience to me The Name of the Queen of Olaza is Abag-deuì-Ciautrù of which words Abag is her proper Name Deuì signifies as much as Lady and with this word they are also wont to signifie all their gods nor have they any other in their Language to denote God but Deù or Deurù which are both one and equally attributed to Princes whereby it appears that the gods of the Gentiles are for the most part nothing else but such Princes as have been famous in the world and deserv'd that Honour after their deaths as likewise which is my ancient opinion that the word God where-with we by an introduc'd custom denote the Supream Creator doth not properly signifie that First Cause who alone ought to be ador'd by the World but signifi'd at first either Great Lord or the like whence it was attributed to Heroes and signal persons in the world suitable to that of the Holy Scripture Filii Deorum Filii Hominum and consequently that the gods of the Gentiles though ador'd and worship'd both in ancient and modern times were never held by us in that degree wherein we hold God the Creator of the Universe and wherein almost all Nations of the world always held and do hold him some calling him Causa Prima others Anima Mundi others Perabrahmi as the Gentiles at this day in India But that the other gods are and were always rather but as Saints are amongst us of the truth whereof I have great Arguments at least amongst the Indian Gentiles or if more then Saints yet at least Deifi'd by favour and made afterwards Divi as Hercules Romulus Augustus c. were amongst the Romans But to return to our purpose they told me the word Ciautrù the last in the Queen of Olaza's Name was a Title of Honour peculiar to all the Kings and Queens of Olaza and therefore possibly signifies either Prince or King and Queen or the like As for this Countries being subject to a Woman I understood from intelligent persons of the Country that in Olaza Men were and are always wont to reign and that 't is a custom receiv'd in India amongst the greatest part of the Gentiles the Sons do not succeed the Fathers but the Sons of their Sisters they accounting the Female-line more certain as indeed it is than the Male. Yet that the last King of Olaza having neither Nephews nor other Legitimate Heirs his Wife succeeded him and she also dying without other Heirs left this Abag-Deuì who was her Sister to succeed her To whom because she is a Woman and the descent is certain is to succeed a Son of hers of whom I shall hereafter make mention but to him being a Man not his own Sons but the Son of one of his Sisters hereafter likewise mention'd is to succeed Not to conceal what I know of the History of this Queen I shall add that after her Assumption to the Throne upon the death of her Sister she was married for many years to the King of Banghel who now is a fugitive depriv'd of his Dominions but then reign'd in his own Country which borders upon hers Yet though they were Husband and Wife more for Honors sake then any thing else they liv'd not together but apart each in their own Lands in the Confines whereof either upon Rivers where they caus'd Tents to be erected over boats or in other places of delight they came to see and converse with one another Banghel wanting not other Wives and Women who accompany'd him where-ever he went 'T is reported that this Queen had the Children which she hath by this Banghel if they were not by some other secret and more intimate Lover for they say she wants not such The Matrimony and good Friendship having lasted many years between Banghel and the Queen I know not upon what occasion discord arose between them and such discord that the Queen divorc'd Banghel sending back to him as the custom is in such case all the Jewels which he had given her as his Wife For this and perhaps for other causes Banghel became much offended with the Queen and the rupture proceeded to a War during which it so fortun'd that one day as she was going in a boat upon one of those Rivers not very well guarded he sending his people with other boats in better order took her and had her in his power Yet with fair carriage and good words she prevail'd so far that he let her go free and return to her Country In revenge of this injury she forth-with rais'd War against Banghel who relying upon the aid of the neighbouring Portugals because he was confederate with them and as they say of many Royolets of India Brother in Arms to the King of Portugal the Queen to counterpoize that force call'd to her assistance against Banghel and the Portugals who favour'd him the neighbouring King Venk-tapà Naieka who was already become very potent and fear'd by all the Neighbours and under his protection and obedience she put her self Venk-tapà Naieka sent a powerful Army in favour of the Queen took all Banghel's Territories and made them his own destroying the Fort which was there he also made prey of divers other pety Lords thereabouts demolishing their strength and rendring them his Tributaries one of which was the Queen of Curnat who was also confedrate with the Portugals and no friend to her of Olaza he came against Mangalòr where in a battel rashly undertaken by the Portugals he defeated a great number and in short the flower and strength of India carrying the Ensigns Arms and Heads of the slain to Ikkerì in triumph He did not take Mangalòr because he would not answering the Queen of Olaza who urg'd him to it That they could do that at any time with much facility and that 't was best to let those four Portugals remain in that small place which was rather a House then a Fortress in respect of the Traffick and Wares which they brought to the benefit of their Countries After which he came to a Treaty with the Portugals by which he restor'd the Colours he had taken from them and by their means Banghel surrendred the Fort which Venk-tapà as I said before demolish'd besides other conditions which are now under consideration according as is above-mention'd in my Relation of the Ambassie to Ikkerì This was the War of Banghel
Goa which was short but the pleasantest three Moneths Travel that ever I had besides the Royal Seats of Ikkerì and Manèl describ'd in my last to you I had the fortune to go as far as Calecut to the other Royal Seat of Vikirà call'd by his proper Title il Samorino where I have erected the Pillars of my utmost peregrination towards the South Now in my Return before I describe to you the Court of this Samorino and his Princesses following the Order of my Journeys I shall first inform you of my going to the famous Hermitage of Cadirì and visiting of Batniato call'd King of the Gioghi who lives at this day in his narrow limits of that Hermitage impoverish'd by Venk-tapà Naieka December the tenth Being yet in Mangalòr I took the Altitude of the Sun whom I found to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees and 20 minutes He was now in the 18 degree of Sagittary and declin'd towards the South 22 degrees 55′ 28″ which detracted from the 35 degrees 20′ wherein I found him there remain 12 degrees 24′ 33″ and so far is Mangalòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North and hath the Northern Pole so much elevated At this time the heat at Mangalòr is such as it is at Rome in the moneth of June or the end of August December the eleventh I went in the Morning about half a League from Mangalòr to see the Hermitage where lives and reigns the Archimandrita of the Indian Gioghi whom the Portugals usually liberal of the Royal Title style King of the Gioghi perhaps because the Indians tearm him so in their Language and in effect he is Lord of a little circuit of Land wherein besides the Hermitage and the habitations of the Gioghi are some few Houses of the Country people and a few very small Villages subject to his Government The Hermitage stands on the side of a Hill in this manner On the edge of the Plain where the ascent of the Hill begins is a great Cistern or Lake from which ascending a pair of stairs with the face turn'd towards the North you enter into a Gate which hath a cover'd Porch and is the first of the whole inclosure which is surrounded with a wall and a ditch like a Fort. Being enter'd the said Gate and going strait forward through a handsome broad Walk besâ—t on either side with sundry fruit-trees you come to another Gate where there are stairs and a Porch higher then the former This opens into a square Piazza or great Court in the middle whereof stands a Temple of indifferent greatness and for Architecture like the other Temples of the Indian-Gentiles onely the Front looks towards the East where the Hill riseth higher and the South side of the Temple stands towards that Gate which leads into the Court. Behind the Temple on the side of the Court is a kind of Shed or Pent-house with a Charriot in it which serves to carry the Idol in Procession upon certain Festivals Also in two or three other places of the side of the Court there are little square Chappels for other Idols On the North side of the Court is another Gate opposite to the former by which going out and ascending some few steps you see a great Cistern or Lake of a long form built about with black stone and stairs leading down to the surface of the water in one place next the wall 't is divided into many little Cisterns and it serves for the Ministers of the Temple to wash themselves in and to perform their Ceremonies The Gate of the Temple as I said looks Eastward where the Hill begins to rise very high and steep From the Front of the Temple to the top of the Hill are long and broad stairs of the same black stone which lead up to it and there the place is afterwards plain Where the stairs begin stands a high strait and round brazen Pillar ty'd about in several places with little fillets 't is about 60 Palms high and one and a half thick from the bottom to the top with little diminution On this Pillar are plac'd about seventeen round brazen wheels made with many spokes round about like stars they are to support the lights in great Festivals and are distant about three Palms one from another The top terminates in a great brazen Candlestick of five branches of which the middlemost is highest the other four of equal height The foot of the Pillar is square and hath an Idol engraven on each side the whole Engine is or at least seems all of a piece The Temple to wit the inner part where the Idol stands is likewise all cover'd with brass They told me the walls of the whole Inclosure which are now cover'd with leavs were sometimes cover'd with large plates of brass but that Venk-tapà Naieka carry'd the same away when in the war of Mangalòr his Army pillag'd all these Countries which whether it be true or no I know not The walls of a less Inclosure wherein according to their custom the Temple stands are also surrounded on the outside with eleven wooden rails up to the top distant one above another little more then an Architectical Palm these also serve to bear Lights in Festival occasions which must needs make a brave Shew the Temple thereby appearing as if it were all on fire This Temple is dedicated to an Idol call'd Moginà to of what form it is I know not because they would not suffer us to enter in to see it Having view'd the Temple I ascended the Hill by the stairs and passing a good way forward on the top thereof came to the habitations of the Gioghi and their King the place is a Plain and planted with many Trees under which are rais'd many very great stone-pavements a little height above the ground for them to sit upon in the shadow There are an infinite number of little square Chappels with several Idols in them and some places cover'd over head but open round about for the Gioghi to entertain themselves in And lastly there is the King's House which is very low built I saw nothing of it and believe there is nothing more but a small Porch with walls round about colour'd with red and painted with Elephants and other Animals Besides in one place a wooden thing like a little square bed somewhat rais'd from the ground and cover'd with a Cloth like a Tent they told me it was the place where the King us'd to reside and perhaps also to sleep The King was not here now but was gone to a Shed or Cottage in a great plain field to see something I know not what done The Soil is very good and kept in tillage where it is not plain by reason of the steepness of the Hill 't is planted with high goodly Trees most of which bear fruit And indeed for a Hermitage so ill kept by people that know not or cannot make it delightful it seem'd to me sufficiently handsome I believe
it was built by the Kings of Banghel whilst they flourish'd for it lyes in their Territory and that the place and the Seignory thereof was by them given to the Gioghi who as they have no Wives so the Dominion of this Hermitage and the adjacent Land goes not by Inheritance but by Elective Succession I thought to find abundance of Gioghi here as in our Covents but I saw not above one or two and they told me they resort not together but remain dispers'd here and there as they list abide in several places in Temples where they please nor are subject to their King in point of Obedience as ours are to their Superior but onely do him Reverence and Honour and at certain solemn times great numbers of them assemble here to whom during their stay the King supplies Victuals In the Hermitage live many Servants of his and Labourers of the Earth who till these Lands whereby he gets Provision They told me that what he possesses within and without the Hermitage yields him about five or six thousand Pagods yearly the greatest part whereof he expends in Feasts and the rest in diet and in what is needful for the ordinary service of the Temple and his Idols and that Venk-tapà Naieka had not yet taken Tribute of him but 't was feared he would hereafter At length I went to see the King of the Gioghi and found him employed in his business after a mean sort like a Peasant or Villager He was an old man with a long white beard but strong and lusty in either ear hung two little beads which seemed to be of Gold I know not whether empty or full about the bigness of a Musket-bullet the holes of his ears were large and the tips much stretched by the weight on his head he had a little red bonnet such as our Galley-slaves wear which caps are brought out of Europe to be sold in India with good profit From the girdle upwards he was naked onely he had a piece of Cotton wrought with Lozenges of several colours cross his shoulders he was not very low and for an Indian of colour rather white then otherwise He seemed a man of judgement but upon tryal in sundry things I found him not learned He told me that formerly he had Horses Elephants Palanchinoes and a great equipage and power before Venk-tapà Naieka took away all from him so that now he had very little left That within twenty dayes after there was to be a great Feast in that place to which many Gioghi would repair from several parts that it would be worth my seeing and that I should meet one that could speak Arabick and Persian and was very learned who could give me satisfaction of many things and extolling the qualities of this Giogho he told me that he had a very great Head to signifie the greatness of which he made a great circle with his arms to wit of hair ruffled and long and which had neither been cut nor combed a great while I asked him to give me his Name in writing for my Memory since I was come to see him He answerâ—d me as the Orientals for the most part do to such curious demands To what purpose was it and in fine he would not give it me but I perceiv'd 't was through a vain and ignorant fear that it might be of some mischief to him Nevertheless at my going away I was told by others that he is call'd Batniato and that the Hermitage and all the adjacent places is call'd Cadirà Having ended my discourse with the King I came away and at the foot of the Hill without the first gate of the Hermitage rested to dine till the heat were over in the House or Cottage of one of the Peasants there being a small Village there whose Wife set before us Rice Caril and Fish which themselves also eat being of a Race allow'd so to do When the heat was past I return'd fair and softly as I went to Mangalòr and arriv'd at home a good while before night December the eighteenth I prepar'd my self to go to Carnate to see that Queen whose Territory and City is as I have said else-where two or three Leagues distant from Mangalòr upon the Sea-coast towards the North. The City stands upon a River which encompasses it and over-flowes the Country round about it was wont to be very strong both by Art and situation but during the war of Mangalòr Venk-tapà Naieka coming with a great Army to subdue and pillage all these Countries sent for this Queen to come and yield Obedience to him The Queen who as I have heard is a Lady of much Virtue and Prudence being unwilling to render her self to Venk-tapà summoned her Captains together told them that she was ready to spend and give them all the Money and Jewels she had and not to be wanting on her part to her utmost power if they would prepare themsâ—lves to defend the State But these Ministers either through Cowardize or Treachery would not attempt a defence Whereupon the poor Queen who as a Woman could do little by her self her Son also being very young seeing her people disheartned resolv'd by their advice to surrender her self to Venk-tapà Naieka and accordingly prepar'd to go to him with a good Guard of Souldiers Which he hearing sent to her to come alone without other company then her Attendants which she did not voluntarily but constrain'd thereto by her hard Fortune and the little Faith of others Venk-tapà receiv'd her honourably and took her into his Friendship and Protection but withall he caus'd the City to be dismantled of the strong walls it had to prevent her rebelling against him afterwards and left her as before the Government of the State tying her onely to Obedience the payment of a Tribute and the professing of a noble Vassallage to him When they dismantled the City the Queen they say unable to endure the sight retir'd into a solitary place a little distant cursing in those her solitudes the Pusillanimity and Infidelity of her own people no less then the unfortunateness and weakness of the Portugals her defenders to whom she had been always a faithful Friend At this time she lives with her young Son either in Carnate or some other place thereabouts Being mov'd by the Fame of this Queens Virtue I was desirous to go and do her Reverence for which purpose I had gotten a Palanchino ready and Men to carry me thither But in the Morning of the above-said day there put in to Mangalòr a Fleet of Portugal Ships which they call l' armata del Canarà because it coasts along the ruines of the Province Canarà or else l' armata della Colletta for that it is maintain'd with the Money of a New Impost lay'd upon and collected by the Portugals in their Indian Plantations The General of this Fleet was Sig Luis de Mendoza a principal Cavalier or Fridalgo as they speak young but of very good
parts The Captain of one of the Ships was Sig Ayres de Siqueira Baraccio formerly my Friend at Goa whom I expected that I might return thither in his Ship Whereupon hearing of his Arrival I went to seek him and finding him already landed I understood by him that this Fleet was to go to Calecut in order to carry thither two Men of Samorì King of Calecut Samorì is a Title given to all those Kings like our Emperour or Caesar which Men he had a little before sent to Goa in the same Fleet in another Voyage which it had made upon those Coasts to try the Vice-Roy about a Peace for he had been many years if not at War yet at enmity with the Portugals saying that if the Vice-Roy inclin'd to Peace he would afterwards send Ambassadors with more solemnity and treat of Articles Now these Men were returning to Calecut with the Vice-Roy's Answer and as Sig Ayres said the Fleet would depart from Mangalòr the same night yet would return very shortly because the General had Orders not to stay at Calecut above four and twenty hours onely till he had landed these Men and understood what Resolution the Samorì gave in Answer without giving him more time to think thereupon That in their return the Fleet would touch at Mangalòr and all the other Ports of that Coast to take with them the Merchants Ships laden with Rice which were now prepar'd or a preparing and convoy them according to their custom to Goa where by reason of scarcity of provision they were much desir'd Hearing this News I was loath to lose the opportunity of seeing Calecut the King whereof is one of the most famous among the Gentile Princes of India and is likely to be at Peace but a little while with the Portugals and therefore resolved to go aboard the Ship of Sig Ayres the same day putting off my Journey to Carnate whither I had hopes to go at my return Accordingly dismissing the Palanchino and the Men that were to carry me together with the Servant I had taken at Barselòr because he was not willing to go further with me I went aboard alone without any Servant assuring my self I could not want attendance and what-ever else was needful in the Ship wherein I found Sig Manoel Leyton Son of Sig Gio Fernandez Leyton embarqu'd as a Souldier which course of life he was now first enter'd upon besides many other eminent Souldiers who were afterwards very friendly to me and with whom I spent many days in good conversation December the nineteenth We departed from Mangalòr and went formost of all because our Ship was Captain of the Vanguard This day we pass'd by a high Hill discover'd within Land call'd Monte Delì and the next day December the twentieth by another call'd Monte Fermoso At night we anchor'd under Cananòr but enter'd not the Port having sail'd from Mangalòr hither always Southwards eighteen Leagues December the one and twentieth Once in the Morning and once in the Evening we met with Paroes which are very light Ships of the Malabar Rovers of whom this Coast was full for at Mangalòr ends the Province of Canarà and that of Malabar begins We made ready our Arms both times to fight them but they fled from us and recover'd the mouths of the Rivers whereof that Coast is full where by reason it was their own Territory and well guarded in those narrow and difficult places we could not pursue them to take them onely we discharg'd some Guns against them at distance to no purpose which were answer'd from that Land with the like we might easily have attempted if not to take that which we saw in the Evening yet at least to shatter it a far off with our Cannon if the General had not had regard to the Land they recover'd which belong'd to the Samorì to whom upon account of the Peace in agitation he was willing to have respect At night we came to Anchor under Calecut which is twelve Leagues Southwards beyond Cananòr December the two and twentieth Early in the Morning the Samorì's two Men landed at Calecut and with them a Portugal common Souldier but well clad and attended whom the General sent to the King with the Vice-Roy's Answer which was That the Vice-Roy was contented to treat of a Peace and would gladly conclude it but on condition that the Samorì made Peace too with the King of Cocin the Portugals Confederate whom it was not fit to leave out of the said Peace and the rather because the greatest differences between the Portugals and the Samorì were touching the King of Cocin whom the Portugals justly defended as their faithful Friend and had alwayes to the dammage of the Samorì his perpetual Adversary much supported That if the Samorì were contented to make Peace with both he should send his Ambassadors to Goa with power to treat of the conditions and they should be receiv'd very well Within a short time the Portugal return'd to the Fleet for the City of Calecut stands upon the shore and the Samorì's Royal Palace is not far off And together with the Portugal the Samorì sent to the General a Portugal Boy eight or ten years old call'd Cicco who in certain Revolutions of Cananòr had been taken Prisoner and was brought up in his Court he sent him well cloth'd and accompany'd not onely with many persons but also with Pipes and Drums that he might visit the General in his Name and give him a Present of Refreshments to eat namely Indian Figgs Lagne and other fruits His Answer to the business was that the Peace should be first made between himself and the Portugals and afterwards the Interests of the King of Cocin should be taken into consideration withall desiring the General that he would vouchsafe to stay a while till he had better advis'd with his Ministers and deliberated about sending Ambassadors to Goa in the same Fleet with other Reasons which were judg'd rather excuses to put off the time and hold the Portugals in a Treaty of Peace till some very rich Ships of his which he expected from Meccha were return'd left the Portugals should molest them at Sea than real intentions for a Peace especially with the King of Cocin with whom he hath long and intricate discords not so easily to be terminated The Portugals also demanded that the Samorì would remove a Garrison which he had plac'd in certain Confines where they for their own security and the defence of the King of Cocin were fain to keep a Fort continually with a great Garrison and at much expence And because he shew'd not much inclination thereunto it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices to hold the Portugals in suspence wherefore the General sent him word That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours and so long he would stay If within that time the Samorì took a Resolution sutable to the Vice-Roy's
Propositions he would carry his Ambassador with a good will otherwise he intended to depart the next night all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco honor'd with some small Presents and the other Men that came with him without sending any of his Portugals on purpose or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samorì as he was by him invited the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far because these Kings Samorì had never been very faithful towards the Portugals Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded so that many of them went ashore some to walk up and down some to buy things and some to do other business as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats partly to sell things and partly out of curiosity to see the Portugals who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samorì seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut The same day December the two and twentieth whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary whence according to my Canon of Declination which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees and 28 minutes which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination if it be not really so the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours if not more that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe according to which my Canon of Declination shall be calculated so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun you substract the 23 degrees 28′ which I presuppose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South the remainder is 11 degrees 22′ and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place and consequently the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. After dinner I landed also with the Captain of my Ship and some other Souldiers we went to see the Bazar which is near the shore the Houses or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's being very low the Streets also are very narrow but indifferently long the Market was full of all sorts of provision and other things necessary to the livelihood of that people conformable to their Custom for as for Clothing they need little both Men and Women going quite naked saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees and covering their shame the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew or white strip'd with Azure or Azure and some other colour a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them Moreover both Men and Women wear their hair long and ty'd about the head the Women with a lock hanging on one side under the ear becommingly enough as almost all Indian-Women do the dressing of whose head is in my opinion the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head sometimes a little inclin'd on one side some of them use a small colour'd head-band but the Women use none at all Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets their ears of pendants and their necks of jewels the Men commonly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers or other Arms in their hands as I said of those of Balagate The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut and the In-land parts especially the better sort are all Gentiles of the Race Nairi for the most part by profession Souldiers sufficiently swashing and brave But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari an adventitious people though of long standing for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since makes mention of them they live confusedly with the Pagans and speak the same Language but yet are Mahometans in Religion From them all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar famous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves whence in the Bazar of Calecut besides the things above-mention'd we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities as Swords Arms Books Clothes of Goa and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels at Sea which things because stollen and in regard of the Excommunication which lyes upon us in that case are not bought by our Christians Having seen the Bazar and stay'd there till it was late we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City and the out-side of the King's Palace for to see the King at that hour we had no intention nor did we come prepar'd for it but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace for the City is great and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees amongst the boughs whereof a great many of wild Monkies and within these close Groves stand the Houses for the most part at a distance from the common Wayes or Streets they appear but little few of their outsides being seen besides the low walls made of a black stone surrounding these plots and dividing them from the Streets which are much better than those of the Bazar but without any ornament of Windows so that he that walks through the City may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens than of an inhabited City Nevertheless it is well peopled and hath many Inhabitants whose being contented with narrow buildings is the cause that it appears but small As we walked in this manner we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy and because he saw us many together and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us or because he knew our General he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace and going before us as our guide conducted us thither He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming and told us we must by all means go to see him because his Highness was desirous to see us and talk with us Wherefore not to appear discourteous we were constrein'd to consent to his Request notwithstanding the unexpectedness of and our unpreparedness for the visit The first and principal Gate of the Palace opens upon a little Piazza which is beset with certain very great Trees affording a delightful shadow I saw no Guard before it it was great and open but before it was a row of Balisters about four or five foot from the ground which serv'd to keep out not onely Horses and other Animals but also Men upon occasion In the middle was a little pair of Stairs without the
spoke the Portugal-Tongue better to come and interpret in this Conversation The Signori Portoghesi my Companions little accustomed to Princes Courts though otherwise well bred gave me occasion to laugh within my self at two things The first was that it appearing to them unhandsome that the King stood all the while he discoursed with us as he did or at most leaned onely on the wall or his staff they took upon them to speak to his Highness to sit down and not put himself to such trouble I disswaded the Captain from it by all means because Kings are Kings and sit or stand when they please and do what they list 't is their part to command nor are we to use those Complements with them which we do to our equals but always leave them to their own will and pleasure for this is the breeding of the Court But my counsel prevailed little for the Captain was resolved to speak and desire him to sit down as he did not once but twice or thrice of which nevertheless the King made little account and answered onely with a smile The second thing that made me laugh was that when the King enter'd into the little Court the door whereat he and we had enter'd before was immediately made fast with an Iron barr people also standing continually to guard it and so likewise when any one came in or was sent out by the King it was presently shut with diligence The Captain and the other Portugals did not like this shutting of the door and began presently to mutter amongst themselves and to suspect that the King intended to detain them prisoners there or to put some trick upon them and what would the General and others say in Goa for their coming to put themselves in a Cage thus without the order and leave of their General onely upon meer curiosity I advis'd them to be quiet telling them that it was not befitting a King to do such an act nor was there any occasion why the King should be so treacherous that we were not so many nor so considerable that the doing thereof would be of any profit to him or damage to the Portugal Nation That it was fit the doors should be shut whilst the King was there in that manner giving Audience to so many strangers together arm'd and of so little confidence with him as we were That on the contrary he had done us much Honour in inviting and admitting us to his presence with all our weapons there being no Ambassador nor publick person or so much as known amongst us This partly quieted them although they very ill indur'd to see themselves shut up I told them further that it belong'd to the King to dismiss us when he pleas'd and that should we be late the General would excuse us for our delay at least if not for our too-great Curiosity which yet was no high crime as the case stood almost all the Souldiers being come a shore this day Nevertheless they twice or thrice demanded of the King that he would let them go alledging that it was already late to return aboard as indeed it was but the King alwayes excus'd it and would not dismiss them saying That we must stay till the Man he had sent for was come because he was desirous to talk a little better with us and that he would send us aboard in his own Boats at any time when it should be needful for there being no form'd Harbour at Calecut but an open shoare the Ships rode at a good distance from the Land At length came the expected Interpreter who was a prime Brachman and a Man of great Authority with the King for I observed that he alone of all that were present leaned upon his staff as the King did and as himself said he had sometimes treated of weighty affairs on his Kings behalf with the Portugals in the enterprize of Cognale perhaps not in the dayes of this Samorì but of his Predecessor So that he said he was very well known to the Vice-Roy and the chief Captains of Goa vers'd in those parts Upon the entrance of this Man the King call'd our Captain to come up to him upon the raised pavement of the Porch he refused at first twice or thrice but at length was prevailed with by the instances both of the King himself and of this Brachman Here the King fell largely to discourse with him and with us about the Peace about his desire to have the Fleet stay a while longer for establishing a firm Friendship with the Portugals and about divers other things many of which were the same that he had spoken before In short the Audience lasted till night the two little Ladies his Neeces being present almost all the time for they went and came now and then and the Queen in the upper Cloyster in beholding of whom to speak truth I was more attentive than in all hearing these discourses which I well saw were of little importance and therefore I cannot relate more punctually At length it growing dark upon our Captain 's importunity the King dismiss'd us and the door being open'd we were suffer'd to go forth but first he caus'd many branches of Indian Figs and Lagne to be brought and presented to us the Courtiers giving them to our Captain and the other Souldiers not by stretching forth the Hand but by tossing them in the Air as their custom is I believe to avoid being contaminated by our contact The King did the like when at our departure he restor'd the Harquebuz to its owner for he cast it after the same manner into the Hands of one of his Courtiers as it was cast to him but gently and with much care lest it should fall bowing himself almost to the ground for that purpose as it was necessary to do by reason of the shortness of the piece These Ceremonies of not being touch'd and the like of which in publick demonstration they are so rigorous yet in secret and when they please they do not so exactly observe And 't was told us of this King that he is a great drinker of Wine though rigorously prohibited by his Religion and that he hath sometimes eaten and drunk at the same Table with Portugals very familiarly and that he is a Man of very affable humour and a great friend to a jovial life as also his carriage towards us demonstrated Besides the Lagne and Figs which he appointed some of his Servants to carry for us even to the Boats he gave our Captain a wild Pig alive which he caus'd to be brought from some inner rooms of the Court and being ty'd with a rope to be carry'd likewise to the Sea-side whither also he sent many and some of the principal of his Courtiers to accompany us A little after us he sent again to the General one of those two Men which had been at Goa to wit he who conducted us to the Palace and was present at the whole Audience to visit
expecting the day and a sign to be given us by the General with his Canon For it was requisite for all to keep as close together as possible to the end that so many Ships of Merchandize disarmed and without Souldiers saving the Convoy of the few Ships of our Fleet some of which went before some in the middle and some alwayes behind might go secure from the assaults and surprizes of Pirates and indeed to guard so many disarmed and laden Ships that took up so much room at Sea with so few armed Vessels was no easie matter But so it was that we above all the rest were to take particular care that no Ship got before us or separated from the Company lest some disaster might befall them On the first of January 1624. We set sail from Mangalòr towards Goa with the whole Cafila which encreased hourly other Merchant Ships joyning with us at all the Ports by which we passed we giving them a sign with our Canon and many times waiting for them till they came out This first day we sailed not above three Leagues and anchored under Carnate but not in such a place and time that I could go to see the Queen as I desired January the second We set forth again very early but a contrary North-West wind arising caus'd us to anchor among the Rocks which they call Scogli di Santa Maria whence some Men that went on shore brought me some Jasmen of a very goodly Scarlet-colour of which sort I had never seen any Jasmen before in any other place of the world but for smell it had little or none at all January the third We set forth again at our usual hour and the wind began to blow from the land which in that place is on the East We pass'd by Barselòr and a League beyond anchored at the Rock of Camboli where we waited for the Cafila of Barselòr we not entring there our selves that it might dispatch the sooner January the fifth Whilst we stay'd at Cambolì expecting the coming forth of all the Cafila of Barselòr in the Morning we discover'd twelve Ships coming towards us from the South and knowing that they were not Merchants but Men of War and having no News of any Armado that was to come from Goa at this time we judg'd them to be Paroes of Malabar-Pirats as indeed they appear'd for the said Paroes are almost like the Ships of the Portugals but somewhat lighter And because we saw them make directly up to us we prepar'd for fight and sailed forwards to meet them assuring our selves that if they were Paroes they came to assault us since they could not but know that the Ships of our Armado which alone were fit for fight were fewer then theirs and that the other Merchants Ships of the Cafila whom we convoy'd could serve for nothing else but either to fly away if they were able or to increase their booty in case our few arm'd Vessels should be beaten The Ship wherein I was being the Captain of the Vant-guard was far before the rest and alone towards that part whence the abovesaid Ships were coming Having betaken our selves to our Arms which yet was not done without some confusion because the things in the Ship were out of order and the Souldiers unprovided of Powder which was to be fetch'd out of the place where it was kept and distributed thus hastily in small quantities being our store was but small we consulted a while what to do whether to wait for our other Ships which were behind and so joyn all together in encountring the Enemy or else to begin the fight as we were alone till the rest came up to us The first course seem'd safest and most considerate the latter was more magnanimous but with-all temerarious because we were so distant from our company that before they could come to succor us our Ship might be wholly destroy'd as being but one it might very easily be by so many especially in that extreme furious way of fighting practis'd here wherein there is great use of fire-works Yet our Captain and the rest of us thought it was no time to demurr longer and consult because the Enemy was so near that to wait for our Company would have little advantag'd but might much have prejudic'd us giving them thereby presumptions of our weakness and fear Wherefore we all cry'd out to go on that since we were come to this pinch 't was better to incurr our loss alone with a valorous temerity by doing our duty then to hazard the loss of the whole Armado and its Reputation if the Enemy perceiving us timorous and weak should take heart against us from our imprudent fear That as it was our duty to go forwards so it was the duty of our Companions to follow us and succor us and not let us perish alone that this care belong'd to them that if they did otherwise the fault would lie upon them not upon us that in fine let us give the onset and leave Heaven to take can of the rest Thus resolv'd we desperately sail'd forward Our Companions that were nearest would have done the like but the General who was far behind in another place of the Cafila shot off a Piece to command all to stay for him reasonably conceiving it the best way to attaque the enemy altogether whereupon all the other Ships of the Fleet which were behind us stood still awhile but we alone seeing our selves so far engag'd and so near the Enemy whatever the others did would by no means stay but continu'd our course Which Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of one of the nearest Ships beholding and misliking that we should charge thus alone and he quietly look on at a little distance he lost all patience and began again to make up after us though a far off the same did all the rest soon after conceiving it the best way We were now within Falcon-shot for greater Pieces then Falcons these Ships carry not but forbore to fire till a nearer approach might make the shot more certain which seem'd also to be the Enemie's design when being come so neer as to speak and be heard and standing ready to give fire both to the Ordnance and Musket by the voices and cries on either side we found each other to be friends for these Ships were an unexpected and extraordinary Fleet of Portugals sent to Cocìn to convey securely from thence to Goa certain moneys of the Confraternity della Misericordia and other Provisions Hereupon the feud ceasing the mortal thunder was turn'd into joyful salutations with chearful noise of Drums and Trumpets at the sound whereof the Morning beginning to clear up seem'd also to hasten to rejoyce with us and part our erroneous fray I have mentioned this passage at large to the end the successes inconveniences counsels and resolutions ensuing suddenly thereupon may be known from all which prudent adviso's for other occasions may be deduced and also to make known to
ado go to Surat and after they had there done what mischief they could to the Enemies then sail to Ormuz December the sixteenth The Ship wherein I was to imbarque being to set sail the night following I put my Goods aboard and having taken leave of my Friends I was accompanied to the Sea-side by Sig. Luigi Cabreira from whom I separated with many embraces and much regret on either side As soon as I was in the Ship the Captain weighed Anchor intending to set sail as soon as we should have a good wind although the Captain of Ciaul sent a publick Notary to the Captain of our Ship not to go out of the Port this night the service of the King so requiring I believe it was that we might stay for some other Ships which were to go out the next morning to the end we might go altogether more secure from the Malabars the greatest dangers of whom is at the going out of Ports about which they lie waiting and near the Land where they ply up and down more then in the main Sea We had no wind in the night and therefore went not out of the Port. December the seventeenth In the morning we set out of the Port with a small gale and at the same time three or four other Ships set forth for several parts We had not sail'd far but we descry'd some Vessels coming towards us which we took for Pirats and therefore prepar'd to fight them but at length we lost sight of them and hois'd the great sail directing our course almost Northwest having first rehears'd the Litanies of our Lady and invok'd the Divine Assistance and her's propitious to our Voyage December the twenty third Having hitherto sail'd prosperously we came to the altitude of twenty three degrees and a half under the Tropick of Cancer leaving the Torrid Zone under which I had been travelling in sundry parts for about a year and ten Months Here the wind fail'd us and we had as quiet a Sea as uses to be at the shores of Italy in the Month of August We began to find the Sky which hitherto we had seen constantly clear as it uses to be in India during these Months now interstinguish'd with clouds and in short the mutation of the Climate was manifest The Coast of Arabia for which we were bound could not be far off but we could not get to discover it for want of wind December the twenty seventh Having hitherto been becalm'd without advancing but rather being driven backwards by the contrary current of the water the Portugals as their custom is after reciting the Litanies and praying to God and Sant ' Antonio of Padua to whom they bear great devotion to give us a good wind intended to bind a little Image of the said S. Anthony which they carry'd in the Ship as if to imprison it for thus they use to do when they would obtain any favour as if they meant to force it threatning not to loose it till he grant them what they demand They intended I say to bind S. Anthony that he might give us a good wind but forbore to do it upon the Pilot's instance who pass'd his word for the Saint telling them that he was so honest that without being bound or captivated he would do what they desir'd This manner of demanding of favours of S. Antonio of Padua is much in use amongst the Portugals especially the meaner sort of ignorant and superstitious Mariners though amongst us 't is a vain thing A barbarous Superstition indeed but yet such as sometimes through the faith and simplicity of those that practise it uses to be heard December the twenty eighth We had a wind sufficiently brisk and impetuous yet not only not favourable but altogether contrary so that we could neither bear up against it nor yet cast anchor because we were in the main Sea which growing rough and tempestuous we were forc't to furl our sails and suffer the Ship to be driven whither the wind pleas'd which was Southwards not without fear falling upon Mombaza or some other remote Coast of Africk and consequently suffering shipwrack and a thousand other Dysasters December the twenty ninth The Captain with the others of the Ship resolv'd at length to bind S. Anthony and as chance would have it it prov'd well for the wind chang'd and we sail'd prosperously in our right course all day and part of the night A little before mid-night we discover'd the Coast of Arabia so neer that we cast anchor in haste for fear of the Shallows which are thereabouts In the morning we saw the Land naked both of Trees and Grass but rather stony in appearance and Desart although it was part of that Arabia which they call Happy December the thirtieth We began to move forward East South-East having the Land on the left hand but a sudden contrary wind arising forc't us to cast anchor again in the place where we were not without danger for in the furling of the sail through the negligence of the Sea-men it wrapt about the Mast the wind blowing very furiously against the fore-deck so that had the Vessel been less sound and strong-sided or some of the Passengers less diligent to help it had been overturn'd and sunk like the Ship of Orontes in the shipwrack of Aeneas which Virgil describes to have been lost by the like casualty At night the contrary wind ceasing we proceeded in our intended course December the one and thirtieth The wind failing we cast anchor but in an unsecure place not without danger of being split upon the shore whither in spight of our anchors the wind hurri'd us but tacking about we got to a more secure place near that from whence we had mov'd the day before On the first of January and of the year 1625 We stood at anchor till night and then made a little progress but all the next day we stood at anchor again and took very good fish and at night a little wind blowing from the Land we went forwards now and then but very little January the eighth Having all the preceding days been about the Coast of Arabia casting anchor every day and weighing again at night during which a Boat of Arabians brought us much fresh fish and an Arabian came swimming to us a great way only to beg a little Rice and Bisket which we gave him at length having a good wind this day after noon we pass'd a Cape which they call Capo falso because 't is neer and resembles the Cape Raselhhad but is not it At night we passed by the True Cape call'd by the Arabians Raselhhad that is the Cape of the Confine because 't is the last and most Southern Cape of Arabia being as they say in the latitude of twenty two degrees and a half from the Aequinoctial Northwards and distant from Mascat whither we were going forty leagues the Portugals call it corruptly Capo di Rosalgate Having pass'd this Cape we steer'd Northwest
colour'd and coarse woollen clothes spread on the ground and the Sceich was not there Yet he came presently after and we all rising up at his coming he went and sat down in the midst of the circle and so also did we in our places round about him Then a Candle-stick with a light being plac'd before him he perform'd his Orisons according to their manner after which sitting down again he began to read and subscribe certain Letters giving dispatch to several businesses and amongst others to the Capigi Mahhmud Aga who was there and waited for Licence to return These things being over I arose and presented him the Basha's Letter He ask'd whether I was the Frank or Christian of the Cafila Whereupon the Camelier answer'd that I was and declar'd to him the cause of my coming whereunto I added in Arabick what I thought fit He desir'd to see my Hat nearer Hand and caus'd it to be brought before him and being inform'd that I understood the Beâ—â—in-Language he told me that I must excuse what his Officers had done for he had great need of Arquebuzes for war that the Turbant and piece of Silk much pleas'd him but he would pay for them whereto I answer'd that I did not value his payment but would give him both the one and the other Then he call'd for the Turbant and having view'd and highly commended it though I told him it had been us'd as indeed I had worn it several times in Persia he enter'd into the Tent with it where his Women were and from whence was heard a great noise of Hand-mils where-with to make Meal for Bread it being the custom amongst the Arabians for even the noblest Women to do such services By and by he came out again with the Turbant upon his Head whereupon his people congratulated him for his new bravery saying to him Mubarek that is Blessed to the same purpose with our Ad multos Annos Then they set before him a brass dish full of Grapes and we being all call'd about him he began to eat and give us some of the said Grapes which were very sweet and good and the first that I had eaten this year This ended we retir'd to our places and after a short stay I took leave and departed with Mahhmâ—d Aga to the Cafila one of his servants and the Camelier remaining behind by the Sceich's Order who said he would send a dispatch for his own and my business the next day by them July the first The Camelier return'd with an Answer that the Sceich would not take the Sword and the Changier or Ponyard from me and for the Turbant and piece of Silk he sent me 29 Piastres whereof the Camelier said he had expended five to wit two to the Officer that pay'd him and three to I know not who else so that he brought me but 24 which were not a third part of what the things were worth However I took them because the barbarous dealing of the Sceich deserv'd not that I should correspond with him with better courtesie I have related this Adventure that thereby the dealings of these uncivil Barbarians may be known July the second We departed from this Station early in the Morning continuing our journey but were detain'd near two hours by certain Arabian Officers of a Brother of Sceich Nasir who also would needs extort some payment upon each Camel We arriv'd late to bait near a water where we found many Arabian Tents from which and a neighbouring Village we had plenty both of sweet and sower Milk and also of Grapes Here we stay'd all day and upon a hasty quarrel between Batoni Mariam and Eugenia my Indian Maid at night the said Maid ran away from us in these desarts yet was so honest as to leave even all her own things and ornaments behind so that it was rather despair than infidelity that occasion'd her flight I had much adoe to recover her again and was in great danger of losing her in case she had fallen into the hands of any Arabian who undoubtedly would have hid her and perhaps carry'd her afar off and made her a slave for ever I mention this to the end Masters may learn not to drive their Servants into despair by too much rigor which may redound to the prejudice of themselves as well as of them July the third Setting sorth early we baited before noon near a Lake of Water streaming there amongst certain Reeds and verdant Fields about which flew many Assuetae ripis Volucres some of which we took and eat F. Gregorio Orsino who was with me bathing himself here as he was wont often to do for the heat and being unskilful of swimming was in great danger of being drowned hapning unawares to go into a much deeper place of the Lake then he imagin'd We travell'd no further this day but onely at night went to joyn with the Capigi's who had pitch'd a Tent a little further from the Water to avoid the Gnats there which were very troublesome both to Men and Beasts The two next dayes we travell'd but little because of some difference between the Arabians and the chief Camelier who went back to the Sceich about it July the sixth We travell'd this day over Lands full of a white and shining Mineral which was either Talk or Salt-petre or some such thing I brought a good quantity of it away with me July the seventh We travell'd from day-break till noon passing over a clayie and slippery ground where the Camels went with much difficulty We rested at a place full of prickly shrubs the leavs whereof are less then a Man's naile and of the shape of a heart the fruit was round and red like small coral-beads of taste sweet mixt with a little sharpness having little stones in them it was very pleasant to the taste and afforded no small refreshment to us in these Desarts The Mahometans celebrated their Bairam the Fast of Ramadhan being now ended July the eighth We came to several places of stagnant waters and baited at one two or three hours before noon but the water was sulphureous and ill-tasted as most of the rest were also in regard of the many Minerals where-with the Earth of the Desart abounds We departed not from this place at night because we were to pay a Gabel to Emir Mudleg Aburisc whose Territory here-abouts begins Emir Aburisc is the greatest Prince of the Arabians in Arabia Deserta and this Prince whose proper name is Mudleg succeeded his deceased Uncle Feiad who was living and reign'd when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad nine years before having usurp'd the Government from Mudleg who was very young at the time of his Father's decease At night we were visited by some pilfring Arabians who finding us prepar'd with our Arms betook themselves to their heels and escap'd unhurt from us though we pursu'd them a while July the ninth The Morning was spent in paying Gabels I pay'd for my part for a load and half
running-water and stands in a shady retir'd place very delightful and convenient for travellers to rest in On the right side of the said Gate in one of the Towers of the wall was a large and fair room as high as the wall with few windows besides low and half-fill'd loop-holes for defence so that it was very cool and would not be inconvenient in hot hours were it in good repair but 't is now all ruinous without a pavement being made only a Stall for Cattle The walls of the City were still standing all of Stone magnificent and built with Turrets after the ancient mode At the Gate where we enter'd began a Street not very broad but of great length extended within the City and pav'd all with white Marble Antioch is now inhabited by few people who live in little cottages patcht out of the ruins amongst Gardens of which the City is all full for of the ancient houses and structures saving the walls of the City there is none standing Near the place where we lodg'd The Turks shew'd us I know not what which they call'd Paulos de' Christiani which perhaps had been some Church of Saint Paul but every thing was so destroy'd that I neither saw nor understood it well There being nothing else remarkable to be seen we went away three hours before night by the same Gate we had enter'd at perhaps because the way was better without then within going about the City on the outside towards the plain on the North. But re-entring afterwards at a breach of the Wall we walkt a good way within the City which I found full of Gardens and Orchards with few dwellings saving at the end At length we went out at a Gate which stands in the more Western part of the City though not full West where we pass'd over a fair Stone-bridg which lies upon the River Orontes taking our way to Alexandretta on the Northern banck for they that go directly thither from Aleppo never see this River but leave it much South We travell'd along its banks till night contrary to its stream and took up our lodging by the River-side almost directly against the Eastern Gate at which we enter'd and which we beheld afar off on the other bank Antioch is almost square about a mile long and hath many Gates on the South it is terminated with Mountains which they said were seven like the seven Hills of Rome but I could distinguish no more then five that is not five Mountains for the Mountain appears but one continu'd ridg but five tops of it These Mountains are very steep and therefore I think could not be built upon but only that part of them was included within the wall for strength and that the same might not be prejudicial to the City by being left without in case of War That which remains of the City at the foot of the said Mountains is of small circumference so that the City appear'd to me much less then I imagin'd it Within as I said there is not any Fabrick standing but infinite ruins and the earth is everywhere strow'd with great and goodly stones Only the Walls are almost all sound and intire with little decay After midnight the Moon arising we also got up and leaving this Station proceeded on our way A Platform of ANTIOCH 1. The Eastern Gate at which we enter'd 2. The Cistern 3. The Street pav'd with Stone and extending within the City 4. A few Habitations in the end of the City 5. A Bridg over Orontes without the City and contiguous to the Gate 6. The River Orontes 7. A Turret with a room within it August the twenty sixth Continuing our Journey at day-break we came to an end of the Plains and began to ascend the mountains which we were to cross over in order to get to the Sea and if I am not mistaken they are part of the Mountain Amano which because at a distance it appears black is called by the Turks Cara Aman that is Black Aman whence also they now corruptly call the Province which is comprehended in the said Mountain and was according to some the ancient Cilicia Caramania We refresht our weary Camels with two hours rest in a place amongst the Mountains where though there were no Houses yet we wanted not Water and wild Figs. After which being arriv'd to the highest part of the Mountain and re-enter'd the common road from Aleppo we discover'd the Mediterranean Sea afar off which to me was a welcome sight in regard I had not seen it since my departure from Gaza in the year 1616. We descended down by a way where the Precipices are secur'd with good breast-works of earth sometimes for a Mile together and at length came to the Town of Beilan from whence the mountains are here denominated Montagne di Beilan A little beyond this Town we repos'd in a by-place near a running-water and under the shadow of abundance of Nut-trees for the Town it self and places adjacent were all taken up by a great Caravan which came from Aleppo to Constantinople by land August the twenty seventh An hour before day we began to descend amongst the streights of these Mountains where we met a great Caravan of Merchandise which had lately come in two Venetian Ships and was going to Aleppo After two or three hours travel we came to Alexandretta call'd by us Europaeans Scanderoon but more correctly in Turkish Eskander that is Alexandro Graeco because they will have it denominated from Alexander the Great It was sometimes a noble City but by reason of the bad air for it is situated upon the Sea in a Moorish Plain and inclos'd with Hills which keep off the wind it was never much inhabited and the year before my being there it was al-wholly destroy'd by the Pirats of Barbary who spare none either of a different or of their own Religion nor yet bear any respect to the States of the Great Turk himself though their Lord so that I found onely four small Houses scarce re-edifi'd this year wherein the Lieutenant of the place for the right Governour remains at Aleppo the Vice-Consuls of such Europaean-Nations as trade into Soria and a very few other people resided Sig Antonio Grandi the Venetian Vice-Consul having notice of my coming by a Messenger whom I sent to him from Beilan receiv'd and lodg'd us in his own House with much Courtesie upon the recommendation of his Consul from whom I presented him a Letter And when I had acquainted him with my desire to depart as soon as possible and shewn him the Governor's Pass for my self goods and people which I brought with me from Aleppo together with other commendatory Letters to his Lieutenant and other Ministers the said Sig Antonio went presently to present the same and by the authority he had here obtain'd much more easily then I expected that I might imbarque when I pleas'd yet upon promise according to the custom of Turkie of a small Present
parts hath something of superiority over this of Cyprus September the sixth This Morning I am return'd a Ship-board where I conclude this Letter and commit it to F. Fra Giovanni di Segovia a Spanish reform'd Franciscan who came hither in the same Ship with us from Alexandretta and is the same Person who disguis'd in a secular and Souldier-like garb for fear of being hindred in his passage by the Portugal Ministers came in company of F. Fra Roderigo di San Michele a Discalceated Augustine and Provincial of Manila in the same Ship with us from Mascat to Bassora passing under the name of l' Alfiere or Ensign till he arriv'd safe at Aleppo where laying off his disguise he resum'd his proper name and Fryer's habit and because the Provincial of Manila with whom he came into India could not dispatch his affairs but stay'd behind at Aleppo therefore he being desirous to arrive speedily at Rome and Spain in order to the affairs of his Religion is just now departing and hath promis'd me to deliver this to you and to salute you in my name as I do most heartily LETTER XIII From Malta November 4. 1625. WHen I was thinking of finishing the small remainder of my Travels with the same Prosperity which God had hitherto afforded me and speedily arriving at those desired shores I have been here arrested at Malta by a little kind of misadventure sufficient to temper the course of so many good Fortunes In regard of the formidable Pestilence still continuing in Constantinople and other places of Turkie we have not been able to get admittance to anchor and land in this Island without undergoing a Quarantine Wherefore finding my self at leisure enough here in a House assign'd me as a favour by the Lords of the Council and separated from the little Island whither all the rest are sent I have thought fit to pass my time in writing to you what Adventures have befallen me since my last which was dated from a Ship-board at Cyprus September the sixth Be pleas'd therefore to know that on September the seventh I went ashore again to hear Mass after which I return'd a visit to Sig Rocco Andreani a Venetian Merchant in whose House I saw a live Camelion which a Boy of the family kept very tame ty'd with a little string for his Recreation They are frequent in India and are seen leaping amongst the Trees but I never saw any but at distance and so did not well observe them Here therefore holding it in my hand for 't is a gentle and pleasing Animal I observ'd it to be as big as a Lizard and almost of the same shape but more unhandsom to behold having an ill shapen head divided feet and two paws in the middle whereof the leg ariseth each of which paws is divided into two toes or nails yet so as the fissuâ—â— is very small It s colour was grey but with some variety like a dapple They told me that it sometimes chang'd colour not as is vulgarly reported according to that which is lay'd before it but according as it hath more heat or cold takes pains or reposes with other like Accidents Which event I saw not though I try'd several wayes to procure it September the eighth The Consul carry'd me to another Village about two leagues or six miles distant from Larnaca and call'd to this day Kiti and Citium anciently a City and Bishoprick but is now all destroy'd saving a few Cottages We went particularly to visit a Greek Doctor nam'd Sig Aluise Cucci who liv'd there and had the same of much knowledg and spoke Italian well as also to see his Garden which though half ruin'd as all things are in the Island since it fell into the Turk's hands is yet one of the goodliest places in those parts Here dy'd Cimon the most valorous and vertuous Athenian Captain Son of the no less famous Captain Miltiades You may see Aemilius Probus in the Life of the said Cimon where he saith In Oppido Citio est mortuus after he had conquer'd most part of the Island Cyprus Two or three hours before noon we pass'd by the place where the Salt-work is which though through the negligence of the Turks who do not cleanse and empty it well it decayes and fills up every day yet in my time it yielded yearly about 10000 Piasters and almost all Ships make ballast of Salt particularly those of Venice are all oblig'd to take as much as will serve for that purpose and many times they take more which at Venice is a good commodity and a Trade reserv'd to the Prince Then we pass'd through a Village call'd Bromolaxaia and at length arriving at Kiti which lyes a little distant from the Sea the Coast of the Island running West-ward from the Saline we visited Sig Aluise Cucci whom indeed like a Philosopher as he professes to be we found living in a House which had sometimes been great and fair but was now half ruinâ—d the Garden had a small Brook with structures of Fountains and such like things but all out of order and reserving no other beauty besides a great number of Orange-Trees planted regularly and of equal height and making a goodly and delicious Grove I discours'd with the said Sig Aluise and he seem'd an intelligent Person but because he was sick or at least recovering and so weak that he could scarce speak I could not benefit by him as I desir'd I ask'd him concerning Cadmia and its species and other Minerals which you writ me word that you desir'd from Cyprus and I accordingly sent to Nicosia the chief City of the Island and the place of the Basha's residence as also concerning the Book of Galen He told me there was some at this day but 't was hard to meet with any that knew it or could tell where to find it the people being very Ideots and the Mines intermitted heretofore by the Christians for fear of alluring the Turks thereby to invade the Island as also since by the Turks through ignorance After this and such other Discourse we return'd to Larnaca by a different road about the midst whereof we found another Village call'd Menego but all these Villages in former times well peopled are now almost wholly destroy'd and uninhabited September the ninth Being return'd to the Ship the next day I took the height of the Sun with my Astrolabe in the Port della Saline of Cyprus and found him decline Southward from the Zenith 29 degrees 29 minutes 50 seconds On which day he was in degrees of September the thirteenth I went ashore in the Morning to Larnaca again from whence upon the Consuls instance I was accompany'd by Sig Gio Francesco Parente two other Venetians a Greek nam'd Meser Manoli my servant Michel and a Janizary for our guard to a delicious place of Devotion call'd by the Greeks Agia Nappa that is Holy about eight leagues from Larnaca upon the Eastern Sea-coast near Capo della Greca where
set sail forth-with and there with many Complements and expressions of Courtesie we took leave one of another the Consul returning ashore and we remaining in the Ship About three hours after Sun-set we hois'd sails towards Limiso another Port of the Southern Coast of Cyprus but more Westerly where we hop'd to find and joyn company with the Dutch Ships We had but little wind in the night and the next day no good one so that it was but a while before mid-night when we arriv'd at Limiso where we anchor'd at a good distance from Land because for so short a time as our Ship was to stay there it would not be subject to pay Anchorage September the thirtieth Sig Gio Francesco Parente who arriv'd at Limiso the night before by Land came in the Morning to invite me ashore in the Name of Sig Pietro Savioni a Venetian who hath a House at Limiso and is Vice-Consul in Cyprus for the Dutch he receiv'd me with very much Courtesie And being it was yet early I walk'd about the Town which is of indifferent bigness where I saw a great Meschita of the Turks standing in a goodly street near the shore where I saw great plenty of Carrubes or Capers where-with whole Ships are laden from hence for Venice and other parts More within the Town I saw the Castle which is small of a round form representing rather a low thick Tower or Turret then a Fortress yet it hath some small pieces of Artillery and is built of stone Then I came to the Church of the Bishoprick for Limiso hath a Greek Bishop who commands four Eparchats as they speak to wit this of Limiso that of della Saline and two others the whole Island being divided onely into four Bishopricks each of which hath several Eparchats under them This Cathedral Church is small and dedicated to our Lady S. Mary of Building like the rest of the Country and because 't is the Cathedral they call it according to custom La Catholica i. e. Vniversal Here I found one Didascalo Matteo a Greek Monk who spoke Italian well as he that had liv'd many years at Venice and profess'd skill in Minerals Chymical matters and the like To him whilst he was at Nicosia I had gotten a friend to write from Larnaca to desire him to procure me the Cadmia and other Minerals which you desir'd But the Letter found him not in Nicosia for he was departed from thence to go to Mount Sinay Finding him here and asking him about the business he told me There was to his knowledg abundance of those Minerals particularly Sori Mysi Melanteria and Cadmia to be had in some places of Cyprus and that he would have procur'd me some had he known my desire in time but now he could not by reason of his present departure and the place where to have them was very remote He gave me certain little pieces of Silver and Gold found in Cyprus and promis'd me to use exquisite diligence for the rest at his return from Monte Sinay which would be within three Months whereupon I writ to the Consul of Larnaca that at his going to Nicosia where he was shortly to salute the new Basha for by vertue of a third command from Constantinople the new Basha was once again confirm'd and the old again depriv'd with more strange inconstancy of government then ever he would consult by the way with a renegado German who practis'd Physick there and as Didascalo Matteo told me knew where to find the said Minerals for me Whilest I was discoursing thus in the Church-yard with Didascalo the Bishop an ancient man with a white beard pass'd by together with another Monk who was going to Church to rehearse his hours I understanding who he was saluted him and pass'd many complements with him in the Greek Tongue for he understood not Italian October the first The Hollanders invited me a Ship-board to see their Ships which were in the Port whereupon after dinner I went accompani'd with Sig. Parente aboard of two the Neptune and the S. Peter in both which we were oblig'd to drink several healths particularly that of their Prince Henry-Frederick of Nassau every Cup we drank being solemniz'd with a Great Gun and also at our departing from the Ships they discharg'd three Pieces which were answered by those of all the rest October the second By Letters from Constantinople to certain Greek Monks the news I had heard at Aleppo concerning the progress of the Tartar of Cafa united with the Cossacks of Poland against the Turks was confirm'd and that about seven hundred of their Ships sailing to the Confines of Constantinople had done inestimable dammage and put the City it self in fear They said also that a violent Pestilence rag'd at Constantinople and that the Grand Signor had been grievously sick having had in his own person seventy Plague-sores of all which notwithstanding he was cur'd which indeed is a strange thing and happens but rarely October the third The Dutch entertain'd us at a dinner in their greatest Ship which was bound for Venice and call'd Il-Naranciero or the Orange where many healths were drunk to the Doge of Venice and the Prince of Nassan each Cup as also our departure out of the Ship being honor'd with many Guns Which ended I would not go ashore any more being our Ship was to depart the night following but repair'd to it the Dutch continuing their drinking and shooting all night in augury of a happy voyage An hour after midnight we all set sail five Ships together namely four Dutch the Orange S. Peter the Neptune and the Vnicorn and our French Caraval S. Ann wherein I was imbarq'd I will not omit that being our French Ship did not pay anchorage at Limiso though person alone were suffer'd to go ashore yet they were not permitted to buy any thing there to carry aboard for had it been known that we had shipt the least thing even but a little Water or a single Lemon they would have demanded the whole Anchorage-money wherefore I was fain to get a few fruits and refreshments convey'd into the Dutch Ships without being known that they were for us October the fourth We continu'd sailing Westwards along the South coast of Cyprus our Caraval which was swifter than the rest having but half the sails display'd whilst they spread all October the ninth Having hitherto hover'd about the shores of Cyprus and advanc'd little a more favourable wind now carri'd us out of sight of the Island and we sail'd directly on our voyage with various winds till the thirteenth day when we discover'd the gulph of Settaglia The next night some rain laid the contrary wind and rough Sea but we remain'd almost in a calm with great trouble of the Ship which by the weight of the sails was made to rock to and fro continually like a cradle On the fifteenth day at night we were surrounded with thick clouds and amongst them with many spouts
shore of Africa for in the dayes of Solomon the Art of Navigation was not known and Sea-men then steering without Cart or Compass were necessitated to keep the neighbouring Land alwayes in their sights as without question those Ships did and to those fore-mention'd places stored as is related above other parts of Africa with those richest Commodities I might have taken notice before but yet it will not be unseasonable of many sudden strong and violent Gusts of wind frequently to be observed in those South-west Seas which surprize a Ship so suddenly that if she have many sails abroad and the Mariners be not very watchful and nimble to strike them their strength is such that they will endanger her overturning And to these there are many strange watery Clouds they call Spouts which appear like a Funnel or water-tankard very large and big at the one end but small on the other which hangs lowest and of a very great length They contain a great Quantity of water wrapt together by a whirl-wind that falls within a very narrow Compass the abundance whereof by its great weight if it fall directly as sometimes it doth upon the body of a small Ship it will much endanger it and would do much more harm but that these Spouts when they are seen may be easily avoided From the Island of Madagascar we proceeded on in our Course and the fifth of August following approached near the little Islands of Mohilia Gazadia St. John de Castro with some others whose Name I know not called in general the Islands of Comora lying about twelve Degrees South of the Equator The day following being the sixth of August Early in the Morning our Men looking out for Land espied a Sail which stood directly in our Course but far before us at first sight she appeared as if there had been some great Hill interposed betwixt us For first we had sight only of her Colours in her high Maintop after this of her Masts and Sails and then of her Hull after which manner Ships at Sea do every where appear at great distance one to another which proves that that mighty Collection of waters called Seas have a Convex or Globous and round body placed by Almighty God as it were in Hills or Heaps and being being above the earth and higher than it they have set Limits and commanded they are to their Bounds contrary to their Nature which they may not pass for so saith the Psalmist Psalm 104.9 Thou hast set a bound which they may not pass over that they return not again to cover the earth But this is known to all that have been at Sea therefore we proceed Upon the first sight of that Ship we were all glad of the object improving all endeavours we could to overtake her with-all preparing our great Ordnance that if she were a Friend we might salute her if an Enemy be in readiness for her So eagerly pursuing this unlooked for Ship with the wings of the wind after that we had given her Chase about five hours her Colours and bulk discovered her to be a very great Portugal Caraque bound for Goa lying in the skirts of East-India and principally inhabited by Portugals the City of Residence for the Vice-Roy to the King of Spain her Commander called Don Emanuel de Meneces a brave Resolute Man as the sequent will demonstrate About noon the Globe our least Ship by reason of her nimbleness sailing better then her fellows came up with her on her broad side to wind-ward and according to the Custom of the Sea hayl'd her asking whence she was she answer'd indirectly Of the Sea calling our Men Rogues Thieves Hereticks Devils and the Conclusion of her rude Complement was in loud Cannon Language discharging seven great Pieces of Artillery at our Globe though she had very little reason so to do we having four Ships in Company and she alone whereof six pierced her through the Hull maiming some of her Men but killing none our Globe replyed in the same voice and after that fell off About three of the Clock in the Afternoon the Charles our Admiral came up with her so near that we were within pistol shot our Commander Captain Joseph proceeded religiously in offering them a Treaty before he proceeded to Revenge so we saluted her with our Trumpets she us with her wind Instruments then we shewed our Men on both sides aloft this done our Commander called to them requiring Theirs to come aboard to give an account for the injury they had lately before offered us they answered They had never a Boat our Commander replyed that he would send them one and immediately caused his Barge to be man'd and sent off to them which brought back one of their Officers and two others of inferior rank with this message from their Captain how that he had promised the King of Spain his Master not to leave his Ship and therefore forc'd he might be but never would be Commanded out of her Captain Joseph received the Message and used those that brought it Civilly and then ordered that they should be shewed in a broad side of great Guns that lay all ready prim'd to be fir'd against them how we were prepar'd to vindicate our selves which put the poor Portugals into a fit of trembling and upon it desir'd our Commander to write a few words to theirs that happily with their perswasion might make him come Captain Joseph willing to preserve his Honour to prevent blood consented and forthwith caused a few lines in Spanish to this effect to be wrote unto him That Whereas he the Commander of the Carraque had offered violence to our Ship that sail'd peaceably by him he will'd him to come presently and give a reason for that wrong or else at his perill So he discharged those Portugals sending one of our Masters Mates back with them with those few words and this further message that if he refused to come he would sink by his side but that he would force him before he left him Morientium verba sunt prophetica his words came to pass for he himself suddenly after fell by a great Shot that came from the Caraques side The Commander of the Caraque notwithstanding the Message and Menace sent to him was still peremptory in his first answer So our Men returning Captain Joseph himself made the three first Shot at them all which the mark being so fair and near hit them this done the Bullets began to flie on both sides our Captain cheering his Company immediately ascended the half Deck the place where Commanders use to keep in those Encounters to shew their own Gallantry and to encourage the Company under their Command where he had not been the Eighth part of an hour ere a great Shot from the Caraques quarter deprived him of Life in the twinkling of an Eye For this Captain Joseph he was certainly one who had very much of a Man in him for years ancient who had
which they are made put to other uses is well-nigh worth the Silver they are rated at Their Silver Coyn is made either round or square but so thick as that it never breaks nor wears out They have pure Gold-Coyn likewise some pieces of great value but these are not very ordinarily seen amongst them I have now done with this Section wherein I have related much of the Commodities and Riches as before of the Provisions and Pleasures which are to be found in that vast Monarchy and I conceive nothing but what Truth will justifie And now lest that place I have describ'd should seem to be an earthly Paradise I must acquaint my Reader that the Contents there found by such as have lived in those parts are sour'd and sauc'd with many unpleasing things which he must needs know when he takes notice SECTION IV. Of the Discommodities Inconveniences and Annoyances that are to be found or met withall in this Empire AS the Poets feigned that the Garden ' of the Hesperides wherein were Trees that bare Golden Apples was guarded by a Serpent So there are stings here as well as fruits all considered together may not unfitly be resembled by those Locusts mention'd Rev. 9.7 8 10. verses Who had the Faces of Men and the Hair of Women and Crowns as of Gold on their Heads but they had too the Teeth of Lyons and the tayls of Scorpions and there were stings in those tayls Here are many things to content and please the enjoyers of them to make their life more comfortable but withall here are Teeth to tear and stings to kill All put together are nothing but a mixture made up as indeed all earthly things are of good and bad of bitter and sweet of what contents and of what contents not The Annoyances of these Countries are first many harmfull beasts of prey as Lyons Tygers Wolves Jackalls with others those Jackalls seem to be wild Doggs who in great companies run up and down in the silent night much disquieting the peace thereof by their most hideous noyse Those most ravenous Creatures will not suffer a Man to rest quietly in his Grave for if his Body be not buryed very deep they will dig him thence and bury as much of him again as they can consume in their hungry bellies In their Rivers are many Crocodiles and Latet anguis in herba on the Land not a few over-grown Snakes with other venemous and pernicious Creatures In our Houses there we often see Lizards shaped like unto Crocodiles of a sad green colour and but little Creatures the fear of whom presents its self most to the Eye for I do not know that they are hurtful There are many Scorpions to be seen which are oftentimes felt which creep into their houses especially in that time of the Rains whose stinging is most sensible and deadly if the Patient have not presently some oyl that is made of Scorpions to annoint the part affected which is a sudden and a certain cure But if the man can get the Scorpion that stung him as sometimes they do the oylie substance it affords being beaten in pieces suddenly applyed is a present help The sting of the Scorpion may be a very fit resemblance of the sting of Death the bitterness and anguish whereof nothing can asswage and cure so well as a serious consideration and a continual application of the thoughts of dying Facilè contemnit omnia qui cogitat se semper moriturum that man may trample upon every thing whose meditations are taken up with the thoughts of his Change He cannot dye but well who dyes daily daily in his preparations for death though he dye not presently The Scorpions are in shape like unto our Cra-fishes and not bigger and look black like them before they are boyled They have a little round tayl which turns up and lyes usually upon their backs at the end whereof is their sting which they do not put in and let out of their bodies as other venemous creatures do but it alwayes appears in their tayls ready to strike it is very sharp and hard and not long but crooked like the talon of an Hawk The abundance of Flyes like those swarms in Egypt Exod. 8.21 in those parts did likewise very much annoy us for in the heat of the day their numberless number was such as that we could not be quiet in any place for them they being ready to fly into our Cupps and to cover our Meat as soon as it was placed on the Table and therefore we had alwayes some of the Natives we kept there who were our Servants to stand round about us on purpose while we were eating with Napkins to fright them away And as in the day one kind of ordinary Flyes troubled us so in the night we were likewise very much disquieted with another sort called Musqueetoes like our Gnats but some-what less and in that season we were very much troubled with Chinches another sort of little troublesome and offensive creatures like little Tikes and these annoyed us two wayes as first by their biting and stinging and then by their stink From all which we were by far more free when we lodged in Tents as there we did much than when we abode in Houses where in great Cities and Towns to add unto the disquiets I before named there were such an abundance of large hungry Ratts that some of us were bitten in the night as we lay in our beds either on our Toes or Fingers or on the tips of our Ears or on the tops of our Noses or in any part of our Bodies besides which they could get into their Mouths The winds in those parts as I observed before which they call the Mont soone blow constantly one way altering but few points six months Southerly and six months Northerly The months of April May and the beginning of June till the Rain falls are so extremly hot as that the wind when it blows but gently receives such heat from the parched ground that the reflection thereof is ready to blister a Man's Face that receives the breath of it And if God did not provide for those parts by sending a breeze or breath or small gale of wind daily which some-what tempers that hot sulphureous Air there were no living in that Torrid Zone for us English who have been used to breathe in a temperate Climate and notwithstanding that benefit the Air in that place is so hot to us English that we should be every day stewed in our own moisture but that we stir very little in the heat of the day and have cloathing about us as thin as we can make it And no marvel for the coldest day in the whole year at noon unless it be in the time when those Rains fall is hotter there then the hottest day in England Yet I have there observed most strange and sudden changes of heat and cold within few hours as in November and December the most