againe Maisters of the Sea with out contradiction seeing the Romans had no more any Fleete at Sea Moreouer they had great confidence in their Army at Land and not without cause For after that the report of the battell giuen in Affricke came to Rome and that they vnderstood that the defeate of their men hapned by the force and fury of the Elephants for that they had broken the Rankes and opened the battalions and that they had made a wonderfull slaughter of them Their feare of the Elephants from that day was so great as for two yeares after they neuer durst charge the Carthaginians although they made many incounters in Affricke and in the Country of Selinuntia nor Campe in the Plaines within fiue or sixe furlongs of them keeping alwayes the Mountaynes and hilly Countries to saue themselues from the Elephants so as they only forced Theruce and Lipara Wherefore the Romanes knowing the feare their Army had resolued againe to put a Fleete to Sea At that time the Romane people being assembled they chose vnto the Consulship Caius Attilius and Lucius Manlius They also made fifty new ships and Rigg'd out the olde the which they furnished with Souldiers proportionably When as Asdruball Generall of the Carthaginians knowing well the feare of the Romans had beene aduertised by the Fugitiues that one of the Consuls was returned vnto Rome with halfe the Army and Cecilius remayned alone at Palermo with the other he parts from Lylibeum when as Haruest approached with his Army to spoile and falls vpon the Territory of Palermo planting his Campe vpon the Mountaines Cecilius hauing newes of their comming and knowing that Asdruball desired nothing but a battell kept his Army within the Towne By this meanes Asdruball growing very confident conceiuing that Cecilius kept himselfe close for feare he causeth his Army to March to Palermo hauing ruined and burnt all the Champion Countries The Consull was alwaies of opinion not to go to field vntill that his enemy was drawne to passe the Riuer which runnes neere vnto the Towne Walls But when he saw that the Campe and the Elephants approached he caused a â—ally to be made by the nimblest and most actiue men of his Army commaunding them to skirmish with the enemy vntill their whole Campes should be forced to come to the combats And afterwards considering that matters had succeeded as he desired he ordaines the lightest and most actiue to plant themselues beyond the Towne ditch giuing them charge to cast Pertuisans Darts and Spits a farre off at the Elephants And if they came running vpon them with fury and violence they should slip into the Ditch and from thence cast their Darts at them He also commaunded the Archers of the Marker place to go out of the Towne and to fight at the foote of the wall In the meane time he issued foorth with all the Eâ—signes by another side of the Towne right against the enemies left Wing and sent many to those which fought with Darts Presently after the skirmish beganne the Maister of the Elephants who with a desire of glory would haue the honour of the Victory incensed them against the enemies not attending Asdrubals pleasure The Romans obseruing the Consuls commaundment turned head presently and when as the Elephants pursued them with fury they slipt into the Ditch the Elephants being vppon the side of it they were suddainly charged with Darts and Pertuisans aswell by the Townesmen which were vpon the Walls as from the Souldiers which lay in the Ditch And when as they could passe no further they turned head being necessarily forced to fall vpon their owne battallions with great slaughter In the meane time Cecilius goes suddainly to field hauing his whole Army entire and in good order by another gate and chargeth his enemies furiously who being already broken by the Elephants and charged againe by the Consuls Troupes were easily defeated A part of them were slaine the rest saued themselues by flight There were ten Elephants taken with their Indian Maisters 〈…〉 after the battell their Gouernours being cast downe This Victory purchased great honour to Cecilius as the Man who by the report of all the whole World had beene the cause that the Romanes after that time resuming courage camped in the Plaines When the Romanes had newes of this Victory it is not credible the ioy which they conceiued not so much for the taking of the Elephants whereby the Carthaginians power was much decreased as for that their men seemed to be grownâ— more hardy in the Warre for that they had conquered them Wherefore they Prepared an Army at Sea as they had formerly resolued and sent the Consuls into Sicily with two hundred Vessells desiring to make an end of that Warre Whither they past hauing made prouision of Victualls and other things necessary This was the foureteeneth yeare since the beginning of the Warre The Consuls being arriued and receiuing the Bands of Souldiers that were there they go and lay siege to Lylibeum hoping after the taking thereof they might easily transport the Warre into Affricke But the Carthaginians mooued with the like considerations resolued by all meanes to keepe it knowing well that after the losse of Lylibeum they had nothing else remaining in Sicily The Romans in truth held in a manner the whole Iland except Trepanum But to the end that what wee speake of Sicily may not seeme obscure to some one by reason of the ignorance of places we will deliuer the Scituation in few words All Sicily hath its Scituation in regard of Italy and the limits thereof like vnto Morea in respect of Greece and its bounds It is true â—here is some difference for that there is a little Sea betwixt this and Italy Whereas Morea is ioyned vnto Greece by a little slip of Land for they may goe on dry foote from Morea vnto Greece and not from Sicily into Italy without shipping Sicily is of a Triangular forme and so many Angles as it hath so many Capes or Promontories there are vpon the Sea shore Among the which that whereon the Sicilian Sea doth beate is called Pachinus and lookes towards the South that which tends towards the North where the Sea doth end and is not aboue a mile and a halfe from Italy is called Pelorus The third which hath his Aspect towards Affricke and towards the Winterly West and which is right against Carthage from the which vnto the Affricke shore there is not aboue one hundred twenty and seuen miles is called Lylibeum diuiding the Sea of Sardinia and Sicily There is a Towne on this Cape which carries the same name the which the Romans besieged at that time The which is strong with Walls and Ditches and moreouer with Marshes and Pooles by the which lyes the passage for ships into the Port but the entry is difficult and not accessible but by expert Marriners The Romans then to besiege it throughly made round about it Trenches
Captaynes had held a Councell concerning the Affayres of the War they were of opinion that it was necessary to relieue the Prouince and not to indure so 〈◊〉 a pillage and spoyle of the Country Marcus Attilius some few dayes before marching into the Country razed the weaker Castles and besieged the stronger But when he was come to the Citty of Adis which was worthy of a siege he plants himselfe before it and indeauours to force it The Carthaginiansâ—â—uertised â—â—uertised hereof made hast to succour it desiring to Raise the siege And therefore they march with all their power against the Romans Recouering a little Hill to the preiudice of their Enemies and very commodious for themselues Whereon planting their Camp they hoped for an absolute Victory by the meanes of their Horse and Elephants Leauing therefore the playne they drew 〈◊〉 high and vneuen places as if they would aduertise the Enemy what they had to doe the which vndoubtedly they effected For when the Romanes had considered the little vse of Elephants for they were in a Mountainous and Hilly Country in the which the Enemies had setled their chiefe hope as of great effect and terrible they aduised not to attend their Descent into the playne Wherefore vsing the opportunity of the time they shut them vp at the breake of day in the Mountayne of all sides By this meanes their Cauallery and their Elephants were altogether vnprofitable Their aduenturers onely did their duties in â—ighting on the top and had already forced the Roman Leginaries to giue backe a little when as suddainly the rest which had gayned the top of the Mountayne shâ—wed themselues The Carthaginians seeing themselues inclosed of all sides abandoned their Fort and fled into the deserts of the Mountaines The Elephants and Horses recouered the Playne and saued themselues without danger The Romans made some little pursuite after the footemen then they spoyled the Campe and ouer-ran the whole Country wasting all and ruining the Towne Some few dayes after they besieged Tunes which they tooke by assault where they planted their Campe for that the place seemed conuenient vnto them to mannage the Warre being a frontier to Carthage and to the whole Prouince The Carthaginians hauing a little before beene defeated at Sea and now by Land not by the cowardize of their Souldiers but by the basenesse of the Commanders they fell into a miserable and desperate estate For after their last defeate and flight by the Romans a great Troupe of Numidians gaping after spoyle fell vpon them doing them in a manner as great harme as the Romans It is a wandering and vagabone Nation and great theeues carrying away all they finde The Carthaginians terrified by the Numidians abandoned the Country and retired to Carthage where they suffered much aswell by famine as for their owne cowardize and moreouer the multitude being great they feared a long siege And although that Marcus Attillius was perswaded that the Carthaginians were wonderfully weakned aswell by Land as Sea being in hope that the City would be in short time deliuered vnto him yet fearing that the new Consull whom they expected soone in Affricke would reape the honour of his prowesse and valour he began to treate of a peace with them whereunto they willingly 〈…〉 Wherefore they sent the chiefe of their City in Embassie to the Consull to make this treaty But when as they were arriued they were so farre from agreeing as they could hardly without choller heare the vnreasonable things that were enioyn'd them Make your account that Marcus Attilius did hope that his offer would bee accepted as a thing of grace for that he had preuayled in all his affaires The Carthaginians on the other side thought that when as fortune should reduce them to extremity the Consull could not make them a more bitter answere Their Embassadours therefore returned not onely without any agreement but dâ—â—â—ting wonderfully the Consuls answere as to hard and proud The which being heard by the Senate of the Carthaginians they entered into so great an indignation vpon the Consuls demaund and resumed such courage that although formerly they were out of hope yet then they resolued to attend all extremities and rather to trye their fortune and to attend the time then to suffer so ignominious a thing and vnworthy of their valour It happened aâ— the same time that some one of those which had beene sent into Greece in the beginning of the warre to Leuie Men returned and brought with them a good number of Souldiers among the which there was one Xantippus a Lacedemonian a man of Iudgement and practised in the warre who after that hee had heard a relation of the defeat of the Carthaginians and the manner the place and that what time it happened hauing also considered the equipage of the Carthaginians with the number of their Horses and Elephants he returned suddainly to his Companions saying that the ignorance of the Captaines not the Romans had defeated the Carthaginians This speech ran presently thoroughout the whole Citty and came vnto the Princes The Carthaginians caused him to be called and resolued to vse his Councell who in their presence deliuered plainly the Reasons of his speech and the cause of their Defeate and if they would follow his Councell and hereafter keepe the Plaines leauing the hilly Country and there plant their battell hee would teach them how their Army should be out of danger and their Enemies Vanquished The Captaines mooued with the words of Xantippus presently Resigned vnto him the Conduct of all this Warre and now there ranne a bruite throughout the whole Campe of Xantippus speech with great Hope and Ioy. But after that all the Companies of the Army were drawne into the field and that hee had put them is order there was so great a difference betwixt his and that of the other Captaines who vnderstood not the Art of Warre that presently the common cry demanded nothing but to fight so much they were assured vnder the leading of Xantippus This done the Carthaginian Captaines seeing the courage of their Men exhorted them a little according to the opportunity of the time and within few dayes after they marched to find out the Enemy There were in the Carthaginians Army aboue twelue thousand foote foure thousand Horse and neere a hundred Elephants When as Marcus Attilius heard of the comming of the Enemy and that the Carthaginians kept their Horses vpon an euen Country camping contrary vnto their custome on the plaines hee wondred as at a new accident Yet hee marcht directly to them desiring battell and lodged within twelue hundred paces of their Campe. Three dayes after the Carthaginian Captaines held a Councell what was to be done But the multitude desiring the combate turned towards Xantippus calling him by his name with a countenance seeâ—â—ing to be willing and ready to vndergo all dangers and intreated him to lead them speedily vnto the battell When as the Carthaginian
as passe from Trypanum or Lylibcum into Italy and it hath store of Water There are but three wayes to go vnto this Mount which are difficult and vneasy two vpon the firme Land and the third towards the Sea Amilcar Planted his Campe there where there was no conuenient Towne but was lodged among his enemies whom he did not suffer to liue in rest For many times he went to Sea and spoyl'd the coast of Italy vnto Cumes and then he led his Army by Land vnto Palermo and besieged it within eight hundred Furlongs of the Romanes Campe where he staied neere three yeares performing many braue Acts which were difficult to relate in particular For euen as when excellent Combattants re-doubling their blowes with dexterity and force the prize of the Victory being propounded it is neyther possible for them nor for the standers by to yeild a reason of euery charge and blow taking in generall a sufficient knowledge of their Valour aswell by the Prowesse of the Men as by their mutuall indeauours and by their Experience and Virtue we must conceiue the like of the Commaunders of whom we now speake For if any one will Write the causes or manner how they lay Ambushes and intertayne skirmishes and incounters he should not be able to number them and would cause a great trouble without any profit to the Reader where we may better attayne to the knowledge of things past by a generall narration and by the end of the War They likewise cannot perceiue in this present War any thing by the History of the great pollicies nor by the time nor by the feeling of the present case by things done which haue bin decided with an ouer-weaning and violent boldnesse There are many causes for the which they could not discerne betwixt the two Campes for the Armies were equal and their Forts not easie to be approached vnto for that the space betwixt both was very strong and little so as there daily hapned particular combates Finally they performed nothing which concerned the end of the Warre For many times in incounters some were slayne and others turning away and escaping the danger assured themselues and fought againe where Fortune remayning like a good Distributer changing them from Front to Front hath inclosed them in a narrower compasse and a more dangerous fight in regard of the place and precedent Combat Whilst the Romans as we haue sayd kept the top and foote of the Mountayne of Erix Amilcar surprized the Towne which was betwixt the top of the Hill and the foote of it where the Roman garrison lay By this meanes the Romans which held the top were besieged by the Carthaginians with great danger The Carthaginians likewise were no lesse in the Towne seeing they were besieged from the top of the Mountayne and from the foote and hauing but one way they could hardly draw vnto them that which was necessary Thus either Party persisted one against another with extreame obstinacy Suffring great extremities and running into great dangers Finally they purchased a sacred Crowne not as Fabius sayth as Men weakned and tyred but constant and not vanquished For before that one party ouercame the other although the War continued two yeares yet beganne to haue an end by another meanes Finally the Affaires of Erix and the forces were in this estate You may imagine that these two Common-Weales did like vnto Rauening Birds fighting among themselues vnto the last gaspe For although that sometimes their flight fayled them for want of breath yet they repulse the assaults with great courage vntill that hiding themselues willingly they fled away easily this done some take their flight before the rest In like manner the Romanes and the Carthaginians tyred with toyle grew cold in their continuall combats abating their forces for the ordinary charges And although the Romanes had abandoned the combats at Sea almost for fifteene yeares aswell for their mis-fortunes as for that they did hope to make an end of this Warre by the Army at Land yet seeing their designe not successefull considering likewise the courage of Amilcar they conceiued a third hope in their Forces at Sea They aduised well that if their designe were successefull it would be a meanes to make an end of their Affaires the which in the end they effected First they left the Sea yeilding vnto their mis-fortunes And for the second time for that they had bin vanquished neere vnto Trypanum and finally at the third time they were of another humour by the which being Victors they cut off the Victuals from Erix and made an end of the Warre This attempt for the most part was like a Combate of great courage for the publicke Treasure vnable to furnish this charge But the Citizens contributing euery Man vnto his power many together built a Quinquereme supplying the necessary expences so much the peoples hearts were iâ—flamed to Armes and to augment the Romane Empire By this meanes they made a preparation of two hundred Quinqueremes after the patterne of the Rhodien the which as we haue sayd had beene taken before Lylibeum Wherefore they afterwards gaue the commaund vnto Lucius Luctatius Consull and sent him in the Spring against the Carthaginians who being suddainly arriued in Sicily with his Army tooke the Port of Trepanum at his entry and all the rest which were about Lylibeum In the meane time all the Carthaginians ships retired to their Captaine Afterwards hee indeauoured to take Trepanum with his Engins and other things necessary to force a Towne But for that the Carthaginians Army at Sea was not farre off they had a remembrance of things past and of what importance the knowledge of the Sea was he was not idle nor negligent causing his Rowers and Marriners to bee continually kept in practice not suffring any one to be idle By this meanes the Souldiers in a short time were inured to the Sea The Carthaginians contrary to their hope hauing newes of the Roman Army at Sea presently prepared their ships and rraighted them with Corne other Munition to the end the besieged within the Towne of Erix should not haue any want of things necessary Hanno had the charge of this Army who past first to the Island of Hieronesus and from thence he made haste to sayle aboue the Enemy to Amilcars Campe to discharge his ships and to victuall it But Luctatius being aduertised of their comming and doubting of their enterprize for it was not hard to coniecture made choice of the ablest men of the Army at Land and failed directly to the Island of Eguse which is not farre from Lylibeum Then hauing giuen courage to the Souldiers he makes a Proclamation that euery man should be ready the next day to fight Three daies after the Consull seeing at the breake of day that the wind was good and prosperous for the Enemy and contrary to his Army and that the Sea was much troubled with a storme he was
moreouer seeing they were all turned to their Ruine found themselues suddainly in great difficulties not knowing which way to turne them And they found them the more desperate for that they had hapned contrary to all opinion It is true they were in hope after they had beene tyred with the long Wars of Sicily and had in the end made a peace with the Romans that they might rest for a time and take breath but it succeeded otherwise Beleeue me this War suddainly kindled was more dangerous than the other For that in the first they did not fight with the Romans but for the Conquest of Sicily but in this they were forced to vndergoe the danger for themselues for their families and their Country Moreouer they were vnfurnished of Armes of a Fleete at Sea and of Equipage for shipping for that they had lost many in their battels at Sea They had no more hope of Tributes nor in the succours of their friends and Allies Finally they saw then what difference there was betwixt a Forraine and Transmarine War and the mutiâ—y of a ciuill sedition of which mischiefe vndoubtedly they themselues were the cause For in their first War they did Lord it ouer the people of Affricke with too great Tyranny and coâ—etousnesse for that they were of opinion they had good cause so as they leuied a full moiety of all their fruites They also doubled the Tributes and did not pardon those which had offended through ignorance They gaue Offices not to such as were milde and gracious but to those which augmented the publicke Treasure although they had tyrannized the people like vnto Hanno of whom we haue spoken By this meanes it hapned that the people of Affricke seemed glad to Reuolte not onely at the perswasion of many but at a simple Messenger There is nothing more true that euen the Women of euery Towne conspired for that in former times they had seene their Husbands and Children led into seruitude for that they had not payed the Tribute so as they made no reseruation of their goods which they had remayning but moreouer they did contribute their Iewels a hard thing to belieue to supply the payment of the Souldiers By this meanes Matho and Spendius gathered together so great a quantity of siluer as it was not onely sufficient to satisfie the promises which they had made to the Souldiers from the beginning of the Conspiracy but they had more than was needfull to mannage the War Wherefore a wise man must not looke vnto the present time but also vnto the future And although the Carthaginians were enuironed on all sides with so many miseries yet they fainted not but gaue the conduct to Hanno for that formerly they held he had ended the Warre neere vnto Hecatontophylon of those Souldiers they could leuie in this necessity of time They also armed the young men of the Towne and caused their Horses to be practised They repaired the remainder of their ships and old Triâ—emes and caused new to be made In the meane time Matho and Spendius to whom three score and ten thousand armed men of Affrica had ioyned after they had deuided their Army in two as wee haue said held Bisarthe and Hippona bâ—sieged yet not abandoned their Campe neere vnto Tunes By this meanes all Affricke was shut vp to the Carthaginians You must vnderstand that Carthage is seated vpon a Promontory which aduanceth into the Sea and is in forme of an Island but that it ioynes vnto Affricke by a little space of land In regard of the Citty it is enuironâ—d of the one side by the Sea and on the other by Marishes The breadth of the Countrey whereby it is ioyned to Affricke containes not aboue three miles whereof the Towne of Bisarthe is not far off from that siâ—e which looks towards the Sea And that Tunes ioynes vpon the Marishes The Enemies hauing planted their Campes at Tunes and Bisarthe tooke from the Carthaginians the rest of Affricke and making courses sometimes by Day and sometimes by Night vnto the walles of the Citty they gaue them great Allarums and put them in feare In the meane time Hanno made preparation of all things necessary for the Warre Hee was a diligent man and well practised in such things although that soone after hee had gone to field to finde the Enemy he committed an act of little iudgement in not discerning the times You must vnderstand that assoone as he was sent to succour the besieged in Bisarthe he forced the Enemies at the first charge being terrified with the multitude of Elephants but afterwards his conduct was so bad as hee drew the besieged for whose succours hee was come into great danger and extreame misery For when he had brought greaâ— prouision of all sorts of Engins for battery and had lodged his Campe neere vnto the Towne-walles hee fought with the Enemy who could not endure the violence of the Elephants Wherefore they abandoned the Campe with great losse of their men and retired to a little Mountaine strong of it selfe and full of Groues But Hanno who had not beene accustomed to make Warre but against the Numidians who after they haue once taken a flight doe seldome stay vntill the third day had no care to pursue them supposing he had gotten an absolute victory but entred into Bisarthe not thinking of any thing but to make good cheere But the Enemies hauing made Warre in Sicily vnder Amilcar and beene accustomed many times to flye before the Enemy and suddainly to charge againe the same day hauing newes of Hanno's retreate into Bisarthe and that the Campe as Victors was secure they assayled it by surprize and slew part of them the râ—st were forced to recouer the Towne to their great shame and ignominy All the equipage of Engins was taken without resistance It is true that this was not the onely misfortune which at that time did preiudice the Carthaginians by the folly of Hanno For some few dayes after when as the Enemies camped neere vnto Sorze and that an opportunity was offered to defeate him easily hauing beene twice in quarrell and twice in battell one against another as they are accustomed hee lost these two occasions by his folly and basenesse Wherefore the Carthaginians considering that Hanno did not mannage this War well they by a generall consent made Amilcar Captaine againe to whom they gaue three score and ten Elephants and all the Souldiers and Fugiâ—iues with some Horse-men and the young men of the Towne so as hee had about ten thousand Souldiers But assoone as he had marcht forth with his Army he presently by his admirable vertue brake the hearts of his Enemies and raised the siege of Bisarthe and then he shewed himselfe worthy of the glory which they had giuen him for his prowesse in times past and that hee was worthy of the hope which all men conceiued of him Behold wherein they first discouered his diferetion and
being of two hundred foote Finally they tied vnto these last two other long floats gently to the end they might bee easily vntied to the which were fastned certaine Cords wherewith they might drawe the Boats to the other Banke after they should bee vntied from the other floats Finally they couered them all with Earth to the end that the Elephants might march vpon them without feare as vpon the Land This Equipage being prepared they brought the Elephants who had beene accustomed to obey the Indians in all places but vpon the water by the meanes of two Females which marcht before vpon the floats as vpon the firme land which after they had past vnto the last which presently were vntied and were drawne by the Boats without any feare whilest they were all together But when as the last floate was separated from the rest and that they saw themselues carried vpon the water they made some shew of affrightment for the feare which they had of all parts for that the last fled from the water yet this feare made them quiet for that they saw nothing but water about them When the first were past they went to fetch the rest and past them Some of them tormenting themselues with feare fell into the Riuer and were retired safe although their Masters were slaine For in marching slowly and finding alwaies footing they recouered the other side of the Banke for that their waight kept them firme and by reason of their greatnesse they had their Tronks alwaies aboue the Riuer wherewith they might cast out the water if they had drunke any and so recouer their breath The Elephants being past Hannibal marcheth with them and all his Cauallery along the Rhone towards the firme land drawing all his prouisions in the meane time from the Sea The Rhone comes from three heads of Fountaines aboue the Sea of Venice taking their course towards the West and bending at the foote of the Mountaine something towards the North. Then it enters into the Lake of Geneua where it is not so violent and passing through the middest of it it tends to the Hyuernall West diuiding the Gaules in some sort and then taking its course towards the South it enters into the Sardinian Sea The Valesien Gaules inhabite that part which tends towards the North and on the South side is enuironed with the Mountaines which bend towards the North. And as for the Plaines which are about Poe whereof wee haue formerly spoken the Alpes separate them from the Rhone which beginning at Marseilles extend vnto the Gulfe of Venice The which Hannibal then past about that Countrey which lies neere vnto the Rhone and came into Italy Some Historiographers seeking in this passage to terrifie the iudgement of Readers doe not obserue that they fall into two strange errours contrary to the reason of the History For they are forced to write lies and actions quite contrary shewing Hannibal whom they will haue inimitable as well for his knowledge in Martiall affaires as for his great courage to be wholly voide of sense and reason And in the end when they cannot free themselues from their lies they haue recourse vnto the gods for their History made at pleasure For in making the passage of the Alpes so great and difficult so as not onely the Horse-men Baggage nor Elephants could not passe neither yet the Foot men lightly armed and that moreouer there is so great a Desart that if God or some Angell had not guided the Army without doubt it had perished in the Caues and hollow places they fall directly into two errours First where should you finde a Commaunder more sencelesse then Hannibal who hauing the charge of so many troupes and of so great an Army wherein consisted all his hope to preuaile in his enterprize knew neither the passages nor the places as they say nor which way hee should passe nor against whom For their meaning is that with so great a hope and with such a triumphant Army he should doe that which others after many Combats doe not attempt but through extreame despaire But what can be spoken more vnreasonable And whereas they say the places are desart and rough they shew themselues apparent liars They doe not say how the Gaules inhabiting the banks of Rhone before that time haue past into Italy not once nor twice Nor how in times past they haue past the Mountaines with a great Army against the Romans to succour and helpe the Cisalphin Gaules nor how that those Mountaines are very well peopled But as men ignorant hereof they say that I know not what God appeared to Hannibal and shewed him the way By this meanes they seeme rather Tragedians than Historiographers For euen as they which write Tragedies doe many time their Playes with the gods or some other inuention for that they haue taken a false and strange beginning Euen so these kinde of Historiographers are in the like paine For that taking false beginnings they are forced to fly to some gods or Heroes But how can it bee that from a false beginning the end should bee true Without doubt Hannibal hath not carried himselfe as they imagine but contrariwise like a wise and politique Captaine for hee duely considered the fertility of the Countrey whither hee went and the hatred of the Inhabitants against the Romans And he had to passe the Mountaines which is a hard and difficult thing the people of the Countrey for his guides whom he had already wonne against the Romans This we haue learned from those which were at that time imployed in affaires and wee our selues haue beene purposely to see the Alpes and therefore we haue written it the more boldly Three dayes after the Romans departed from the Bankes of Rhone Publius Scipio the Roman Consull being come to the Enemies Campe with a resolution to fight hee stood for a time amazed seeing the place voide For he made his accompt that the Enemy should neuer take that Countrey to passe into Italy as well for the difficulty of the way as for the multitude of Barbarians which held it But after he had well waighed the great courage of the Carthaginians he presently recouers his ship and drawes his Army together Then he sends his Brother into Spaine with part of his men to the end it should not be vnfurnished of Forces and himselfe takes his course towards Italy to encounter Hannibal at the descent of the Mountaines with more ease and safety Foure dayes after Hannibal arriued at Lisle a rich and fertile Countrey The which was so called for that the Riuers of Saone and Rhone falling from the Mountaines embracing a little quantity of Land runne together and make an Iland like in figure and forme to another that is in Egypt called Deâ—â—a It is true that that in Egypt hath on the one side the Sea with the which two Riuers ioyne But this hath rough and stony Mountaines which in
any paine or danger They are also very profitable to the other Cities of Greece And therefore the Grecians did honour and esteeme them worthy to whom they not onely giue thanks but they are bound to giue them Succours against the Barbarians as doing good to all men We haue thought good to shew the cause why this Citie is so happy for that there are many which know not the nature and property of the place and it hath beene alwayes our desire that such things might come to the knowledge of many and that if it might be they might be visible to the eye if not yet at the lest as much as should be possible they might be comprehended in the vnderstanding The Sea then which they call Pontique hath in circuit two and twenty thousand furlongs or there-abouts hauing two mouthes opposite one to the other whereof the one comes from Propontis and the other from the blacke Sea the which hath in circuit eight thousand furlongs But for that diuers great Riuers fall from Asia into it and more out of Europe it sometimes flowes into the Pontique Sea by its mouth and from thence into Propontis The Mouth of the blacke Sea is called Bosphorus Cimeriques and is thirty furlongs broad and threescore in length As for the mouth of the Pontique Sea it is called the streight of Constantinople whose length is not in euery place equall for from the Propontis the space betwixt Chalcedon and Constantinople containes foureteene furlongs and from the Pontique Sea the which they call Fanum scituated in Asia whereas Iason first as they sacrificed to the twelue Gods returning from Cholchos is distant from Europe tenne furlongs Moreouer they deliuer two reasons why the blacke Sea and the Pontique runne continually whereof the one is well knowne for that the water encreaseth by the multitude of Riuers which fall continually into it and hauing no other meanes to voide it it must of necessity encrease so as it is forced to passe away by its mouth The other is that the bottome is fill'd with aboundance of sand which the Riuers bring continually into it so as the water is forced to swell and so to passe away These are the true causes of their course which neede not the relation of Marchants to purchase credit but onely of naturall reason which is the truest testimony that can be found But seeing wee are fallen vpon this discourse wee must not omit any thing as many Historiographers doe to seeke out the secrets of Nature and wee must vse as much as possibly wee may a demonstratiue relation to the end wee may leaue nothing in doubt to those which desire to vnderstand Neither were it sitting in these times when as all things haue beene discouered to seeke the testimony of Poets or fabulous Writers in doubtfull things the which former Historiographers haue done By this meanes as Heraclides saith they haue not propounded testimonies worthy of credit in doubtfull things and which are in debate Wee therefore say that the Pontique Sea fills it selfe continually with sand which the Riuers bring into it and that in time it will be made euen with the land The like we say of the blacke Sea so as the scituation of places continue as wee see them at this day and that the causes of the sand which fall continually into it cease not For seeing the time is infinite and the bottomes whereof wee speake are enclosed with certaine limits it is manifest that by a long succession of time they would be fill'd vp by the descent of that which falls into them bee it neuer so little so as it continues And for that the sands which are brought into them are of no small quantity but in a manner infinite it is apparent that what wee say will soone happen and wee see it partly already for that the blacke Sea is in a manner fill'd vp for the greatest depth hath not aboue fiue fathome or seauen at the most wherefore they cannot saile without great Ships vnlesse the Marriners towe them off by their Masts And although in the beginning the blacke Sea was like vnto the Pontique in taste as the Ancients confesse Yet it is now a very sweete Marish for that the sea hath beene surmounted by aboundance of sands and the many sweete Riuers which fall into it The like will happen to the Pontique and begins already But it cannot be so easily discouered by reason of the great depth And yet if we shall obserue it well we shall finde it euident for there are made within it by the substance which by the descent is carryed for that the Danowe enters by many mouthes hills which the Marriners call Shelfes a daies iourney from the shore where many times in the night they suffer Shipwracke Behold the cause why these Shelfes are rather made farre within the Sea then neere the shore for the greater force the Riuer hath in their course driuing the waues into the sea it is necessary that the sand and other substance should be carried farre into it And whereas the violency of the Riuers ceaseth by reason of the depth of the Sea rather then by a naturall reason all the sands sinke and findes a bottome where it stayes Wherefore it happens that the shelfes of swiftest Riuers are found farthest into the Sea and their depth neere vnto the shore where as they which haue a slow course are not farre from the mouth Finally wee must not wonder at the great quantity of wood stone and sand which is carried into the Pontique Sea for that many times wee see a torrent or land flood ouerflowe a great Countrey in a short time carrying away earth and stone So as it sometimes happens there is such an alteration made of a great Countrey as in seeing it soone after we doe scarce know it Wherefore wee must not wonder if so many and such great Riuers fall continually into the Pontique Sea in the end fill it vp for this is not onely likely but also necessary if wee will diligently examine the reason the likelihood it should proue so is great for as much as the Pontique Sea differs from ours for that the blacke Sea is sweeter Wherefore it followes that when as the Pontique Sea hath past as much more time as the blacke for that it is of a greater depth it will be sweet and moorish like vnto it and the sooner for that there are more Riuers and greater fallen into it Wee haue spoken these things for those which thinke that the Pontique Sea cannot bee fill'd vp nor become moorish being now a full Sea Wee haue likewise done it for that Saylors report such variety of lyes to the end that like children we should not alwayes giue credit vnto them for that wee haue not visited the places and that hauing some knowledge of the trueth we may discouer whether that which they relate be true or false But let vs returne to the commodity
King did not hold the outrage which he had done by open Warre in seazing vpon the places of base Syrria to bee vniust or vnreasonable and that he had done nothing but by a iust title For he sayd that Antigonus with one eye and Seleucus who first had conquered those places were the true and lawfull Lords Wherefore the Realme of base Syrria belonged vnto him as it were by right of inheritance and not to Ptolomy For that Ptolomy had fought against Antigonus not for his owne right but to conquer those Countries for Seleucus Moreouer he propounded the mutuall accord betwixt the Kings for at such time as Antigonus was defeated when as Cassander Lysimachus and Seleucus would diuide the Realme betwixt them they adiudged all Syrria to Seleucus This was all that Antiochus alledged Contrariwise Ptolomes Embassadours laboured to produce their reasons making this present outrage far greater then it had bin saying that the accord had bin broken as wel by the treason of Theodote as by the descent which Antiochus had made with an Army into Syrria Moreouer they pretended Ptolomes possession saying that he had made Warre with Seleucus against Antigonus to the end he might conquer all the Empire of Asia for Seleucus and make Syrria and Phenicea his owne These difficulties with diuers others were many times debated betwixt them but they could not conclude any thing although matters were solicited by their common Friends for that the party of Acheus bred a great controuersie and debate betwixt them For that Ptolomy sought to comprehend him in the accord and Antiochus would not heare him spoken of holding it a strange thing that Ptolomy should presume to make mention of those who through Treason abandoned their King Finally the Embassadours departed without any effect In the Spring Antiochus vseth all diligence to leuie men with an intent to assaile Syrria both by Sea and Land and to make subiect all the other Countries of that Prouince But Ptolomy did no lesse to re-enforce the Army of Nicholas so as hee sent him store of victuals out of the Countries neere vnto Gaza furnishing him moreouer with Souldiers both by Sea and Land with other things necessary By meanes whereof Nicholas resuming courage went boldly to Field with the helpe of Perigene Commander of the Army at Sea being sent by Ptolomy with thirty ships of Warre and about foure hundred Merchants Vessels This Nicholas was borne in Etolia as able and resolute a Souldier as any that serued Ptolomy who after he had formerly gotten with a part of his Army the streights which lie neere vnto Platane and marching with the rest to Porphirrion he shut vp the passage of the Prouince from the King with the helpe of the Sea-army Antiochus being come to Marache and Embassadours arriuing from the Arcadians to conferre of the conditions of their Alliance he not onely receiued them courteously but freed the discord which had beene long betwixt them in reconciling the Arcadians which dwelt in the Iland with those that liued in Epirus This done hee comes to Berite entring into the â—rouince by a place which the Countrey-men call the Face of God in passing hee tooke the Towne of Botre setting fire vpon Triere and Calame From thence he sent Nicarche and Theodote before giuing them charge to gaine the streights which are neere vnto the Riuer of Dyce And with the rest of his Army he plants himselfe neere vnto the Riuer of Damure from whence Diogene Chiefe of the Army at Sea was not farre Then againe he takes those that were lightly armed whom hee had sent before with Nicarche and Theodote and goes to discouer the streights which Nicholas had formerly taken so as after hee had well viewed the places hee returned to his Campe. Where the next day hee left those that were best armed vnder the charge of Nicarche and marched with the rest against the Enemy And for that Mount Liban doth much restraine those places towards the Sea-shoare the way must of necessity be narrow difficult and almost inaccessible leauing a streight and short passage towards the Sea Whereas Nicholas hauing then built his Fort hee did hope he should be well able to repulse Antiochus For that he had put him selfe into it with a good number of Souldiers and had also fortified it with Engines and other defences The King diuided his Army into three Troupes whereof hee gaue the leading of the one to Theodote giuing him charge to fall vpon the Enemies which defended the way of the Mountaine Hee gaue another to Menedemus whom hee commanded to striue to get vp thâ— Mountaine And the third he placed on the Sea-shoare vnder the leading of Diocles. Hee put himselfe among the Baggage to see all and to succour where neede should require At the same time Diogenet and Perigene began to fight at Sea approaching as neere to Land as possibly they could so as they might see the Combats by Land and Sea with one view The Trumpets sounding to the charge the fight was long equall at Sea so as the Victory inclined to neither side for that the two Armies were equall in number of men and preparation of Warre In regard of the fight at Land Nicholas had the better in the beginning for that hee had the aduantage of the place But when as they which were with Theodote came vpon them from the top of the Mountaine and charged them with great fury Nicholas and his men fled shamefully There were two thousand slaine in the chase the rest saued themselues in Sydon And although that Perigene in shew had good hope of the â—ight at Sea yet seeing the defeate of the Army at Land he retired Antiochus drew his men together and went and planted his Campe neare vnto Sydon yet hee did not hold it fit to attempt the taking thereof at that time as well for the abundance of munition and victuals that were in it as for the multitude of men as well Inhabitants as such as were retired into it after the Battaile Wherefore he dislodged and went to Philotere sending word to Diogenet Chiefe of the Army at Sea to sayle to Tyre You must vnderstand that Philotere is seated neare vnto a Fenne into the which the Riuer which they call Iordan passeth then takes its course by the Countrey of that Towne which is called Scithes After the suddaine taking of these two Townes he enters into great hope for the future for that their Fields were sufficient to furnish his Army with all kind of victuals and other munitions for the war There he placed sufficient Garrisons and passing the Mountaines he came to the Towâ—e of Atabyre scituated vpon the Mountaine of Mastodia which hath fifteene Furlongs in ascent There laying an Ambush neare the Towne he began to draw the Inhabitants forth to fight who following his men who seemed to retire were in a manner all slaine they turning head And for that the Ambush charged them
and opprest the Subiects hee affected the Warre with an assured courage hauing no confidence in Fortune but in wise Councell When he arriued in Spaine he moued them all and hauing enquired of the Enemies actions he vnderstood that the Carthaginians Armies were diuided into three and that Mago made his abode within the Pillars of Hercules at certaine places called Conies And that Asdrubal the Sonne of Scone was neare the mouth of a Riuer by Portugale the other Asdrubal in the Carpentins Countrey held a City besieged Either of which places were many dayes iourney distant from the City of the Ceneteins Studying then whether he should resolue to giue Battaile vnto the Enemy if it were against all their forces he should be in danger to be defeated as well in regard of that which had befalne his Predecessors as for that their Armies were great If likewise he labourd to fight with the one it was to be feared that in flying the Battaile the other Armies would come and by this meanes hee should be inclosed falling into the like Disasters whereunto his Vncle Caius and his Father Publius had beene subiect Wherefore leauing this aduice when he vnderstood that Carthage was a great ease vnto the Enemies and would be a great annoyance to him in this Warre he considere of euery thing wintring among the Eilotes When he was aduertised in the beginning that it had Ports which might containe all the Sea-army of Spaine hauing likewise a Maritine scituation spacious and commodious for the Carthaginians for the Nauigation which comes from Lybia and likewise for that the Treasure and Baggage for the Army with all the hostages of Spaine were kept there adding thereunto the great aduantage for that the Fort had not aboue a thousand Souldiers in Garrison for that they neuer suspected that any man would presume to besiege it the Carthaginians being in a manner Maisters of all Spaine and that finally the rest of the people are in great number yet they were Artizans Mech annickes and Fishermen who had no great experience in the Warre He imagined that his comming to this City would be vnexpected with amazement He was not ignorant of the scituation of the Towne nor of its fortification nor likewise of the disposition of the Poole which things he had learned from Fishermen which had frequented the place This Poole was generally muddy and yet wadeable for the most part and withall the water retired daily about Sun-setting Wherefore concluding that if he preuailed in his Enterprize he should not onely annoy the Enemy but it would bee a great benefit for the Warre And if his aduice and councell succeeded well hee might preserue his Subiects as Maister of the Sea if he might once fortifie and strengthen his Army The which was easie for that the Enemies were far off Leauing therefore all other resolutions hee attends this during Winter And when he had once resolued being of the age we haue mentioned he concealed his resolution from all the World except to Caius Lelyus vntill he thought it fit to manifest it Although that Historiographers giue testimony of this resolution yet when they come to the end of the action they attribute this excellent worke to the Gods and to Fortune and not to him nor his wisedome without any probable arguments and the testimony of those which liued with him for that Scipio himselfe declares plainely in an Epistle which he had written to Philip that making vse of the aduice which wee haue mentioned he had vndertaken the Warre of Spaine and the siege of Carthage Moreouer commanding Lelyus secretly touching the Army at Sea he gaue him charge to saile aboue the City Hee alone was priuy to his designe as I haue sayd Himselfe taking the Troupes of Foote-men marcht speedily There were in the Army at Land about fiue and twenty thousand Foote and two thousand fiue hundred Horse Being come vnto the City on the seuenth Day hee planted his Campe on the North part and fortified it without with a double Rampire and Ditches from one Sea vnto the other without doing any thing towards the City The Nature of the place had fortification enough To vnderstand well how this City hath beene besieged and taken I hold it necessary in some sort to describe the neighbour Countries and its scituation It is seated in Spaine about the middle of the Maritine Region in the Gulfe which hath its aspect towards Affricke whose depth is about twenty furlongs and the breadth at the entrance about ten All this Gulfe makes a kind of Port where there lies an I and at the mouth of it leauing on either side a little entrance And when the Sea is troubled with any torment then all the Gulfe is calme but when the Westerne Winds of the Winter Solstice beating vpon the two entrances cause the storme But as for other Winds it is not troubled by reason of the firme Land which enuirons it Behinde the Gulfe there rises a Cape whereon the City is scituated enuironed with the Sea towards the East and South and with a Lake vpon the West and North so as the space which remaines from one Sea to another by the which the City is ioyned to the firme Land is not aboue two Furlongs In regard of the City one moiety of it is concaue and towards the South it hath the approach of the full Sea Finally it is full of Hills whereof two are rough and difficult the other three are very lowe but strong and hard to passe whereof the highest bends towards the East aduancing to the Sea There the Temple of Asclepie is built Right against the which is another of the same scituation whereon stands a sumptuous royall Pallace the which some say had beene built by Asdrubal affecting a Regall power The rest of the lesser Hills haue their tops towards the North. That of the three which lookes directly towards the East is called Phoste to the which is ioyned that of Alete It seemes that Pheste hath beene the inuentor of Siluer mettals and for this cause purchased diuine honours The third is called Croue In regard of the Lake ioyning to the Sea it hath taken its course by the worke of man for the benefit of Fisher-men and others trafficking by Sea But at the breach of the Banke by the which the Lake and Sea are diuided they haue made a Bridge to the end that Sumpters and Carts might bring things necessary from the Countrey This was the scituation of those places the Romans Campe was fortified in Front without any prouision as well by the Lake as Sea on either side In regard of the space which ioynes the City to the firme Land he did not fortifie it for that it was in the midst of his Campe to the end he might amaze the Citizens and make vse of it for Skirmishes and to sally forth and retire to his Campe. The Walles in the beginning had not aboue twenty Furlongs Although
the Thessaliens And when he had vsed a long Speech and deliuered other things of the same subiect In the end hee demaunded of Philip why Lysimachia being associated to the Etoliens and hauing a Commaunder of the Warre from them hee had chased him away putting a garrison into the Citty Why hee had spoiled the Cyaneins of the Etolien Burgeoiship being a friend to the Etoliens Moreouer vpon what colour he detained Escheins Thebes Phthie Pharsalia and Larrisse Hauing spoken this Alexander held his peace When as Philip had approached neerer to Land then before standing vpright in his ship sayd that Alexanders Speech was Etolique and that it was notorious to all the World that no man ruined those which were his companions in Armes and yet a Prince according to the occasion of times is many times forced to do things against his will The King vsing this Speech Phenee hauing a bad sight lookes oftentimes crosse vpon Philip saying that he told Fables and that he should eyther vanquish in fighting or else subscribe and obey the commaundements of the Victors And although that Philip were discontented yet hee omitted not his kinde of speech but turning to Phenee a blind man sayd he would see it He was in truth apt to Choller and it was it a manner bred in him to iest at the good Fortune of other men Then turning towards Alexander thou demaundest of me sayd he for what reason I haue taken Lysimachia To the end that thorough your negligence and basenesse it might not be ruined by the Thrasiens as then it happened hauing retired my Souldiers for the present being there for the defence thereof and not as thou sayst to take it In regard of the Cyaneins I made no Warreagainst them But when as Prusias assailed them in giuing him succours I tooke the Citie with him whereof you haue beene the cause For when as the other Cities of Greece and my selfe had required you often by Embassies to abrogate the Law which allowes you to take spoile vpon spoile You answered that wee must first take Etolia from Etolia then the sayd Law And when as Tytus wondred how that could be the King laboured to make him vnderstand it saying that the Etoliens had a Custome not onely to assaile those and their Country with whom they had Warre But also it is lawfull for them if their Allies be in Quarrell to assaile both the one and the other with their Regions and to hold them without any common decree And by this meanes the Etoliens haue neither Lawes of Friendship nor Hatred being ready to fall vpon those which are in controuersie for any Affaires Whereon then doe these men ground an accusation against me I was a friend to the Etoliens so was I allied to Prusias and I attempted against the Cyâ—neins to succour my Allies But behold a case of wonderfull discretion that they which haue made themselues Enemies to the Romans commaund the Macedonians to depart out of Greece Without doubt it is a very arrogant Speech If the Romans speake it it is tollerable if the Etoliens intollerable But out of what Greece would you haue me depart How do you limit it Are there not many Etoliens in Greece You shall see that the Agraeins Apodates and Amphiloqueins are not of Greece at the least you leaue them to me And when as Tytus smiled this sayd he shall suffice against the Etoliens And as for that which concernes the Rhodiens and Attalus we may with more iustice and equity require that they should rather restore to vs our Prisoners and Vessells then we to them We haue not assailed the Rhodiens nor Attalus first but they vs it is without contradiction Yet for thy sake we will restore Perea to the Rhodiens and to Attalus his shippes and men which are liuing In regard of the ruine of the Triumph of Victories and of Venus Temple we cannot repaire them And for that which concernes the Trees and Gardens I will send men to digge the ground and will giue order that the Trees which are cut may grow againe And when as Tytus smiled againe at the scoffe of Philip Philip addressing himselfe to the Acheins hee put them in minde at the first of the benefits and fauours they had receiued from Antigonus and himselfe Moreouer he laid open the many Honors which the Acheins had done vnto them Finally he hath read the Resolution of their reuolte in following the Romans party Vpon which occasion hee propounded many things against the preuarication and ingratitude of the Acheins Yet promising to restore them Argos In regard of Corinthe hee would conferre with Tytus After this Speech held to the rest he sayd to Tytus that hee was to speake to him and to the Romans whether he were of opinion that he should abandon the Cities and places which he had Conquered among the Grecians or else those which he had receiued from his Predecessors And when as Tytus held his peace Aristenes was suddainly ready to answere for the Acheins and Phenee for the Etoliens But when the houre was past the Time had closed vp their mouthes Philip required that hee might haue men giuen him to write downe all that was to do for the peace For when he was alone he sayd he had no man with whom conferring he might yeild a reason of the Actions wherewith they charged him And although that Tytus heard Philip willingly in his iest yet being loath to be discouered by others he gaue him a touch saying It is no wonder if thou beest alone Philip when thou hast slaine all those which gaue thee Councell The Macedonian vsing a Counterfeite smile held his peace Then they all gaue in Writing what they had demanded appointing another assembly for the day following at Nicea To which place Titus came with his Company where all the rest appeared but Philip came not And when as the day was farre spent and that Titus expected his comming no longer he armed at Sunne setting accompanied with the same men saying that he had spent the whole day in vexation and discontent for the difficulty of the things wherewith they charg'd him But according to the opinion of others he did it to frustrate by the shortnesse of time the accusation of the Acheins and Etoliens He had seene them the day before at his departure ready for their defence and to complayne of him Wherefore at his ariuall he intreated the Commander of the Romans to treat of this businesse with him in priuate to the end that in debating it they might not fall to any outragious words but draw it to some end When he had often intreated this Titus demanded of the Assistants their opinion what he should doe and when they all yeelded vnto it and that he should obserue his words hee tooke Appius Claudius a Captaine of a thousand and commanding the rest that retiring a little into the Sea they should stay there bidding Philip to come to Land
a thousand signes and tokens foresee deuising sufficient remedier to auoid it But when a warre is mannaged by Iudgement and discretion as it is requisite the shewes are commonly contrarie to that which they pursue Wherefore the more an Enterprize is dissembled and keept secret the more easie it is to put in execution Finally if wee will confesse the truth it is a profession which among all others requires the greatest vigilancie a continuall Care with an incredible diligence whereof a good Iudgement must haue the conduct that by coniecture drawne from things formerly practized or from a probability of that which hee sees hee may soone after iudge of the Enemies resolution and finally attempt and hope for a victory And although it hath beene alwaies held that Money is the sinewer of Warre yet I hold its force without Conduct like vnto that of a strong able Man opprest with a deepe sleepe whose senses haue made their retreate for his rest So there is nothing so strong nor so quicke in this world as the sense of man Nor any thing so powerfull and terrible which the vnderstanding doth not master and subdue And therefore wee say commonly in France that wit is better than force Yet I know that Courage is a great aduantage and necessary for a souldier but especially for a Generall But I feare that for want of Iudgement and a good consideration it makes them not sometimes ouer-weening and carelesse of danger So as many times it giues occasion to a weake and cowardlie Enemie to vndertake a Victory and to performe the Act of a valiant man Wherefore courage without conduct and vigilancie is alwayes subiect to Ambushes and shamefull flights which are inconuentenees whereof a Coward is alwaies warie for that feare makes a Man vigilant and carefull But was there euer Nation more hardie nor more warre-like nor that more carefully obserued the ordinances of warre than the Romanes How then did Hannibal defeate them so often not onely in Encounters but in pitcht Battailes and in the open field by his great Iudgement and his subtile pollicies In what feare and with what admiration hath the fury of the Gaules beene held in old time by all Natioâ—s who parting from their owne Countrey and Townes to seeke new habitations haue conquered land in diuers Countries by Armes building Townes not onely in Italy their Neighbour but also in Germany and in the end in Greece and Asia Who hath defeated and quite ruinated them in a short time but their owne Consideration and an ouer-weaning confidence in their force and courage I hold for certaine which you know well that it is not sufficient for a Prince or Generall to haue his Armie compleate with foote and horsemen how resolute soeuer and with all necessary prouisions for a warre No more than for a Souldier to haue youth strong and actiue Members a daring courage and compleate furniture Hee must haue to vanquish the which many times the vanquished improperly call mis-fortune that piece of harnesse so well steeled which wee call Iudgement or a good conduct Beleeue mee that like vnto a horse when hee hath taken the â—it betwixt his teeth forcing his Master flies without feare thorow Woods Rockes and Precipices with the danger of his life bee hee neuer so nimble and couragious so a hardie and resolute souldier doth easily his owne ruine if hee wants conduct and Iudgement You must vnderstand that as the body requires Exercise to preserue in health and to make it actiue and hardened to indure labour and paine so the vnderstanding in like manner desires to bee exercised and imployed either by the consideration of things past or by those which are visible It is true that those which are seene by the eye haue a greater viuacitie and a stronger impression than those which are past For that liuing things are of greater force than dead Yet if we shall duely consider the length of time which the experience of a thousand kind of pollicies which warre requires before that a wise Man will dare to aduenture himselfe in a bold and hardie Enterprize wee shall finde that the knowledge of the antient warres which haue beene left vs in writing will bee of no small consequence vnto him For besides the assurance of danger hee may in a short time see by Historiographers the great and wonderfull exploits of the Antient in a manner since the Creation of the world to pleasure and contentment from them with some Encouragement to doe aswell or better hereafter You know well that the warre which is seene by the eye is not alwaies made betwixt warre-like people nor vnder resolute Commaunders that are skilfull in their profession so as it is a difficult thing vnder such to see any valiant exploits nor Enterprizes attempted with good inuention nor well executed Wee say commonly in France that the Combate is dangerous when as courage fights against courage So is it credible that when an Army consisting of warre-like men is vnder the leading of a wise and resolute Commander hauing in front an Enemy equall vnto him in all degrees there must needes bee valiant exploits performed with hardy Enterprizes wisely mannaged If there haue beene any warres attempted by fierce and warlike Nations and gouerned by wise and famous Captaines beleeue me this present Historiographer hath vsed great diligence to set them downe in writing Labouring only to mention the deedes and valour that was most worthy of Relation that with the pleasure and contentment which they may reape in reading them they may draw some instructions and meanes not to fall into the inconuiences of warre into the danger whereof many times both Captaine and souldiers may bee ingaged through want of experience good aduice and councell So as among others you shall see Enterprizes of the Romanes against the Carthaginians for the conquest of Sicily During the which there were many Encounters and cruell battailes as well by Sea as land You shall likewise reade the furious Combat of the Gaules against the Romanes And moreouer the warre betwixt Cleomenes and Antigonus for Morea the which Philip the Sonne of Demetrius tooke afterwards And besides many other notable exploites which at this present I will forbeare you shall see the Conquests which Hannibal made in Spaine with his incredible voiage into Italie performed in his younger yeeres and his victories gotten of the Romanes with such pollicie and wisedome as it is a difficult thing if wee shall consider the people and number of his Armie hauing regard to courage and power of those with whom hee had to deale to iudge truely whether there were euer Captaine in the memory of man that may with reason bee compared vnto him Finally my Masters I doe not promise you in this History those miraculous Battailes which exceed the apprehension of man performed in the Kingdome of Logres nor I know not what Quest of that barking Beast Make your accompt that you shall not finde any Tract or marke of
of innouation whensoeuer they sent their Souldiers and Commanders out of the Countrey and that Leptine was a man of great reputation and of more credit then any other of the Cittizens and that he was very pleasing vnto the Multitude he held it fit to make an alliance with him to the end he might leaue some report in the Citty for him whensoeuer he should goe to the VVarre and lead an Army out of the Countrey Hauing therefore taken the Daughter of Leptine to VVife knowing well that the old band of forraigne Souldiers were changeable and subiect to mutinies he led his Army of set purpose against the Barbarians who held the Citty of Messina And hauing seated his Campe neere to Centoripe and put his men in battell close vpon the Riuer of Ciamossure he stayed in a place apart all the Horse and Foote of his owne Nation as if he meant to charge the Enemy on the other side suffering the forraigne Souldiers to be defeated by the Barbarians and whilest the others fled he makes his retreate safely with all the Saragossins to the Citty When he had by this pollicy brought his designe vnto an end and had freed his Army of all the Mutines hee makes a great leuy of Souldiers Soone after when as all things were settled in good order Hieron seeing that the Barbarians were growne too audacious and proud of their late Victory he parts from the Citty with an Army of his Countrey souldiers well trained and disciplined and making dilligence he came to Myle where along the Bankes of the Riuer of Longane he fought with them with all his forces Hauing vanquished them and taken their Captaines seeing their pride much abated by this Victory he returnes 〈◊〉 Saragosse with his Army and was by the generall fauour and consent of all the Cittizens saluted King by the Allies The Mamertins as we haue sayd being depriued of the succours of of the Romane Legion and hauing lost so great a Battell their hearts being broken they retire for the most part vnto the Carthaginians and yeeld themselues and their Fort The rest sent vnto the Romans deliuering their Towne vnto them and requiring succours as to those that were of the same Nation The Romans were long in suspence what to doe For they found it strange hauing lately punished their Cittizens so seuerely for violating their faith with the Rhegins to send succours now vnto the Mamertins who were guilty of the like crime They were not ignorant of all these things Yet considering that the Carthaginians had not onely drawne Affricke vnder their obedience by force of Armes but also many places in Spaine and moreouer all the Islands of the Sea of Sardinia and Italy they doubted that their Neighbour-hood would be dangerous if they made themselues Lords of the rest of Sicily They likewise vnderstood that it would be easie to effect if the Mamertins were not relieued And there was no doubt that if Messina had beene deliuered vnto them they would presently haue recouered Saragosse for that they held all the rest of Sicily And as the Romans considered these things they were of opinion that it was necessary not to abandon Messina nor to suffer the Carthaginians to make vnto themselues as it were a Bridge to passe into Italy at their pleasure This was long in debate yet it was not concluded in that assembly for it seemed vnto them as vnreasonable as profitable to relieue the Mamertins But as the Commons much weakned with their former Warâ—es seemed to haue need of rest so the Captaines shewing the great profit that might ensue they resolued to succour the Mamertins This Opinion being confirmed by the Commons presently they appointed Appius Claudius one of the Consuls to passe the Army into Sicily and to relieue the Mamertins who had put out of their Towne aswell by threats as pollicy the Captaine of the Carthaginians which as we haue sayd held the Fort. And they called vnto them Appius Claudius deliuering the Citty into his hands The Carthaginians hung him on a Crosse which had had the Guard supposing that he had yeelded it basely for feare and want of Courage Then suddainly they drew their Sea-army neere vnto Pellore and that at land about the Countrey called Sene holding by this meanes Messina streightly besieged In the meane time Hieron thinking to haue found a good opportunity to chase the Barbarians which held Messina out of Sicily followed the Carthaginians party And going from Saragosse he takes his way to the Towne and layes his Siege on the other side neere vnto Mount Calshidique By this meanes he tooke from the Townesmen all meanes to sally forth on that side But the Consull passing the Sea by night with great danger in the end he arriued at Messina where seeing the Enemy round about it and that this Siege was as dishonourable vnto him as dangerous for that the Enemies were the stronger both by Land and Sea he desired first to try by Embassies sent to both Camps if it might be possible to pacifie things so as the Mamertins might be freed But the Enemies not vouchsafing to heare them he was in the end forced to vndergoe the hazard and resolued first to giue battell to the Saragossins He therefore causeth his Army to march and put it in battell to the which the King likewise came speedily But after that Appius had fought long in the end he preuailed ouer his Enimies pursuing them into their Fort. The Consull after the spoile of the dead retires into the Citty and Hieron being frustrate of all hope recouered Saragosse speedily the Night following The next day Appius Claudius aduertised of the flight of the Saragossins and hauing resumed courage and confidence he had no will to stay but to goe and fight with the Carthaginians Wherefore he commanded his men to be ready and the next day he past early and chargeth his Enimies whereof some were slaine and the rest forced to saue themselues in the neighbour-townes By this meanes the Siege being raiâ—ed he rauaged and spoyled the Countrey to Saragosse and their Allies without danger And after that he had ruined all in the end he besieged Saragosse Behold then for the causes aboue mentioned the first Voyage which the Romane Army made out of Italy And for that we haue held it fit for the entrance of our designe we haue made it our beginning in looking somewhat backe to the times past to the end we may not leaue any occasion of doubt vpon the causes we shall yeeld And in truth I haue held it necessary to declare first at what time and by what meanes the Romans being in extreame danger to lose their Countrey began to grow fortunate And when likewise after they had subdued Italy they began to conquer other Countries to the end that the greatnesse of their Empire which was since may seeme more likely in knowing the beginnings No man must
crossed and troubled for the reasons aboue mentioned the more beneficiall and fortunate it was for the Carthaginians For they might easily discouer the Enemies and all the Engines and if they they cast any thing against the Romans or their Engines the Winde draue it with great violence and made the blow more forcible Finally the fire was so great as the foundation whereon the Towers were set were burnt and the Heads of the Rammes consumed The Consuls after this had no more care to repaire their Engines resoluing to carry the Towne by a long siege in causing a great Trench with a Rampiâ—r to be cast vp round about it and there Campe with a resolution not to raise the Siege before they had taken it When as they of Lylibeum had rampired all places necessary they indured the Siege with great courage But after the Romans had receiued newes of this Disaster the Senate caused ten thousand men to bee raised which they sent into Sicily to refresh their Army for that many had died at this siege and their Army at Sea was bare of Men These faild first vnto the Port then they marcht by Land vnto the Campe before Lylibeum Appius Claudius being now Consuil and chiefe of the Army and the other Consuls vpon their returne to Rome seeing the Succours also arriued assembled the Captaines and let them know that in his Opinion it was time to sayle to Tripanum with all their forces by Sea to surprize Adherball the Generall of the Carthaginians nothing doubting of the Succours which were newly arriued into Sicily and would neuer conceiue that the Romane Army would put to Sea after so great a losse of men during the siege of Lylibeum When as this aduice was approued by the Captaines hee made choice of some out of the old and new Bands and furnished all his ships with the ablest men in the whole Army who imbarked most willingly for that the Voyage was short and the promises great Being then ready they parted at mid-night vnknowne to the Enemy and sayled directly vnto Tripanum But at the breake of day being neere the Towne and they discouering that they were Romane ships Adherball recouered his spirits and assured himselfe although thaâ— at the first hee was amazed at their â—uddaine arriuall resoluing to try the fortune of the fight and to vndergoe the hazard rather then to be besieged shamefully in the Port. Wherefore he presently caused their Oares to imbarke and caused the Trumpet to round to draw the Souldiers together shewing them in few words according to the necessity of the time that if they did their duties there was hope of Victory But if they refused to fight he layed them before the miseries of men besieged And when as the Souldiers made shew of resolution crying oâ—t that hee should make no stay to march against the Enemy then Adherball commending their forwardnesse causeth them all to imbarke giuing them charge to haue an eye vnto his ship and that they should follow with courage Presently after hee parts first our of the Port as he had said on the contrary side to the Romans But the Consull seeing the Enemies contrary to his hope not to abandon the place nor ready to flye but seeking the Combat with great heate hee called backe his shippes whereof some were already in the Port others at the entry following them neere And when as the first turned head according to the Consulls commaund and that the rest which followed farre off made hast to enter into the Port they fell foule one vpon another at the entry and at the comming foorth so as the Romans were in danger to haue lost all Finally after the Vessells had recouered the open Sea the Captaines Ranked themselues along the shore one after another turning their Prowe to the enemy But the Consull who from the beginning had alwayes followed the Army made the left Wing casting himselfe into the open Sea In the meane time Adherball hauing gotten aboue the left Wing of the Romans with fiue Vessells and turning the Prowe to the enemy he fortified himselfe by the Sea commaunding other foure which followed him to do the like When they were thus in Front against the enemy he giues them a signe to charge the Romanes whose ships as we haue sayd were Rank'd along the shore It is true they had done it to the end that the enemies Vessells which should part out of the Port might be incountred with more ease The battell was long and furious so as the danger seemed equall without doubt they were the choyce men of both the Armies at Land Yet the Carthaginians had alwayes the better for that their Vessells were lighter their men more expert in Rowing and moreouer they were in the open Sea where they might turne vp and downe at their pleasure If any one were neere prest by the Enemy he knew how to sauâ— himselfe suddainly by the lightnesse of his ship And if the Enemies pursued him many others turning presently together compassed and hemb'd them in by their lightnesse By this meanes they spoiled them much and sometimes sunke them And if any one of their companions were in danger they relieued him easily without perill sailing in the open Sea Contrariwise the shore neere vnto the Romanes did annoy them much for being forced in a streight they could not Retyre in necessity nor defend themselues nor succour them that were prest nor passe beyond the Enemies to charge them againe Which is a mâ—st requisite thing in fighting at Sea For that they were closed vp in a streight and their Vessells were heauy and their Marriners vnskilfâ—ll in Sea causes nor well practised to Rowe The Consull seeing that all went from â—ad to worse some of his ships being broken vpon the shore others sunke and finally being voide of all hope he flyes away first There were about thirty Vessells remayning of the whole Army which by chance were neere him and followed him all the rest to the number of fourescore and thirteene were taken by the Carthaginians Moreouer all the â—ands of men were taken except those which 〈◊〉 by the Wracke Adherball was in wonderfull great esteeme among the Carthaginians for this Victory hauing well mannaged the Affaires by his onely Wisdome and great Courage Whereas on the other side Appiâ—s Claudius was infamous and indured a thousand iniuries by the Romane people for that he had carried himselfe so indiscreetly and had drawne the Romane Common-wealth into so great danger Finally being Deposed from the Consulship he dyed by the hand of Iustice with great ignomy and shame And although the Romans were very sensible of this great Defeate yet like Men of great Courage and Resolution they suddainly prepare a Fleete at Sea with a new Leuy of Men and send Lucius Iunius the Consull into Sicily to whom they giue charge to Relieue the Campe before Lylibeum and to carry them Victualls and other necessary Munitions He saiâ—'d
long in suspence what he should doe but suddainly he resolued that if his men came to fight during the storme he should haue nothing to doe but with Hanno and his Army at Sea and with ships that were laden and incumbred But if he should delay the fight vntill the Sea were calme he should haue to deale with ships that were light and very swift and with the choice of the Land souldiers and moreouer with the courage of Amilcar who was then held to be very terrible Finally he resolued to fight with the Enemy notwithstanding the storme and the contrary Winde The Carthaginians comming with full sayle he put himselfe before them with his Army ready and in battell When the Carthaginians saw their course to bee hindered by the Enemy and their ships in battell they strooke saile and prepared to fight where they charged of either side with great courage But for that things were mannaged in another manner than when they were defeated at the battell of Trepanum it was no wonder if that their Affaires had another successe In regard of the Romans their ships were very light and free from all incombrance but of that which was necessary for the Warre Their Rowers had beene long practised and were therefore eager and ready to fight They had also made choice of the best men in their Army at Land the which fell out contrary with the Carthaginians Their ships were laden and therefore vnfit to fight Their Rowers and Marriners were men gathered together by chance and not accustomed to the War their Souldiers were also new and had not seene any thing for they had no more care for the affaires at Sea imagining that the Romans would not attempt any thing more at Sea And therefore as soone as the Battell began the Romans had the Victory whereas fifty of the Carthaginians ships were broken or sunke and three score and ten others that were laden taken The rest set sayle and got the Winde and recouered Hieronese with incredible swiftnesse by a suddaine change of the Winde After the Battell the Consull retired to Lylibeum with his whole Army whereas the booty and Prisoners were deuided amongst the Souldiers For besides the dead there were aboue ten thousand men taken The Carthaginians amazed at this heauy and great defeate found themselues troubled for many reasons although their minds were alwayes inclin'd to Warres First they had no meanes to victuall those that were in Sicily after the defeate of their Army at Sea Considering that their Enemies were Maisters of all the Sea Moreouer they imagined that it would be a Traiterous act to suffer their Generall and the Souldiers which had serued their Common-wealth to be lost In regard of continuing the War they had neither Men nor Captaines to mannage it wherefore they sent a Man to Amilcar and gaue him full power and Authority to doe what he should thinke fitting for the good of the Common-weale Amilcar performed the duty of a good and wise Captaine For whilest there was any hope in the Carthaginians affaires he neuer complained of his paines nor auoided perill but being a man of great industry and courage he thrust himselfe continually into all dangers to vanquish aswell as any of the other Captaines But when as he saw there was no more hope in the Carthaginians affaires hee sent Embassadours to the Consull to treate vpon an accord yeelding wisely and discreetly vnto the time For wee must know that the duty of a good Captaine consists aswell in considering of the time not onely to vanquish but also to strike sayle Whereunto Luctatius did willingly giue care knowing well the necessities which the people of Rome endured by this tedious War Finally a peace was thus concluded that the Romans and Carthaginians should line in amity and friendship if the people of Rome would consent vnto it And that the Carthaginians should leaue all Sicily Neither should they hereafter make War against Hieron nor against the Saragossins or their Allies and that they should restore all the Prisoners without ransome And moreouer they should pay thirteene hundred and twenty thousand Crownes within twenty yeares These Articles were sent to Rome which the people notwithstanding would not yeeld vnto but committed ten men with power from them who were sent into Sicily Being arriued they altered nothing of the treaty of peace but the time of payment which they shortned augmenting the summe with 600000. Crownes more Moreouer they did articulate that they should not onely dislodge out of Sicily but also out of all the Islands which are betwixt it and Italy Behold the end of the first Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians for Sicily It continued foure and twenty whole yeares and hath beene the longest and the greatest that was euer heard spoken of During the which I omit other things worthy of memory they haue fought at one instant with aboue fiue hundred Quinqueremes on both sides Afterwards with not much lesse then seauen hundred The Romans haue lost seauen hundred Quinqueremes besides those which at sundry times the torments haue sunke and the Carthaginians about fiue hundred Wherefore they which formerly haue admired Armies aswell by Land as Sea and the Combats at Sea of Antigonus Ptolomey and Demetrius haue reason to cease considering the great deeds of the Romans and Carthaginians But if they will consider how great a difference there is betwixt the Quinqueremes and Triremes whereof the Persians made vse against the Grecians and which the Athenians and Lacedemonians vsed in their Warre they shall vndoubtedly see that there was neuer seene such great forces fight at Sea wherefore that appeares plainely which we haue propounded in the beginning that the Romans haue not onely indeauoured to conquer the vniuersall Empire by vallour but they haue also accomplished their desire not by good Fortune as some Grecians suppose nor by chance but by a wonderfull experience and practice in such great affaires Although that some may demaund how it happeneth that the Romans who are at this day farre greater Lords both at Land and Sea considering that they held in a manner the Empire of the whole world cannot draw together so many Vessels nor rayse so great an Army at Sea at one instant The reason will be easie when they shall let them vnderstand what the Romane Common-wealth was what their Lawes and their manner of liuing although it will not be profitable neither for vs nor for the Readers of our Workes to make mention of things which concerne not our purpose Without doubt the Reasons are great the which notwithstanding in my Opinion no man hath knowne vnto this day by the errour of Historiographers Whereof some knew not what they wrote and if others vnderstood them they haue made them obscure and vnprofitable If they would duely consider this War they shall finde that the courage and power of these two great Citties were equall First their desire was alike they had the same
making a shew to refresh themselues with water and victuals they resolued to take the Towne They of Durazo being confident and fearing nothing suffered them to enter without Armes vnder colour of water and victuals although their true intent was to take the Towne by Treason But when they â—aw themselues within the Towne they tooke their Armes which they had hidden in their vessels for water and killing the Guards at the Gate made themselues Maisters thereof Those in the ships â—eing ready entred in like manner and seized vpon a great part of the Walles And although that they of the Towne were much amazed at this great and suddaine accident yet they made a long resistance defending themselues valiantly so as the Sclauonians were forced to retire By this meanes it happened that the Durazins who were in danger to lose themselues and their Citty by their negligence after they had escaped the perill by their vertue did afterwards settle a better order in their affaires The Sclauonian Captaines weighed Anchor presently and put to Sea ioyning with those who as wee haue sayd went to Câ—rfue and made haste ioyntly to besiege the Towne They of Corfue being thus suddainly surprized and not finding themselues strong enough sent to craue aide from the Acheins and Etoliens the like they did to them of Appolonia and Durazo intreating them not to suffer them to bee thus shamefully chased away from their naturall Countrey by the Barbarians who hauing pitty of their fortune armed ten ships of Warre of the Acheins and within few dayes after sayled to Corfue hoping to raise the Barbarians siege at their comming But the Illirians hauing recouered seuen Vessels armed from the â—carnanians with whom they had made a league marched against the Acheâ—ns whom they encountred neere vnto the Islands which they call Paxes and there they fought The Acarnanians and the Acheins ships fought equally and continued long firme onely their men were wâ—â—nded But the Illirians interlaced themselues with their Enemies who were tied foure together and enuironing them they hindred them much Then the Enemies Vessels were much troubled being peirced and grapled withall their Spurs being fastned to the Sclauonians Vessels who entred them with fury and vanquished them easily by reason of their multitude By this meanes foure Quadriremes of the Acheins were taken by the Illirians and one Quinquereme sunke and all that was in it In the which was Marcus Caryneus a man of great esteeme among the Acheins who had alwayes performed his duty well for the Countrey But when as they which fought against the Acarnanians saw that the Illirians had the Victory they fled relying much in the lightnesse of their Vessels And saued themselues from the Battell retiring to their houses The Sclauonians growing proud of this Victory besieged the Towne more boldly than they had done They of Corfue hauing no more hope after they had maintained the siege for a season in the end yeelded it to the Illirians receiuing their Garrison and Demetrius of Pharos their Captaine After which the Illirian Captaines returned to Durazâ— and besieged it In the meane time the Roman Consuls Caius Fuluius with an Army at Sea of two hundred ships and Anchus Posthumus with the Army at Land parted from Rome So as Fuluius came to Corfue thinking that the siege had continued still But when hee saw that hee came too late for that the Illirians were within it hee resolued to passe on as well to vnderstand what had beene done as to try what Opinion they had of Demetrius And for that he had vnderstood that his Enemies had brought him in disgrace with the Queene and that hee feared her fury he had sent men to Rome to promise theâ—â— the Towne and whatsoeuer he held They at Corfu being ioyfull at the Romans arriuall deliuered vnto them by the consent of Demetrius the Towne and the Illirian Garrison Finally they put themselues vnder their protection hoping that by this meanes they should bee no more subiect to the outrages of the Illirians When the Romans had receiued them into league they sayled to Apolonia whither Demetrius guided them At the same time Ancus Posthumus caused his Land-army to imbarke at Brunduzium being about twenty thousand Foote and two thousand Horse all which met at Apolonia the which being yeelded they sayled to Durazo for that they had newes the Illirians had besieged it who being aduertised of the Romans comming they raised the siege for feare and fled here and there When the Romans had receiued them of Durazo into friendship they sayled on into Sclauonia taking many Townes in their way and shut vp the Sardiens In the meane time there came an Embassie from Parthenia to the Romans giuing themselues and their Citty vnto them Who being receiued with the Antitanes they tooke their way to Isse hauing vnderstood that the Illirians held it besieged where they entred after they had raised the siege After which they tooke many Townes in Sclauonia by force wherein they lost not onely many Souldiers but also some of their Tribunes with the Questor neere vnto Nutria They tooke twenty of the Illirian shippes which serued them to victuall their Campe. In regard of those which were within Isse they were all defeated and fled to Narente except those which were of Pharos which were giuen to Demetrius Queene Tâ—uca with a small company retired to Rhyzon a strong Towne and farre distant from the Sea seated vpon the Bankes of the Riuer of Rhyzon When the Consuls had put many Townes and great Seigâ—uries into the hands of Demetrius they returned to Durazo with their Armies both at Sea and Land From thence Caius Fuluius returned to Rome with the greatest part of both Armies But Posthumus stayed at Durazo whereas he riggd forty Vessels and after hee had leuied men in the neighbour Countries he setled his Garrisons hauing in his company the Ardienses and all the rest that were allied to the Romans When the Spring came Teuca sent an Embassie to the Romans to treate a peace the which in the end shee obtained vpon these conditions That shee should pay them a yeerely tribute and that shee shâ—uld leaue all Sclauonia except some petty places And as for that which concernes the Grecians shee might not sayle beyond Isse but onely with two ships without any furniture of Warre During these actions Posthumus sent an Embassie to the Cheins and Etoliens to aduertise them of the cause of the Warre and of the Romans voyage by Sea And to let them vnderstand what they had done and to reade the conditioâ—s of the peace Who after they had obeyed the Consuls commaund and had beene well receiued by these two people they returned againe to Corfue the Cittis of Greece being then freed from feare by this accord made with the Illirians For in those times the Illirians did not assault any one in particular but all the world in generall These are
Enemy into Italy and that leauing the affaires of the Prouince he should make hast to succour his Countrey After which newes Sempronius presently sends backe the Army by Sea giuing them charge to saile directly to Italy and he gaue the conduct of the Army by Land to the Tribunes appointing them a day when they should come to Rimeny It is a Towne seated vpon the Adriatique shore at the end of the Plaines which are about Poe towards the South By this meanes matters being altred and that all seemed to fall out contrary to the hope and opinion of the World euery man vsed diligence to prouide for the future The two Armies were now opposite one to another whereof the Commaunders for the time they had laboured to giue courage vnto their men But Hannibal striuing to encourage them vsed this meanes putting into the middest of the Army assembled together the Prisoners of the Mountaines who were in Chaines The which by their continuall toile and partly by his commaundment were growne leane and feeble for the better to attaine vnto his intention hee had caused them to haue great fetters and had in a manner starued them and finally had commaunded that they should bee cruelly beaten naked Hauing drawne them into the midst of his Army he caused armes to be laid before them after the manner of the Gaules and such as Captaines vse to arme themselues with when they fight single Combats he also gaue them Horses and Cassocks made with great Art Then he demaunded of the Prisoners which of them would fight man to man propounding to the Victor the afore said gifts and to the vanquished that by death he should be freed from his present miseries And as they all cried out that they were ready to fight Hannibal causeth Lots to be cast and makes two men to enter the list arm'd vpon whom the Lot had fallen The which the prisoners hearing they lifted vp their hands to Heauen praying vnto the gods that they would bee pleased to choose them for the Combate As soone as the Lot was cast they vpon whom it fell were wonderfully ioyfull and the rest remained sad and pensiue But when as the Combate was ended the other Prisoners did no lesse commend the fortune of him that was defeated then of the Conqueror Conceiuing that hee was freed from the great and many miseries wherewith they were tormented liuing The like thought the Carthaginians for in making comparison of the misery of the suruiuours and of those who fighting died valiantly they found the fortune of these men good and that of the others moued them to pitty When as Hannibal saw his Army moued to pitty at this spectacle he presently came into the midst of the assembly saying that hee presented it vnto them to the end they should make vse of the example of anothers mans fortune to consider of their owne for that they were to vndergoe the same Combate and that Fortune propounded vnto them the like time and the like rewards for they must of necessity liue or dye or fall into their Enemies hands aliue If they vanquished their spoile should bee more then a Horse or a Cassocke being the happiest men in the World after they had conquered the good fortune of the Romans And if in fighting they died like braue men they should end their liues with good hope free from all miseries and calamities But withall they must expect all miseries and pouerty if being vanquished they should flie with a desire of a longer life or with a resolution to seeke some other meanes to liue and that there is no man so voide of sence which thinkes if hee flies that his safe returne into his Countrey is possible if hee will remember the length of the way with the multitude of Combats which must bee maintained during the Voyage If hee likewise considers the narrow streights and so many troublesome Riuers which were to passe Wherefore it was needfull for them that in laying aside all hope of flight they should vse the like pitty to themselues in their affaires as they haue shewed lately in the example of other mens fortunes For as in the others they commended the fortune of the Victor and the vanquished and held those which remained miserable so they must iudge the like of themselues And therefore they must goe resolutely to the Combate to get an vnspeakable Victory or else to dye like braue men in battell if auerse fortune deny it them and that they must not expect that being vanquished they should finde any meanes of safety Finally if they march to the field with this resolution there is no doubt but the Victory and their safety is in their owne hands for there was neuer any man that haue fought with this intention or with a resolute courage or forced by necessity but hee hath preuailed ouer his Enemies And that this is very easie to doe when as all these things concurre together contrary vnto the Enemy as it happens this Day vnto the Romans For as their flight hath a manifest and an apparent safety in their houses which were neere them so the courage of desperate men will be found insupportable And when as after this Oration together with the example the Souldiers hearts were much inflamed to Warre and that their Generals comparison was pleasing vnto them Hannibal commending them sent them away and commaunded them to bee ready at the breake of day But after that the Consull Publiuâ—s Scipio hauing past the Poe had caused his Army to march to the Riuer of Tesin he commaunded a Bridge to be made by such as were skilfull and made a Speech vnto the assembly according to the opportunity of the time In the beginning he spake many things concerning the Maiesty of the people of Rome and the prowesse of their Ancestors But concerning the present affaires this was the substance They must of necessity sayd he hold the victory certaine although they had not yet tried their vallour with the Enemy But onely for that they were to fight with the Carthaginians Neither must they expect that they would dare to come to Battell against the Romans hauing in the last Warres so often beate them both by Sea and Land to whom they had also so long payed tribute and whose power they had so often tried And to the end I forbeare to speake of the times past why should men of iudgement doubt of the future seeing we haue some experience that they dare not looke vs in the face It is certaine that when lately the Roman Horse-men encountred the Carthaginians in Gaule on this side the Riuer of Rhone they not onely returned safe but they beate them backe into their Campe and that presently when as Hannibal and the Carthaginian Army found the Romans to be so neere they steale away in manner of a flight and passe the Mountaines otherwise then they had resolued in feare and amazement Now behold Hannibal who in passing
of the scituation of Constantinople as the length of the Sea which ioynes the Pontique and the Propontis hath sixe score furlongs and that Fanum limits the part which is from the Pontique Sea and Constantinople On the other which is from the Propontis there stands a Temple betwixt both which they call the refuge of Europe seated vpon a Promontory on the mouth of the Pontique Sea and is distant from Asia fiue furlongs It is scituated vpon the greatest streight of the Sea where as King Darius made a Bridge as they report at such time as hee made a descent against the Sythians From the Pontique Sea vnto this place the Waues runne equally for that the shores of either side are of one distance But when it comes to the refuge of Europe where as we haue said the Sea is narrowest the Water of the Pontique Sea beats violently vpon the opposite Country and those places of Asia which are right against it Then it doubles its course against the Promontory of Europe neere vnto the Altars and then it falls into the Country which the inhabitants call Oxe This stands in Asia whereas Io hauing past the Sea first staied as fables report Yet in the end it takes its course to Constantinople hauing bin beaten backe by the Oxe Whereas dispersing it selfe about the City it partly diuides it sylfe and seperates that place which they call the Horne and on the other side it flowes againe in its owne course Yet this violence cannot passe into that Country which is right against it where Calcedon stands For where as it makes so many turnings here and there and that the Gulfe is of no small breadth it failes in a manner in this place passing to the opposite part not in a direct Line but bending So as leauing Calcedon it takes its course by the Gulfe This drawes so many Commodities to the Constantinopolitains and the contrary to the Calcedonians And although it be apparent that the scituation of these two Cities are equally commodious yet the passage is difficult for those which will saile to Calcedon Contrariwise they are carried to Constantinople by the violence of the Waues So as it seemes that they which will goe from Calcedon to Constantinople cannot Saile directly thither by reason of the Violent course of the streame And therefore they recouered the Oxe and the Towne which they call Chrysopolis from whence they are afterwards Transported by force vnto Constantinople Finally the Constantinopolitans haue a good commodity to Saile any way whither they bend to Hellesponte with a Southerly Winde or else from the Pontique Sea to Hellesponte You must vnderstand that the direct and common course from Constantinople to the streights of Propontis is by Abydos and Sestes and in like manner from the streights to Constantinople But it fals out otherwise with the Calcedonians for the reasons which we haue mentioned and for the distance of the Region of the Cyziceneins for it is a difficult thing for them which Saile from Hellesponte to Calcedon to keepe the Coast of Europe and in approaching the Country neere vnto Constantinople to turne vnto Calcedon for the violent course of the streame And againe it is impossible to Saile from thence into Thrace as well for the violence of the Waues which go crosse as the contrariety of the Windes for a Southerly winde is good for those which enter into the Pontique Sea and the contrary for such as go foorth and these two winds only serue to go in and come out These are the things whereby the Constantinopolitains draw such great commodities from the Sea Now we will shew the discommodities which the City is to suffer by reason of the firme Land Thrace enuirons the Country of Constantinople in such sort as it imbraceth it from Sea to Sea So as they are in perpetuall Warre with the Thracians For although they get a Battaile or two against this cruell and barbarous Nation yet they cannot quench the Wars the multitude of people and Princes is so great For that after they haue gotten Victory ouer one there doth suddainly arise three other mighty Princes who ouer-runne the Country for spoile Neither can they doe any thing to haue an accord or to pacifie the Warre by paying of Tribute for presently they find their Enemies multiplied And therefore they are wasted and consumed with a continuall and cruell Warre But what can you finde more disloyall then a neighbour enemy Nor a Warre more dangerous then with a barbarous Nation And with all these miseries wherewith they are oppressed by Land they are moreouer tormented with Tantalus paine as the Poets feigne For the Barbarians considering that they haue a fertile Region ouer-run the Country and spoile it after that the Land hath bin well manured and that the fruite which is very beautifull and in abundance is in Season The Constantinopolitains seeing so great a spoile of their goods and the losse of their labour and charges are wonderfully grieued Yet bearing this War with the Thracians by a Custome they alwaies held their auncient accord with the Gracians But when as the Gaules beganne to be their neighbours vnder the Conduct of King Comontoire they were in great danger You must vnderstand that the Gaules which had made Warre vnder the leading of Brennus and had escaped a great danger at Delphos past not into Asia when as they came to Hellesponte But allured with the commodity of the place they staied neere vnto Constantinople whereas after they vanquished the Thracians and built Tyle the Royall they made Warre against them of Constantinople Who at the beginning pacified their fury with presents when as they first assailed them vnder King Comontoire in giuing them sometimes thirty thousand another time fifty thousand and sometimes a hundred thousand Crownes to the end they should not ouer-runne their Country Finally they were forced to giue them foure score thousand Crownes yearely vntill the time of Clyare at what time the Gaules Empire had an end and this Nation was wholly vanquished and extinct by the Thracians Their Treasure being at that time exhausted by reason of these Tributes they sent first an Embassie into Greece to demaund their assistance But for that most of the Greecians made no account of it they resolued to take a Tole vpon all these which should passe into the Blacke Sea The which all the rest disliking for the nouelty of the thing they blamed the Rhodiens for suffering it as being then Lords of the Sea This was the beginning and Fountaine of the Warre which wee are now to describe The Rhodiens mooued aswell with their owne losse as with that of their neighbours hauing first called their Allies sent an Embassie to Constantinople to abollish the Tole VVho performing their Voyage according to their Charge could not perswade the Commons For that Hecatondore and Olympiodore who had then the Gouernment of the Common weale
Romans were vanquished and defeated neere vnto Cannes by the Carthaginians For there wee haue left the actions of Italy and haue written in this Booke and the precedent the proceeding of the same time in Greece and Asia The Warre being ended when the Acheins had made choice of Tymoxines for their head and Gouernour resuming their ancient kind of liuing they gaue order by little and little for their Common-wealth The like did the other Cities of Morea So as they laboured their lands and restored their Games and Sacrifices to the Gods All which things were in a manner forgotten by reason of the continuall warre It is certaine that as they of Morea among all other men are inclined to a milde and curteous kind of life the which in precedent times they did not enioy Being as Euripides saith alwaies tormented by their neighbours and without rest Yet it seemeth reasonable for for all they which tend to a Principallity and haue their liberty in recommendation haue continuall quarrels amongst them they tending to a superintendency The Athenians freed from the feare of the Macedonians seemed to liue in great Liberty but following the besenesse of their Commaunders Euriclides and Micion they payed Tribute in a manner to all Kings and namely to Ptolomy who soone after that time made Warre against the Egyptians For as hee had beene assisted in the Warre against Antiochus they presently abandoned him For that growne proud with the Battaile giuen neere vnto Raphia they would no more obey the King seeking only a Commaunder as if they had beene able of themselues to mannage the Warre the which was soone after done Antiochus during Winter had leuied a great Army and the Summer following past Mount Tauris where making a League with King Attalus he renewed the Warre against Acheus And although the Etoliens found the peace good in the beginning for that the Warre had taken a better end then they expected Hauing chosen Agelaus of Naupacte for their Chiefe Commaunded by whose meanes the peace had ensued yet after some time they blamed him much complayning that by his meanes they had lost the great profits they had drawne from Forreine parts For that he had made a peace not onely with some Prouinces but generally with all Greece But Agelaus bearing their blame with patience abated their fury And so they were forced contrary to their nature to pacifie their Choler Scerdilaide vnder colour of money due vnto him had spoild all those he met and as we haue sayd had taken shippes of Leucade and had rifled a Towne in Pelagonia which they call Pissea with diuers other Citties of Dassarete as Antipatria Chrissndion and Gertonte Hauing moreouer gained a good part of Macedony aswell by perswasions as by force Philip after the peace concluded hauing imbarqued himselfe and his Army to saile thither and to encounter Scerdilaide he tooke land being wholy bent to recouer the sayd Townes Finally when he had fully resolued to make Warre against Scerdilaide holding it necessary to Conquer Sclanouia as well for other Enterprizes as chiefly for his passage into Italy The which is an aduice whereof Demetrius laboured to make him susceptible saying that he had seene Philip do so in a Dreame He did not presse this for any loue he bare him but for the hatred he had to the Romans Thinking by this meanes to recouer the Country about Pharos from whence he had beene expell'd Philip recouered all the sayd Townes approaching neere them with his Army For in Dassarate hee tooke Creone and Geronte and neere vnto the Fennes of Lychnide Enchelane Cerece Sation and Boies and Bantia in the Prouince of the Calicenins and towards the Pissantins and Orgysse This done he sent his Army to Winter It was the same Winter when as Hannibal had spoiled the best Countries of Italy and past his Winter in Daâ—nia and the Romans making their Election created Gaius Terrentius and Lucius Emilius Consuls Whilest that Philip spent the Winter he drew together a hundred Vessels which neuer King of Macedony had done before him thinking it necessary to make prouision Not so much for the Combate at Sea for that he did not hold himselfe equall in forces to answere the Romans as to passe his Army into Italy Summer being come and the Macedonians in-vred to the Oare hee parts with his Army At the same time likewise Antiochus past Mount Tanris Philip then passing by the Euripus and Malea came vnto the Countries which are about Cephalenia and Leucade Where planting his Campe he fortified it with Ditches and Pallisadoes for hee feared much the Sea Army of the Romans But when he was aduertised by his Spies that it was neere vnto Lylibeum his Courage increased and hee proceeded in his Enterprize taking his course directly to Apolonia When as hee was neere those Countries which are about the Riuer of Loia which passeth neere to Apolonia he fell into the same feare which doth many times befall Armies at Land For some of his Vessels which followed in the Reare and had sailed towards an Iland called Sason lying at the mouth of the Ionian gulfe came by night to Philip telling him that they had spoken with some of the Sycillian Sea who aduertised them that they had left the Roman Quinqueremes about Rhegium bending their course to Apolonia and Scerdilaide Philip immagining that the Army was not farre off was amazed And weighing Anchor retired with great feare and disorder hee came the next day to Cephalenia sailing continually by night Where assuring himselfe he stayed some time making shew that his returne was for some pressing affaires in Morea It hapned that this was a false Allarum For you must vnderstand that Scerdilaide aduertised of the great multitude of Vessels which Philip had drawne together in Winter and fearing his comming by Sea had obtained succours from the Romans by his Embassadours So as they sent him ten ships out of their Fleete which was at Lilybeum the which passing neere vnto Rhegium were discouered If the King had not beene amazed without reason he might well haue vanquisht them and performed his Enterprize against Sclauonia And the rather for that the Romans had receiued a wonderfull losse neere vnto Cannes against Hannibal where they were in a manner quite ruined But being then terrified without cause he made a safe flight into Macedony and remained infamous At the same time Prusias did an Act worthy of memory For when as the Gaules whom Attalus had drawne out of Europe into Asia for the Warre of Acheus had abandoned him for the causes aboue mentioned they spoil'd all the Townes of Hellespont with too much auarice and cruelty And when in the end they had besieged the Townes of the Elienses then they of Alexandria neere vnto Troade performed an Act worthy of memory for sending Themiste against them with foure thousand men they not onely rais'd the siege of the Elienses but chast all the
preuaile Wherefore being out of hope to enter it they rais'd the Siege Soone after Newes came that the Romans prepared an Army at Sea to send into Affricke For the which the Carthaginians being mooued they vsed all dilligence to repaire their old Vessels and to make new Presently after they laboured to stand vpon their guard and to hinder the descent of the Romans into Affricke with two hundred Vessels armed and well furnished But when as the preparation of three hundred and fifty Roman Vessels was ready they sent Marcus Emilius and Seruius Fuluius with the whole Army into Affricke in the beginning of the Spring When as the Consuls had set sayle to draw first into Sicily and from thence into Affricke they were not farre from the Cape of Mercure but they presently discouered the Carthaginian Army the which as wee haue said watched their comming at the passage and charged them suddainly with great fury taking a hundred and foureteene Vessels armed sailing from thence to Aspis they retired their Men and after they had stayed some time in Affricke they returned into Sicily But when they had past the Sea betwixt Affricke and Sicily with a prosperous Winde and had anchored neere vnto the Camarins Towne it is not possible to deliuer the greatnesse of the torment and misery that befell them Hardly could they preserue foure score Vessels whole of foure hundred three score and foure which were in their Army All the rest either sunke in the Sea or split against the Rocks fill'd all the shore with wracks or dead Bodies It is not in the memory of man of any such shipwracke by a tempest This miserable misfortune happened not casually and by chance but by the ouerweening of the Consuls considering that the Marriners had let them vnderstand that they must auoid the Coasts aboue Sicily for that it was not to be approached being bad and difficult to sayle in especially at that season for they sayled betwixt the Starres of Orion and the Dog-starre Whatsoeuer it were the Consuls disdaining the admonition of the Marriners made hast with a glorious confidence of their late Victory to surprize some Townes a long that shore where as they fell into extreame calamity vnder the shaddow of a poore hope Then they knew their folly carrying the repentance of their presumption Defacing by this wracke the things which formerly they had done well And although that in all things the Romans relye vpon their forces and thinke whatsoeuer they resolue must be put in execution holding nothing impossible when they haue once vndertaken it and that this obstinacy doth many times turne to good Yet sometimes they fall into great and apparent errours especially in Sea-matters It is true that in Battels at Land fighting with men it is not so strange if they vanquish For the Combate is equall although they bee sometimes vanquished But as for the Sea for that they thrust themselues into hazard and without consideration they fall many times into great inconueniences This happened at this time and hath done formerly and will befall them many times hereafter vntill they haue supprest and reformed this ouer-weening thinking they are able to goe to Sea at all seasons The Carthaginians being aduertised of the shipwracke of the Romane Army they had the greater desire to raise an Army both by Land and Sea For that their force seemed as great at Land as that of the Romans by reason of the defeate of Marcus Attilius The like they conceiued of the Sea after the great losse the Romans had indured Wherefore they presently sent Asdruball into Sicily with the old Bands and a new leuie of the Men of Heracleum with an hundred and fifty Elephants They wrigd out a Fleete of two hundred Vessels and other Equipages necessary for Nauigation When as Asdruball landed at Lylibeum with his whole Army he trayned his Men and exercised his Elephants making roads into those Countries which were allied vnto the Romans Finally he was very watchfull and dilligent And although the Romans losse had much abated their courage yet they vsed all possible diligence to rayse a Fleete of two hundred and twenty Vessels with a Pallisado the which they effected within three Moneths and put it to Sea the which is difficult to beleene to the end the World should not thinke they would strike sayle vnto the Carthaginians Lucius Aquilius and Caius Cornelius Consuls were appointed to leade this Army to fight with the Carthaginians in Sicily who passing the Sea presently arriued at Messina where they receiued the Remainder of the ships which had beene preserued in the storme By this meanes their Army consisted of three hundred Vessels From thence they tooke their Course to Palermo the chiefe Towne of the Carthaginians the which they assailed vigourously erecting two sorts of Engines and other preparations to that effect so as they easily ouerthrow a Tower seated vpon the Sea by the which the Souldiers entring by force tooke that part of the Towne which was called Naples After this the Burgesses dying for feare yeelded vnto the Consuls the other part which they called the old Towne After the taking of Palermo the Consuls put in a good Garrison and then returned to Rome The yeare following Gneus Sempronius and Caius Seruilius wâ—re Consuls who in like manner past into Sicily with an Army to goe from thence into Affricke where being arriued they dispersed their Men into diuers places and committed great spoiles yet they did not any thing worthy of Memory Finally they arriued at the Island of Lotophages which they call Mirmyx which is neere vnto a little Shelfe or Barre of Barbary where not knowing the passages they were in a great streight and were stayed by reason of the ebbing of the Sea They were for a time in suspence what to doe Finally the Flood comming suddainly vpon them they were almost driuen to dispaire Yet they could not saue themselues vntill they had lightned their ships and cast out their baggage to saue themselues After that Day the Romans were so amazed with so many dangers as they sailed continuallly as if they had fled Soone after they returned into Sicily and leauing Lilybeum they tooke Port at Palermo But soone after that they were gone from thence to saile into Italy there rose so great a storme as aboue a hundred and fifty of their ships were driuen vp and downe and in the end perished And although the Romanes after so many losses were of aduice to preferre the honor and Maiesty of the Empire before all other things yet they were so broken with so great miseries as they resolued to abandon the Sea And therefore they only leuied an Army by Land wherein they thought they should be more confident and of better hope the which they sent into Sicily with the two Consuls Lucius Cecilius and Caius Curius To whom they deliuered only three score Vessells for their Victualls By this meanes the Carthaginians became