finde in a Recorde that Thomas Arundell an other Bishop of the same Sée foūded a Chaunterie at Maidston which whether it be the same that was sometime called the house of the Brothers and but lately conuerted by the Townesmen into a Frée schoole or no I will not boldely affirme but I thinke it rather so then otherwise Of the Bridge I finde no beginning but I suspect that it rose by the Archebishops whiche were not onely owners of the Palaice hard by as you sée but Lords and Patrones of the whole Towne and Church also And thus muche onely of the Town as touching the Riuer of Medwey it séemeth to haue beene so named either because it stood in the midle of the Kentish Kingdome or els for that it ranne midde betwéene the two Bishopricks For the woord Midƿeg signifieth nothing els but the Midway as Middeg dothe noone or Midday onlesse happely some man would rather haue it called Medpoeg bicause of the meddowe that it maketh all along the course of the same This Riuer is increased by the foure principall Brookes that runne into it whereof to beginne at the West the first springeth about Crowherst in Surrey not farre from the head of Darent it falleth to Eton-bridge and taking in the way Heuer Penshreste and Tunbridge ioyneth with the second at Yealding The second ariseth at Blackbrooks in Waterdown forest not fully a mile from Eredge the Lord Aburgennies house and commeth to Beyham to Lamberhirst streete and to a place in Scotney ground called litle Sussex where it méeteth with a small brooke called Beaul that springeth at Tishirst thrée miles of and giueth the name to Beauldbridge from whence they ioyne in iourney to Horsmondon and Merden and there mingling with the third they runne altogether to Yalding The third Brooke taketh beginning aboute Greate Charte and descendeth to Hedcorne Stilebridge and Merden The fourthe and last breaketh out of the ground at Lineham washeth the Castle of Ledes a litle from whence it receaueth the small water of Holingburne in a companie of the same passeth toward Maidstone At whiche place as I thinke the name of Medwey first beginneth the rather bycause it hathe there receaued all his helpes and crossing the Shyre as it were in the midst laboureth from thence in one entier Chanel to finde out the Sea. For otherwise the Riuer it selfe is properly called Egle or Eyle of whiche bothe the Towne of Ailesford and the Castle of Alington or rather Eylington doe take their names If I faile in this deriuation the fault for the firste part is his that made the Chart of this Shyre then the follie is mine that followe him but the trueth notwithstanding is easily to be found out by any man that wil make inuestigation and examine it and our trespasse also herein more veniall for that we go not about to shadowe it Piccendene Hothe commonly but aunciently written Pinenden of Pinian to punishe and so it soundeth the place of Execution or punishment RObert the Duke of Normandie had issue by a Concubine whose name as the Annales of S. Augustine reporte was Harlothe and after whom as I coniecture suche incontinent women haue euer since béen called Harlots thrée Sonnes that is to say William that afterward subdued this Realm Robert that was created Earle of Moretone and Odo that was first consecrated Bishop of Baieux then Earle of Kent and lastly Lieutenaunt or Vicegerent of this whole Realme vnder William his Brother Robert was reputed a man of small courage wisedome and learning and therefore passed his time in gloriously But Odo was found to be of nature so busie gréedie and ambitious that he moued many Tragedies within this Realme and was in the end throwen from the Stage and driuen into Normandie as hereafter in fitte place shal be more amply declared In the meane while for this present place and purpose I finde that during his aboade in Kent he had so incroched vpon the landes and Priuileges of the Archebishopricke of Canterbury and Bishopricke of Rochester that Lanfranc being promoted to that Sée of dignitie and finding the want complained to the King and obteined that with his good pleasure they might make triall of their right with him To the which end also the same King gaue commission to Goisfrid then Bishop of Constance in Normandie to represent his owne person for hearing of the controuersie caused Egelric the Bishop of Chichester an aged man singularly commended for skill in the Lawes and Customes of the Realme to be brought thether in a Wagon for his assistance in Counsell commaunded Haymo the Sheriffe of Kent to summon the whole Countie to giue in euidence and charged Odo his brother to be present at suche time and place as should be notified vnto him Pinnendene Heathe lying almost in the midst of the Shyre and therefore very indifferent for the assembly of the whole Countie was the appointed place and therevnto not onely the whole number of the moste expert men of this Shyre but of sundrie other Countries also came in great frequencie and spent thrée whole dayes in debate of these Bishops controuersies concluding in the end that Lanfranc and the Bishop of Rochester should be restored to the possession of Detling Stoce Preston Danitune and sundry other landes that Odo had withholden And that neyther the Earle of Kent nor the King him selfe had right to claime any thing in any the lands of the Archebishop sauing only these thrée customes whiche concerne the Kings highe waies that leade from one citie to an other that is to say That if any of the Archebishops tenaunts should digge in suche a highe way or fell a trée crosse the same to the hinderaunce of common passage and be taken with the manner or conuinced thereof by Lawe hee should make amendes to the King therefore And likewise when hee did committe bloudsheade manslaughter or any other criminall offence in suche were deprehended doing the fault that the amēds therof belonged to the King also but in this latter case if he were not taken with the manner but departed without pledge taken of him that then the trial and the amends perteined to the Archebishop him self and that the King had not to medle therewith On the otherside also they agréed that the Archebishop had many Priuileges throughout all the Landes of the King and of the Earle as namely the amerciament of bloudshed from suche time as they ceasse to say Alleluia in the Churche seruice till the Octaues of Easter the whiche howe long it is let them sée whiche can turne the Pie and the Portuse and at the least the one half of euerie amerciamēt due for the vnlawfull begetting of children commonly called CySƿite whiche last thing I do the rather note to the end that it may appeare that in those dayes the Bishops had not wholy gotten into their hands the correction of adulterie and fornication whiche of latter times
our English storiers do lay the whole burthen of that fault vpon the King and those fewe persons But bycause the matter is not so plaine as they make it withal requireth more wordes for the manifestation therof then I may now afoorde for that also there is hope that a special hystorie of the reigne penned by S. Thomas Delamore which liued in the very time it self may be hereafter imprinted made coÌ„mon I will onely exhort the Reader for his owne information in the trueth and for some excuse of such as be ouercharged to peruse that worke wherein I assure him he shall finde matter bothe very rare and credible As touching the Pryorie at Leedes whiche was a house of Regular Chanons and valued in the Recordes of the late suppression at thrée hundreth thrée score and two poundes of yearely reuenue I finde that one Robert Creuequer the author of the Castle peraduenture for this was done in the reigne of Henrie sonne to the Conquerour and Adam his sonne and heire firste founded it Whiche thing might probably haue béene coniectured althoughe it had neuer béene committed to Hystorie For in auncient time euen the greatest personages helde Monkes Friars and Nonnes in suche veneration and liking that they thought no citie in case to flourish no house likely to haue long continuaunce no Castle sufficiently defended where was not an Abbay Pryorie or Nonnerie eyther placed within the walles or situate at hande and neare adioyning And surely omitting the residue of the Realme hereof only it came to passe that Douer had S. Martines Canterbury Christes Churche Rochester S. Andrewes Tunbridge the Friars Maydstone the Chanons Grenewiche the obseruants and this our Leedes her Pryorie of Chanons at hande Howbeit I finde in a Heralds note who belike made his coniecture by some coate of Armes lately apparant that one Leybourne an Earle of Salisburie was the founder of it In deede it is to be séene in the Annales of S. Augustines of Canterbury that a noble man called Roger Leybourne was sometime of great authoritie within this Shyre notwithstanding that in his time he had tasted of bothe fortunes for in the dayes of King Henrie the thirde he was firste one of that coniuration which was called the Barons warre from whiche faction Edwarde the Kings sonne wonne him by faire means to his part and made him the bearer of his priuie purse Afterwarde they agréed not vpon the reckoning so that the Prince charging him with great arrearage of account seised his liuing for satisfaction of the debt by whiche occasion Roger once more became of the Barons deuotions But after the pacification made at Kenelworth he was eftsones receiued to fauour and was made Wardein of the Fiue Portes and Lieuetenant of this whole Shyre Nowe thoughe it can not be true that this man was the builder of this Pryorie for the same Annales say that it was erected long before yet if he did but marrie the heyre he might truely be termed the Patrone or founder thereof for by that name not only the builders themselues but their posteritie also to whom the glory of their déedes did descend were wont to be called as well as they The description and hystorie of the See and Diocesse of Rochester THE learned in Astronomie be of the opinion that if Iupiter Mercurie or any other Planet approche within certain degrées of the Sunne and be burned as they terme it vnder his beames That then it hath in maner no influence at all But yealdeth wholy to the Sunne that ouershineth it And some men beholding the nearenesse of these two Bishoprickes CaÌ„terbury and Rochester and comparing the bright glory pompe and primacie of the one with the contrarie altogether in the other haue fansied Rochester so ouershadowed and obscured that they recken it no Sée or Bishoprick of it self But only a place of a méere Suffragan and Chaplain to Canterbury But he that shall either aduisedly weigh the firste institution of them bothe or â—ut indifferently consider the estate of eyther shall easiâ—â— finde that Rochester hath not only a lawfull and caâ—onicall Cathedrall Sée of it selfe But the same also â—ore honestly won and obteined then euer Canterbury â—d For as touching Rochester Augustine whome â—e Monkes may not deny to be the English Apostle orâ—ined Iustus Bishop there Ethelbert the lawfull king â—f Kent both assenting thereto by his presence and confirming it by his liberall beneficence But howe Canterbury came to haue an Archebishops Chayre if you thinke that it hath not in that title already so sufficiently appeared as that it therfore néedeth not now eftsones to be rehearsed then reade I pray you Garuas Tilberiens and he in his booke De otijs Imperialibus wil tel you in Sanguine sanctorum Dorobernensis ecclesia primatiam obtinuit The Church of Canterbury obteined the Primacie by the sheading of the bloud of Saints Rochester moreouer hath had also a continuall succession of Bishops euen from the beginning whiche haue gouerned in a distinct Diocesse containing foure Deanries and therefore wanteth nothing that I knowe to make it a compleat and absolute Bishopricke In déede the yerely value is but small the slendernesse whereof ioyned with some ceremoniall duties to the Archebishop happely haue béene the cause of abasing the estimation of it But for all that let vs not sticke with auncient Beda and others to saye that the Bishops Sée at Rochester was at the first instituted by Augustine That a Cathedrall Churche was builded there by King Ethelbert to the name of S. Andrewe and that he endowed it with certaine lande for liuelyhood which he called Priestfield in token as I thinke that Priestes should be susteined therewithall This Bishopricke may be sayd to be seuered from Canterbury Diocesse for the most parte by the water of Medway and it consisteth as I sayde of foure distincte Deanries namely Rochester Malling Dartford and Shorham Howbeit with this latter the Bishop medleth not the same being a peculiar as they terme it to the Archebishop of Canterbury who holdeth his prerogatiue wheresoeuer his lands do lye as in this Deanrie he hath not only had of olde time certain mansion houses with Parkes and Demeanes but diuers other large territories rentes and reuenues also In it therefore are these Churches following Shorham with the Chapell of Otford Eynesford with the Vicarage there Dernth and the Vicarage there Fermingham and the Vicarage Bexley and the Vicarage Eareth alias Eard Northfleete and the Vicarage Mepham and the Vicarage Clyue Grean with the Vicarage Farleigh with the Vicarage Huntington alias Hunton Peckam with the Vicarage Wrotham with the Chapell and Vicarage Eightam Seuenocke with the Vicarage Penshurst Chydingstone Heuer Gillingham with the Vicarage Brasted Sundriche Cheuening Orpington with the Chapell and Vicarage Hese Kestan Halstede Woodland Eastmalling with the Vicarage Ifeild As touching the Bishops of this Sée Iustus one of the same that Pope Gregorie sent hither from Rome
great cost vpon it that he might be thought rather to haue raised a new house in the place then to haue repayred the olde for he left nothing of the firste worke but onely the walles of a hall and a chapell Thus farre out of Erasmus Wherein first by the waye you may espie the reason that moued King Henrie the eight to take that house by exchaunge from the Archebishop namely bicause Warham not contented to continue it a plaine house fit to withdrawe him selfe vnto for contemplation and prayer had so magnificently enlarged the same that it was nowe become méete to make a Palaice for a Kings habitation and pleasure But let vs come to our matter You sée here that Erasmus maketh this house the matter and motiue of all the contention that was betwéene the King and the Archebishop whiche if it be so then haue not I faythfully dealt in laying the cause thereof to be suche as appeareth in Canterbury before and consequently I haue too too much abused the Reader But for a short aunswere hereto I do eftsoones auowe that not onely William of Newburgh Roger Houeden and Mat. Parise whome chiefly I haue followed in this storie and which al were eyther meÌ„ liuing when the matter was in hande or borne immediatly after do plainely testifie with me that the ordinaunces made at Clarendune were the very subiect and motiue of all that strife but also the whole number of our hystoriens following yea and the very authours of the Quadriloge it selfe or song of foure parts for they yealde a concent though it be without Harmonie do all with one pen and mouth acknowledge the same Amongst the râ—ste Polydore sheweth him selfe excéeding angry with some that had blowne abroad some such like sound of the cause of this great hurley burley for he sayth plainely that they were Amentiae pleni qui deblaterabant Thomam conseruandarum possessionum causà tantum iniuriarum accepisse starke madde which babbled that Thomas did receiue so many iniuries for sauing of his possessions But for all this to the ende that it may fully appeare bothe that Erasmus hath said somwhat and also from whence as I suppose this thing was mistaken I praye you heare the Quadriloge or storie of his life it self for that onely shall suffice to close vp the matter It appeareth by the authors of that worke that after suche time as the King and the Bishop had long contended and that with great heate about the Statutes of Clarendune that the Bishop vpon great offence taken had made thrée seuerall attempts to crosse the Seas towarde the Pope and was alwayes by contrarie winde repulsed and driuen to the lande againe The King in his iust indignation sought by all possible meanes to bridle his immoderate peuishnesse therefore first resumed into his owne handes al such honors and castles of his own as he had committed to the Bishops custodie TheÌ„ called he an assembly of al his Nobilitie bishops to NorthaÌ„pton castle where before them all he first charged Thomas with .500 l. that he had long before lent him for the repaiment wherof he ther coÌ„pelled him to giue fiue seueral sureties This done he called him to an account for .30000 Markes receiued of the reuenues of the crown during the time that he was Chancelour Now whiles the Archbishop was much troubled with this matter sometime denying to yeald any account at al somtime crauing respite to make a resolute aunswere but alwayes delaying the time and meditating howe to shifte the place there commeth on a time into his lodging the Bishops of London and Chichester who finding him at supper sayde vnto him worde for worde of the Quadriloge as followeth that is That they had founde out a way for peace and when the Archebishop had required vnder what forme they answered There is a question for money betweene you and the King If therefore you will assigne vnto the King your two Manors Otford and Wingham in the name of a pledge we beleue that he being therwith pacified will not only resigne you the Manors againe and forgiue you the money but also a great deale the sooner receiue you to his fauour To this the Archebishop replied The manor of Heche was somtime belonging to the Church of Canterburie as I haue hard which the King now hath in demeane And albeit that the only challenge of the thing is sufficient cause to haue it restored to the Church of Canterbury yet I do not loke that it will be doone in these times Neuerthelesse rather then I wil renounce the right which the church of Canterbury is sayd to haue in that Manor either for the appeasing of any trouble whatsoeuer or for recouerie of the Kings fauour I will offer this head of mine and touched it to any hazarde or daunger what soeuer it be The Bishops being angrie with this weÌ„t out from him and tolde the King of all and his indignation was sore kindled with it Thus muche out of the Quadriloge faithfully translated Nowe vpon the whole matter it appeareth first that the quarell was for the lawes of Clarendùne whiche yet depended and then that euen as a fire being once kindled the flame séeketh all about and imbraceth whatsoeuer it findeth in the way So the King being offended with the rebellion of this Bishop left no stone vntaken vp that might be hurled at him therefore brought in against him bothe debts accompts and whatsoeuer other meanes of annoyaunce Moreouer that this matter of Otford and Wingham for as you nowe sée it was not Otford alone was not at all tossed betwéene the King and the Archebishop but only moued by the pacifiers these two Bishops as a méete meane of reconciliation in their owne opinion and iudgement or if it may be thought that they were sent and suborned by the King himselfe with that deuise yet is it manifest that the right of the houses themselues were not desired but onely that they might remaine as a paine till the account were audited Neither if the gifte of this house would haue made an end of the strife doth it by and by followe that the contention was moued at the first about it And therfore as on the one side you may sée that Erasmus his reporte is but matter of Preface and no Gospell So yet on the other side it is euident that of such and so lustie a stomacke was this Archebishop that if former cause had not béene yet he could haue found in his hart to fall out with his Prince for this or a smaller matter For what would he not aduenture for a Manor or twaine in lawfull possession that would not sticke to hazard his head before he would release that right whiche he thought he had to a piece of land and that but only by hearesay or supposition But it is more theÌ„ time to make an end and therefore leauing Thomas and his house in the bottome let vs climbe the Hill
ƿaes Haile Hlaford cynyng wessail Lord King that is to say be merie Lord King wyth which her daliance the King was so delighted that he not onely vouchesafed to pledge her but desired also to perfourm it in the right manner of her owne countrey And therefore he answered as he was taught vnto her againe drinc Haeile drinke merely Which when she had done himselfe tooke the cuppe and pledged her so hartely that from thenceforth he could neuer be in rest vntil he had obtained her to wife litle weighing eyther howe déeply he had endaungered his conscience in matching him selfe with a heathen wooman or how greatly he had hazarded his Crowne by ioyning handes with so mightie a forein Nation At the time of this mariage Hengist labouring by all meanes to bring in his owne Countrie men begged of the King the territories of Kent Essex Midlesex and Suffolke then knowen by other names pretending in woord that he would in consideration thereof kéep out Aurel. Ambrose a competitor of the crowne whose arriual King Vortiger much feared But meaning in déede to make thereby a key to let into the Realme multitudes of Germanes for furtherance of his ambitious desire and purpose which thing in processe of time he brought to passe not onely creating himselfe and his posteritie Kings of a large quarter but also thereby shewing the way and entrie howe others of his nation might follow and doe the like And thus Kent being once againe as I saide reduced into a Kingdome continued in that estate by the space of thrée hundreth thrée score and eight yeares or thereabouts in the handes of fiftéene successours as the moste credible authours do reporte Some others adde Edbert and Alric and so make seuentéene in all whose names doe followe 1. Hengist the first Germane 2. Oesc 3. Occa. 4. Hermenric or Ermenric 5. Ethelbert the first christened 6. Eadbald 7. Erconbert the first that commaunded the obseruation of Lent in this shire 8. Egbert 9. Lothar 10. Eadric After his death Nidred and Wibbard vsurped by the space of seuen yeares and therfore are not registred in the Catalogue of the lawfull Kings 11. Wightred he built Sainct Martines at Douer 12. Edbert added by some 13. Ethelbert 14. Alric added also by some 15. Eadbert Pren or Edelbert Pren. 16. Cuthred 17. Baldred Now although it might here séeme conuenient before I passed any further to disclose suche memorable things as haue chaunced during the reignes of al these forenamed Kings yet for asmuche as my purpose specially is to write a Topographie or description of places and no Chronographie or storie of times although I must now and then vse bothe since the one can not fully be perfourmed without enterlacing the other and for that also I shal haue iust occasion hereafter in the particulars of this Shyre to disclose many of the same I will at this present and that by way of digression only make report of one or two occurrents that happened vnder Ethelbert Eadric two Kings of this countrey This Ethelbert besides that he mightely enlarged the boundes of his owne Kingdome extending the same euen to the riuer of Humber was also the first King amongst the Saxons inhabiting this land that promoted the kingdome of Christ as to whome it pleased almighty God to break the bread of his holy woord and gospel through the ministerie and preaching of Augustine the Moncke that was sent from Rome by Pope Gregorie surnamed the great amongst the Saxons I saide least any man should thinke that eyther the faith of Christe was not heare at all or not so purely preached before the comming of that Augustine For it is past all doubt by the stoaries of all Countries and by the testimonie of Beda him selfe being a Saxon that the Britons embraced the religion of Christ within this Iland many hundreth yeares before Gregories time whether in purer sorte then he sent it hither or no let them iudge that knowe that he was called worthely Pater Caeremoniarum and that may yet sée in Beda and others what trūpery crept into the church of God in his time and by his permission Eadric the other King succéeded in Kent after Lotharius who because he rather reigned by luste then ruled by lawe incurred the hatred of his people and was inuaded by Ceadwalla King of Westsex and Mull his brother whiche entring the countrie and finding no resistance herryed it from the one end to the other not thus contented Ceadwalla in reuenge of his brother Muls death whome the countrie people had cruelly slaine in a house that he had taken for his succour entred this countrie the second time and sleying the people spoiled it without all pitie And yet not satisfied with all this he suffered the quarrell to discend to Ina his successour who ceased not to vnquiet the people of this Shyre till they agréed to pay him 30000. Markes in golde for his desired amendes These be the matters that I had to note in the reignes of these two Kings as for the rest I passe them ouer to their fit titles as things rather perteining to some peculiar places then incident to the body of the whole Shire and will now prosecute the residue In the time of this Baldred that standeth last in the table of the Kings Kent was vnited by King Egbert who last of all chaunged the name of the people and called them Englishmen vnto the Westsaxon Kingdome which in the ende became Ladie and maistres of al the rest of the kingdomes also and it was from thenceforth wholy gouerned after the Westsaxon law as in the Mappe of the tripartite lawes of this Realme hathe appeared vntil suche time as King Alfred first diuided the whole Realme into particular Shires vpon this occasion following The Danes bothe in his time and before had flocked by sea to the coastes of this land in great numbers some times wasting and spoiling with sword and fire wheresoeuer they might arriue and sometymes taking with them greate booties to their Ships without doing any further harme which thing continuing for many yeares togeather caused the husbandmen to abandon their tillage and gaue occasion and hardinesse to euill disposed persons to fall to the like pillage and robberie The whiche the better to cloke their mischief withall feigned them selues to bee Danishe Pirates and would some time come on land in one part and some time in an other driuing great spoyles as the Danes had done to theire shippes before theim The good king Alfred therefore that had merueilously traueiled in repulsing the barbarous Danes espying this outrage and thinking it no lesse the parte of a politique Prince to roote out the noisome subiect then to hold out the forein enemie by aduice of his counsail and by the example of Moses which followed the counsaile of Ietro his father in law diuided the whole Realme into certein parts or Sections being two and thirtie in number as
imprisoned not the Bishop of Borieux but the Earle of Kent The King liked well the conceit and causing Odo to be apprehended caste him into prison whence he was not deliuered during al the time of his reigne That done he made diligent inquisitioÌ„ for the hourdes of golde and by feare of torture caused the Bishops seruants to bewray the whole treasure Then also tooke he new order for the gouernement of this Shyre and bycause he was persuaded that nothing within the same was of more importance then Douer Castell he seised it into his handes foorthwith fortified it and chose out a noble maÌ„ called Iohn Fynes of whose prowesse and fidelitie he had made good tryal and committing vnto him not only the custodie thereof but the gouernment of the rest of the Portes also by gift of inheritaunce he named him Constable of Douer and Wardein of the Cinque Portes And to the end that he shoulde be of sufficient abilitie to beare the charge of the defence thereof he gaue him to the number of sixe and fiftie Knightes fees of lande and possession willing him to communicate some partes of that gift to suche other valiaunt and trustie persons as he should best like of for the more sure conseruation of that his most noble and precious péece He accordingly called vnto him eight other worthie Knightes and imparting liberally vnto them of that whiche he had receiued of the King bounde them by tenure of their lande receiued of the King to mainteine one hundreth and twelue souldiours amongest them whiche number he so diuided by monethes of the yeare that fiue and twentie were continually to watche and warde within the Castell for their seuerall stintes of time and all the rest ready at commaundement vpon whatsoeuer necessitie The names of these eight were WilliaÌ„ of Albrance Fulbert of Douer William Arsicke Galfride Peuerell William Maynemouth Robert Porthe Robert Creuequer called in the Latine Records De crepito corde that is Crackt harte And Adam Fitz Williams Eche of al whiche had their seuerall charges in sundry towres turrets bulworks of the castel and were contented of their owne dispence to mainteine and repaire the same in token wherof diuers of them beare the names and titles of these newe chosen Captaines euen till this oure present time And thus Douer being dispatched of a busie Bishop fenced by the Kings appointment furnished fraught and planted with a moste faithfull Constable vigilant Captaines and diligent warders gayned and reteined the opinion and name of a most important commodious and necessarie péece not only with the natiue Princes and Nobilitie of our owne Realme But also with suche foreigne Potentates as had warre and contention with vs in so muche as in sundry troubles ensuing at sundry times afterwarde within this Realme it did plainely appeare that this Castell was the chiefe marke whereat eche man directed his shot For King Stephan in the contention that arose betwéene him and Maude the Empresse for the title of the Crowne thought that no one thing stoode him more in hande then to get the possession of Douer Castell and therfore he neuer ceassed to sollicite Walkelm that theÌ„ had the custodie thereof till he had obteyned it Lewes also the French Dolphine which by the instigatioÌ„ of the Pope inuitating of the Nobilitie inuaded King Iohn vpon such cause as shall hereafter appeare hauing gained partly by tenure partly by surrender of the Barons that were of his faction almost al the Castels and Holdes lying on the Southe parte of the Realme coulde not yet thinke him selfe assured onlesse he had Douer also For his Father Philipe hearing that he had the possession of sundry other strong places and that he wanted Douer Sware by Sainct Iames arme whiche was his accustomed othe that he had not gayned one foote in Englande and therefore he made thither with all his power and besieged it streightly But that noble Captaine Hubert of Borroughe of whome I lately spake whiche was in his time Constable of the Castell Wardein of the Portes Earle of Kent and chiefe Iustice of all Englande defended it with suche couragious coâ—stancie that it was bothe a comforte to the Englishe subiecte and a wonder to the Frenche enemie to beholde it in so muche as I can not worthely impute the deliuerie of this Realme from the perill of forreigne seruitude wherein it then stoode to any one thing so muche as to the magnanimitie of this man Of whome also by the waye I thinke good to tell you this that in his time of Constableship at Douer and by his meanes the seruice of Castlegarde there whiche had contayned as I shewed before from the time of William the Conqueroure was with the assent of King Henrie the thyrde conuerted into a payment of money the lande béeing charged with tenne shillings for euerie Warder that it was bounde to finde and the owners thereby discharged of their personall seruice and attendaunce for euer At whiche time also he caused the same King to release by his frée Chartre the custome of Forrage due to this Castell and that done him selfe instituted newe lawes amongst the watchemen and increased the number of the Warders But nowe to my purpose againe Simon the Earle of Leycester and leader of the Barons warre againste King Henrie the thirde euen at the first wrested the Castell of Douer out of the Kings possession and kéeping the same during all his life vsed to sende thyther as vnto a place of most assuraunce all suche as he had taken prysoners After his ouerthrowe Edwarde then Prince and afterwarde the first King of that name assayled it with all speede and by the ayde of the prisoners within whiche had taken the great towre to his vse obteined it There lefte he prisoned Guy the sonne of this Simon but he escaped sone after by corruption of his kéepers To make an ende the Nobilitie of that time were fully persuaded that bothe the safetie and daunger of the whole Realme consisted in this one Castell And therefore saythe Mathewe Parise at suche time as King Henrie the thirde called ouer from beyonde the Seas his owne brother Richarde then King of the Romanes the Noble men who had him in some Iealouzie would not agrée that he or any of his should once enter within this Castell Not without good cause therfore hath Douer by greate préeminence béene reported the chiefe of the Fiue Portes assigned by lawes of Parleament as a speciall place for passage and eschaunge and by auncient tenure acknowledged for Lady and Maistresse of many Manors To it alwayes some man of great apparaunce is appoynted as Captaine and gouernour To it sundry Gentlmen of the Shyre paye yet money for the auncient duetie of their attendance and seruice And to it sinally the countrey men in all times of trouble haue an especiall eye and regarde As concerning the mayntenaunce of this Castell in fortification and building I finde not
petition exhibited by Richarde then Earle of Arundale and Surrey in whiche the same Earle claimed the office of chiefe Butler and recognised him self ready to perfourme the same Wherevpon foorthwith one Edmund Staplegate exhibited another petition and likewise made his claime to this effect That whereas he the sayde Edmund helde of the King in chiefe the Manor of Bylsington in Kent by the seruice to be his Butler at the Coronation as plainely appeared in the booke of Fées and Sericancies in the Exchequer And whereas also by reason of that tenure the late King Edwarde the thirde had both seised the landes of that petitioner for so much as he was in his minoritie at the time of the death of Edmund Staplegate his father and had also committed the custodie of his body to one Iefferay Chawsier to whō he payde 104. l. for the same he nowe proffered to doe that seruice and praied to be admitted to the office therof with alowance of the fées that belonged therevnto These claimes and the replies also bothe of the Earle and of Staplegate being hearde and considered It was then order partly for the shortnesse of the time whiche would not permit a full examination of the matter and partly bycause that on the Earles side it was proued that his auncestors had béene in possession of that office after the alienation of the Manor of Bylsington whereas on the other part it appeared not that the auncestors of Staplegate had euer executed the same that for the present Coronation the Earle shoulde be receiued and the right of Staplegate and all others shoulde be neuerthelesse to them saued Thus muche of the Manor of Bylsington whiche lyeth here on the right hande I thought méete to impart with you to occupy vs withall in our way to Rumney for as touching the Pryorie that there was althoughe I suppose it to haue begon by the liberalitie of some of the Earles of Arundale yet can I assure you of nothing touching it saue onely of the yearely value whiche you shall finde in the Particular of this shyre amongst the rest of the suppressed houses Rumney called in Saxon Rumen ea that is to say The large watrie place or Marishe It is written in the Records corruptly Rumenal and Romual THE participation of like Priuilege might wel haue moued me to haue placed the Portes together but the purpose of myne order already taken calleth me another way and byndeth me to prosecute them as they lye in order of my iourney There be in Kent therfore two townes of this name the Olde and the New Rumney as touching the latter whereof I minde not to speake hauing not hitherto founde eyther in Recorde or Hystorie any thing pertaining therevnto but that little whiche I haue to say must be of olde Rumney whiche was long since a principal Port and giueth cause of name to the new towne as it selfe first tooke it of the large leuell and territorie of Marishe grounde that is adioyning This Towne sayth the Recorde of Domesday was of the possession of one Robert Rumney and holden of Odo then Bishop of Borieux Earle of Kent and brother to King William the Conquerour in the which the same Robert had thirteene Burgesses who for their seruice at the Sea were acquitted of all exactions and custome◠of charge excepte fellonie breache of the peace and forstalling It was sometyme a good sure and commodious Hauen where many vessels vsed to lye at Roade For Henrie the Archedeacon of Huntingdon maketh report that at suche time as Godwine Earle of Kent and his Sonnes were exiled the Realme vpon suche cause of displeasure as hathe alreadie appeared in Douer they armed vessels to the Sea and sought by disturbing the quiet of the people to compell the King to their reuocation And therfore among sundry other harmes that they did on the Coast of this Shyre they entred the hauen at Rumney and lead away all suche shippes as they found in the Harborow Thomas Becket the Archebishop hauing by froward disobedience and stuborne pertinacitie prouoked King Henrie the second to indignation against him and fearing to abide the triall of ordinarie Iustice at home determined to appeale to the Popes fauour at Rome for whiche purpose he secretly tooke boate at Rumney minding to haue escaped ouer but he was driuen backe by a contrary wynde and so compelled to land againste his will. The vnderstanding of whiche matter so exasperated the King against him that foorthwith he seased his goods and gaue commaundement by his writte to the Sheriffes of all coastes to make arrest of al such as for any cause prouoked to the Pope He caused also his subiectes from twentie yeares of age vpward through out the whole Realme to renounce by othe all wonted obedience to the Sée of Rome and sollicited earnestly the Emperour Frederic and Lewes the Frenche King to haue ioyned with him in deposing Pope Alexander for that he so commonly receaued runnegates and suche as rebelled against their lawfull Princes But suche was eyther the enimitie of Lewes the Frenche King againste King Henrie the second or his dull sight in discerning the profit of the whole Christian common weale that he refused to assist the other twain by meanes whereof both Frederic the Emperour was afterward compelled to yéelde him to the Pope King Henrie the second glad withall submission to reconcile himselfe to the Archebishops fauour Rumney Marshe is famous throughout the Realme as wel for the fertilitie quantitie of the soile leuell as also for the auncient and holesome ordinances there vsed for the preseruation and maintenance of the bankes and walles against the rage of the Sea. It conteineth as by due computation it may appeare 24000. Acres For the taxation of Rumney Marshe onely not accompting Walland Marshe Guilford Marshe c. amounteth to 50. pounds after the rate of one halfe peny the Acre and it is at this day gouerned by certaine lawes made by one Henrie Bathe a Iustice and Commissioner for that purpose in the time of King Henrie the third Of whiche his statutes experience in time hath begotten suche allowance and liking that it was afterward not onely ordered that all the lowe groundes betwéene Tanet in Kent and Pemsey in Sussex should be guided by the same But they are also nowe become a paterne and exemplar to all the like places of the whole Realme to be gouerned by The place is not muche inhabited bycause it is Hyeme malus Aestate molestus Nunquam bonus Euil in Winter grieuous in Sommer and neuer good As Hesiodus the olde Poet somtime saied of the Countrie where his Father dwelt And therefore very reasonable is their conceite whiche doe imagine that Kent hathe thrée steps or degrées of whiche the first say they offereth Wealth without healthe the second giueth bothe Wealth and healthe and the third afoordeth healthe onely and no Wealthe For if a man minding to passe through
Dert Stourmouth in this Shyre of Stowre and such other like And no lesse common with vs of later time is it to corrupt by contraction the true names almoste of al places but especially of so many of the same as consisted at the first of thrée sillables or aboue For of Medweys Towne we make Maidstone of Eglesford Ailsford of Ottanford Otford of Seuennocke Sennock and so foorth infinitely bothe throughout this Shire and the whole Realme and that so rudely in a great many that hardly a man may know them to be the same For Maildulphesbyrig we call Malmesbury Eouesham Esham and Hagustaldsham we cut of by the waste and nickname it Hexam Neyther hath this our manner of abbreuiation corrupted the names of townes contagion almoste our whole speache language calling that which in old time was Heofod now Head Kyning King Hlaford Lord Sunu Sonne and in numerable suche other so that our spéech at this day for the moste part consisteth of wordes of one sillable Whiche thing Erasmus obseruing merily in his Ecclesiast Compareth the Englishe tongue to a Dogges barking that soundeth nothing els but Baw waw waw in Monosillable If this roueing arrow of mine own coniecture haue missed the marke of Glademouth wherat I directed my shotte yet will I pricke at Yenlade with an other out of the same quiuer and happely go nearer it Beda speaketh there of the Northeast mouth of the floud Genlade whiche speache of his were ydle if that water had none other mouthe but that one And therefore hauing read that the Northwest month of the same water running betwéene Shepey Hoo is called Yenlade also though our Statute bookes misplacing some letters name it corruptly Yendal I suppose that Yenlade is a name proper to the whole streame that passeth betwéene Shepey and the maine Land hauing the two mouths Eastswale and Westswale well inough knowne Reculuers in Saxon Raculf Mynster deriued as I gesse of the Brittish woord Racor that signifieth forward for so it standeth toward the Sea. THe present estate of Reculuers deserueth not many words As touching the antiquitie therefore and beginning of the place I read first that Ethelbert â—he first King of Kent hauing placed Augustine at Canterbury withdrewe himselfe to Reculuer and there erected a Palaice for him self and his successours Furthermore that Ecgbrighte the seuenth King of Kent in succession after Hengist gaue to one Bassa the land at Reculuer to builde him a Mynster vpon whiche stoode at the one side of the water Wantsume that ranne two sundrie ways into the Sea and made Tanet an Iland And finally that not long after the same time one Brightwald being Abbat there was aduaunced to the Archebishopricke of Canterbury was the first o al the SaxoÌ„ Nation that aspired to that dignitie In which behalf Reculuers how poore and simple soeuer otherwise hath as you sée somewhat whereof to vaunt it selfe As it may also of the body of Ethelbert the second a King of Kent whiche as the Annales of Saint Augustines report remaineth likewise interred there Thus haue I walked about this whole Diocoese now therefore let me cutte ouer to Watlingstreete whiche I will vse for my way to Rochester and tell you of the places that lye on eche side But first heare I pray you of Stouremouthe and Wyngham which be in my way to Watlingstreate Stouremouthe in Latine Ostium Sturae that is to say the mouth of the Riuer Stoure KIng Alfred hauing many times and that with much losse more dauÌ„ger encountred his enemies the Danes finding that by reason of the sundrie swarmes of them arriuing in diuers parts of his Realme at once he was not able to repulse them beeing landed he rigged vp a royall Nauie and determined to kéep the highe Seas hoping thereby either to beate them vpon the water or to burne their vessels if they should fortune to arriue Soone after this it fortuned his Nauie to meete with the Danish fléete at the mouth of the Riuer Stoure where at the first enccunter the Danes lost sixtéene saile of their ships But as many times it falleth out that securitie foloweth victory so the Kings armie kept no watch by reason whereof the Danes hauing repaired their forces came freshly vpon the Englishe Mariners at vnwares and finding them fast a sléepe gaue them a great and bloudie ouerthrowe The likenesse or rather the agréement of the names would leade a man to thinke that the true place of this conflict should be Stouremouthe in this Shyre the rather for that it is deriued of the mouth of the riuer Stoure and that by the circumstance of the storie it appeareth that King Alfred was in Kent when he made determination of this iourney Howbeit he that shall aduisedly read the storie as it is set downe by Asserus shall confesse it to haue béen in Eastangle whiche conteined Norfolke and Suffolke c. And for the more certeinty I take it to haue chaunced at the same place whiche we nowe call Harwiche Hauen For that Riuer diuideth Essex from Suffolk and not farre from the head therof in Essex there standeth a Towne yet called Sturmere whiche in my fantasie sufficiently mainteineth the knowledge of this matter Thus muche I thought fitte to say of the name Stowremouth least otherwise the Reader whome I would kéepe within the limits of Kent might be shipped in the boate of this errour and be soudainly caried from me Againe it shall not be amisse for the better vnderstanding of this selfe same Hystorie penned by Henrie Huntingdon to note that in this place he calleth the Danes not Paganos as in the rest of his book he vseth but by a strange name Wicingas as the Saxon Chronicles in report of the same matter do terme theÌ„ which word I thinke he tooke out of some Saxon Chronicle that he followed and happely vnderstood not what it signified For if he had why should he not rather since he wrote Latine haue called them Piratas as the woord in deede meaneth and as Asserus in the rehersall of the same fight had done before him It may be that he was a Norman borne but truly I suppose rather that the Saxon speach was well nighe worne out of vre in the reigne of King Stephan vnder whome he liued seeing that euen immediatly after the comming in of the Conquerour it began to decline For it is plaine that the Normans at the very first entrie laboured by al means to supplant the English and to plante their owne language amongst vs and for that purpose they both gaue vs the lawes and all manner of pastimes in the French tongue as he that will peruse the Lawes of the Conquerour and consider the termes of Hawking Hunting Tenise Dice playe and other disportes shall easily perceaue They reiected also the Saxons Characters all that their wonted manner of writing as writeth Ingulphus the Abbat of Croyland whiche came ouer with them and as a man
King for many pointes of great enormitie and especially for the treason whiche he had imagined with certaine Earles and Noble men to the end that they should displace the King from the seate of his Kingdome and place his sonne Edward in his throne and cast the Father into perpetuall prison and when he could not deny the things obiected against him being stroken with an incredible feare and falling downe prostrate vpon the earth at the Kings feete that he might deserue to obtaine his fauour with weeping and wayling he submitted himselfe wholly to the Kings pleasure thus was that proude most hateful man to God brought lowe and humbled the whiche defiled throughout all England with the breath of his mouthe like an harlot the state of the Priesthode and Clergie and exercised intollerable tyrannie ouer the people and he whiche before writing vnto the King refused in his letters for pride to call him his Lord nowe being humbled both acknowledgethe and calleth him his Lord and King being made obedient and to serue him with great deuotion but yet against his will. Againe when as in the same yeare he was cited to appeare at Rome vpon complaint that he had wastfully spoyled the goods of his Churche and came to the Court to sue for licence to passe ouer the Seas the King as soone as he came to his presence and had moued his suite caused the presence chamber dore to be set wide open willed the standers by to giue eare and spake a loude to the Bishop in this manner as the same author reporteth Licentiam transfretandi quam a nobis postulare venisti libenter tibi concedimus reuertendi autem licentiam nullam damus memores doli ac proditionis quas in Parlemento Lincolniae cum Baronibus nostris in Regiam machinatus es Maiestatem cuius rei litera signo tuo sigillata testis est testimonium perhibet contra te euidenter Sed propter amorē beati Thomae Martyris Ecclesiae cui praees reuerentiam vindictam hucusque distulimus reseruantes eam Papae qui nostras iniurias vlciscetur vtpote speramus A protectione vero nostra te prorsus excludimus omnem gratiam negantes miserecordiam quia re vera semper immisericors fuisti Cumque Wintoniensis Episcopus pro eo intercederet Archiepiscopum Dominum suum esse diceret Rex affirmauit se omnium Praelatorum regni Regem Dominum esse principalem Wee willingly graunt you licence to passe ouer the Seas according as you are come to desire but to retourne again we giue you no licence at al being mindfull of the deceit and treason whiche you did practise with our Barons against our Kingly Maiestie in the Parleament at Lincolne of the whiche thing your letter signed with your owne seale is a witnes and euidētly giueth testimonie against you Howbeit for the loue of Saint Thomas the Martyr and for the reuerence of the Church ouer the which you are set we haue hither to differred the reuēge reseruing it to the Pope which as we hope wil make reuenge of our iniuries But we vtterly exclude you frō our protectiō denying you all grace mercy because in dede you haue alwais ben an vnmerciful mā And whē as the Bishop of Winchester made intercession for him said that the Archbishop was his Lord the King affirmed that he himself was the King and cheif Lord of al the Prelats of the Realm This I haue exemplified the more at large bothe to the end that you may sée how great a traitour to his Prince howe vnmercifull a tyrant to the Common people and howe foule a blemishe to the Ecclesiasticall order this Bishop was quite contrary to that which M. Polydore affirmeth of him and also that you may vnderstand what authoritie King Edward the first in plaine termes chalenged ouer his Cleargie not such as Anselme offered King William Rufus when he tooke Canterbury of his gifte saying Summo pontifici debeo obedientiam tibi consilium I owe my obedience to the highe Bishop and my counsel to you But suche as a true subiect oweth to his Liege King and lawful souereigne and suche as differeth no more from that which we at this day attribute to our Prince then Principalis Dominus and supremus Gubernator do varie in sunder And yet beholde the madnes of the time after the deathe of this Bishop the common people forsoothe resorted to his tumbe and would néedes haue made a Sainct of him had not the Sepulchre béen defaced and their follie staied by publique ordinance Chilham Castle in Saxon Cyleham that is the colde dwelling IN the allotment of Landes for the defence of Douer Castle whereof we haue before spoken Chilham fell to Fulbert of Douer who in consideration thereof vndertooke to finde at his owne charge fiftéene able Souldiours whereof thrée should warde in the Castle euery moneth by the space of 20. wéeks in the yeare I suspect that it came afterwardes to the possession of the Archebishop For I remember that I once read that King Iohn came thither to treate with Stephan Langton the Archebishop for reconciliation to be had betweene them Wye the word in Brittish signifieth an Egge WHat time king William the Conquerour endowed his Abbay of Battel in Sussex he gaue thervnto amongst other his Manour of Wye conteining at that time seuen hydes or ploughe landes and being before that time of the Demeasnes of the Crowne The Chronicles of Battell Abbay affirme that there were sometimes two and twentie Hundrethes subiect to the iurisdiction of this Towne whiche if it be true then as farre as I can reache by coniecture the territorie of Wye was the very same in compasse that nowe the Last of Screy or Sherwinhope describeth that is to say the fift part of this whole Shyre consisting of two and twentie Hundrethes in number The same King graunted to his Monks of Battel wrek of the Sea falling vpon Dengemarishe a portion of Wye and willed further by his Chart of donation that if any fish called a Craspeis that is Crasse pisse a great or royall fishe as whales or suche other which by the Lawe of Prerogatiue perteined to the King himselfe should happen to be taken there that the Monkes should haue it wholly And if it fortuned to arriue in any other mans land lying betwene Horsmede and Withburn that yet the Monkes should enioy the whole tongue and two third partes of the rest of the body Nowe in the Reigne of King Henrie his Sonne it fortuned that a shippe laden with the Kings owne goods was wrecked within the precinct of this libertie which his Officers would haue taken and saued to his vse but Geffray then Abbat of Battell withstoode them that so stoutly that the matter by complaint came to the Kings owne hearing who to make knowen how muche he valued his fathers graunt yéelded the matter wholy into the Abbats owne courtesie The same Storie
reigne of King Henrie the first the King him self and a great many of the Nobilitie and Bishops being there present and assembled for the consecration as they call it of the great Churche of Sainct Andrewes the whiche was euen then newly finished And it was againe in manner wholy consumed with flame about the latter ende of the reigne of King Henrie the seconde at whiche time that newely builded Churche was sore blasted also But after all these calamities this Citie was well repaired ditched about in the reigne of King Henrie the third As touchinge the castle at Rochester although I finde not in wryting any other foundation therof then that which I alledged before recon to be mere fabulous yet dare I affirme that ther was an old Castle aboue eight hundreth yeres agoe in so much as I read that Ecgbert a king of Kent gaue certeine landes within the walles of Rochester castle to Eardulfe then Bishop of that See And I coniecture that Odo the bastard brother to king William the Conqueror whiche was at the first Bishop of Borieux in Normandie and then afterwarde aduaunced to the office of the chiefe Iustice of Englande and to the honour of the Earledome of Kent was eyther the first authour or the best benefactour to that which now standeth in sight and herevnto I am drawne somewhat by the consideration of the time it selfe in whiche many Castles were raysed to kéepe the people in awe and somewhat by the regarde of his authoritie whiche had the charge of this whole Shyre but most of all for that I reade that about the time of the Conquest the Bishop of Rochester receiued lande at Ailesford in exchaunge for grounde to builde a Castle at Rochester vpon Not long after whiche time when as William Rufus our Englishe Pyrrhus or Readhead had stepped betwéene his elder brother Robert and the crowne of this realme and had giuen experiment of a fierce and vnbridled gouernment the Nobilitie desirous to make a chaunge arose in armes againste him and stirred his brother to make inuasion And to the ende that the King shoulde haue at once many yrons as the saying is in the fire to attende vpon some moued warre in one corner of the Realme and some in another But amongst the reste this Odo betooke him to his castle of Rochester accompanied with the best both of the English and the Norman nobilitie This whē the king vnderstood he sollicited his subiects specially the inhabitants of this country by al faire meanes and promises to assist him so gathering a great armie besieged the Castle and strengthened the Bishop and his complices the defendants in suche wise that in the ende he and his company were contented to abiure the Realme and to leade the rest of their life in Normandie And thus Odo that many yeres before had béene as it were a Viceroy and second person within this realme was now depriued of al his dignitie driuē to kéepe residence vpon his benefice till suche time as Earle Robert for whose cause he had incurred this daūger pitying the cause appointed him gouernour of Normandie his owne countrie After this the Castle was much amended by Gundulphus the Bishop who in consideration of a Manor giuen to his Sée by King Williā Rufus bestowed thrée score poundes in building that great Towre whiche yet standeth And from that time this Castle continued as I iudge in the possession of the Prince vntill King Henrie the first by the aduice of his Barons graunted to William the Archebishop of Canterburie and his successours the custodie and office of Constable ouer the same with frée libertie to builde a Towre for him selfe in any part therof at his pleasure By meanes of which cost done vpon it at that time the Castle at Rochester was muche in the eye of suche as were the authors of troubles folowing within the realme so that from time to time it had a parte almost in euery Tragedie For what time King Iohn had warre with his Barons they gotte the possession of this Castle and cōmitted the defence therof to a noble man called William Dalbinet whome the king immediatly besieged through the cowardise of Robert Fitz Walter that was sent to rescue it after thrée monethes labour compelled him to render the péece The next yere after Lewes the Frenche Dolphine by the ayde of the Englishe Nobilitie entered the same Castle and tooke it by force And lastly in the reigne of King Henrie the thirde Simon Mountford not long before the battaile at Lewes in Sussex girded the citie of Rochester about with a mightie siege and setting on fire the wooden bridge a Towre of timber that stoode thereon wanne the firste gate or warde of the Castle by assaulte and spoyled the Churche and Abbay But being manfully resisted seuen dayes together by the Earle Warren that was within and hearing soudainly of the Kings comming thitherwarde he prepared to méete him in person and lefte others to continue the siege all whiche were soone after put to flight by the kings armie This warre as I haue partly shewed before was specially moued against strangers whiche during that kings reigne bare suche a sway as some write that they not onely disdayned the naturall borne Nobilitie of the Realme But did also what in them lay to abolishe the auncient lawes and customes of the same In déede the fire of that displeasure was long in kindeling therfore so much the more furious when it brast foorth into flame But amongst other things that ministred nourishment therto this was not the least that vpon a time it chaunced a Torneament to be at Rochester in which the English men of a set purpose as it should séeme sorted them selues against the strangers and so ouermatched them that following the victory they made them with great shame to fly into the Towne for couert But I dwel to long I feare in these two parts I will therefore nowe visite the Religious building and so passe ouer the bridge to some other place The foundation of the Churche of S. Andrewes in Rochester was first layd by King Ethelbert as we haue touched before at suche time as he planted the Bishops chaire in the Citie and it was occupyed by Chanons till the dayes of Gundulphus the Bishop who bycause he was a Monke and had hearde that it was sometimes stored with Monkes made meanes to Lanfranc the Archebishop and by his ayde and authoritie both builded the Churche and Pryorie of newe threwe out the Chanons and once more brought Monkes into their place following therein the example that many other Cathedrall Churches of that time had shewed before And this is the very cause that William of Malmesburie ascribeth to Lanfranc the whole thanke of all that matter for in déede bothe he and Anselme his successour were wonderfully busied in placing Monks and in diuorcing Chanons and Secular Priests from their wiues the whiche in contempte
not to pursue ouer fiercely thine enemie that hath already tourned his back towardes thée least thou compell him to make vertue of that necessitie and he turning his face againe put thee in d unger to be ouercome thy selfe which before haddest in thine owne hande assuraunce to ouerthrowe him In which behalfe it was well sayde of one Hosti fugienti pons aureus faciendus If thine enemie will flye make him a bridge of Golde Neuerthelesse for as much as this aduice procéeded not from Eadric of any care that he had to preserue King Edmonds power out of perill but rather of feare least the whole army of Canutus should be ouerrunne and destroyed he is iustly taxed for this and other his treasons by our auncient historians who also make report of the worthy rewarde that in the ende he receiued for all his trecherie For this was hee as William Malmsb writeth though some others ascribe it to his sonne that afterwardes when these two Kings had by composition diuided the Realme betwene them most villanously murthered King Edmonde at Oxford and was therfore done to death by King Canutus who in that one act shewed singular argumeÌ„ts both of rare iustice and of a right noble harte Of iustice for that he would not winke at the faulte of him by whose meanes hee obteyned the Monarchie of the whole Realme of great Nobilitie of minde in that he plainly declared himselfe to estéeme more of his owne honour then of another mans Crowne and Scepter to haue digested quietly that impatiencie of a partener in kingdome which great Alexander thought as intollerable as two sunnes in the world at once and which Romulus could in no wise brooke since he woulde not suffer one kingdome to content him and Remus whom one belly had conteyned before There was sometime at Eilefford a house of Carmelite Friers of the time of the foundation or name of the founder whereof I haue not yet learned any thing Mallinge in Saxon Mealing of Mealuing that is the Lowe place flourishing with meale or Corne for so it is euery where accoÌ„pted THis Towne the name whereof hauing his termination in ing betokeneth plainely that it is situate along the water euen as Yalding Berming Halling and others thereby was first giuen to Burhricus the Bishop of Rochester by King Edmund the Brother of Athelstane vnder the name of thrée Plough landes in Mealinges About one hundreth and fiftie yeares after whiche time Gundulphus a successour in that See as you haue read before hauing amplified the buildings and multiplied that number of the Monkes in his owne Citie raised an Abbay of women here also which being dedicate to the name of the Blessed Virgin during all his life he gouerned himself and lying at the point of death he commended to the charge of one Auice a chosen woman to whome notwithstanding he would not deliuer the Pastorall staffe before she had promised Canonicall Obedience fidelitie and subiection to the Sée of Rochester and protested by othe that there should neither Abbasse nor Nonne be from thenceforthe receaued into the house without the consent and priuitie of him and his successours Now whether this Rus propinquum and politique prouision were made of a blinde zeale that the man had to aduaunce superstition or of a vain glorie to increase authoritie in his succession or els of a foresight that the Monkes whiche were for the moste part called Monachi of Sole liuing by the same rule that Montes haue their name of remouing might haue a conuenient place to resort vnto and where they might Caute at the least quenche the heates kindled of their good cheare and idlenesse God knoweth and I wil not iudge But well I wote that this was a very common practise in Papistrie for as Saint Augustines had Sepulchres Saint Albans Sopewell Shene Sion the Knightes of the Rodes the Nonnes of Clerkenwel all adioyning or subiect to suche obedience so Sempringham and some other of that sort had both Male and Female within one house and wall togeather the world being in the meane while borne in hand that they were no men but Images as Phryne said sometime of Xenocrates This house was valued in the Recordes at two hundreth and eightéene pounds of yerely reuenewe Tunbridge called of Mat. Par. Thâ—â—ebrugge corruptly for tonebrycge that is the Bridge ouer Tone but if it be truly written tunbrycge theÌ„ it signifieth the towne of Bridges as in deed it hath many ALthough I find no mention of Tunbridge in that copie of Domesdaye booke whiche I haue séene concerning the description of this Shyre yet read I in history that there was a castle at Tunbridge sone after the conqueste if not euen at the same time when that booke was compiled For omitting that which Hector Boetius writeth concerning a battell at Tunbridge wherin the Conquerour as he saith should preuaile against Harold bicause it is euidently false and vntrue vnlesse he mean it of the continuance of the chase after the fight euen to Tunbridge I haue read that at suche time as Odo ioyning with others of the Nobilitie made defection from William Rufus to Robert his elder brother the King besieged at Tunbridge one Gilbert then kéeper of the Castle and compelled him to yéelde it Happely this Odo being the Kings Vncle and of great authoritie within the Shyre as we haue before shewed had erected this Castle giuen the charge to Gilbert but howsoeuer that were certaine it is that the Castle was long time holdeÌ„ of the Archbishops of Canterbury and continued many yeares togeather in the possession of the Earles of Clare afterwards called of Gloucester For in the dayes of King Henrie the second Thomas the Archbishop required homage of Roger then Earle of Gloucester for his Castle of Tunbridge who knowing the King to be halfe angrie with the Archebishop and wholly on his owne side shaped him a short answere affirming stoutly that it was none of his but the Kings owne as a Lay Fée Falcasius a hyred Souldiour that was enterteined by King Iohn during the warres with his Nobilitie toke by force this Castle from the Earle of Gloucester and kept it for a season to the Kings behoofe King Henrie the third also after the death of Gilbert the Earle of Gloucester scised the Wardship of his Heire and committed the custody of this Castle to Hubert of Burghe But Richard the Archebishop surnamed the great being offended therat came to the King in great haste and made his claime by reason that the Earle Gilbert died in his homage the King gaue answer that the whole Earledome was holden of him that hee might lawfully committe the custodie of the Landes to whome soeuer it liked himselfe Hereat the Bishop waxed warme and tolde the King plainly that since he could not haue right within the Realme he would not spare to séeke it abrode forthwith hasted him to the holy Father at Rome where he
waxe grow as well in the bush of haire that it had on the head as also in the length and stature of the members and bodie it selfe By meanes whereof it came to passe that whereas the fruites of the Benefice weare hardly able to susteine the Incumbent nowe by the benefite of this inuention which was in papistrie Nouum genus aucupij the Parson there was not onely furnished by the offering to liue plentifully but also well ayded towarde the makinge of a Hoorde or increase of Wealthe and Riches But as Ephialtes and Octus the Sonnes of Neptune who as the Poets feigne waxed nine inches euerie moneth being heaued vp with opinion and conceits ceipt of their owne length and hantines assaulted heauen intending to haue pulled the Gods out of their places and were therefore shot through slayne with the arrowes of the Gods Euen so when Popish Idolatrie was growne to the full height and measure so that it spared not to rob God of his due honour and most violently to pull him as it were out of his seate then this growing Idole and all his fellowes were so deadly wounded with the heauenly arrowes of the woorde of God Qui non dabit gloriam suam sculptilibus that soone after they gaue vp the ghost and least vs. Betwéene this Towne and Depeforde which is the whole bredthe of the Shyre on the west ende I finde nothing committed to hystorie and therefore let vs hast and take our next way thither ¶ Depeforde in Latine Vadum profundum and in auncient Euidences West Greenewiche THis towne being a frontier betwene Kent and Surrey was of none estimation at all vntil that King Henrie the eight aduised for the better preseruation of the Royall Fléete to erect a Storehouse and to create certaine officers there these he incorporated by the name of the Maister and Wardeines of the Holie Trinitie for the building kéeping and conducting of the Nauie Royall There was lately reedefied a fayre Bridge also ouer the Brooke called Rauensbourne whiche ryseth not farre of in the Heath aboue Bromley ¶ Greenewiche in Latine Viridis finus in Saxon grenapic that is to say the Greene Towne In auncient euidences Eastgreenewiche for difference sake from Depforde which in olde Instruments is called westgreenewiche IN the time of the turmoyled Kinge Ethelred the whole fléete of the Danish army lay at roade two or thrée yeares together before Greenewich And the Souldiours for the moste parte were incamped vpon the hill aboue the towne now called Black-health Duringe this time they pearced this whole Countrie sacked and spoyled the Citie of Canterburie and brought frō thence to their ships Aelphey the Archbishop And here a Dane called Thrum whom the Archebishop had confirmed in Christianitie the daie before strake him on the head behinde and slewe him because he woulde not condiscend to redéeme his lyfe with thrée thousande poundes which the people of the Citie Diocesse were contented to haue geuen for his raunsome Neither would the rest of the Souldiours suffer his bodie to be committed to the earth after the maner of Christian decencie till such time saieth William of Malmsb as they perceiued that a dead stick being annointed with his bloud waxed gréene againe and began the next day to blossom But referring the credite of that and suche other vnfruitfull miracles wherwith our auncient monkish stoaries doe swarme to the iudgement of the godly and discréete Readers most assured it is that aboute the same time such was the storme and furie of the Danish insatiable rauine waste spoyle and oppression with in this Realme besides that of two and thirtie Shyres into which number the whole was then diuided they herried and ransacked sixtéene so that the people being miserably vexed the Kinge himselfe to auoyde the rage first sent ouer the Seas his wyfe and children afterward compounded and gaue them a yerely tribute and lastly for verie feare forsooke the Realme and fled into Normandie himselfe also They receiued besides daylie victuall fourtie eight thousande poundes in ready coyne of the subiectes of this Realme whilest their King Swein lyued twentie one thousand after his death vnder his sonne Canutus vpon the payment whereof they made a corporall oth to serue the King as his feodaries against al strangers and to liue as fréendes and allies without endamaging his subiectes But how litle they perfourmed promise the harms that daily folowed in sundry parts and the exalting of Canutus their owne countrieman to the honour of the Crowne were sufficient witnesses In memorie of this Campe certeine places within this parishe are at this day called Combes namely Estcombe Westcombe and Midlecombe almoste forgotten For Comb and Compe in Saxon being somewhat declined from Campus in Latine signifieth a field or Campe for an Armie to soiourne in And in memorie of this Archebishop Aelpheg the parish Church at Greenewiche being at the first dedicated to his honour remaineth knowne by his name euen till this present day Thus much of the antiquitie of the place concerning the latter hystorie I reade that it was soone after the conquest parcel of the possessions of the Bishop of Lysieux in Fraunce and that it bare seruice to Odo then Bishop of Baieux and Earle of Kent After that the Manor belonged to the Abbat of Gaunt in Flaunders till such time as Kinge Henrie the fift seising into his handes by occasion of warre the landes of the Priors Aliens bestowed it togeather with the manor of Lewsham and many other lands also vpon the Priorie of the Chartrehouse Monks of Shene whiche he had then newly erected to this it remayned vntill the time of the reigne of Kinge Henrie the eight who annexed it to the Crowne whervnto it now presently belongeth The Obseruant Friers that sometime lyued at Greenewiche as Iohn Rosse writeth came thither about the latter end of the reign of king Edward the fourth at whose handes they obteined a Chauntrie with a litle Chapel of the holy crosse a place yet extant in the towne And as Lilley saith Kinge Henrie the seuenth buylded for them that house adioyning to the Palaice which is there yet to be séene But now least I may séeme to haue saide much of small matters and to haue forgotten the principall ornament of the towne I must before I end with Greenewiche say somewhat of the Princes Palaice there Humfrey therefore the Duke of Gloucester Protectour of the Realme a man no lesse renowmed for approued vertue and wisdome then honoured for his high estate and parentage was the first that layde the foundations of the faire building in the towne and towre in the Parke and called it his Manor of pleasance After him Kinge Edward the fourthe bestowed some cost to enlarge the woorke Henrie the seuenthe folowed and beautified the house with the addition of the brick front toward the water side but King Henrie the eight as he excéeded all his progenitours
in setting vp of sumptuous housinge so he spared no coste in garnishing Greenewiche til he had made it a pleasant perfect and Princely Palaice Marie his eldest daughter and after Quéene of the realme was borne in this house Queene Elizabeth his other daughter our most gratious gladsom Gouernour was likewise borne in this house And his deare sonne King Edward a myracle of Princely towardnesse ended his lyfe in the same house One accident more touching this house and then an ende It hapened in the reigne of Queene Marie that the Master of a Ship passing by whilest the court lay there and meaning as the manner aad dutie is with saile and shot to honour the Princes presence vnaduisedly gaue fyre to a peice charged with a pellet in sted of a tampion the which lighting on the Palaice wallranne through one of the priuie lodginges and did no further harme ¶ Blackheathe ADioyninge to Greenewiche lyethe the plaine called of the colour of the soyle Blackheathe the which besides the burthen of the Danishe Camps whereof we spake euen now hath borne thrée seueral rebellious assemblies One in the time of Kinge Richard the second moued as it shal appeare anon in Dartford by Iack Straw whom William Walworth then Mayor of London slowe with his Dagger in Smithfielde in memorie whereof the Citie had geuen them for increase of honour a Dagger to be borne in their shield of armes Iack Cade that counterfeit Mortimer and his fellowes were leaders of the second who passing from hence to London did to death the Lord Say and others in the time of King Henrie the Sixt. These two besides other harmes that vsually accompanie the mutinic and vprore of the common and rascal sort defaced fouly the Records and monuments both of the law and Armourie The parts of Rolles remayning yet halfe brent doo witnesse the one And the Heraldes vnskill comming through the want of their olde Bookes is sufficient testimonie of the other The third insurrection was assembled by Michael Ioseph the black Smith and the Lorde Audley vnder the reigne of Kinge Henrie the Seuenth at whiche time they and their complices receaued their iust deserte the common number of them being slaine and discomfited and the leaders themselues taken drawne and hanged Of this last there remaineth yet to be séene vpon the Heathe the places of the Smithes Tente called commonly his forge And of all thrée the graue hilles of suche as were buried after the ouerthrowe These hillockes in the West Countrie where is no smal store of the like are called Barowes of the olde Englishe word BurgHer whiche signifieth Sepulchres or places of burying which word being a spring of that olde stocke we doe yet reteine aliue The first and last of these commotions were stirred of a griefe that the common people conceaued for the demaund of two subsidies of whiche the one was vnreasonable bycause it was taxed vpon the Polls and exempted none were he neuer so poore The other was vnseasonable for that it was exacted when the heades of the common people were full of Parkin Warber The third and midlemoste grewe vpon a grudge that the people tooke for yeelding vp the Duchie of Angâ—ow and Maynie to the King of Sicil The comming in of whose daughter after that the King would néedes haue her to wife notwithstanding his precontract made with the Earle of Armenac was not so ioyfully embraced by the Citizens of London vpon Blackheathe wearing their red Hoodes Badges and blewe gownes as in sequele the Marriage and whole gouernment it self was knowne to be detested of the countrie Commons by bearing in the same place Harnesse Bowes Billes and other Weapon But bicause I cannot without paine and pitie enter into the consideration of these times and matters I will discourse no farther thereof but crosse ouer the next way to Lesnes and prosequute the rest of the bounds of this Bishopricke Lesnes mistaken as I thinke for LesÆ¿es Leswes whiche signifiethe Pastures I Could easily haue beléeued that the name Lesnes had béen deriued out of the Frenche and that it had béen first imposed at the foundation of the Abbay saying that I finde the place registred in the Booke of Domesday by the very same and none other calling And therfore I am the rather led to thinke that the name is Saxon and there miswritten as many other be by reason that the Normans were the penners of that booke Lesnes for Leswes the word whiche in the Saxon tongue signifieth Pastures and is not as yet vtterly forgotten forasmuche as till this day Pastures be called Lesewes in many places This is my fantasie touching the name wherein if I fayle it forceth not greatly since the matter is no more weightie Concerning the Hystorie of the place only I finde that Richard Lucy a priuie Counselour of the State and chiefe Iustice of the Realme in the time of King Henrie the second founded an Abbay there the temporalties wherof amounted as I finde to seuen poundes sixe Shillings and eight pence But as for the extent of the whole yearely value I haue not learned it Earethe in some olde euidences Eard deriued as I gesse of Aerre Hyðe that is the olde Hauen FOr plaine example that oure Elders before the conquest had their trialles for title of land and other controuersies in each shire before a Iudge then called Alderman or Shyreman of whom there is very frequent mention in the Lawes of our auncestours the Saxons the whiche some yeares since were collected and published in one volume and for assured proofe also that in those dayes they vsed to procéede in suche causes by the oathes of many persons testifying their opinion of his credit that was the first swearer or partie after the manner of our daily experience as in the oath yet in vre and called commonly Wager of Lawe is to be séene I haue made choice of one Hystorie conteining briefly the narration of a thing done at this place by Dunstanc the Archbishop of Canterbury almost a hundreth yeares before the comming of King William the Conquerour A rich man saith the text of Rochester being owner of Cray Earithe Ainesford and Woldham and hauing none issue of his body deuised the same lands by his last wil made in the presence of Dunstane and others to a kinswoman of his owne for life the Remainder of the one halfe thereof after her death to Christes Church at Canterbury and of the other halfe to Saint Androwes of Rochester for euer he died and his wife toke one Leofsun to husband who ouerliuing her reteined the Land as his owne notwithstanding that by the fourme of the deuise his interest was determined by the deathe of his wife Herevpon complaint came to one Wulsie for that time the Scyreman or Iudge of the Countie as the same booke interpreteth it before whome bothe Dunstane the Archebishop the parties them selues sundrie other Bishops and a great multitude of the Lay people
appeared all by appointment at Eareth and there in the presence of their whole assembly Dunstane taking a crosse in his hand made a corporal oath vpon the booke of the Ecclesiastical lawes vnto the Shyreman whiche then tooke it to the Kings vse bicause Leofsun himselfe refused to receaue it and affirmed that the right of these landes was to Christes Churche and to Saint Androwes For ratification and credit of which his othe a thousand other persons chosen out of East and West Kent Eastsex Midlesex and Sussex tooke their othes also vpon the Crosse after him And thus by this manner of iudgement Christes Churche and Saint Androwes were brought into possession Leofsun vtterly reiected for euer The towne of Eareth is an ancient corporatiō but whether it hath béen at any time of greater accōpt I finde not therfore hauing alreadie declared in maner whatsoeuer it hathe note woorthie I will set down this one thing and leaue it Toward the latter end of the reigne of King Henrie the sixt there were taken at this Towne foure very great and rare fishes of whiche one was then named to be Mors Marina another a sword fishe and the rest were supposed to be Whales Crayforde in Saxon Creccanford that is the Ford or passage ouer the water Crecca now called Cray AFter the death of Horsa of whome we haue spoken in Ailesford before The Saxons made his brother Hengist their only King and leader And he minding foorthwith to shewe himselfe woorthie of his newely attayned Honour and willing to supplie in himselfe the defect of his deceased Brother pursued the Britons fiercely and gaue them sundrie great encounters in diuers of whiche although he sped doubtfully yet at the last méeting with them at Crayford he slewe foure of their chief capitaines and so discomfited the whole number that the Britons quite abandoned this Countrie and with great feare fled to London before him After this fight the Britons not only neuer inuaded Hengist as Ralfe Higden writeth but fled him like fire as the Saxon Hystorie reporteth so that euen then and not before it might truely be saide that he had gained the possession of the Kentish Kingdome The place is named of the water Cray whiche beginning at Orpington vntruely so termed for Dorpendun whiche signifieth the head or spring of the Hille water runneth by Saint Marie Cray Poules Cray Fotescray and Crayford to all whiche it likewise giueth name and commeth at length to Dartford where it mingleth with the Riuer Darent and so openeth into the Thamise Dartforde in Saxon Derentford in latine Derenti vadūtit signifieth the ford or passage ouer the Riuer Derent NOw be we retourned into Mesopotamia for so me thinketh that this countrie lying betwene the Riuers of Darent and Medwey may wel be termed And here you must call to minde that whiche you heard in Rochester before namely that King Iohn wan the Castle of Rochester from William Dalbyney through the faint heart and cowardize of Robert Fitzwalter whom the Nobilitie had sent of purpose to rescue it now the place so requiring you shal vnderstand the whole maner of the thing and how it hapned The Noble men that mainteined the warre against King Iohn vnderstanding that he laide siege to the Castle at Rochester and fearing that William Dalbiney or Dalbinet the Capitaine thereof could not long defend it without supplie of suche thinges as he wanted and they could not well minister determined to giue some aduenture to raise the siege And for that purpose made Robert Fitzwalter generall of a greate armie This man when he came to Dartford mette with a Gentleman of the order of the Temple of whō he demaunded sundrie questions for intelligence of the numbre of the Kings campe Who finding him to be afraide tolde him of set purpose that the Kings armie was muche greater then his whereas in déede his power was thrise so bigge as the Kings Here vpon Robert being with this false terrour stricken into an excéeding great feare whose companion is flight as Homer well saithe without further inquisition sought to saue him selfe by the swiftnes of his féete and so through fainte heart left Rochester to the vttermost aduenture If King Iohn had followed I thinke it would haue become of him as it sometime chaunced of a certaine white liuered man who hearing great praise of Hercules strengthe forthwith conueyed himself into a caue and when he had spied him by chaunce passing that way he died out of hand for extreame feare I read that in the time of King Henrie the third Frederic the Emperour sent hither the Archebishop of Colein accompanied with sundrie Noble personages to demaunde Isabell the Kings sister to be giuen him in marriage the whiche for asmuche as the Embassadours liked the young Ladie well was after suche a solemnization as in absence may be perfourmed married vnto him at this Towne and then deliuered to the Orators to be caried ouer Whereby I make coniecture that although there be not in storie mention of any great building at Dartford before the time of the Abbay whiche was raised long after this marriage yet there was some faire house of the Kings or of some others euen at this time there For otherwise I knowe not howe to make it a méete place for so honourable an appointment But leauing all coniecture certaine it is that afterward King Edward the third founded there a faire Monasterie for women which at the general dissolution was founde to be woorth thrée hundreth and eightie pounds by yeare and of whiche King Henrie the eight not without great cost made a fit house for himselfe and his successours The same King Edward the third at one time in his returne from Fraunce proclaimed a generall Torneament or Iustes to be holden at Dartford whiche he and his Nobles perfourmed moste honourablie This manner of exercise beeing then vsed not at the Tilte as I thinke but at Randon and in the open field was accompted so daungerous to the persons hauing to do therein that sundrie Popes had forbidden it by decrée and the Kings of this Realme before King Stephan would not suffer it to be frequēted within their land so that suche as for exercise of that feate in armes were desirous to proue themselues were driuen to passe ouer the Seas and to performe it in some indifferent place in a forreigne Countrie But afterward King Stephan in his time permitted it and then after him King Richard the firste not only allowed it but also encouraged his Nobilitie to vse it And so by litle and litle the danger being sufficiently prouided for and the men waxing expert it grewe in the time of the Kings that followed especially in the reigne af this Edward the third to a moste pleasaunt vsuall and familiar pastime But to returne to Dartford againe The first motiue of the rebellious assembly of the Common people of this Shyre
seuenth booke and third chapter Bracton that liued in the time of King Henrie the third in his seconde booke De acquirendo rerum dominio And Bretton that wrate vnder King Edward the first and by his commaundement haue all expresse mention of landes partible amongst the males by vsage of the place and some of them recite the very name of Gauelkind it selfe But most plainely of all an auncient treatise receiued by tradition from the hands of our elders wherof I my self haue one exemplar written out as I suppose in the time of King Edwarde the firste agréeing with the dayly practise of these customes proueth the continuance of them to stande with good lawe and liking And therefore forbearing as néedlesse further testimonie in that behalfe I will descende to the disclosing of the customes them selues not numbring them by order as they lye in that treatise but drawing them foorth as they shall concerne eyther the lande it selfe or the persons that I will orderly speake of that is to say particularly the Lorde and the Tenant The husband and the wife The child and the gardien and so after addition of a fewe other things incident to this purpose I will drawe to an end As touching the land it self in which these customes haue place it is to be vnderstanded that all the landes within this Shyre which be of ancient Socage tenure be also of the nature of Gauelkind For as for the lands holden by auncient tenure of Knights seruice they be at the common lawe are not departible after the order of this custome except certeine which being holden of olde time by Knightes seruice of the Archebishop of Canterbury are neuerthelesse departible as it may appeare by an opinion of the Iudges in the Kings benche .26 H. 8. fol. 4. And that grewe by reason of a graunt made by King Iohn to Hubert the Archebishop the tenor wherof being exemplified out of an auncient roll remayning in the handes of the Reuerende father Mathewe the Archebishop nowe liuing hereafter followeth Ioannes dei gratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hiberniae Dux Normaniae Aquitaniae comes Andegauen Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Comitibus Baronibus Iusticiarijs Vicecomitibus Praepositis ministris omnibus Balliuis fidelibus suis Salutem Sciatis nos concessisse praesenti charta nostra confirmasse venerabili patri nostro ac Chro. Huberto Cantuar. Archiepiscopo successoribus suis in perpetuum quòd liceat eis terras quas homines de feodo Ecclesiae Cantua tenent in Gauelkind conuertere in feoda militū Et quod idem Episcop successores sui eandē in ōnibus potestatē libertatē habeant in perpetuū in homines illos qui terras easdem ita in feodo militum conuersas tenebunt in haeredes eorum quā ipse Archiepiscopus habet successores sui post eum habebunt in alios milites de feodo Ecclesiae Cantuar. in haeredes Et homines illi haeredes eorum eandem omnem libertaetem habeant in perpetuum quam alij milites de feodo Ecclesiae Cantuar. haeredes eorum habent Ita tamen quod nihilominus consuetus redditus denariorum reddatur integre de terris suis sicut prius xenia aueragia alia opera quae fiebāt de terris ijsdem conuertantur in redditum denariorum aequiualentem Et redditus ille reddatur sicut alius redditus denariorum Quare volumus firmiter praecipimus quod quicquid praedictus Archiepiscopus successores sui post eum de terris illis in feodo militum secundum praescriptam formam conuertendis fecerint ratum in perpetuum stabile permaneat Et prohibemus ne quis contrafactum ipsius Archiepiscopi vel successorum suorum in hac parte venire praesumat Teste E. Eliense S. Bathon Episcopis G. filio Petri comite Essex Willmo Marescallo comite de Penbroc Roberto de Harocort Garino filio Geraldi Petro de Stoke Ric. de Reuerus Roberto de Tateshal Datum per manum S. Archid. Willielmi apud Rupem auriual 4. die Maij Anno regni nostri tertio But nowe for as muche as it is disputable whether this Chartre of the King be of sufficient vertue to chaunge the nature of the Gauelkynd lande or no and for that the certaintie of the landes so conuerted into Knight fee dothe not any where that I haue séene appeare saue onely that in the booke of Aide leuied in this Shire Anno. 20. E. 3. it is foure or fiue times noted that certeine landes there be holden in Knights seruice Per nouam licentiam Archiepiscopi I will leaue this and procéede to proue that all the landes of auncient tenure in Knights seruice be subiect to the ordinarie course of discent at the common lawe And that may I as me thinketh sufficiently doe both by the expresse wordes of a note 9. H. 3. in the title of Praescription 63. in Fitzherbert by the resolution of the same Fitzherbert and Norwiche Iustices 26. H. 8. 5. And by plaine recitall in the acte of Parleament made 31. H. 8. Ca. 3. by whiche statute the possessions of certeine Gentlemen there named were deliuered from this customarie discent and incorporated to the common lawe For amongst other things in that acte it is sayde That from thencefoorth such their lands shal be changed from the said custome and shall descend as lands at the common lawe and as other lands being in the said coūtie of Kent which neuer were holden by seruice of Socage but always haue bene holden by Knightes seruice doe descend By whiche wordes it is very euident that the makers of that estatute vnderstoode all landes holden by Knightes seruice to be of their proper nature descendable after the common lawe and that Socage tenure was the only subiect in whiche this our custome of Gauelkynd discent preuailed and helde place But when I thus speake of Socage and Knights fee I must alwayes be vnderstanded to meane of a tenure long since and of auncient time continued and not now newly or lately created for so it may fall out otherwise then is already reported As for example If land aunciently holden by Knights seruice come to the Princes hande who afterwarde giueth the same out againe to a common person to be holden of his Manor of Eastgrenewiche in Socage I suppose that this land notwithstanding the alteratiō of the tenure remaineth descendable to the eldest sonne only as it was before As also in like sorte if landes of auncient Socage seruice come to the crowne and be deliuered out againe to be holden eyther of the Prince in Capite or by Knightes seruice of any Manor I thinke it ought to descende according to the custome notwithstanding that the tenure be altered And if this be true in the graunt of the King him selfe then much lesse sauing the reuerēce due to king Iohns Chartre may the Archebishop by a newe creation of tenure make
to his tenants any alteration of this olde custome and manner For as the pleading is Quod terrae praedictae sunt de tenura natura de Gauelkind euen so the trueth is that the present tenure onely guideth not the discent but that the tenure and the nature together do gouerne it And therefore as on the one side the custome can not attache or take holde of that which was not before in nature subiect to the custome that is to say accustomably departed So on the other side the practise of the custome long time cōtinued may not be interrupted by a bare alteration of the tenure And this is not my fantasie but the resolution of all the Iustices as Iudge Dalison him selfe hath left reported 4. 5. Philippi Mariae And also of the court 26. H. 8. 5. where it was affirmed that if a man being seised of Gauelkind lande holden in Socage make a gift in tayle create a tenure in Knights seruice that yet this land must descend after the custome as it did before the chaunge of the tenure Moreouer as the chaunge of the tenure can not preuaile against this custome So neither the continuance of a contrary vsage may alter this prescription For it is holden 16. E. 2. Praescription 52. in Fitzherbert that albeit the eldest sonne onely hath and that for manye discentes together entered into Gauelkynde lande and occupyed it without any contradiction of the younger brothers that yet the lande remayneth partible betwéene them when so euer they will put to theyr claime Againste whiche assertion that whiche is sayde 10. H. 3. in the title of Praescription 64. namely of the issue taken thus Si terra illa fuit partita nec ne is not greatly forceable For althoughe it be so that the lande were neuer departed in déede yet if it remayne partible in nature it may be departed when so euer occasion shall be ministred And therefore euen in the forme of pleading vsed at this day Quod terra illa a toto tempore c. partibilis fuit partita it is plainly taken that the worde partibilis onely is of substaunce and that the worde partita is but a word of forme and not materiall or trauersable at all Yea so inseparable is this custome from the lande in whiche it obteyneth that a contrarie discent continued in the case of the Crowne it selfe can not hinder but that after such time as the lande shall resorte agayne to a common person the former inueterate custome shall gouerne it As for the purpose Landes of Gauelkynde nature come to the Quéenes handes by purchase or by eschete as holden of her Manor of A. Nowe after her deathe all her sonnes shall inherite and diuide them But if they come to her by forfayture in Treason or by gifte in Parleament so that her grace is seised of them in Iure Coronae then her eldest sonne onely whiche shall be King after her shall inioye them In whiche case althoughe those landes whiche the eldest sonne being King did possesse doe come to his eldest sonne after him being King also and so from one to another by sundry discents Yet the opinion of Syr Anthonie Browne was 7. Elizab. that if at any time after the same landes be graunted to a common person they shall reuolte to their former nature of Gauelkynde and be partible amongst his heyres males notwithstanding that they haue runne a contrarie course in diuers the discentes of the Kings before But muche lesse maye the vnitie of possession in the Lorde frustrate the custome of Gauelkynde discent as it may appeare 14. H. 4. in the long Recordare Only therefore these two cases I doubt of concerning this point and therevpon iudge them méete to be inquired of That is to say first if a tenancie in Gauelkynd eschete to the Lord by reason of a Ceasser as hereafter it shall appeare that it may or if it be graunted vnto the Lord by the tenant without any reseruation which Lord holdeth ouer by fee of Haubert or by Serieancie both which I take to be Knights seruice whether now this tenancy be partible amongst the heires males of the Lord or no. For the auncient treatise of the Kentishe Customes so determineth but I wote not whether experience so alloweth The other dout is this if it be so that any whole towne or village in Kent hath not at any time that can be shewed bene acquainted with the exercise of Gauelkynde discent whether yet the custome of Gauelkinde shal haue place there or no. Towarde the resolution of which later ambiguitie it shal tende somwhat to shew how farre this custome extendeth it self within this our countrey It is commonly taken therefore that the custome of Gauelkind is generall and spreadeth it selfe throughout the whole Shyre into all landes subiect by auncient tenure vnto the same such places only excepted where it is altered by acte of Parleament And therfore 5. E. 4. 18. and. 14. H. 4. 8. it is sayd that the custome of Gauelkind is as it were a cōmon law in Kent And the booke 22. E. 4. 19. affirmeth that in demaunding Gauelkind lande a man shall not néede to prescribe in certeine and to shew That the Towne Borowe or Citie where the landes be is an auncient towne borowe or citie and that the custome hath bene there time out of mynd that the lands within the same towne borow or citie shuld descend to al the heires males c. But that is sufficient inoughe to shewe the custome at large and to say That the land lyeth in Kent and that all the landes there be of the nature of Gauelkynde For a writte of partition of Landes in Gauelkinde saithe Maister Litleton shal be as generall as if the landes were at the Common lawe although the declaration ought specially to conteine mention of the Custome of the Countrie This vniuersalitie therefore considered as also the straite bonde whereby the custome is so inseperably knit to the land as in manner nothing but an acte of Parleament can clearely disseuer them I sée not how any Citie Towne or Borowe can be exempted for the only default of putting the Custome in vre more then the Eldest Sonne in the case before may for the like reason prescribe against his yonger Brethren But here before I conclude this part I thinke good first to make Maister Litletons aunswere to suche as happely wil demaund what reason this custome of Gauelkinde discent hathe thus to diuide land amongst al the Males contrarie to the manner of the whole Realme besides The younger sonnes saith he be as good gentlemen as the Elder they being alike deare to theyr cōmon auncestor from whom they claim haue so much the more néede of their friendes helpe as through their minoritie they be lesse able then the elder Brother to help them selues secondly to put you in remembrance also of the statute of Praerogatina Regis Ca. 16. Where it
distrust the infallible Scriptures of God concerning the creation and propagation of mankynde and to trust the wretched vanitie of opinion that the Gentiles had and namely the Atheniens who the better to aduance their antiquitie were wont to vaunt That they only forsooth of al the Grecians were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Satiui indigenae terrae parentis The very natural seeds stocks ymps springing out of their good mother the same earth where they dwelt and not brought from elswhere We reade likewise in the same book of Moses that the Iles of the Gentiles were diuided into their Kingdoms and nations by suche as descended of the children of Iapheth wherevpon as the Italians in their histories deriue themselues from Gomer the first sonne of Iapheth the Spaniardes from Tubal his fifte Sonne and the Germanes from Thuysco whom as they say Moses calleth Ascenas the eldest sonne of Gomer Euen so the late learned and yet best trauayled in the histories of our countrey reiecting the fonde dreames of doting Monkes and fabling Frears do collect out of Herodotus Berosus and others the most graue and auncient authors that one Samothes the sixth sonne of Iapheth whome Caesar in his commentaries calleth Dis and Moses nameth Mesech did about 250. yeares after the generall inundation of the world take vpon him the first dominion of these countreis in Europe which are now known by the names of Fraunce and Britaine and the inhabitantes thereof of long time called Celtae or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for theyr speciall skill in ryding Of this mans name say they the first inhabiters of England weare called Samothaei by the space of 300. yeares or more About which time Albion Mareoticus the sonne of Neptune or rather Nepthuim as Moses writeth it and descended of the race of Cham inuaded the Ile conquered the inhabitantes mixed them with his owne people and called them all after his owne name Albionees and the countrey it selfe Albion Sixe hundreth and eight yeares or theraboutes after this also Brutus Iuhus as all our common historiens haue it entered this Iland with 324. ships laden with the remaines of Troye and he likewise both subdued all the former peoples that he found heere to his owne obedience and also altered their name after his owne calling So that from thenceforth they were named Britaines the termes of Samothees and Albionees being quite and cleane abolished Now out of these things thus alledged I might as mee thinketh draw probable coniecture that Kent which we haue in hand was the first inhabited part of all this our Iland For if it be true that maister Bale in his Centuries confesseth namely that Samothes began his dominion ouer this Realme almost 150. yeres after suche tyme as he first arriued in that part of Fraunce which is called Celtique and had planted his people there what can be more likely then that he came out of Fraunce first into Kent séeing that parte of all others was moste neare vnto him and only of all the Iland might be discerned out of the countrie where he was And the selfe same reason Caesar vseth to proue that the borderers on the South Sea side of this land were Aduenae and brought out of Fraunce although he was perswaded that the dwellers within the midle partes of the Countrie were Indigenae as we haue already touched But I will procéede in the hystorie Howsoeuer that bee therefore Caesar himselfe witnesseth that at the time of his arriuall in this Iland the people were by one common name called Britaines And that Kent was then diuided into foure petite Kingdomes which were gouerned by Carnillus Taximagul Cingetorix and Segonax who hauing seuerally subiect to their Dominions certain Cities with the territories adioyning vnto them after the manner of the Dukedomes or Estates of Italie at this day extended their boundes as it may be gathered ouer the whole countries of Kent Sussex and Surrey at the least This kind of Regalitie Kent retained not many yeares after bicause the Britain Kings succéeding Caesars conquest yéelding tribute to the Romanes reduced not only these partes but in manner the whole Realme also into one entier Monarchie .. So that in course of time and vnder the reigne of King Vortiger Kent was ruled by a Lieutenant or Viceroy called Guorongus as William of Malmesbury witnesseth But it was not long before these Britaines were so weakned partly by intestine dissentiō amongst themselues and partly by incursions of their neighbours the Scots Picts that the periode of this their estate also drawing on Vortiger their King was compelled to inuite for ayde the Saxons Iutes and Angles thrée sortes of the Germane nation who in steade of dooing that which they came for and of deliuering the Britaines from their former oppression ioyned with their enemies Thessala fide as the adage is brought vpon them a more gréeuous calamity and conquest subduing the people suppressing relligion and departing in manner the whole land amongest them selues So that now Kent recouered the title of a seueral Kingdome againe although not al one and the verie same in limittes with the former foure yet nothing inferiour in power estimation or compasse Of whiche this newly reuiued regiment Hengist the chief leader of the Germanes became the first author and patrone For he finding him selfe placed by King Vortiger for his owne habitation at Thanet in this Shire and séeing a great part of his power bestowed in Garrison against the Scottes vnder Ohtha his Brother and Ebusa his Sonne in the North Countrey and perceyuing moreouer that he was arryued out of a moste barren Countrie into this plentifull Iland with the commodities wherof he was inestimablie delighted he abandoned al care of returne to his natiue soyle and determined to make here a seate for him selfe and his posteritie For helpes wherunto although he had on th one side his owne prowesse the manhode of his warlike nation their nomber and necessitie and on the other side the effeminate cowardise and voluptuousnes of King Vortiger the weakenes of the Britains themselues and the aduauntage of the Scottes and Pictes their auncient enemies so that he might with plaine force haue brought his purpose to passe yet he chose rather to atchieue his desire by faire meanes and colour of amitie a way though not so hastie as the former yet more spéedie then that or any other Espying therfore that king Vortiger was muche delighted in womens companie and knowing wel that Sine Cerere Libero friget Venus he had him to a solemn Banket and after that he had according to the manner of Germanie yet continuing well plied him with pots he let slippe before him a faire gentlewoman his owne daughter called Roxena or Rowen which being instructed before handhow to behaue her self most amiablie presented him with a goblet of wine saying in her owne language
of Bec an olde booke intituled likewise De origine Regum Brytannorū the which beginning at the arriuall of Brute ended with the actes of Cadwalader and agréed thoroughout as by collatiō I collected with this our Bryttishe hystorie which I doubt whether Henrie of Huntington had euer séene Nowe therefore if this were an olde booke in his time it coulde not be newe in the dayes of Petite that succéeded him And if the argument were written before in the Bryttish tongue it is very probable that he was not the first author but only the translator thereof in Latine For further likelyhoode whereof I my selfe haue an auncient Bryttish or Welshe copy which I reserue for shew and doe reuerence for the antiquitie litle doubting but that it was written before the dayes of William Petite who as he was the first So vpon the matter recken I him the onely man that euer impugned the Bryttishe hystorie For as touching Polydore though he were a man singularly well learned yet since hee was of our owne time and no longer since his forces must of necessity be thought to bée bent rather against the veritie then against the antiquitie of that writing Wherein if he shall seeke to discredit the whole worke for that in some partes it conteineth matter not only vnlikely but incredible also then shall he bothe depriue this Nation of all manner of knowledge of their first beginning and open the way for vs also to cal into question the origine and antiquities of Spaine Fraunce Germanie yea and of Italie his owne countrie in which that whiche Liuie reporteth of Romulus and Remus Numa and Aegeria is as farre remoued from all suspicion of truthe as any thing whatsoeuer the Galfride writeth either of Brute Merlin or King Arthur himselfe Séeing therefore that euen as corne hath his chaffe and metall his drosse so can there harldly any wryter of the auncient hystorie of any nation be founde out that hath not his propre vanities mixed with sincere veritie the part of a wise Reader shal be not to reiect the one for doubt of the other but rather with the fire and fan of iudgement and discretion to trie and sift them a sunder And as my purpose is for mine owne parte to vse the commoditie thereof so oft as it shall like me so my counsell shal bee that other men will bothe in this and other obserue this one rule That they neither reiect without reason nor receiue without discretion and iudgement Thus muche in my way for assertion of the Bryttish hystorie I thought good to say once for all to the ende that from hencefoorthe whatsoeuer occasion of debate shal be offered concerning eyther the veritie or antiquitie of the same I neither trouble my selfe nor tarrie my Reader with any further defence or Apologie The Byshops See and Diocesse of Canterbury HE that shal aduisedly consider the plot of this Shyre may finde thrée diuerse and those not vnfit wayes to deuide it One by breaking the whole into the East and West Kent An other by parting it as Watling streate leadeth into North and Southe Kent And a third by seuering it into the two distinct Dioceses of Canterbury and Rochester Of these thrée I haue determined to chuse the last both bycause that kinde of diuision hath as certaine limits as any of the former for that it séemeth to me the moste conuenient seuerance being wrought both by bounde of place and of iurisdiction also And because the See of Canterbury is not onely the more worthy of the twaine but also the Metropolitane and chiefe of the whole realme I haue thought good in the first place to shewe the beginning and increase of that Bishopricke and afterward to prosecute the description and hystorie of the principal parts belonging to the same It is to be séene in the Brittishe hystorie and others that at suche time as King Lucius the first christened Prince of this land had renounced the damnable darknes of Paganisme and embrased the glorious light of the Gospel of God he chaunged the Archeflamines of London Yorke and Caerleon into so many Archebishops and the Flamines of other inferiour places into inferiour Bishops through out his whole realme Howbeit this matter is not so cleare but that it is encountered by William Petit whiche in the Proheme of his hystorie affirmeth boldly that the Britons whiche professed Christian religion within this Iland before the cōming of Augustine were contented with Bishops only that Augustine himselfe was the very first that euer had the Archbishops Palle amongst vs As touching Bishops it is euidēt by Beda him self that both before in Augustines time Wales alone had seuen at the lest but as for Archebishops although for my owne opinion I thinke with William the rather for that I suppose that the simplicity of the Britain clergie was not as thē enamoured with the vain titles of the Romane arrogancy yet to the end that the reader may be therby the more iustly occasioned to make inquisition of the trueth in that point it shall not be greatly out of his way to send him by Siluester Giraldus Canbrensis a man considering the age excellently wel learned which liued about the same time with Williā Petit or Williā of Newborow as some cal him This man in a book which he entituled Itinerariū Walliae setteth forth moste plainly the Archbishops that in olde time were at Caerleon their translation from thence to Saint Dauids their transmigration from Saint Dauids ouer the Sea into Normandie and the whole Catalogue of their succession in each of those places But here some man thinking me more mindful to direct others thē careful to kepe mine own wai wil happely aske me what pertineth it I pray you to Canterbury whether there haue ben Archbishops at London Yorke Carleon or no yes no doubt it maketh greatly to our treatise of Canterbury for not onely the forenamed Brittish historie Mathew of Westminster Williā of Malmesbury do shew manifestly that Augustine by great iniury spoiled Londō of this dignitie of the Archbishops chaire bestowing the same vpon Canterbury but the Epistle of Pope Gregorie himself also which is to be read in the Ecclesiasticall storie of Beda cōuinceth him of manifest presumption arrogācie in that he sticked not to prefer his own fantasie liking before the Pope his maisters institution cōmaūdement For Pope Gregory appointed two Archbishops the one at London the other at Yorke whereof either should haue vnder him 12. inferiour Bishops wherof neither should be subiect to other only for Augustines honour hee willed that they all should bée vnder him during his lyfe But Augustine not so contēted both remained resident during al his life at Canterbury and before he died consecrated Laurence Archebishop there least eyther by his owne death or want of another fit man to fill the place the chaire might happely be carried to London as
Robertus de Winchelsey a notable traitor to the King true seruant to the Pope  19. Thomas de Cobham elected but refused by the Pope he was cōmōly called Bonus Clericus   1312. Walterus Reignold  14. 1328. Symon de Mepham 5. Thus farre out of the Storie of Couentrie 1334. Iohānes de Stratford  29. 1350. Iohannes Offord or Vfford   Thomas Bradwardine he erected the Black friars in London   1350. Symon Islepe he foūded Canterbury Colledge in Oxford  17. 1367. Symon Langham  2. 1369. Wilhelmus Witlesey  5. 1375. Symon Sudbury  6. 1381. Wilhelmus Courtenay  15. 1396. Thomas Arundel attainted of treason by Parleament in the one and twentie yere of Richard the second  18. Rogerus Walden in the exile of Arundel but deposed Then made Bishop of London againe deposed and dyed in the seuenth yeare of Henrie the fourth   1414. Henricus Chicheley built Alsoules and S. Iohns Colledge in Oxford and the Colledge of Higham  29. 1443. Iohannes Stafford  8. 1452. Ioannes Kempe  3. 1455. Thomas Bourchier  33. 1486. Ioannes Moorton buylded muche at Knol and repayred Lambeth  14. Thomas Langton elected but he dyed before cōsecration   1500. Henricus Deane or Deny  ◠ Willielmus Warham builded Otforde house  28.  Thomas Cranmer he was burned for the trueth    Reginaldus Poole  3. Mathaeus Parker   Thus haue you the succession of seuentie Archbishops in the recital whereof I doe of purpose spare to dispute the variance arising amongst writers as touching the continuance true times of their gouernment whiche discrepance groweth partly for the defaulte of the auctors themselues not obseruing the due accompte of yeares and partly by the vnskil of suche as haue vntruly copied out their woorkes I willingly reserue also for other places sundrie the hystories of their liues and doinges bothe bicause I thinke it fruitlesse to reconcile suche manner of disagréements and also for that as I saide before of the Kings I déeme it impertinent to my purpose to speake further of any thing then the very place in hand shall iustly giue me occasion It followeth therefore that according to promise I handle suche particular places within this Diocese as are mentioned in hystorie in whiche treatie I will obserue this order First to begin at Tanet and to peruse the East and Southe shores til I come to the limits betwéen this Shyre Sussex then to ascend Northward and to visits such places as lye along the bounds of this Diocess Rochester returning by the mouth of Medwey to Tanet again whiche is the whole circuite of this Bishopricke and lastly to describe suche places as lye in the body and midest of the same Tanet called in Brytish Inis Rhuochym of the Shore Rutupi it is named of some writers in Latine or rather Greeke Thanatos in Saxon tenet in stead of ƿaenet IVlius Solinus in his description of England saith thus of Tanet Thananatos nullo serpitur angue asportata inde terra angues necat There be no snakes in Tanet saith he the earth that is brought from thence will kill them But whether he wrote this of any sure vnderstanding that he had of the quality of the soyle or onely by coniecture at the woord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in Gréeke signifieth death or killing I wote not much lesse dare I determine bycause hitherto neither I my selfe haue heard of any Region hereabout onely Ireland excepted which beareth not both snakes and other venemous wormes neither am I yet persuaded that this place borowed the name out of the Gréeke but rather tooke it of the propre language of this oure natiue countrie For ƿaenet in the Saxon or olde Engglishe tongue soundeth as muche as moysted or watered whiche deriuation howe well it standeth with the situation of Tanet being Peninsula and watered in manner round about I had rather without reasoning referre to euery mans iudgement then by debate of many woordes eyther to trouble the reader or to interrupt mine owne order Leauing the name therefore I will resorte to the thing and shewe you out of Beda and others the content and stoarie of this I le There lyeth saieth Beda speaking of the place where King Ethelbert entertained Augustine in the East part of Kent an Iland called Tanet conteining after the manner of the Englishe accompte sixe hundred families or Hides of land as the Saxon booke of Beda hath whiche be in deede after the opinion of auncient writers plough landes It is diuided from the continent or mayne land by the riuer called Wantsume whiche is about thrée furlongs broade and to bee passed ouer in two places onely Hereunto if you adde the opinion of Polydore the description wil be the more euident It conteyneth saith he about nyne myles in length and not muche lesse in breadth and it was some time diuorced from the continent by a water but nowe it is almoste vnited againe Thus muche for the description As touching the hystorie you may read in Geffray of Mōmouth that after such time as the Brytons had deposed Vortiger their King for that he brought in the Saxons whiche beganne soone after theyr entrie to shewe themselues in déede suche as they were in name not shieldes against the Pictes and Scots but swords to shead the Brittan bloud Vortimer his sonne whome they places in his seate so streightned the Saxons in this I le the whiche as William of Malmesbury writeth Vortiger had giuen them to inhabite at their first Arriuall that for a colour they sent Vortiger to treate with him of peace and in the meane whyle for feare conueyed them selues into theyr Shippes and Sayled homewarde againe The same Authour reporteth that after this Cador the Duke of Cornewall by commaundemente of King Arthur chased the Saxons into Tanet where he slewe Childric their leader and receiued many of the residue to grace and mercy Howbeit the Saxons themselues after that in processe of time they had gotten the dominion ouer the Britons enioyed not the possession of Tanet in much better quiet then the Britons had done before them For in the dayes of King Athulf the father of Alfred the Danes fought in Tanet against Ealhere the Duke or captain of Kent and Huda the Duke of Surrey slaying them bothe ouerthrewe their powers and possessed the I le After this in the time of the same King they soiourned with theyr armie a whole wynter in Tanet and lastly in the reigne of King Etheldred they herried spoyled and sacked it in suche sort that the religious persons were constrained to abandon the place for I finde that shortly after King Canutus gaue the body of Mildred and all the landes belonging to Mynster Abbay that thē was in this Ile to the Monkes of saint Augustines at Canterbury But for asmuche as good order requireth that I should tell you of the foundation before I
the Kings fauour their owne power pollicie and possession contemned all other and forgate them selues abusing the simplicitie of the King by euill counsel treading vnder foote the nobilitie by great disdaine and oppressing the common people by insatiable rauine extortion and tirannie So that immediatly and at once they pulled vpon their heades the heauie displeasure of the Prince the immortall hatred of the noble men and the bitter execration and curse of the common sort Whereupon the king for a season banished them the nobles neuer after liked them and the poore people not onely railed vpon them while they liued but also by deuised tales as the manner is laboured to make them hatefull to all posteritie after their death And amongst other things touching Godwyne him selfe they feygned that he was choked at Winchester or Windsore as others say for liers can not lightly agrée with a morsel of bread and that this his land in Kent sonke sodainly into the Sea. Neyther were these things continued in memory by the mouths of the vnlearned people only but committed to writing also by the hands and pens of Monkes Frears and others of the learned sort So that in course of time the matter was past all peraduenture and the things belieued for vndoubted veritie But whatsoeuer hath bene heretofore thought of these matters hauing now iust occasion offered mee to treate of the thing I wil not spare to speake that which I haue red in some credible writers and whiche I doe thinke méete to be beléeued of all indifferent readers Siluester Giraldus in his Itinerarie of Wales and many others doe write that about the end of the reigne of King William Rufus or the beginning of Henrie the first there was a sodaine and mightie inundation of the Sea by the which a great part of Flaunders and of the lowe countries thereabout was drenched and lost so that many of the inhabitants being thereby expulsed from their seates came ouer into England and made suite to the same King Henrie for some place of dwelling within his dominion The King pitying their calamitie and séeing that they might bee profitable to his Realme by instructing his people in the art of clothing wherein at that time they chiefly excelled first placed them about Carlile in the North countrie and afterwarde vpon cause remoued them to Rosse and Hauerford in Wales Now at the same tyme that this happened in Flaunders the like harme was done in sundry places bothe of England and Scotland also as Hector Boethius the Scottishe hystoriographer moste plainly writeth affirming that amongst other this place being sometyme of the possession of the Earle Godwine was then first violently ouerwhelmed with a light sande wherewith it not onely remayneth couered euer since but is become withall Nauium gurges vorago a most dreadfull gulfe and shippe swalower This thing as I cannot but marueil how it hath escaped the penns of our own countrie writers the rather for that some of them liuing about that time haue mention of that harme in the lowe countrie so I sticke not to accept it for assured trueth considering either the auctority of the writer him selfe being a diligent and learned man or the circumstances of the thing that he hathe left written beeing in it selfe both reasonable likely And thus I might wel make an end but because I haue alredy takē occasiō to accuse thē of forgerie which affirme Godwine to haue bene choked at the bourde I trust it shal be no great offence though beside purpose yet for declaration of the trueth to rehearse shortly what some credible storiers haue reported of that matter also And to the end that the trueth may appeare by collation of the diuers reportes I will first shewe what the common opinion and tale of his death is and then afterward what these other men write concerning the same Ealred the Abbat of Ryuauxe who tooke paynes to pen the hystorie of the same King Edwardes whole life and of whom all others as I thinke learned this tale saith that while the King and Godwyne sate at the table accompanied with others of the Nobilitie it chaunced the Cupbearer as he brought wyne to the bourd to slip with the one foote and yet by good strength of his other legge to recouer him self without falling whiche thing the Earle earnestly marking sayde pleasantly that There one brother had wel helped another mary quoth the King so might me mine ne haddest thou bene Earle Godwine casting in his dishe the murder of his brother Alfred which was done to death at Elie by the counsell of Godwine as hereafter in fitte place for it shall appeare Hereat the Earle was sore moued and thinking it more then time to make his purgation tooke a morsell of bread into his hand and praying with great and vehement obtestation that it might choke him if he by any meanes caused the slaughter or consēted thereto he put the bread into his mouth and was immediatly strangled therewithall Some write that this bread was before accursed by Wulstane the holy Bishop of Worcester after a certain manner then vsed called Corsned as in the table to the Saxons lawes is to be séene But this Ealred affirmeth that after the woords spoken by the Earle the King him selfe blessed the bread with the signe of the crosse And therfore these men agrée aswel together as blessing and cursing be one like to another But letting that and them passe heare I beséech you what Alfred of Beuerley a learned man that liued in the time of King Henry the first somewhat before this Abbat Ealred saith touching this matter Godwinus graui morbo ex improuiso percussus ac Regi ad mensam Wyntoniae assidens mutus in ipsa sede declinauit ac postea in camerā Regis a filijs deportatus moritur Quidam autem dicunt c. Godwine being sodainly strickē with a grieuous disease as he sate at the table with the King at Winchester fel down from his stoole and was carried by his sonnes into the Kings chamber where he dyed but some say that he was choked c. And to the same effect writeth Marianus the Scot. Simeon also the Chaunter of Durham whiche liued about the time of this Alfred or rather before him treating of this matter hath these wordes Godwinus graui morbo percussus in ipsa sede declinauit post horas quinque moritur Godwyne being taken with a grieuous disease dropped down from the place where he sate and dyed within fiue houres after Thus these men reporte another manner of his death the one vsing no mention at all of any accursed breade and the other reciting it but as a tale And for the more plaine detection of the deceipt of this Abbat he that wil read the second booke of William Malmes De Regibus shall finde that the occasion and introduction of this matter I meane the slipping of the Kings Cupbearer and the speache that procéeded
Chartre contenting my selfe to yéelde to the conquerour the thankes of other mens benefites séeing those whiche were benefited were wisely contented as the case then stoode to like better of his confirmation or second gift then of King Edwardes first graunt and endowment And to the end that I may proceede in some manner of array I will first shew which Townes were at the beginning taken for the Fiue Portes what others be now reputed in the same number secondly what seruice they ought did in times passed lastly what priuiledges they haue therefore by what persons they haue been gouerned If I should iudge by the commune and rude verse Douer Sandwicus Ry Rum Frigmare ventus I might say that Douer Sandwiche Rie Rumney and Winchelsey for that is Frigmare ventus be the Fiue Portes Againe if I should bee ruled by the Rolle whiche reciteth the Ports that send Barons to the Parleament I muste then adde to these Hastings Hyde for they also haue their Barons as wel as the other and so should I not onely not shewe whiche were the first Fiue but also by addition of two others increase bothe the number and doubtfulnes Leauing the verse therefore for ignorance of the authour and suspition of his authoritie and forsaking the Rolle as not assured of the antiquitie I will flye to Henrie Bracton a man bothe auncient learned and credible which liued vnder King Henrie the third and wrote aboue thrée hundreth yeares since learnedly of the lawes of this Realme He I say in the third booke of his worke and treatise of the Crowne taking in hand to shewe the articles inquirable before the Iustices in Eire or Itinerant as wee called them bycause they vsed to ride from place to place throughout the Realme for administration of iustice setteth foorth a speciall fourme of writtes to bee directed seuerally to the Baylifes of Hastings Hithe Rumney Douer and Sandwiche commaunding them that they should cause twentie and foure of their Barons for so their Burgesses or Townesmen and the Ciâ—â—â—â—ns of London likewise were wont to be termed to appeare before the Kings Iustices at Shipwey in Kent as they accustomed to doe there to enquire of suche pointes as should bee giuen them in charge Whiche done he addeth moreouer that for so muche as there was oftentimes contention betwéene them of the Fiue Portes and the inhabitants of Yarmouth in Norfolke and Donwiche in Suffolke there should be seuerall writtes directed to them also retournable before the same Iustices at the same day and place reciting that where the King had by his former writtes sommoned the Plées of the Fiue Ports to be holden at Shipwey if any of the same townes had cause to complaine of any beeing within the liberties of the saide Portes he should be at Shipwey to propounde against him and there to receaue according to lawe and iustice Thus muche I recite out of Bracton partly to shew that Shipwey was before King Edward the firsts time the place of assembly for the Plees of the Fiue Portes partly to notifie the difference and controuersie that long since was betweene these Portes and those other townes But purposely and chiefely to proue that Hastings and Hithe Douer Rumney and Sandwiche were in Bractons time accompted the Fiue principall hauens or Portes whiche were endowed with priuiledge Neither yet will I deny but that soone after Winchelsey and Rye might be added to the number For I finde in an olde recorde that King Henrie the third tooke into his owne handes for the better defence of the Realme the townes of Winchelsey and Rye whiche belonged before to the Monasterie of Fescampe in Normandie gaue therfore in exchaunge the Manor of Chiltham in Gloucester shyre diuers other landes in Lincolne shyre This he did partly to conceale from the Priors Aliens the intelligence of the secrete affairs of his Realme partly bycause of a great disobedience and excesse that was committed by the inhabitants of Winchelsey against Prince Edward his eldest Sonne And therefore although I can easely be led to thinke that he submitted them for their correction to the order and gouernance of the Fiue Portes yet I stand doubtfull whether he made them partners of their priuiledges or no for that had been a preferment and no punishment but I suspect rather that his Sonne King Edward the first by whose encouragement and aide olde Winchelsey was afterward abandoned and the now Towne buidled was the first that appareiled them wyth that preeminence By this therefore let it appeare that Hastings Douer Hithe Rumney Sandwiche were the first Ports of priuiledge which bycause they were Fiue in numbre bothe at the first gaue and yet continue to all the residue the name of Cinque Portes although not onely Winchelsey and Rye be since that time incorporated with them as principals but diuers other places also for the ease of their charge be crept in as partes lims and members of the same Now therefore somewhat shal be saide as touching the seruices that these Portes of duetie owe and in déed haue done to the Princes wherof the one I meane with what numbre of vessels in what manner of furniture and for howe long season they ought to waite on the King at the Sea vpon theyr owne charges shall partly appeare by that whiche wée shall presently say and partly by that whiche shall follow in Sandwiche and Rumney The other shal be made manifest by examples drawn out of good hystories and bothe shal be testified by the woordes of King Edward the first in his owne Chartre The booke of Domesday before remembred chargeth Douer wyth 20. vessels at the Sea whereof eache to be furnished with one and twentie men for fiftéene dayes together and sayth further that Rumney and Sandwiche aunswered the like seruice But nowe whether this like ought to be vnderstoode of the like altogether bothe in respect of the number and seruice or of the like in respect of seruice according to the proportion of their abilitie onely I may not hereby take vpon me to determine For on the one side if Rumney Sandwiche and the residue should likewise find twentie vessels a péece then as you shall anone sée the fiue Portes were subiect to a greater charge at that time then King Edward the first layd vpon them And on the other side if they were only chargeable after their proportion then know I not howe far to burthen them séeing the Record of Domesday it selfe bindeth them to no certeintie And therfore leauing this as I finde it I must elsewhere make inquisition for more lightsome proofe And firste I will haue recourse to King Edwarde the firste his Chartre in which I read that At ech time that the King passeth ouer the sea the Portes ought to rigge vp fiftie and seuen ships whereof euery one to haue twentie armed souldiers and to mainteine them at their own costes by the space of fifteene
Martins night the Englishe men should all at once set vpon the Danes before they had disgested the surfaite of that drunken solemnitie and so vtterly kyll and destroy them This his commaundement was receaued with suche liking entertained with such secreacie and executed with such spéede and celeritie that the Danes were sodainly in a manner wholly bothe men women and children like the Sonnes in Lawe of Danaus oppressed at once in a night only a fewe escaped by Sea into Denmarke and there made complaint of King Etheldreds boucherie For reuenge whereof Sweyn their King bothe armed his owne people waged forreigne aide and so preparing a houge armie tooke shipping and arriued first here at Sandwiche and after in the Northe Countrie the terrour of whose comming was suche that it caused the Countrie people on all sides to submitte them selues vnto him in so muche that King Etheldred séeing the cause desperate and him selfe destitute fled ouer into Normandie with his wife and children friendes familie After whiche his departure although both he him selfe returned and put Canutus the next King of the Danes to flight and Edmund his Sonne also fought sundrie great battailes with him yet the Danes preuailed so mightely vpon them that thrée of them in succession that is to say Canutus Haroldus and Hardicanutus reigned Kings here in England almoste by the space of thirtie yeares together so muche to the infamous oppression slauery and thraldome of the English Nation that euery Dane was for feare called Lord Dane and had at his commaundement wheresoeuer he became bothe man and wyfe and whatsoeuer else he found in the house At the lengthe God taking pitie vpon the people tooke sodainly away King Hardicanute after whose death the Nobilitie CoÌ„mons of the Realme ioyned so firmely and faithfully both hartes and hands with their naturall and Liege Lord King Edward that the Danes were once againe and for euer expulsed this Countrie in so much that soone after the name Lord Dane being before tyme a woord of great awe and honour grewe to a terme and bywoord of foule despight and reproche being tourned as it yet continueth to Lourdaine besides that euer after the common people in ioye of that deliuerance haue celebrated the annuall day of Hardicanutus deathe with open pastime in the streates calling it euen till this oure time Hoctuesday in steade as I thinke of Hucxtuesdaeg that is to say the skorning or mocking Tuesday And nowe thus muche summarily being saide as concerning the trueth of the Danes being here who ruled in this land almoste thirtie yeares and raged without all rule aboue three hundreth and fiftie I will returne to Sandwiche disclosing therein suche occurrents of the Danishe doings as perteine to my purpose In the yeare eight hundreth fiftie and one after Christ Athelstane the Sonne of Ethelwulfe King of Kent whome Mathewe of Westminster taketh or rather mistaketh for a Bishop fought at the Sea before Sandwiche against a great Nauie of the Danes of whiche he tooke nine vessels discomfited the residue Against another Fléete of the Danes whiche landed at Sandwiche in the yeare one thousand and sixe King Etheldred made this prouision that euerie thrée hundreth and ten Hydes of Land whiche Henrie Huntingdon Mathewe Parise and others expound to be so many plowlands should be charged with the furniture of one ship and euery eight Hydes should finde one iacke and sallet for the defence of the Realme By whiche meane he made redy a mighty nauie to the Sea But what through the iniurie of sudaine tempest and what by the defection of some of his Nobilitie he profited nothing King Canutus also after that he had receaued the the woorse in a fight in Lincolneshyre whiche drewe to his ships that laye in the hauen at Sandwiche there moste barbarously behaued himselfe cutting of the handes and féete of suche as he had taken for hostage and so departed al wrothe and melancholike into Denmarke to repaire his armie The same man at his returne hither tooke land with his power at this towne and so did Hardicanutus his sonne after him Furthermore in the dayes of King Edward the confessour two Princes or rather principall Pirates of the Danes called Lochen and Irlinge landed at Sandwiche and laded their ships with riche spoyle wherewith they crossed ouer the seas to Flaunders and there made money of it At this place landed Lewes the FreÌ„ch Dolphine that ayded the Englishe Nobilitie against King Iohn as we shall hereafter haue cause to shewe more at large Finally in the reigne of King Richard the seconde certeine Frenche ships were taken at the Sea whereof some were fraught with the frame of a timber Castle suche another I suppose as WilliaÌ„ the Conquerour erected at Hastings so soone as he was arriued whiche they also ment to haue planted in some place of this Realme for our anoyaunce but they failed of their purpose for the Engyne being taken from them it was set vp at this Towne vsed to our great safetie and their repulse Eastrye HAuing somewhat to say of Eastrye I trust it shal be no great offence to turne oure eye a little from the shoare and talke of it in our way to Deale It is the name of a Towne and Hundreth within the Last of Sainct Augustines and hath the addition of East for difference sake from Westrye coÌ„monly called Rye nere to Winchelsey in Sussex Mathewe of Westminster maketh report of a murther done at it which because it tendeth much to the declaration of the auncieÌ„t estate of the town I will not sticke to rehearse so shortly as I can After the deathe of Ercombert the seuenth King of Kent Egbert his Sonne succéeded in the kingdome who caused to be vertuously brought vp in his Palaice which was then at this Towne two young Noble men of his own kinred as some say or rather his owne Brethren as William of Malmesbury writethe the one being called Ethelbert and the other Etheldred these Gentlemen so prospered in good learning courtlike manners feates of actiuitie méete for men of their yeares and parentage that on the one side they gaue to all wel disposed persons and louers of vertue great expectation that they would become at the length men worthie of muche estimation and honour and on the other side they drewe vpon them the feare mislyking and vtter hatred of the naughtie wicked and malicious sort Of the whiche nuÌ„ber there was one of the Kings owne houshold called Thunner who as vertue neuer wanteth her enuiers of a certaine diuelishe malice repyning at their laudable increase neuer ceassed to â—lowe into the Kings eare moste vntrue accâ—sations against them And to the end that he might the rather prouoke the King to displeasure he persuaded him of great daunger toward his estate and person by them and for as muche as the common people who more commonly worship the Sunne rising then going downe
had them in great admiration and reuerence hee desired the King that either he would send them out of the Realme or be contented to winke at the matter if any his friends for the loue of him and suertie of his estate should procure to dispatche them The King somewhat prouoked by feare of his owne peril though nothing desirous of their destruction eueÌ„ as a litle water throwen into the fire increaseth the flame so by a colde denial gaue courage to the attempt therfore Thunner espying fitte time slewe the children and buried their bodies in the Kings Halle vnder the clothe of his estate But it was not long but there appâ—ared in the house a bright shining piller replenishing eache corner with suche terrible and fearefull light that the seruauntes shriked at the sight thereof and by their noyse awaked the King who as soone as hee sawe it was touched with the conscience of the murther wherevnto he had a litle before in hart consented calling in great haste for Thunner examined him straightly what was become of the children and when he had learned the trueth he became moste sorowfull and penitent therfore charging himselfe with the whole crime of their deathes for that it lay wholly in him to haue saued their liues Then sent he for Deodat the Archebishop and desired to vnderstand by him what was best to be done for expiatioÌ„ of the fault this good father thinking to haue procured some gaine to his Church by veneration of the dead bodies if happely he might haue gotteÌ„ them thither persuaded the King to incoffen them to commit them to honourable buriall in Christeschurche at Canterbury but saith mine Author when the hearse was readie it would not be moued by any force toward that Church as truly I thinke as the crosse of Waltham with twelue Oxen and so many Kyne could not be stirred any other way but toward the place appointed or as the Image of Berecinthia which the Romanes had brought out of Asia could not be remoued till the Vestal virgin Claudia had set to her hand Hereupon the companie assayed to conuey it to Sainct Augustines but that all in vaine also at the last they agreed to leade it to the Monasterie of Watrine and then forsoothe it passed as lightly saith he as if nothing at al had béene within it The obsequies there honourably perfourmed the King gaue the place where this vision appeared to his sister Ermenburga who hauing a longing desire to become a veiled Nonne had a litle before abandoned her housbands bed and chusing out seuentie other women for her companie erected there a Monasterie to the name and honour of these two murthered Brethren William of Malmesbury addeth moreouer that the King gaue the whole Isle of Thanet also to his Mother to appease the wrathe that she had conceaued for the losse of her Children Dele Dela in Latine after Leland I coniecture that it tooke the name of the Saxon woord þille whiche is a plaine flooer or leuel by reason that it lyeth flat and leuel to the Sea. THe Chronicles of Douer as Leland reporteth for I neuer sawe them haue mencion that Iulius Caesar being repulsed from Douer arriued at this place and arraied his armie at Baramdowne whiche thing how wel it may stand with Caesars owne reporte in his coÌ„mentaries I had rather leaue to others to decide then take vpon me to dispute being wel contented where certentie is not euident to allowe of coniectures not altogether vehement Only of this I am well assured that King Henrie the eight hauing shaken of the intollerable yoke of the Popishe tyrannie and espying that the Emperour was offended for the diuorce of Queene Katherine his wife and that the Frenche King had coupled the Dolphine his Sonne to the Popes Niece and maried his daughter to the King of Scots so that he might more iustly suspect them all then safely trust any one determined by the aide of God to stand vpon his owne gardes and defence and therefore with all spéede and without sparing any cost he builded Castles platfourmes and blocke-houses in all néedefull places of the Realme And amongest other fearing least the ease and aduauntage of descending on land at this part should giue occasion and hardinesse to the enemies to inuade him he erected neare together thrée fortifications whiche might at all tymes kéepe and beate the landing place that is to say Sandowne Dele and Wamere This whole matter of Dele Iohn Leland in Cygnea cantione comprehendeth feately in these two verses Iactat Delanouas celebris arces Notus Caesareis locus Trophaeis Renowmed Dele doth vaunt it selfe with Turrets newly raisd For monuments of Caesars hoste A place in stoarie praisd But what make I so long at Dele since Douer the impreignable Porte and place so muche renouned for antiquitie is not many myles of I will haste me thither therefore and in the sight thereof vnfolde the singularities of the place Douer called in Latine Dorus Durus Doueria Dubris and Dorubernia In Saxon Sofra All whiche names be deriued either of the Brittishe word Dufir whiche signifieth water or of the word Dufirha whiche betokeneth highe or steepe for the situation of the place beeing a highe rocke hanging ouer the water might iustly giue occasion to name it after either THe treatise of this place shall consist of thrée speciall members that is to say the Towne the Castle and the Religious buildings The Towne was long since somewhat estimable howebeit that whiche it had as I thinke was both at the first deriued from the other two and euer since also continually conserued by them But whether I hitte or misse in that coÌ„iecture certaine it is by the testimonie of the recorde in the Exchequer commonly called Domesday booke that the Towne of Douer was of abilitie in the time of King Edward the Confessour to arme yerely 20. vessels to the Sea by the space of 15. dayes together eache vessell hauing therein 21. able men For in consideration thereof the same King graunted to the inhabitants of Douer not onely fréedome from payment of Tholl and other priuileges throughout the Realme but also pardoned them all manner of suite and seruice to any his Courts whatsoeuer The Towne it selfe was neuerthelesse at those dayes vnder the protection and gouernauÌ„ce of Godwine the Earle of Kent for I read that it chauÌ„ced Eustace the Earle of Bolloine who had maried Goda the Kings sister to come ouer the seas into EnglaÌ„d of a desire that he had to visite the King his Brother and that whiles his herbenger demeaned him selfe vnwisely in taking vp his lodgings at Douer he fel at variance with the Townesmen and slewe one of them But Nocuit temeraria virtus For that thing so offended the rest of the inhabitants that immediatly they ranne to weapon and killing eightéene of the Earles seruauntes they compelled him and all his meiney to take their feete and to séeke redresse
muche more in storie then I haue already opened whiche happeneth the rather as I thinke for that many priuate persons within the Shyre of Kent were of long time not onely bounde by their tenures of Castlegarde to be ready in person for the defence but also stoode charged in purse with the reparation of the same Onely I reade in Iohn Rosse that King Edwarde the fourth to his great expence whiche others recken to haue béene ten thousande poundes amended it throughout Hauing therefore none other memorable thing touching the Castell it self I will leaue it and passe to the Religious houses Lucius the first christened King of the Britons builded a Churche within Douer Castell to the name and seruice of Christe endowing it with the tolle or custome of the hauen there And Eabaldus the sonne of Ethelbert the firste christened King of the Saxons erected a College within the walles of the same whiche Wyghtred a successour of his remoued into the towne stored with two and twentie Chanons and dedicated it to the name of S Martine This house was afterward new builded by King Henrie the seconde or rather by William Corbeil the Archebishop in his time stuffed by Theobalde his successour with Benedicte Monkes and called the Pryorie of S. Martines though commonly afterward it obtained the name of a newe worke at Douer Betwéene this house and Christes Churche in Canterbury to the whiche King Henrie the seconde had giuen it there arose as it chaūced vsually amongst houses of Religion muche contention for certaine superiorities of iurisdiction and for voice and suffrage in the election of the Archebishop For on the one side the Pryor and Couent of Douer claymed to haue interest in the choice of the Archebishop whiche the Pryor of Christes Churche would not agree vnto And on the other side the Pryor of Christes Churche pretended to haue such a soueraintie ouer S. Martines that he would not onely visite the house but also admit Monkes and Nouices at his pleasure whiche the other coulde not beare So that they fell to suing prouoking and brawling the ordinarie and onely meanes by which Monkes vsed to trie their controuersies and ceassed not appealing and pleading at Rome tyll they had bothe wearyed them selues and wasted their money Howbeit as it commonly falleth out that where respect of money and reward guydeth the iudgement and sentence there the mightie preuaile and the poore goe to wracke So the Monkes of Canterbury hauing to giue more and the Pope and his ministers being ready to take al poore Douer was oppressed and their Pryor in the ende constrained to submission And here bycause I am falne into mention of controuersie betwéene ecclesiastical persons of whiche sorte our hystories haue plentie I will touche in fewe wordes the euill intreatie that William Longchampe the iolly Bishop of Elye and Chaunceller of al England vsed toward Godfrey the Kings brother and Bishop of Yorke electe within this Pryorie King Richard the first being persuaded by the Pope and his Clergie to make an expedition for the recouerie of the holy lande partely for the performaunce of that whiche the King his father had purposed to doe in person and partly for satisfaction of his owne vowe which he made when he tooke the crosse as they called it vpon him set to port sayle his Kingly rights iurisdictions and prerogatiues his crowne landes fermes customes and offices and whatsoeuer he had beside to rayse money withall and so committing the whole gouernement of his Realme to William the Bishop of Ely his Chancellour he committed him selfe and his company to the winde and Seas This Prelate hauing nowe by the Kings commission the power of a Viceroy and besides the Popes gifte the authoritie of a Legate and Vicar and consequently the exercise of both the swordes so ruled and reigned ouer the Clergie Laitie in the kings absence that the one sort founde him more then a Pope the other felt him more then a King and they bothe endured him an intollerable Tyrant for he not only ouer ruled the Nobilitie and outfaced the Clergie spoyling bothe the one and the other of their liuings and promotions for maintenaunce of his owne ryot pompe and excesse But also oppressed the common people deuouring and consuming wheresoeuer he became the victuall of the countrey with the troupes and traines of men and horses being in number a thousand or fiftéene hundreth that continually followed him Amongst other his practises hauing gotten into his handes the reuenues of the Archebishopricke of Yorke whereof Godfrey the Kings brother was then elected Bishop and busie at Rome for to obtaine his consecration and fearing that by his returne he might be defrauded of so swéete a morsell he first laboured earnestly to hinder him in his suite at Rome and when he sawe no successe of that attempt he determined to make him sure when soeuer he should returne home And for that purpose he tooke order with one Clere then Sheriffe of Kent and Constable of the castel of Douer to whom he had giuen his sister in marriage that he should haue a diligent eye to his arriuall and that so soone as the Archebishop did set foote on lande he shoulde strip him of all his ornaments and commit him to safe custodie within the Castell Whiche thing was done accordingly for the Archebishop was no sooner arriued and entered the Churche to offer to Sainct Martine sacrifice for his safe passage as the Gentiles that escaped shipwracke were wont to doe to Neptune But Clere and his companie came in vpon him and doing the Chancellours commaundement violently haled him and his Chaplaines to prison Hereat Iohn then the Kings brother but afterward King taking iust offence and adioyning to him for reuenge the vttermost aide of the Bishops and Barons his friendes and alies raised a great power and in short time so strengthened the Chancellour that he not only agreed to release Godfrey but was fayne him selfe also abandoning his late pompe and glorie to get him to Douer and lye with his brother Clere as a poore priuate and despoyled person Howbeit not thus able to endure long the note of infamie and confusion whereinto he was falne he determined within him self to make an escape and by shift of the place to shroud his shame in some corner beyond the Seas And therfore shaueing his face and attyring him selfe like a woman he tooke a péece of linnen vnder his arme and a yard in his hand minding by that disguising to haue taken vessell amongst other passingers vnknown so to haue gotten ouer But he was not at the first in al his authoritie more vnlike a good man thē he was now in this poore apparel vnlike an honest womā and therefore being at the verie first discouered he was by certaine rude fellowes openly vncased well boxed about the eares and sent to the nexte Iustice who conueyed hym to Iohn his great enemie And thus was all the gaye glorie
this shoare Folkstone in Saxon folcestane Id est Populi Lapis or else flostane whiche signifieth a rocke or a flawe of stone AMongest the places lying on this shoare worthy of note nexte after Douer followeth Folkstone where Eanfled or rather Eanswide the daughter of Eadbalde the sonne of Ethelbert and in order of succession the sixte King of Kent long since erected a religious Pryorie of women not in the place where S. Peters Churche at Folkstone nowe standeth but Southe from thence where the Sea many yeares agoe hath swalowed and eaten it And yet least you shoulde thinke S. Peters Parishe churche to be voyde of reuerence I must let you knowe of Noua Legenda Angliae that before the Sea had deuoured all S. Eanswides reliques were translated thither The author of that worke reporteth many wonders of this woman as that she lengthened a beame of that building thrée foote when the Carpenters missing in their measure had made it so muche too shorte That she haled and drew water ouer the hilles against nature That she forbad certain rauenous birdes the countrey which before did muche harme there abouts That she restored the blynde caste out the Diuel and healed innumerable folkes of their infirmities And therefore after her deathe she was by the policie of the Popishe priestes and follie of the common people honoured for a Sainct And no maruail at all for it was vsuall in Papistrie not onely to magnifie their Benefactours of all sortes but to edifie also so many of them at the leaste as were of noble Parentage knowing that thereby triple commoditie ensued the first for as muche as by that meane they assured many great personages vnto them secondly they drewe by the awe of their example infinite numbers of the common people after them And lastly they aduentured the more bouldly vnder those honourable and glorious names and titles to publishe their pouishe and pelting miracles And this surely was the cause that Sexburge in Shepie Mildred in Tanet Etheldred at Elye Edith at Wilton and sundrie other simple women of Royall blood in eache quarter were canonized Saincts for generally the Religious of those tymes were as thankfull to their Benefactors as euer were the heathen nations to their first Kings and founders The one sort Sanctifying suche as did either builde them houses or deuise them orders And the other Deifying suche as had made them Cities or prescribed them Lawes and gouernement This was it that made Saturne Hercules Romulus and others moe to haue place in common opinion with the Gods aboue the starres and this caused Dunstane Edgar Ethel would and others first to be shryued here in earth and then to sit amongest the Saincts in Heauen But let me now leaue their policie and returne to the Hystorie The Towne of Folkestone was sore spoyled by Earle Godwine and his Sonnes what time they harried that whole coast of Kent for reuenge of their banishment as we haue often before remembred The Hundred of Folkstone conteined in the time of King Edward the Confessour a hundrethe and twentie ploughe landes it had in it fiue Parishe Churches it was valued at a hundrethe and ten poundes belonged to the Earle Godwine before named The Manor was giuen to William Albranc of whome I made mention in Douer with condition to finde one and twentie warders toward the defence of that Castle and it grewe in time to be the head of an honour or Baronie as in the Records of the Exchequer remaineth as yet to bée séene Saltwood THat Saltwood was long sithence an Honor also it may appeare by an auÌ„cient writ directed by King Henrie the second from beyond the Seas to King Henrie his Sonne for the restitution of Thomas Becket the Archebishop to all suche goodes landes and fées as were taken from him during the displeasure betwéene them whiche writ bothe for shewe of the auncient forme and bycause it conteineth the matter of hystorie I wil not stick to exemplifie word for woord as Mathewe Parise hathe recorded it Sciatis quod Thomas Cant. Episcopus paceÌ„ mecum fecit ad voluntatem meam ideo praecipio tibi vt ipse omnes sui pacem habeant faciatis ei habere suis omnes res suas bene in pace honorifice sicut habuerunt tribus meÌ„sibus antequaÌ„ exirent Angliae faciatisque venire coraÌ„ vobis de melioribus antiquioribus militibus de honore de Saltwood eoruÌ„ iurameÌ„to faciatis inquiri quid ibi habetur de feodo Archiepiscopatê° Cant. quod recognituÌ„ fuerit esse de feodo ipsius ipsi faciatis habere valete But if this Recorde of the Kings suffise not to proue the honour of this place then here I pray you a woorde of the honourable or rather the Pontificall dealing of William Courtney the Archbishop who taking offence that certaine poore men his Tenants of the Manor of Wingham had brought him rent hay and littar to Canterbury not openly in cartes for his glorie as they were accustomed but closely in sackes vpon their horses as their abilitie would suffer cited them to this his castle of Saltwood and there after that he had shewed himself Adria iracundiorem as hote as a toste with the matter he first bound them by othe to obey his owne ordinauÌ„ce then inioyned them for penance that they should each one marche leisurely after the procession bareheaded barefooted with a sacke of hey or strawe on his shoulder open at the mouthe so as the stuffe might appeare hanging out of the bag to all the beholders Nowe I beséeche you what was it els for this proude Prelate thus to insult ouer simple men for so small a fault or rather for no fault at all but Laureolam in Mustaceis querere and no better Thus muche at this present of the Place for as touching the first matter concerning Thomas that shall appeare at large in Canterbury following And therefore leauing on our right hand the stately partes of Syr Edward Poynings vnperfect buylding at Ostenhangar let vs sée what is to be said of Hyde Hyde is written in Saxon Hyþe that is the Hauen and called of Leland in Latine Portus Hithinus in some Recordes Hethe THe name of this place importing as it should séeme by the generalitie therof some note of worthinesse and the long continued priuileges therevnto belonging it self being long since one of the fiue principal Portes at the first led me and happely may hereafter moue others also to thinke that it had béene of more estimation in tyme past then by any other thing nowe apparant may well be coniectured Howbeit after that I had somewhat diligently searched the Saxon antiquities from whence if from any at all the beginning of the same is to be deriued had perused the booke of Domesday wherein almoste nothing especially that might bée profitable was pretermitted and yet found litle or in manner nothing concerning
this Towne committed to memorie I became of this minde that either the place was at the first of litle price and for the increase thereof indowed with Priuileges or if it had beene at any time estimable that it continued not long in the plight And truly whosoeuer shall consider eyther the Vniuersall vicissitude of the Sea in all places or the particular alteration and chaunge that in tymes passed and now presently it worketh on the coasts of this Realme he will easely assent that Townes bordering vpon the Sea and vpholded by the commoditie thereof may in short time decline to great decay and become in manner worthe nothing at all For as the water either floweth or forsaketh thē so must they of necessitie either flourish or fall flowing as it were ebbing with the Sea it selfe The necessitie of whiche thing is euery where so ineuitable that all the Popish ceremonies of espousing the Sea whiche the Venetians yearely vse on Saint Markes day by casting a Golden ring into the water cannot let but that the Sea continually by litle and litle withdraweth it selfe from their Citie and threatneth in time vtterly to forsake them Nowe therefore as I cannot fully shew what Hide hath béene in times passed must referre to each mans owne eye to beholde what it presently is So yet will I not pretermitte to declare out of other men such notes as I finde concerning the same From this Towne saith Henrie Huntingdon Earle Godwine and his Sonnes in the time of their exile fetched away diuers vessels lying at roade euen as they had at Rumney also whereof we shall haue place to speake more hereafter Before this Towne in the reigne of King Edward the first a great fléete of French men shewed themselues vpon the Sea of whiche one being furnished with two hundrethe Souldiours set her men on land in the Hauen where they had no sooner pitched their foote but the Townesmen came vpon thē to the last man wherewith the residue were so afraide that foorthwith they hoysed vp saile and made no further attempt This Towne also was grieuously afflicted in the beginning of the Reigne of King Henrie the fourth in so muche as besides the furie of the pestilence whiche raged all ouer there were in one day two hundreth of the houses consumed by flame fiue of their ships with one hundreth men drowned at the Sea By whiche hurte the inhabitaunts were so wounded that they began to deuise howe they might abandone the place and builde them a Towne else where Wherevpon they had resolued also had not the King by his liberal Chartre which I haue séene vnder his scale released vnto them for fiue turnes next following onlesse the greater necessitie should in the meane time compell him to require it their seruice of fiue ships of one hundreth men and of v. garsons whiche they ought of duetie and at their owne charge without the helpe of any other member to finde him by the space of fiftéene dayes together Finally from this Towne to Boloigne which is taken to be the same that Caesar calleth Gessoriacum is the shortest cutte ouer the Sea betwéene England and Fraunce as some holde opinion Others thinke that to be the shortest passage which is from Douer to Calaice But if there be any man that preferreth not hast before his good spéede let him by mine aduise proue a third way I meane from Douer to Withsand for if Edmund Badhenham the penner of the Chronicles of Rochester lye not shamefully whiche thing you knowe how farre it is from a Monke then at suche time as King Henrie the second and Lewes the French King were after long warre reconciled to amitie Lewes came ouer to visite King Henrie and in his return homeward saluted saint Thomas of Canterbury made a princely offer at his tumbe and bicause he was very fearefull of the water asked of saint Thomas and obteined that neither he in that passage nor any other from thenceforth that crossed the Seas betwéen Douer and Withsand should suffer any manner of losse or shipwracke But of this Saint sauing your reuerence we shall haue fitte place to speake more largely hereafter and therefore let vs nowe leaue the Sea and looke toward Shipwey Shipwey or Shipweyham in the Recordes commonly Shipwey Crosse BEtwéene Hyde and Westhanger lieth Shipwey the place that was of auncient time honested with the Plées and assemblies of the Fiue Ports although at this day neither by good building extant it be much glorious nor by any common méeting greatly frequented I remember that I haue read in a book of Priuileges of the Fiue Portes that certeine principall pointes concerning the Port townes be determinable at Shipwey only And likely it is that the withdrawing of the triall of causes from thence to Douer Castle hathe brought decay and obscuritie vpon the place Of this place the whole Last of Shipwey conteining twelue Hundrethes at the first tooke and yet continueth the name At this place Prince Edward the Sonne to King Henrie the third exacted of the Barons of the v. Portes their othe of fidelitie to his Father against the mainteiners of the Barons warre And at this place only our Limenarcha or Lord Wardein of the Ports receaueth his oathe at his first entrie into the office Whether this were at any time a Harborow for ships as the Etymologie of the name giueth likelihoode of coniecture or no I dare neither affirme nor denie hauing neither read nor séen that may lead me to the one or the other only I remember that Robert Talbot a man of our time and which made a Commentarie vpon the Itinerarie of Antoninus Augustus is of the opinion that is was called Shipwey because it lay in the way to the Hauen where the ships were wont to ride And that hauen taketh he to be the same whiche of Ptolome is caled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nouus Portus of Antoninus Limanis of our Chroniclers Limene Mouthe and interpreted by Leland to betoken the mouthe of the riuer of Rother whiche nowe in our time openeth into the Sea at Rye but before at Winchelsey His coniecture is grounded partly as you sée vpon the Etymologie of the name partly vpon the consideration of some antiquities that be neare to the place and partly also vpon the report of the countrie people who holde fast the same opinion which they haue by tradition receaued from their Elders In déede the name bothe in Greeke and olde Englishe whiche followethe the Gréeke that is to say Limen and Limene Mouthe doth signifie a Hauen wherof the Town of Lymne adioyning and the whole Deanrie or limit of the Ecclesiastical iurisdiction in whiche it standeth for that also is called Lymne by likelyhoode tooke the name This Hauen saithe he stoode at the firste vnder a highe Rocke in the Parishe of Lymne vnder the whiche there was situate a strong Castle for the defence of the Porte the ruines of
Kent toward London should arriue and make his first step on land in Rumney Marshe he shall rather finde good grasse vnder foote then holesome Aire aboue the head againe if he step ouer the Hylles and come into the Weald he shall haue at once the commodities bothe Caeli Soli of the Aire and the Earth But if he leaue that and climbe the next step of hilles that are betwéene him and London he shall haue woode and corne for his wealthe and toward the increase of his healthe if he séeke he shal finde Famem in agro lapidoso a good stomake in the stonie field No marueile it is therefore if Rumney Marshe be not thicke peopled séeing most men be yet still of Porcius Cato his minde who helde them starke madde that would dwell in an vnholsome Aire were the soyle neuer so good and fertile And this thing being well vnderstood to the estates of the Realme they vsed in Parleamentes to allure men hither by exemption from paiment of Subsidies and suche like charges wherewith the inhabitants of other places be burdened Neshe called in Saxon Nesse vvhiche signifieth a Nebbe or nose of the land extended into the Sea. THis Cape lyeth in Walland Marshe Southe from Rumney and is of the number of those places that Earle Godwine aflicted in the time of his banishment from hence he passed toward Londō and there by the help of his confederates shewed suche an assemblie that the Bishops and Noble men for verie feare became suters to the King for his peace and in the ende procured it Before this Neshe lyeth a flatte into the Sea threatning great daunger to vnaduised Saylers And nowe hauing thus viewed suche places a long the Sea shoare as auncient Hystories haue put me in remembraunce of I might readely take occasion bothe to recommend vnto you the vigilant studie of our Auncestors in prouiding for the defence of the Sea Coastes and withall shewe you a President or two of theirs conteining the assesse of suche particular Watche and Warde as they vsed there in the Reigne of King Edward the third in whose time also it was first ordered that Beacons in this Countrie should haue their pitche pots and that they should be no longer made of wood-stackes or piles as they be yet in Wilshire and elsewhere But because those assesses were not permanent and alwaies alike as not growing by reason of any tenure but arbitrable from time to time at the discretion of suche as it liked the Prince to set ouer the Countrie in time of warres And for that also we at this day God be thanked therfore haue besides the like watchefull indeuour of our present gouernours sundrie standing platformes as you haue séene erected to the very end mainteined at the continual charge of the Prince I will not here stand vpō that matter but forsaking the shore betake me Northward to passe along the Riuer Rother whiche diuideth this Shyre from Sussex where after that I shall haue shewed you Apledore Stone Newenden I wil pearce through the Weald to Medwey and so laboure to perfourme the rest of my purpose Apledore in Saxon Apultre in Latine Malus that is an Apletree IN the time of King Alfred that great swarme of the Danes whiche annoyed this Realme and found not here wherwith to satisfie the hungrie gut of their rauenous appetite brake their companie into twaine whereof the one passed into Fraunce vnder the conducte of Hasten and the other remained here vnder the charge of Guthrune This Hasten with his company landed in Pontein ranged ouer al Picardie Normandie Angeon Poieton and passed ouer Loire euen to Orleance killing burning and spoiling whatsoeuer was in his way in so muche that besides the pitifull butcherie committed vpon the people and the inestimable bootie of their goods taken away he consumed to ashes aboue nine hundreth religious houses and Monasteries This done he sent away .250 of his ships laden with riche spoile whiche came hither againe entring into the Riuer of Rother thē called as Leland wéeneth Lymen at the mouth wherof olde Winchelsey sometime stoode and by soudaine surprise tooke a small Castle that was foure or fiue miles within the land at Apultre as some thinke whiche bycause it was not of sufficient strength for their defence and conuerture they abated to the ground and raised a newe either in the same place or els not farre from it Shortly after commethe Hasten himselfe also with eightie saile more and sailing vp the Riuer of Thamise he fortifieth at Middleton nowe Mylton ouer against the I le of Shepey Whiche thing when King Alfred vnderstoode he gathered his power with all haste and marchinge into Kent encamped betwéene the two hostes of his enemies and did so beare him selfe that in the end he constrained Hasten to desire peace to giue his owne othe and two of his Sonnes in hostage for obseruation of the same But howe soone after Hasten forgot his distresse and how litle he estéemed either his owne trouth plighted or the liues of his children so pledged it shall appeare when we come to fitte place for it In the meane while I let you know that the booke of Domesday speaking of Apuldore laieth it in the hundreth of Blackburne and describeth it to conteine eight Carnes or Ploughlandes Stone in the I le of Oxney called in Saxon Stana that is a stone or as the Northren men yet speake A Steane IN the dayes of King Etheldred whē almost al parts of the Realme felt the Danishe furie this place also was by them pitieousely spoyled and brent whiche done they departed to Sandwiche and did there as hathe alreadie appeared Newendene in Saxon Niƿeldene that is The lowe or deepe valley Leland calleth it Nouiodunum whiche worde is framed out of the Saxon Niƿandune soundeth as much as the Newe Hill. THE situation of Newendene is such as it maye likely enoughe take the name eyther of the déepe and bottome as I haue coniectured or of the Hill and highe grounde as Leland supposed For it standeth in the valley and yet clymeth the hill So that the termination of the name may be Dene or Dune of the valley or of the hill indifferently Howbeit I would easily yealde to Leland in this matter the rather bicause the common people of that quarter speak muche of a fayre Towne that sometime stoode vpon the hill Sauing that bothe many places there aboutes are vpon like reason termed Denes and that Iohn Bale who had seene an auncient hystorie of the house it selfe calleth it plainly Newendene It is a frontier and Marche Towne of this Shyre by reason that it lyeth vpon the Ryuer that diuideth Kent and Sussex in sunder whiche water Leland affirmeth to be the same that our auncient Chronicles call Lymene though nowe of the common sorte it is knowen by the name of Rother only It riseth sayth he at Argas hil in Sussex neare to Waterdowne Forrest and falleth
to Rotherfield thence to Hichingham and so to Roberts bridge corruptly so termed for Rothersbridge frō whence it descendeth to Bodyam Castell to Newendene Oxney and Apultree and soone after openeth into the Sea. The place is not notable for any other thing then that it harboured the first Carmelite Fryars that euer were in this Realme For about the midst of the reigne of King Henrie the thirde that order came ouer the Sea arriued in this lande and made their neste at Newendene whiche was before a wooddy and solitarie place and therefore in common opinion so much the more fit for Religious persons to inhabite They of that profession were called Carmelites of a hill in Syria named Carmelus where at the first a sort of men that liued solitarily were drawne into companies by one Ioan the Patriarche of Ierusalem in the dayes of King Henrie the firste And after that comming into Europe were by Honorius Quartus the Pope appointed to a rule and order by the name of the Brothers of Mary whiche title liked them selues so well that they procured the Pope Vrbane the sixte thrée yeares pardon for all suche as would so call them But certaine merry felowes seing their vanitie and knowing how litle they were of kin to Mary the blessed Virgine called them the brothers of Mary Aegiptiaca the harlot whereat the Pope was so offended that he plainly pronounced them Heretikes for their labour I read that in the reigne of King Richard the seconde one William Starnefeld was Pryor of this house and that he committed to writing the originall and beginning of the same But hitherto though to no great losse it hath not chaunced me to sée it The Weald so named of 〈◊〉 on worde peald which signifieth A woodie countrie The Britons called it Andred of which worde the Saxons called it AnSreSesleag in Latine Saltus Andred the chase of Andred This latter name was imposed for the exceeding greatnesse of it for Anrhsed in Brittish is as much as great or wonderfull NOwe then we are come to the Weald of Kent which after the common opinion of men of our time is conteined within very streight and narrowe limits notwithstanding that in times paste it was reputed of suche excéeding bignesse that it was thought to extende into Sussex Surrey and Hamshyre and of suche notable fame withall that it left the name to that part of the Realme thorough which it passed for it is manifest by the auncient Saxon Chronicles by Asserus Meneuensis Henrie of Huntingdon and almost all others of latter time that beginning at Winchelsey in Sussex it reached in length a hundreth and twentie myles towarde the West and stretched thirtie myles in breadth towarde the Northe And it is in mine opinion moste likely that in respecte of this wood that large portion of this Islande whiche in Caesars time contained foure seuerall Kings was called of the Bryttish word Caine Cancia in Latine and now cōmonly Kent Of which deriuation one other infallible monumēt remaineth euen til this day in Staffordshyre where they yet call their great woodie Forrest by the name of Kanc also On the edge of this wood in Sussex there stoode somtime a Citie called after the same Andredes Chester whiche Ella the founder of the Southsaxon kingdome after that he had landed with his thrée sonnes and chased the Brytons into the wood raced and made equall with the grounde And in this wood Sigbert a King of Westsex was done to death by this occasion following About the yeare after the Incarnation of Christe seuen hundreth fiftie fiue this Sigbert succéeded Cuthred his cousine in the kingdom of the Westsaxons and was so puffed vp with the pride of his dominion mightely enlarged by the prosperous successes of his predecessour that he gouerned without feare of God or care of man making lust his lawe and mischiefe his minister Wherevpon one Cumbra an Earle and Counselour at the lamentable suite of the Commons moued him to consideration But Sigbert disdaining to be directed commaunded him most dispitefully to be slayne Hereat the Nobilitie and Commons were so muche offended that assembling for the purpose they with one assent depriued him of his crowne and dignitie and he fearing worse fled into the wood where after a season a poore Hogheard sometime seruaunt to Cumbra founde him in a place which the Saxon Hystories cal Prifetsflode and knowing him to be the same that had slaine his Master slue him also without all manner of mercy The Hystorie of this Hoghearde presenteth to my minde an opinion that some men mainteine touching this Weald whiche is that it was a great while together in manner nothing else but a Desert and waste Wildernesse not planted with Townes or peopled with men as the outsides of the shyre were but stoared and stuffed with heardes of Deare and droues of Hogs onely whiche conceit though happely it may séeme to many but a Paradoxe yet in mine own fantasie it wanteth not the féete of sounde reason to stande vpon For besides that a man shall reade in the Hystories of Canterbury and Rochester sundry donations in whiche there is mention onely of Pannage for Hogges in Andred and of none other thing I thinke verely that it cannot be shewed out of auncient Chronicles that there is remayning in Weald of Kent or Sussex any one monument of great antiquitie And truly this thing I my selfe haue obserued in the auncient rentalles and surviewes of the possessions of Christes Church in Canterbury that in the rehearsall of the olde rentes and seruices due by the Tenaunts dwelling without the Weald the entrie is commonly after this forme De redditu vij s̄.vj d. De viginti ouis j.d. De gallinis benerth xvj.d. Summa viij s̄.xj.d quieti redditus But when they come to the Tenauntes inhabiting within the Wealdy countrey then the stile and Intituling is first Redditus de Walda Then after that followeth De tenementis Ioāis at Stile in loose iij. s̄.iiij.d Without shewing for what auncient seruice for what manner of custome or for what speciall cause the same Rent grew due and payable as in the first stile or entrie is expressed Wherevpon I gather that although the propertie of the Weald was at the firste belonging to certaine knowen owners as wel as the rest of the countrey yet was it not then alotted into Tenancies nor Manured like vnto the residue But that euen as men were contented to inhabite it and by péecemeale to rid it of the wood and to breake it vp with the ploughe So this latter rent differing from the former bothe in quantitie and qualitie as being greater than the other and yealded rather as recompence for fearme then as a quiterent for any seruice did long after by litle and litle take his beginning And hereout also springeth the diuersitie of opinions touching the true limits of this Weald Some men affirming it to beginne at one place and some at another
whereas in my fantasie there can be assigned none other certaine boundes thereof then suche as we haue before recited out of the auncient Hystories For euen as in the olde time being then a méere solitude and on no part inhabited it might easily be circumscribed So since being continually from time to time made lesse by industrie it coulde not long haue any standing or permanent termes And therefore what so euer difference in common report there be as touching the same for as muche as it is nowe thanked be God in manner wholy replenished with people a man maye more reasonably mainteine that there is no Weald at all then certainely pronounce eyther where it beginneth or maketh an ende And yet if question in Lawe shoulde fortune to be moued concerning the limits of the Weald as in déede it maye happen vpon the Statute of Woods and otherwise I am of opinion that the same ought to be decided by the verdite of twelue men grounded vpon the common reputation of the countrey thereaboutes and not by any other meanes But bycause I wote not howe the naturall and auncient inhabitantes of this countrey will beare it that a young Nouesse and lately adopted Denizen shoulde thus boldely determine at their disputations I will here for a while leaue the Weald and go foorth to the residue Farley in Saxon farrlega and may be interpreted the place of the Boares or Bulles FArley both the East and West bordering vpon Medwey belonged somtime to the Monkes of Christes Churche in Canterbury to whom it yealded in the dayes of King Edward the Confessour twelue hundreth Eeles for a yearely rent This I exemplifie to the ende that it may appeare that their reseruations in auncient time were as well in victuall as in money and that thereof the landes so leased were called Fermes of the Saxon worde feormian whiche is to féede or yeald victuall Whiche Etymologie of the worde although it might suffice to the proofe of that matter yet to the end that my coniecture may haue the more force I will ad vnto it the authoritie of Geruasius Tilberiensis a learned man that flourished in the dayes of King Henrie the seconde who in his Dialogue of the obseruations of the Exchequer hath in effecte as followeth Vntill the time sayth he of King Henrie the first the Kings vsed not to receiue money of their lands but victuals for the necessarie prouision of their house And towardes the payment of the Souldiours wages and suche like charges money was raysed out of the Cities and Castles in whiche husbandrie and tillage was not exercised But at the length when as the King being in the partes beyonde the Seas néeded ready money towarde the furniture of his warres and his subiectes and farmers complayned that they were grieuously troubled by cariage of victuals into sundry parts 〈…〉 the Realme farre distant from their dwelling houses The King directed comission to certaine discrete persons whiche hauing regarde of the value of those victuals should reduce them into reasonable summes of money The leueying of whiche summes they appointed to the Sheriffe taking ordre withall that he should pay them at the Scale or Beame that is to say that he should pay sixe pence ouer aboue euery pound waight of money because they thought that the money in time would waxe so muche the woorse for the wearing c. Thus farre Geruasius I am not ignorant that Geruasius him selfe in an other place of that Booke deriueth the woord Ferme from the Latine Firma Howbeit for asmuche as I know assuredly that the terme was vsed here amongst the Saxons before the comming of the Conquerour and that the Etymon therof descended from the Saxon language whereof happely Geruasius being a Norman was not muche skilfull I am as bolde to leaue his opinion for the deriuation as I was readie to cleaue to his reporte for the Hystorie Maidstone contractly for Medweys Towne in Saxon MeSƿegestun that is the Towne vpon Medway it is taken to be that whiche in Antoninus is called Duropronis One auncient Saxon boke which I haue seene writeth it thus Maegþanstane whiche is as muche to say as the mightie or strong stone a name belike giuen for the Quarrey of hard stone there THe name of this Towne being framed as the moste part thinke out of the name of the water might easely moue a man to iudge that it had béen long since the Principall towne vpon the Riuer whereon it is situated The rather for that the Saxons in imposing the names of their chiefe places vsed to borowe for the moste parte the names of the waters adioyning as Colchester was so by them called of the water Colne Ciceter or rather Cyrenchester of the water Cyren in Latine Corinius Donchaster of the Riuer of Done Lyncolne of Lindis and to come to our owne Shyre Eilesford of Eile Dartford of Darent Crayford of Cray and suche other Howebeit for asmuche as I finde not this place aboue once named in any auncient hystorie and but seldome mentioned in any Recordes that I haue séene I dare not pronounce it of any great antiquitie but speak chiefly of that whiche it hathe gotten within the compasse of late memorie In the time of King Edward the sixt therefore this Towne was incorporated and endowed with sundrie liberties all whiche soone after it forfeited by ioyning in a Rebellion moued within this Shyre vnder the Reigne of Queene Marie Neuerthelesse of late time the Quéenes Maiestie that nowe is of her great clemencie hathe not onely restoared to the Towne the former incorporation but endowed it also with great Priuilege appaireling the Maior with the authoritie of a Iustice of the Peace exempting the Townesmen from forreigne Sessions and creating the Towne it selfe a Boroughe enabled to haue voice in Parleament In it were foure principall ornamentes of building the College the Bishops Palaice the house of the Brothers of Corpus Christi and the Bridge Of whiche the first was built by Boniface the Archebishop of Canterbury and Vncle to Eleonor the wife of King Henrie the third to the honour of Peter Paule and Saint Thomas the Martyr as they would haue it and endowed with great possessions by the name of an Hospitall but commonly termed the newe woorke This had not stoode fully a hundreth and fourtie yeares but that William Courtney a successour in that Sée and a Noble man as the other was pulled it downe and erecting a newe after his owne pleasure gayned thereby the name of a founder and called it a College of Secular Priestes The Palaice that yet standeth was begonne by Iohn Vfford the Archebishop but for as much as he died before he had brought the worke to the midst Simon Islepe the next in successiō sauing one took this matter in hand not onely pulled downe a house of the Bishops which had long before stode at Wrotham but also charged his whole Prouince with a tenth to accomplishe it I
can they not their sinnes nor so rowes all poore soules of shake Nor all contagious fleshly from them voides but must of neede Muche things congendred long by won derous meanes at last out spread Therefore they plagued beene and for their former faultes and sinnes Their sundrie paines they bide some highe in aire doe hang on pinnes Some fleeting bene in floodes and deepe in gulfes themselues they tyer Till sinnes away be washt or clen sed cleane with purging syer Eche one of vs our paenance here abide that sent we bee To Paradise at last wee fewe these fieldes of ioye do see Till compasse long of time by per fect course hathe purged quite Our former cloddred spots and pure hathe left our Ghostly Sprite And senses pure of soule and sim ple sparkes of heauenly light Nowe therefore if this Bishops Poetrie may be allowed for diuinitie me thinketh that with great reason I may intreate that not onely this woorke of Virgils Aeneides But Homers Iliades Ouides Fastes Lucians Dialogues also may be made Canonicall for these al excell in suche kinde of fiction Tong Castle or rather Thong Castle in Saxon þƿangceastse in Brittish Caerkerry of Thwang and Karry both whiche woords signifie a Thong of leather THe Brittish Chronicle discoursing the inuitation arriuall interteinment of Hengist and Horsa the Saxon captaines mentioneth that among other deuises practised for their owne establishmēt and securitie they begged of King Vortiger so muche land to fortifie vpon as the hyde of a beast cut into thonges might incompasse and that thereof the place should bee called Thongraster or Thwangraster after suche a like manner as Dido long since beguiling Hiarbas the King of Lybia builded the Castle Byrsa conteining twentie and two furlonges in circuit of whiche Virgil spake saying Mercatique solum facti de nomine Byrsam Taurino possint quantum circundare tergo c. They bought the soile Byrsa it cald when first they did beginne As muche as with a Bul hide cut they could inclose within But Saxo Grammaticus applieth this Act to the time of the Danes affirming that one Iuarus a Dane obteined by this kinde of policie at the handes of Etheldred the Brother of Alfred to build a fort And as these men agrée not vpon the builder so is there variance betwéen writtē storie cōmon spéeche touching the true place of the building for it should seem by Galfrid Hector Boctius Ric Cirencester the it was at Doncaster in the North Countrie bicause they lay it in Lindsey whiche now is extended no further thē to the North part of Lincolne shyre But common opinion conceaued vpon report receaued of the elders by tradition chalengeth it to Tong Castle in this Shyre Wherevnto if a man do adde that both the first planting and the chief abiding of Hengist and Horsa was in Kent and adioyne thereto the authoritie of Mathewe of Westminster which writeth plainly that Aurelius Ambrose the captaine of the Britons prouoked Hengist to battaile at Tong in Kent he shall haue cause neither to falsifie the one opinion lightly nor to faithe the other vnaduisedly And as for mine owne opinion of Doncaster which is taken to be the same that Ptolome calleth Camulodunum I thinke verely that it was named of the water Done whereon it standethe and not of Thong as some faine it Whiche deriuation whether it be not lesse violent and yet no lesse reasonable then the other I dare refer to any resonable and indifferent Reader To this place therefore of right belongeth the storie of King Vortigers Wassailing whiche I haue already exemplified in the generall discourse of the auncient estate of this Countrie and for that cause do thinke it more méete to referre you thither then here to repeate it Tenham in Saxon TynHam that is to say a Towne or Hamlet often houses as Eightam had the name of EaHtHam a Hamlet or Towne of eight dwellings AT Tenham was long since a mansion house pertaining to the Sée of Canterbury where in the time of King Iohn Hubert the Archebishop departed this life as Mathewe Parise reporteth who addeth also that when the King had intelligence of his death he brast foorth into great ioy and sayde that he was neuer a King in deede before that houre It séemeth that he thought him selfe deliuered of a shrewe but litle forsawe he that a shrewder shoulde succéede in the roome for if he had he woulde rather haue prayed for the continuaunce of his life then ioyed in the vnderstanding of his deathe For after this Hubert followed Stephan Langton who brought vpon King Iohn suche a tempestious Sea of sorowfull trouble that it caused him to make shipwracke bothe of his honour crowne and life also The storie hath appeared at large in Douer before and therfore needeth not nowe eftsoones to be repeated Shepey in Latine Insula ouium Oninia in Saxon Sceapige the I le of Sheepe SExburga the wife of Ercombert a King of Kent folowing the ensample of Eanswide the daughter of King Ethelbald erected a Monastery of women in the I le of Shepey called Minster whiche in the late Iust and generall suppression was founde to be of the yerely value of an hundreth and twentie pounds This house and the whole Ile was scourged by the Danes whome I may well call as Attila the leader of the like people called him self Flagellum Dei the whip or flaile of God thrée times within the space of twentie yeares and a litle more Firste by thirtie and fiue sayle of them that arriued there and spoyled it Secondly and thirdly by the armies of them that wintered their ships within it Besides all whiche harmes the followers of the Earle Godwine and his sonnes in the time of their proscription landed at Shepey and harried it It shoulde séeme by the dedication of the name that this Ilande was long since greatly estéemed eyther for the number of the Shéepe or for the finenesse of the fléese although auncient foreigne writers ascribe not muche to any parte of all Englande and muche lesse to this place eyther for the one respect or for the other But whether the Shéepe of this Realme were in price before the comming of the Saxons or no they be nowe God be thanked therefore worthy of great estimation bothe for the excéeding finenesse of the fléese whiche passeth all other in Europe at this daye and is to be cōpared with the auncient delicate wooll of Tarentum or the Golden Fleese of Colchos it selfe and for the aboundant store of flockes so incresing euery where that not only this litle Isle whiche we haue nowe in hande but the whole realme also might rightly be called Shepey Quinborowe called in Latine Regius Burgus in Saxon CyningburH That is to say The Kings Castle AT the West ende of Shepey lyeth Quinborowe Castle the occasion of the first building whereof was this King Edward the third determining aboute the thirtéenth yeare of his reigne to
make demaunde of his right to the Crowne of Fraunce first quieted Scotland by force then entered amitie with his neighbours of Holland Seland and Brabant and lastly fortifying at this place for defence of the Thamise made expedition by Sea and lande againste the Frenche King and moued warre that had long continuaunce wherin neuerthelesse after sundry discomfitures giuen before Sluse Cressey Calaice and Poitiers he was in the ende right honourably satisfied During this building William of Wickam surnamed Perot a man not so plentifully endowed with good learning as aboundantly stored with Ecclesiasticall liuing for he had nine hundreth poundes of yearely reuenue fourtéene yeares together and was afterwarde by degrées aduaunced to the kéeping firste of the priuie and then of the broade Seale was Surueyour of the kings workes whiche is the very cause as I coniecture that some haue ascribed to him the thanke of the building it selfe This platforme was repayred by King Henrie the eight at suche time as he raised Blockhouses along the Sea coastes for the causes already rehearsed in Dele Of Quinborowe Leland sayth thus Castrum Regius editum recipit Burgus fulmina dira insulanos Tutos seruat ab impetu vel omni A Castle highe and thundring shot At Quinbrought is nowe plaste Whiche keepeth safe the Ilanders From euery spoyle and waste The name is fallen as you sée by deprauation of speache from Kingesborowe to Quinborowe howbeit the Etymologie is yet conserued both in our ancient hystories in the style of the Court or Lawday there I may adde that in memorie of the first name the Ferrie or passage from the I le to the maine lande is yet called The Kings ferrie also Feuersham in Saxon fafresHam AS it is very likely that the Towne of Feuersham receiued the chiefe nourishment of her increase from the Religious house So there is no doubt but that the place was somewhat of price long time before the building of that Abbay there For it is to be séene that King Ethelstane helde a Parleament and enacted certeine lawes at Feuersham about sixe hundreth and fortie yeares agoe at which time I thinke it was some Manor house belonging to the Prince the rather for that afterwarde King William the Conquerour to whose handes at length it came amongst other thinges gaue the aduowson of the Church to the Abbay of S. Augustines and the Manor it self to a Normane in recompence of seruice But what time king Stephan had in purpose to build the Abbay he recouered the Manor againe by exchaunge made with one William de Ipre the founder of Boxley for Lillychurch and raysing there a stately Monasterie the temporalties whereof did amount to a hundred fiftie fiue poundes he stored it with Cluniake Monkes This house was firste honoured with the buriall of Adelicia the Quéene his wife Then with the Sepulture of Eustachius his only sonne and shortly after him selfe also was there interred by them I reade none other thing worthy remembraunce touching this place Saue that in the reigne of King Iohn there brake out a great controuersie betwéene him and the Monkes of S. Augustines touching the right of the Patronage of the Churche of Feuersham For notwithstanding that King William the Conquerour had giuen it to the Abbay as appeareth before yet there wanted not some of whiche number Hubert the Archebishop was one that whispered King Iohn in the eare that the right of the Aduouson was deuoluted vnto him which thing he beléeuing presented a Clarke to the Churche and besides commaunded by his writ that his presentée should be admitted The Abbat on the other side withstoode him for the more sure enioying of his possession not onely eiected the Kings Clarke but also sent thither diuers of his Monkers to kéepe the Church by strong hand When the King vnderstoode of that he commaunded the Sheriffe of the Shyre to leuie the power of his countie and to restore his presentée Which commaundement the officer endeuoured to put in execution accordingly But suche was the courage of these holy hoorsons that before the Shefiffe coulde bring it to passe he was driuen to winne the Churche by assault in the which he hurt and wounded diuers of them and drewe and haled the reste out of the doores by the haire and héeles Nowe it chaunced that at the same time Iohn the Cardinall of Sainct Stephans the Popes Legate into Scotland passed through this Realme to whome as he soiourned at Canterbury the Monks made their mone and he againe both incouraged them to sende their Pryor to Rome for remedie furnished them with his own Letters in commendation of their cause In whiche amongst other things he tolde the holy father Innocentius plainly that if he would suffer Monkes to be thus intreated the Apostolique authoritie wold soone after be set at nought not only in England but in al other countries also Here vpon the Pope sent out his commission for the vnderstanding of the matter but the Monks being now better aduised tooke a shorter way and sending to the King two hundreth marks in a purse and a faire Palfrey for his owne sadle they bothe obteyned at his handes resâ—itution of their right also wan him to become from thencefoorth their good Lord and Patrone But here I praye you consider with me whether these men be more likely to haue béen brought vp in the Schole of Christe and Paule his Apostle who teach Ne resistatis malo vincatis bono malum Or rather to haue drawne their diuinitie out of Terence Comedie where the counsell is Malumus nos prospicere quam hunc vlcisci accepta iniuria yea and out of the worste point of all Tullies Philosophie where he permitteth Lacessitis iniuria inferre vim iniuriam seing they be so ready not of euen ground onely but before hande not to aunswere but to offer force and violence euen to Kings and Princes themselues I wis they might haue taken a better lesson out of Terence him selfe who aduiseth wise men Consilio omnia prius experiri quam armis and therefore I pitie their beating so muche the lesse But by this and suche other Monkishe partes of theirs you may sée Quid otium cibus faciat alienus Genlade and Gladmouthe BEda hathe mention of a water in Kent running by Reculuers whiche he calleth Genlade This name was afterward sounded Yenlade by the same misrule that geard is nowe Yard geoc Yoke gyld Yeeld gemen Yeomen and suche other Henrie of Huntingdon also reporteth that King Edward the Sonne of Alfred builded at Gladmouth This place I coniecture to haue stoode at the mouthe of that Riuer and thereof to haue béene called first Genlademouthe and afâ—erward by contraction and corruption of speach Glademouthe For to compound the name of a Towne out of the mouthe of a Riuer adioining was most familiar with our auncestours as the name Exmouthe was framed out of the Riuer Ex Dartmouthe of the water
Norton Wilmus de Sutton For such as we call nowe Iohn Norton and William Sutton and amongst the Gentlemen of Chesshyre euen to this day one is called after their maner Thomas a Bruerton another Iohn a Holcrost and suche like for Thomas Bruerton Iohn Holcrost c. as we here vse it Thus muche shortly of mine owne fantasie I thought not vnmeete to impart by occasion of the name of Norwood and now forward to my purpose againe Leedes in Latine of some Lodanum of others Ledanum Castrum RObert Creuequer was one of the eight that Iohn Fynes elected for his assistance in the defence of Douer Castle as we haue already shewed who taking for that cause the Manor of Leedes and vndertaking to finde fiue Warders therefore builded this Castle or at the least an other that stoode in the place For I haue read that Edward thē Prince of Wales and afterward the first King of that name being Wardein of the Fiue Portes and Constable of Douer in the life of Henrie the third his Father caused Henrie Cobham whose ministerie he vsed as substitute in bothe those offices to race the Castle that Robert Creuequer had erected bicause Creuequer that was then owner of it Heire to Robert was of the number of the Nobles that moued and mainteined warre against him Whiche whether it be true or no I will not affirme but yet I thinke it very likely bothe bicause Badlesmere a man of another name became Lord of Leedes shortly after as you shall anone sée and also for that the present woorke at Leedes pretendeth not the antiquitie of so many yeares as are passed since the age of the conquest But let vs leaue the building and goe in hand with the storie King Henrie the first hauing none other issue of his bodie then Maude first married to Henrie the Emperour whereof she was called the Empresse and after coupled to Geffray Plantaginet the Earle of Angeow fearing as it happened in déed that after his death trouble might arise in the Realme about the inheritance of the Crowne bycause she was by habitation a straunger and farre of so that she might want bothe force and friends to atchieue her right And for that also Stephan the Earle of Boloine his sisters sonne was then of greate estimation amongst the noble men and abiding within the Realme so that with great aduauntage he might offer her wrong he procured in full Parleament the assent of his Lordes and Commons that Maude and her heires shoulde succéede in the kingdome after him And to the ende that this limitation of his might be the more surely established he tooke the fidelitie and promise by othe bothe of his Clergie and Laytie and of the Earle of Boloine him selfe Howbeit immediatly after his decease Stephan being of the opinion that Si ius violandum est certe regnandi causa violandum est If breache of lawes a man shall vndertake He must them boldly break for kingdomes sake Inuaded the Crowne and by the aduice of William the Archebishop of Canterbury who had first of al giuen his fayth to Maude by the fauour of the common people whiche adheared vnto him and by the consent of the holy father of Rome whose will neuer wanteth to the furtheraunce of mischiefe he obtained it whiche neuerthelesse as William of Newborowe well noteth being gotten by patterne he held not past two yeres in peace but spent the residue of his whole reigne in dissention warre and bloudshed to the great offence of God the manifest iniurie of his owne cousine and the grieuous vexation of this countrie and people For soone after the beginning of his reigne sundry of the Noble men partely vpon remorse of their former promise made and partly for displeasure conceiued bycause he kepte not the othe taken at his Coronation made defection to Maude so soone as euer she made her challenge to the Crowne So that in the end after many calamities what by her owne power and their assistaunce she compelled him to fall to composition with her as in the storie at large it may be séene Nowe during those his troubles amongst other things that muche annoyed him and furthered the part of Maude his aduersarie it was vpon a time sounded by his euil willers in the eares of the cōmon sort that he was dead And therewithall soudenly diuers great men of her deuotion betooke them to their strong holdes and some others seised some of the Kings owne Castles to the behalfe of the Empresse Of whiche number was Robert the Earle of Gloucester and bastarde brother to Maude who entred this Castle of Leedes mynding to haue kept it But King Stephan vsed against him suche force and celeritie that he soone wrested it out of his fingers King Edwarde the seconde that for the loue of the two Spensers incurred the hatred of his wife and Nobilitie gaue this Castle in exchaunge for other landes to Bartilmew Badelesmere then Lorde Stewarde of his housholde and to his heires for euer who shortly after entering into that troublesome action in whiche Thomas the Duke of Lancaster with his complices maugre the King exiled the Spensers bothe loste the Kings fauour this Castle and his life also For whilste he was abroade in ayde of the Barons and had committed the custodie thereof to Thomas Colpeper and left not onely his chiefe treasure in money but also his wife and children within it for their securitie It chaunced that Isabell the Kings wife mynding a Pilgrimage towards Cāterbury and being ouertakē with might sent her Marshal to prepare for her lodging ther. But her officer was proudly denyed by the Captaine who sticked not to tell him that neyther the Quéene ne any other shoulde be lodged there without the commandement of his Lord the owner The Queene not thus aunswered came to the gate in person and required to be let in But the Captain most malepertly repulsed her also in so much that shee complained greauously to the king of the misdemenour and he forthwith leuied a power and personally sumoned and besieged the peice so straightly that in the end through want of rescue and victuall it was deliuered him Then tooke he Capitaine Colpeper and houng him vp The wife and children of the Lord Badelesmere he sent to the Towre of London The treasure and munition he seised to his owne vse and the Castle he committed to such as liked him But as the last acte of a Tragedie is alwayes more heauie sorowful thē the rest so calamitie woe increasing vpō him Badelesmere him self was the yere folowing in the company of the Duke of Lancaster and others discomfited at Borowbrig by the Kings armie and shortly after sent to Canterbury and beheaded I might here iustly take occasion to rip vp the causes of those great and tragicall troubles that grewe betwene this King his Nobilitie for Peter Gaueston these two Spensers the rather for that the common sort of
whether you respect the richesse beautie or benefite of the same No towne nor Citie is there I dare say in this whole Shyre comparable in value with this our Fleete Nor shipping any where els in the whole world to be found either more artificially moalded vnder the water or more gorgeously decked aboue And as for the benefite that our Realme may reape by these moste stately and valiant vessels it is euē the same that Apollo by the mouth of Aristonice promised to Grece when his Oracle was consulted against the inuasion of Xerxes that his wonderful armie or rather world of men in armes saying Iupiter è ligno dat moenia facta Mineruae Quae tibi sola tuisque ferant inuicta salutem Highe Ioue doth giue thee walles of wood appointed to Minerue The whiche alone inuincible may thee and thine preserue And therefore of these suche excellent ornaments of peace trustie aides in warre I might truely affirme that they be for wealthe almoste so many riche treasuries as they be single ships for beautie so many princely Palaces as they be seuerall peices and for strength so many mouing Castles as they be sundrie sayling vessels They be not many I must confesse and you may sée and therefore in that behalfe nothing aunswerable either to that Nauie whiche fought against Xerxes at Salamis or to many other auncient Fleetes of Forreigne Kingdomes or of this our owne Iland howbeit if their swiftnes in sayling their furie in offending or force in defending be duly weighed they shal be foūd as farre to passe all other in power as they be inferiour to any in number For looke what the armed Hauke is in the aire amongst the feareful Byrdes or what the couragious Lyon is on the land amongst the cowardly Cattell of the field the same is one of these at the Sea in a Nauie of Common vessels beeing able to make hauocke to plume and to pray vpon the best of them at her owne pleasure Whiche speache of mine if any man shall suspecte as Hyperbolical let him cal to minde how often and howe confidently of late yeares some fewe of these ships incertaine of their interteinemēt haue boorded mightie Princes Nauies of a great number of Sayle and then I doubt not but he will chaunge his opinion But what do I labour to commend them whiche not onely in shewe and all reason doe commend themselues but also are lyke in déedes and effect to perfourme more then I in woord or wryting can promise for them Yea rather I am prouoked at the contemplation of this triumphant spectacle first to thanke God our mercifull Father and then to thinke duetifully of our good Quéene Elizabeth by whose vigilant ministerie care prouidence drawing as it were the net for vs whylest we sleepe not only the drosse of superstition and base moneis were first abolished the feare of outward warre remoued rustie armour reiected and rotten Shipping dispatched out of the way But also in place thereof religion and coyne restored to puritie the Domesticall and forreigne affaires of the Realme managed quietly the land furnished with new armour shot munition aboundantly this Riuer fraught with these strong and seruiceable Ships sufficiently Whiche so apparant and inestimable benefites the like whereof this Realme neuer at any one time and muche lesse so long time together hath enioyed if any man perceaue not he is more then blockishe if he consider not he is excéeding carelesse and if he acknowledge not he is to to vnkinde bothe to God to her Maiestie and to his owne Countrie But here againe for asmuche as it neither standeth with my present purpose to depainte out her Maiesties praises neither it lyeth at all in my power to set them foorth in their true colours for it requireth an Apelles to haue Alexander well counterfaited I will conteine my selfe within these narrowe termes and tell you the names of these Ships as they lye in order The names of the Quenes Maiesties Ships and Galleys The Bonaduenture The Elizabeth Ionas The White Beare The Philip and Marie The Triumphe The Bull. The Tygre The Antelop The Hope The Lyon. The Victorie The Marie Rose The Foresight The Cadishe The Swift suer The Aide The Handmaide The Dreade not The Swalowe The Iennet The Barke of Bulloigne Amongst all these as you sée there is but one that beareth her Maiesties name and yet all these the Philip and Marie which beareth her sisters name onely excepted hath she as it is sayd since the beginning of her happy reigne ouer vs either wholy built vpon the stocks or newly reedified vpon the olde moaldes Her highnesse also knowing right well that Non minor est virtus quam querere parta tueri Like vertue it is to saue that is got As to get the thing that earst she had not Hath planted Vpnor Castle for the defence of the same But besides these great ships thrée good Galleys lye here on the side whiche be thus called The Speedwell Trye Right Blacke Galley Thus muche of the Nauie As touching the harborowe it selfe I haue heard some wishe that for the better expedition in time of seruice Some part of this Nauie might ride in some other hauen the rather bycause it is many times very long before a ship can be gotten out of this Riuer into the Sea Indéede I remember that I haue reade in Vegetius that the Romanes diuided their Nauie and harboured the one part at Miseno neare Naples vpon the Tyrrhene Sea and the other part at Rauenna vpon the Sea Adriaticque to the end that when occasion required they might readily sayle to any part of the worlde without delay or windlassing Bycause sayth he in affaires of warre celeritie dothe as good seruice as force it selfe But for all that whether the same order be necessarie for vs or no whoe thoughe we haue the vse of sundrie Seas yet wée enioy not so large and distant dominions as they helde it is not our partes to dispute but their office to determine whoe for their great wisedome and good zeale bothe can and will prouide things conuenient as well for the safetie of the Nauie as for the seruice of the Realme And therefore leauing al this matter to the consideration of them that are well occupied at the helme let vs apply our oares that we maye nowe leaue the water and come to the lande at Gillingham After the soudaine departure of king Hardicanutus the Dane whiche died of a surfeit of drinke taken at a noble mans marriage at Lambhith the English Nobilitie thought good to take hold of the oportunitie then offred to restore to the royall dignitie the issue of King Ethelred which he in his life had for feare of the Danes conueyed into Normandie For which purpose they addressed messengers to Richard the Duke of Normandie requiring him to sende ouer Edward the onely sonne then left of king Ethelred and promising to do their indeuour to set him in his
they called Focalia no bettter then White kerchiefes or kitchenstuffe although bothe the law of God maketh the accōplement honorable amongst al mē the law of this countrie had without any checke allowed it in priests til their own time For Henrie of Huntingdon writeth plainely that Anselme in a Synode at London Prohibuit sacerdotibus vxores ante non prohibitas Forbad Priestes their wiues whiche were not forbidden before And William of Malmesburie affirmeth that he there decréed Ne inposterum filij presbyterorum sint haeredes ecclesiarum patrum suorum That from thencefoorth Priestes sonnes shoulde not be heires to their fathers benefices Whiche I note shortly to the end that men should not thinke it so straunge a matter in this Realme for Priestes to haue wiues as some peuishe Papistes goe about to persuade But to return to Gundulphus from whom I am by occasion digressed he as I said réedified the great Church at Rochester erected the Pryorie and where as he found but halfe a dozein secular Priestes in the Churche at his comming he neuer ceased till he had brought together at the leaste thrée score Monkes into the place Then remoued he the dead bodies of his predecessours and with great solemnitie translated them into this new worke and there also Lanfranc was present with his purse and of his owne charge incoffened the body of Paulinus the thirde Bishop of Rochester who had left there the Palle of the Archebishopricke of Yorke that was not recouered long after in curious worke of cleane siluer to the whiche shryne there was afterwarde according to the superstitious manner of those times muche concourse of people and many oblations Besides this they bothe ioyned in suite to the King and not onely obtained restitution of sundry the possessions withholden from the Churche but also procured by his liberalitie and example newe donations of many other landes priuileges besides To be short Gundulphus ouerliuing Lanfranc neuer rested building beging tricking garnishing till he had aduaūced this his creature to the iust wealth beautie and estimation of a right Popish Pryorie But God who moderating all things by his diuine prouidence shewed him selfe alwayes a seuere visitour of these irreligious Synagogues God I say set fire on this building twise with in the compasse of one hundreth yeares after the erection of the same and furthermore suffered suche discorde to arise betwéene Gilbert Glanuille the Bishop of Rochester and the Monks of this house that he for displeasure bereaued them not onely of all their goods ornaments and writings but also of a great part of their landes possessions and priuileges and they bothe turmoyled themselues in suite to Rome for remedie and were driuen for maintenance of their expences to coine the siluer of Paulinus his Shryne into ready money which thing tourned bothe to the great empouerishing of their house and to the vtter abasing of the estimation and reuerence of their Churche for that as in déede it commonly falleth out amongst the simple people that are muche led by the sense the honour and offring to this their Saint ended and dyed together with the gay Glorie and state of his Tumbs By this meanes therefore Gilbert became so hated of the Monkes that when he died they committed him obscurely to the ground without ringing of Bell Celebration of seruice or dooing of any other funerall Obsequies But to these their calamities was also added one other great losse susteined by the warres of King Iohn who in his siege against the Castle of Rochester so spoiled this Church and Pryorie that as their owne Chronicles reporte he left them not so muche as one poore Pixe to stand on their Altar It was nowe highe time therefore to deuise some way whereby the Pryorie and Churche of Rochester might be if not altogether restored to the auncient wealth and estimation yet at the least somewhat relieued from this penurie nakednes and abiection And therefore Laurence of Saint Martines the Bishop of Rochester perceauing the common people to be somewhat drawne by the fraude of the Monks to thinke reuerētly of one William that lay buried in the Church and knowing well that there was no one way so compēdious to gain as the aduauncement of a Pilgrimage procured at the Popes Court the canonization of that man with indulgence to all suche as would offer at his Tumbe vnderpropping by meane of this newe Saint some manner of reuerent opinion of the Church which before through defacing the olde Bishops shryne was declined to naught But to the ende that it may appeare to what hard shift of Saints these good Fathers were then driuen and how easily the people were then deluded you shal heare out of Noua Legenda it self what great man this Saint William of Rochester was He was by birth a Scot of Perthe nowe commonly called Saint Iohns Towne by trade of life a Baker of bread and therby got his liuing in charitie so aboundant that he gaue to the poore the tenthe loafe of his workemanship in zeale so feruent that in vowe he promised in déede attempted to visite the holy land as they called it the places where Christ was conuersant on earth in whiche iourney as he passed through Kent he made Rochester his way where after that he had rested two or thrée dayes he departed toward Canterbury But ere he had gone farre from the Citie his seruant that waited on him led him of purpose out of the high way and spoiled him both of his money and life This done the seruaunt escaped and the Maister bicause he died in so holy a purpose of minde was by the Monkes conueyed to Saint Andrewes laid in the quyre and promoted by the Pope as you heard from a poore Baker to a blessed Martyr Here as they say shewed he miracles plentifully but certein it is that madde folkes offered vnto him liberally euen vntill these latter tymes in whiche the beames of Gods trueth shining in the heartes of men did quite chase away and put to flight this and suche other grosse cloudes of will worship superstition idolatrie Besides this Pryorie which was valued by the Commissioners of the late suppression at .486 pounds by yeare there was none other religious building in Rochester onely I read that Gundulphus the Bishop before remembred builded there an Hospitall without the East gate whiche he called Saint Bartilmewes Now therfore am I come to the Bridge ouer Medway not that alone which we presētly beholde but an other also muche more auncient in time though lesse beautifull in woorke whiche neither stoode in the selfe place where this is neither yet verie farre off for that crossed the water ouer against Stroud Hospitall and this latter is pitched some distance from thence toward the South and somewhat nearer to the Citie walle as to a place more fitte bothe for the fastnes of the soile and for the breaking of the swiftnes of the streame to
and of burHHam Burham and of of Acclesse Acclesse and of of Horstede Horstede of fearnlege and of Farley of terstane and of Teston of Cealce and of Chalke of HennHyste and of Henhyrst of and of Aedune Edon Ãonne Then is is seo the fifte fifte per paes peere the Arcebiscopes Archebishops to Æ¿roteHam to Wrotham to Maegþanstane and to Maydstone to and to Æ¿oþringebyran Wateringbyrie to Netlestede and to Nettlested to þam and to the tÆ¿am PeccHam two Peckams to HaeselHolte and to Haselholte to MaeranÆ¿yrþe and to Mereworth to Lillanburnan and to Layborne to SÆ¿anatune and to Swanton to OffaHam and to Ofham to Dictune and to Dytton to Æ¿esterHam and to Westerham iiij gyrda to þillanne and foure yardes to plancke iij. Sylle to and 3. plates to leccanne laye Ãonne Then is is syo the seoxte sixte per peere to to Holingaburnan Holingborne to and to eallan all þam laeþe that Lath iiij gyrda to þelliene And foure yardes to plancke iiij sylla to leccenne and foure plates to laye Ãonne Then is is syo the syoueþe seuenthe syo eaHteþe per. and the eight peere to HoÆ¿aran land to the men of Hoo to to Æ¿yrcenne woorke fyfte And foure Healf gyrd to þillanne yardes and a halfe to plancke vj. sylla to and sixe plates to lyccanne laye Ãonne Then is is syo the nigaþa nynthe per peere þaes the Aercebiscopes Archebishops ê§ is syo land per aet þam that is the land peere at the Æ¿est West aende ende to to fliote Fleete to His clyfe and to his cliffe Bishops cliffe to HeHHam and to Higham to and to denetune Denton and and to to Melantune Mâ—lton and and to to Hludesdune Ludsdowne and and to to MeapeHam Mepham and and to to Snodilande Snodland and and to to berlingan Berling and and to to peadlesÆ¿yrðe Paddelsworthe and and ealla ða daeneÆ¿aru to all that valley men and iiij gyrda to ðillianne and foure yardes to plancke and and ðryo three sylle plates to leccanne to laye Haec descriptio demonstrat apertè vnde debeat pons de Rouecestra restaurari quotÃens fuerit fractus Primum eiusdem Ciuitatis Episcopus incipit operari in orientali brachio primam peram de terra deinde tres virgatas plancas ponere tres suliuas 1. tres magnas trabes supponere Et hoc faciet de Borchastalle de Cuclestana de Freondesbiria de Stoche Secunda pera pertinet ad Gillingeham ad Caetham vnam virgatam plancas ponere 3. suliuas supponere Tertia pera pertinet iterum ad Episcopum eiusdem ciuitatis qui debet 2. vÃrgatas dÃmid plancas ponere 3. suliuas supponere hoc fiet de Heallinges Trottescliue Meallinges Suthfleotes Stanes Pinnendene Falceham Quarta pera pertinet ad Regem debet 3. virgat dimid plancas ponere 3. suliuas supponere Et hoc fiet de Eilesforda de toto illo laesto quod ad illud maneriuÌ„ pertinet de supermontaneis de Aclea de Smalaland de Cusintune de Dudesland de Gisleardes land de Wulâ—cham de Burham de Aclesse Horsteda Fearnlega Terstane Cealca Henhersta de Hathdune Quinta pera est Archiepiscopi debet 4. virgat plancas ponere 3. suliuas summittere hoc debet fieri de Wrotham Maedestana Oteringaberiga Netlesteda duabus Peccham Haeselholt Maerewurtha Lilleburna Swanatuna Offeham Dictuna Westerham Sexta pera debet fieri de Holingburna de toto illo laesto quod ad hoc pertinet 4. virgat plancas ponere 3. fuliuas supponere Septimam octauam peram debent facere homines de Hou 4. dimid virgat plancas ponere sex suliuas supponere Nona pera quae vltima est in occidentali brachio est iterum Archiepiscopi 4. virgat plancas ponere tres suliuas summittere Et hoc debet fieri de Northfleta Cliua Heahham Denituna Meletuna Hludesduna Meapeham Snodilanda Berlinges Peadleswrthe de omnibus illis hominibus qui manent in illa valle Et sciendum est quod omnes illae suliuae quae in ponte illo ponentur tantae grossitudinis debent esse vt bene possint sustinere omnia grauia pondera superiacentium plancarum omnium desuper transeuntium rerum By these it may appeare that this auncient bridge consisted of nyne Arches or peres conteined in length about twentie and sixe roddes or yardes as they be here termed Toward the reparation and maintenance wherof diuers persons parcels of lands and townships as you see were of dutie bounde to bring stuffe to bestow both cost labor in laying it This dutie grew eyther by tenure or custome or both it séemeth that according to the quantitie and proportion of the Land to bee charged the carriage also was either more or lesse For here is expresse mention not of Townes and Manors only but of Yokes and Acres also whiche were contributorie to the aide of carrying pitching and laying of piles plankes and other great timber And here by the way it is to be obserued that so muche of the worke as ariseth of stone and earth is called Pera of the Latine word Petra that the great ground posts plates or beames be termed Sulliuae of the olde Saxon word Sylle whiche we yet euery where knowe by the name of a Ground Sille And that the Tables or Boordes whiche are laide ouer them are named Plancae or Plankes as we yet also in our vulgar language doe sound it But nowe in our time by reason that diuers Landes are purposely giuen to mainteine the newe Bridge all this auncient duetie of reparation is quite and cleane forgotten although by the statute 21. and 2. the forenamed landes remaine liable as before yea and the newe Bridge it selfe also for want of the execution of that or some other suche politique way of maintenance bothe presently lacketh helpe and is like hereafter if remedie in time be not applied to decline to great ruine and decay Whiche thing is so muche the more to be foreséene and pittyed as that the woorke is to the founder a Noble monument to this Citie a beautifull ornament and to the whole Countrie a great benefite commoditie and easement Of this latter woorke being not muche aboue eight score yeres of age Syr Robert Knolles a man aduaunced by valiant behauiour and good seruice vnder King Edward the third from a common Souldiour to a most commendable Capitaine was the first Authour who after that he had béene sent Generall of an armie into Fraunce and there in despite of all their power had driuen the people like sheepe before him wasting burning and destroying Townes Castles Churches Monasteries and Cities in suche wise and number that long after in memorie of his acte the sharpe points and Gable endes
so vsed the matter that he obteined iudgemēt for his part but he for all that neuer had execution by reasō that he died in his returne toward home yet you may here sée by the way that in those dayes there was no Lawe in England to rule the proude Prelacie withall no not so muche as in things méere Lay and temporall To be short the same King Hērie not long before the battel at Lewes in Sussex burned the Citie of Rochester and tooke this Castle by a soudaine surprise wherein he found amongst other the Countesse of Gloucester But it was not long before he stored the Castle with men of warre and restored the Ladie to her former libertie There was somtime neare to this Castle a Pryorie whereof the Earles of Gloucester and their Heires were reputed the first Authors and Patrones And in our memorie there was erected a faire Frée Schoole by the honest liberalitie of Syr Androw Iudde a Citizen and Maior of London whiche submitted the same to the order and ouersight of the company of Skinners there whereof himselfe had béene a member Round about the Towne of Tunbridge lyeth a territorie or compasse of ground commonly called the Lowy but written in the auncient Recordes and Hystories Pencata or Lenga and being in déede a French League of ground whiche as I finde in the Chronicles of Normandie was allotted at the first vpon this occasion following There was in Normandie a Towne and land therevnto adioyning called Bryonnie whiche was of the auncient possession of the Dukedome and had continually remained in the handes of the Dukes there till suche time as Richard the second Duke of that name gaue it amongst other Landes to Godfrey his natural brother for his aduauncement in liuing This Godfrey enioyed it all his lyfe and left it to one Gislebert his Sonne whiche happely was Gilbert the Capitain of Tunbridge Castle of whom we had mention before who also held it so long as he liued But after the death of Gislebert Robert the Duke of Normandie and Eldest Sonne to King William the Conquerour beeing earnestly laboured to bestowe it vpon on Robert Earle Mellent whose ofspring were sometimes Earles of Leycester within this Realme seazed it into his owne hands pretending to vnite it to the Dukedome againe But when Richard the Sonne of Gislebert vnderstoode of this he put to his claime and making his title by a long continued possession euen from Godfrey his graundfather so encountred the suite of Earle Mellent that to stoppe Richards mouthe withall it was by the deuice of the Earle and by the mediation of Duke Robert which he made to his Brother William Rufus brought to passe that Richard should receaue in recompence the Town of Tunbridge in England and so much land about it as Bryonnie it selfe conteined in circuit And to the end that the indifferencie of the dealing might appeare and his full satisfaction be wrought they caused Bryonnie and the land about it to be measured with a line whiche they afterward brought ouer with them into England and applying the same to Tunbridge and the land adioyning laide him out the very like in quantitie in so much that long time after it was a common and receaued opinion in Normandie that the Leagues of Bryonnie and Tunbridge were all one in measure and compasse This together with the Towne and Castle came at the length as you haue séene to the handes of the Earles of Gloucester betwéene whome and the Archebishops of Canterbury there arose oftentimes contention bothe for the limits of this league and for the preeminence of their priuileges At the last Boniface the Archebishop next but one in succession after Richard of whome we spake before and Richard the Earle and Heire to Gilbert agréed in the reigne of King Henrie the third vpon a perambulatiō to be made betwéene them and so the strife for their boundes was brought to an end But as touching their priuileges and iurisdiction in the place it fell out by inquisition in the time of King Edward following that the Archebishop had nothing to do within the league that the Earle had returne of writtes creation of certain Officers an especiall sessions in Eire c most of whiche things the Towne hath not these many yeares enioyed But yet it was agréed after the perambulation so made betwéene Boniface and the Earle Richard that the Earle and his heires should holde the Manors of Tunbridge Vielston Horsmund Melyton and Pettys of the Archebishop and his successours by the seruice of 4. Knightes fées and to be highe Stewardes and highe Butlers to the Archebishops at the great feast of their inthronizations taking for their seruice in the Stewardship seuē competent Robes of Scarlet thirtie gallons of wyne thirtie pound of waxe for his light liuery of Hay and Oates for fourescore Horse by two nights the dishes and salt which should stand before the Archebishops in that Feast and at their departure the dyet of thrée days at the costes of the Archbishops at foure of their next Manors by the foure quarters of Kent wheresoeuer they would Ad minuendum sanguinem So that they repaired thither but with fiftie Horses only And taking also for the Office of Butlership other seuen like Robes 20 Gallons of wyne fiftie pound of waxe like liuery for thréescore Horses by two nights the cuppe wherewith the Archebishops should be serued all the emptie hogsheads of drinke and for sixe tunne of wyne so many as should be dronke vnder the barre also The Articles of whiche their composition were afterward accordingly perfourmed firste betwéene Gilbert Earle of Gloucester and Robert Winchelsey the Archebishop next betwéene the same Earle and the Archebishop Reignoldes Then betwéene Hughe Audley the Earle of Gloucester and the Archebishop Iohn Stratford After that betwéene the Earle of Stafford to whome the Lordship of Tunbridge at the length came and Simon Sudbury Archebishop in that Sée and lastly betwéene William Warham the Archebishop and Edward the late Duke of Buckingham who also executed the Stewardship in his owne person and the Butlership by his deputie Syr Thomas Burgher Knight the whole pompe and Ceremonie whereof I haue séen at greater length set forth and described then is méete for this time place to be recounted Asherst in Saxon Acsehyrst that is the Wood consisting of Ashes IN the Southwest corner of this Shyre towarde the confines of Sussex and Surrey lyeth Asherst a place now a daies so obscure for it is but a Towne of two houses that it is not worthy the visiting but yet in olde time so glorious for a Roode that it had of rare propertie that many vouchsafed to bestowe bothe their labour and money vpon it It was beaten forsooth into the heades of the common people as what thing was so absurde which the Clergie coulde not then make the world to beleeue that the Roode or Crucifix of this church did by certaine incrementes continually
to haue lien in the hart of England both bycause it séemeth likely that the common place of méeting should be most fitly appointed in the midst of the Realme and for that it is manifest by the hystorie that it was in the domini of the King of Mercia whiche I feare not to call midle England But for as much as I once read a note made by one Talbot a Prebendarie of Norwiche and a diligent trauayler in the Englishe hystorie vpon the margine of an auncient written copie of William Malmsburies booke De Pontificibus in whiche he expounded Clouesho to be Cliffe at Hoo neare Rochester and for that I doe not finde the expresse name Cloueshoo in all the catalogue of that precinct whiche was sometime the kingdome of Mercia although there be diuers places therin that beare the name of Cliffe as wel as this I am contented to subscribe to Talbots opinioÌ„ but with this protestation that if at any time hereafter I finde a better I will be no longer bounde to followe him And thus haue I now visited the places of chief note that lye in the skirtes of the Diocese whervnto if I had added a fewe other that be within the body of the same I would no lesse gladly then I must necessarily finishe and close vp this winters trauayle Swanscombe called in Saxon Spegenscomb that is the camp of Sweyn the Dane that encamped at Grenehithe hard by AS the whole Shyre of Kent oweth to Swanscomb euerlasting name for the fruition of her auncient franchises obtained there So I for the more honourable memorie of the place can gladly afoord it roome both at the beginning and towarde the ende of my labour The matter for the whiche it is especially renowmed is already bewrayed in the discourse of the auncient estate of this Shyre wherevnto I will referre you And at this time make note of a thing or twaine besides and so passe ouer to the residue The Manor of Swanscombe is holden of Rochester Castle and oweth seruice towarde the defence of the same being as it were one of the principall Captaines to whome that charge was of auncient time committed and hauing subiect vnto it sundry Knightes fees as petie Captaines or inferiour souldiours bound to serue vnder her banner there The Churche at Swanscombe was muche haunted in times past for Sainct Hildeferthes helpe a Bishop by coniecture of his picture yet standing in the vpper windowe of the Southe I le although his name is not read in all the Catalogue of the Sarons to whom suche as were distracted ranne for restitution of their wits as thicke as men were wont to sayle to Anticyra for Hellâ—borus This cure was perfourmed by warmth close kéepeing and good diet meanes not onely not straunge or miraculous but méere naturall ordinarie and resonable And therefore as one the one side they might truely be thought mad men and altered in their wits that frequented this pylgrymage for any opinion of extraordinarie woorking So on the other side S. Hildeferth of all the Saintes that I knowe might best be spared séeing we haue the keper of Bethleem who ceaseth not euen tyll this day to woorke mightely in the same kinde of Myracle ¶ Mepham aunciently written MeapaHam SImon Mepham the Archebishop that performed the solemnities at the inauguration of King Edward the third had both his name natiuity of this towne although Polydore Virgil hath no mencion of the man at all in his hystorie or catalogue of Archebishops either not finding or forgetting that euer there was any suche It is probable also that the same Bishop built the church at Mepham for the vse of the poore which William Courtney one of his Successours repaired fowre score yeares after and annexed therunto fowre new houses for the same ende and purpose Besides these notes it hath chaunced mée to sée an antiquitie of Mepham whiche both for the profite and pleasure that I conceiued therof I think méete to insert thoughe happely some other man may say that I doe therein and in many others also nothinge els but Antiquiora Diphtera loqui Neuerthelesse to the ende that it may appeare what the auncient forme and phrase of a Testament was how the Husbande and the wife ioyned in making their Testamentes how landes were deuisable by testament in olde time by what wordes estates of inheritaunce were wont to be created how the Lordes consent was thought requisite to the testament of the tenaunt and how it was procured by a guift of Heriot which as Bracton sayeth was done at the first Magis de gratia quam de iure Furthermore that you may sée how this Towne of Mepham and sundry others came at the first to Christes church Saint Augustines and Rochester and finally that you may know as well what aduauncement to Gentrie was then in vse as also what weapons iewels and ornaments were at that time worne and occupied I wyll set before your eye the last will and testament of one Byrhtric and his wife which was a man of great wealth and possessions within this Shire and had his abideing at Mepham more then sixe hundreth yeares agoe Ãis This is is ByrHtrices Birtricks and and AelfsÆ¿yðe Elfswithes His his Æ¿ifes wyues niHsta last cÆ¿ide þe Hi cÆ¿aedon on MeapaHam on Heora maga testament declaration whiche they declared at Mepham in their kinsfolks geÆ¿itnesse hearing witnesse ê§ Æ¿aes Æ¿ulfstan Vcca that was Wulstan Vcca and and Æ¿ulfsie Wulfsie His his broðor brother and and sired Syred Aelfrides Elfrides suna sonne and and Æ¿ulfsie Wulfsie se the blaca blacke and and Æ¿ine wyne preost the priest and and Aelfgar Elsgar on of MeapaHam Mepham and and Æ¿ulfeH Wulfey ordeges Ordeys suna sonne and and AelfeH Elfey His his broðor brother and and byrHtÆ¿ara Birtwar Aelfrices laf Elfrices widowe and and bryHtric Britric Hise maeg her cousine and Aelfstan bisceop Elfstane the Bishop Aerest His cyne Hlaford aenne First to his naturall Lord beaH on HundeaHtotigan one bracelet of foure score mancysen Markes of goldes golde and and ane one Handsecs hatchet dagger handknife of on as eal sÆ¿a miclan muche and and feoÆ¿er Horse and foure horses tÆ¿a geraedede two of them trapped and and tÆ¿a two sÆ¿rd swordes gefetelsode trimmed and and tÆ¿egen two Hafocas hawkes and and ealle all His his Heador Hundas houndes hedgehoundes And þaere And to the Lords wife Hlaefdian Ladie aenne one beaH bracelet on of þrittigan thirtie mancusan markes of goldes golde and and aenne one stedan horse stede palfrey to to forespraece intreate ê§ se cÆ¿yde standan moste that this testament stande maye And And for for His his saÆ¿le soule and and His his yldrena elders auncestors into Sct. Andree to Sainct Androes Rochester tÆ¿a two sulung plowland aet at denetune Dentun And Hio for Hire saÆ¿le and Hyre yldrena And they bothe for their soules and their elders tÆ¿a aet langafelda two at Longfield ploughlande And And þider in
the thinges that I had to remember in Eltham And to make an end of all these be the places whereof I ment to make note in this my Xenagogie and perambulation of Kent the first and only Shyre that I haue described wherin although I haue not spoken of sundrie Towns not inferiour at this present in estimation to a greate many that I haue handled and happely equall with them in antiquitie also yet I think I haue neither pretermitted many that be much worthie of obseruation nor scarcely omitted any that be mentioned in such bookes of Hystorie as be easily to be had and obteined but as for the Feodaries and Tenures of land Genealogies Armes of men Ebbes Floudes Tides of the Sea and Riuers Flattes Barres Hauens such other things although somewhat might haue béen seuerally said concerning eache of them yet haue I wittingly and without touche lept ouer them all Partly for the incertentie partly that I scatter not any séede of dissention and enuie and partely least whilste by disclosing secretes I labour to serue the curiositie of some fewe I either offend many of the sadder sort or deserue euill of the whole estate Nowe therfore I will deliuer you and rest me wishing that some other man of greater profite in reading deapth in iudgement and dexteritie in penning would take in hand to amend the description of this and to adde the residue For as I at the first assayd it to proue my self to prouoke some and to pleasure and profite others So hauing nowe atchieued it according to my slender skill if any man shall like to take this my base metall drawne out of a fewe Sowze into many Sheetes as you sée shall hammar it to some further and finer fashion I wil not only not enuie it but most hartely thanke him and gratulate to our Countrie that so good a tourne benefite And as touching the description of the rest of the Realme knowing by the dealing in this one that it wil be harde for any one man and muche more for my selfe to accomplishe all I can but wishe in like sorte that some one in eache Shyre would make the enterprise for his owne Countrie to the end that by ioyning our pennes and conferring our labours as it were Ex symbolo wée may at the last by the vnion of many parts and papers compact a whole and perfect bodie and Booke of our English antiquities The Customes of Kent ALthough good order would haue borne the rehersall of the Auncient Customes of this Shyre in that generall discourse whiche we had in the beginning as touching the estate of this whole Countie the rather for that it was there shewed by what meanes and policie they were conserued yet least the recitall of the same being of themselues large and manyfolde might haue béene thought too great a Parenthesis or rather an interruption of the Hystorie wherein we were as then but newly entred I thought it better to reserue them for this place to the end that bothe the one and the other might appeare without breache or confusion These Customes therefore being for the most part discrepant from the common lawes of our Realme and annexed to suche landes within this Shyre as beare the name of Gauelkinde are commonly called Gauelkinde Customes for that they preuaile and haue place in landes of Gauelkinde nature In whiche respect it shall not be amisse to shewe for what reason those landes were at the first so termed and why they do yet hitherto continue the name Two coniectures I haue of the reason of this name the one grounded vpon the nature of the discent and inheritance of these landes themselues the other founded vpon the manner of the duetie and seruices that they yeald bothe whiche I will not sticke to recite and yet leaue to eache man frée choice to receaue either or to refuse bothe as it shall best lyke him I gather by Cornelius Tacitus and others that the auncient Germans whose ofspring we be suffred their landes to descend not to the Eldest Sonne alone but to the whole number of their male Children I finde in the 75. Chap. of Canutus law a King of this Realme before the Conquest that after the death of the father his heires shoulde diuide bothe his goods and his landes amongst them Nowe for as muche as all the nexte of the kinred did this inherite together I coniecture that therfore the land was called eyther Gauelkyn in meaning Giueall kyn bycause it was giuen to all the nexte in one line of kinred or Giue all kynd that is to all the male children for kynd in Dutche signifieth yet a male childe Besides this the Welshmen also who but now lately lost this custome doe in their language call this discent Gwele and in their Latine Recordes Lectus progenies gauella of their owne worde Gefeilled whiche signifieth Twyns or suche as be borne together bicause they doe all inherite together and make as it were but one heire and not many And here by the way I cannot omit to shew that they of this our Kentish cuntrey do yet cal their partition of land shifting euen by the very same worde that the lawe of Canutus many yeares since termed it namely Scyftan in Latine Herciscere that is to shift depart or diuide lande My other coniecture is raysed vpon the consideration of the rent and seruices going out of these landes for it is wel knowne that as Knights seruice lande required the presence of the tenant in warfare and battaile abroad So this lande being of Socage tenure cōmaunded his attendance at the ploughe and other the Lordes affaires of husbandry at home the one by manhoode defending his Lords life and person the other by industrie mainteining with rent corne and victuall his estate and familie This rent and customarie payment of works the Saxons called gafol and therof as I think they named the lande that yealded it gafolette or gafolcynd that is to saye lande Letten for rent or of the kinde to yealde rent In this sense I am sure that the rents customes and seruices whiche the tenantes of London pay to their land lords were wont and yet are to be recouered by a writ thereof called Gauellet as by an auncient statute made in the tenthe yeare of King Edward the second intituled Statutum de Gaueleto in London and by dayly experience there it may well appeare Thus much then as concerning the Etymon of this word Gauelkind being said let vs procéed further It hath already appeared how the Kentishmen immediatly after the Conquest obteined the continuation of their customes and it is very manyfest by auncient writers that the same for the more part haue bene in vre and exercise euer since For omitting that which Thomas Spot hath written concerning the same matter for as much as it is already recited at large Glanuile a learned man that flourished in the reigne of king Henrie the second in his
the Customes it selfe And in this behalfe also some haue doubted whether the Brother or Vncle shall haue the aduantage of this Custome bicause the wordes thereof extend to the Sonne only but let vs procéede There belongeth moreouer due by the Tenant to each common person being his Lord of Land in Gauelkind Suite to his Court the oathe of fidelitie and the true doing and payment of all accustomed Rents Dueties and Seruices Also if the Tenant dye leauing his Heire within the age of fiftéene yeares the Lorde hathe authoritie to committe the nouriture of the body and the custodie of the goods and landes of the infant to the next of the kinred to whome the inheritance cannot descend But as neither the Lorde ought to take any thing for the custody neither to tender to the Heire any marriage at all So must he take good héede that he credit not the custodie to any person that shall not be able to answere therefore For if the Heire at his full age of fifteene yeares shall come to the Lordes Court and demaunde his inheritance although the Lord may distreine the Gardien to yeelde his accompt as it appeareth 18. E. 2. Auowrie 220. Yet in defaulte of his abilitie the Lord himselfe and his Heires remaine charged to the Heire for the the same Furthermore if the Tenant shall withdrawe from the Lord his due rents and seruices the custome of this Countrie giueth to the Lorde a speciall and solemne kinde of Cessauit and that after this manner The Lord after suche a Cessing ought by award of his thrée wéekes Courte to séeke from Courte to Court vntill the fourth Court in the presence of good witnesse whether any distresse may be found vpon the Tenement or No And if he can finde none then at the fourth Courte it shal be awarded that he shall take the Tenement into his handes as a distresse or pledge for the Rent and seruices withdrawne and that he shall deteine it one yeare and a day without manuring it within whiche time if the tenant come and make agréement with the Lord for his arrerage he shall enter into his tenement againe but if he come not within that space then at the next Countie Courte the Lord ought openly to declare all that his former procéeding to the end that it may be notorious which being done at his owne Courte next following the saide Countie it shal be finally awarded that he may enter into that Tenement and manure it as his proper demeane And that the forfaiture due to the Lord for this ceasser of his Tenant was fiue pounds at the least besides the arrerages it doeth well appeare by the olde Kentishe by word recited in the often remembred treatise of these Customes Neg he syth seald and Neg he syth geld And fiue pound for the were er he become healder That is to say Hathe he not since any thing giuen nor hathe he not sence any thing payd Then let him pay fiue pound for his were before he become tenant or holder againe But some copies haue the first verse thus Nigond sithe seld and nigon sithe gelde That is Let him nine times pay and nine times repay And here by the way it is to be noted that this word were in olde time signified the value or price of a mans lyfe estimation or countenance For before the Conquest each man in the Realme was valued at a certain sūme of money hauing regarde to his degrée condition and woorthinesse as is more at large shewed in the Table to the translation of the Saxon lawes wherevnto for this purpose I will send you This custome of Cessauit is set foorth in the treatise of Customes and hathe béene allowed of as Maister Frowike 21. H. 7. 15. reported in time passed but whether it be also at this day put in vre I cannot certainely affirme But nowe as these aduantages arise to the Lorde from his Tenant So on the other side the Lord also ought to suffer his Tenant to enioy the benefite of such customes as make for his auaile And therefore first he ought to let him alien his land at his owne pleasure without suing to him for licence He ought also to be contented with one suite to his Court for one tenement althoughe the same happen to be diuided amongst many of verie right also he ought to admit an Essoine if any be cast for the Tenant whether it be in a cause of Plainte or for common suite to his Courte And lastlie he may not exacte of him any manner of othe other then that of Fidelitie whiche groweth due by reason of his Tenure And thus leauing the Lorde and his Tenant let vs come to the husband and the wife and first shew what courtesie the husband shal finde by order of this custome after the death of his wife that was seised of landes of Gauelkind tenure and then what benefite the wife may haue after the decease of her Husband dying seased of Landes of the same kinde and nature The Husband saith our treatise of Gauelkind Custome shall haue the one halfe of suche Gauelkind land wherein his wife had estate of inheritance whether he had issue by her or no And shall holde the same during so long time as he wil kéepe him selfe widower and vnmarried For if he marrie he looseth all Neither may he committe any waste more then Tenant by the courtesie at the common lawe may So that one way namely in that he shall haue his wiues land for lyfe thoughe he neuer had issue by her this our Custome is more courteous then the common lawe but an other way I meane in that he shall haue but the one halfe and that with a prohibition of second marriage it is losse beneficiall Howsoeuer it be it holdeth place and is put in practise at this day The wyfe likewyse after the death of her Husband shall haue for her lyfe the one moitie of all such landes of Gauelkind tenure whereof her Husband was seised of any estate of inheritance during the couerture betwéene them Of whiche Custome also though it excéede common measure the common lawe of the Realm bearing alwaies speciall fauour to Dower hath euermore euen hitherto shewed good allowance Neuerthelesse as tenant by the courtesie after this Custome had his cōditiōs annexed so tenant in Dower by the same Custome wanteth not some conditions following her estate One that she may not marrie at all an other that she must take diligent héede that she be not found with Childe begottē in fornicatiō For in either case she must loose her Dower But yet so that lawful matrimonie is by a meane contrarie to the Apostolique permission vtterly forbidden And the sinne of secret Lecherie according to the Popishe Paradoxe Si non caste tamen caute is in a sorte borne and abidden Seing that by this custome she forfeiteth not in this later case vnlesse the childe be borne and heard to crye and
for her endowment and the other to her departed husbande to be bestowed by his executors if he made a testament or by the discrâ—tion of the ordinarie if he died intestate The selfe same order is at this day obserued in the Citie of London and the same in effect was long since vsed throughout the whole Realme For it is euident bothe by the lawe of King Canutus before remembred by Maister Glanuille in his booke Ca. 18. and by the wordes of Magna Carta that the wyfe and Children had their reasonable partes of the goods by the common lawe of the Realme howsoeuer it came to passe at the length that it was admitted for law but in such Countries only where it was continued by daily vsage as it is holden 17. E. 2. and in many other bookes that al the writs in the Register De rationabili parte bonorum Haue mention of the speciall Custome of the Shyre in whiche the part is demaunded But as in déede at this day partition of Chattels is not vsed though in the meane time it hathe not lost the force of common lawe as many thinke through out the whole Realme so is it so far as I can learne vanished quite out of all vre within this Countrie also And therfore séeing the Gardein is deliuered of this charge we also wil leaue to speake further of the goods and come to the partition and custodie of the land of this Infant If a man die seised of landes in Gauelkinde of any estate of inheritance al his Sonnes shal haue equal portioÌ„ if he haue no Sonnes then ought it equally to be diuided amongst his daughters But yet so that the eldest Sonne or Daughter hath by the Custome a preeminence of election and the youngest Sonne or Daughter a preferment in the partition For as of auncient time there ought to be graunted to the eldest the firste choice after the diuision so to the parte of the youngest there ought to be allotted in the diuision that peice of the Mesuage whiche our treatise calleth Astre By whiche word is ment as I coniecture for otherwise I haue not learned either the Hall or chiefe roome of the house either els the well for water or the Southe side of the building For Astre being sounded without s may come of the Latine woord Atrium whiche signifieth a Hall or of Haustrum whiche betokeneth the Bucket of a well or of Austrum the Southe side euery of whiche haue their particular commodities aboue the rest of the house or tenement Or otherwyse if that shal like any man better being sounded with s it may be deduced from the Frenche word Asistre by contraction Astre whiche is as much as a site or situation and with the Article le before it Lestre a Churcheyard or Court about a house But whatsoeuer the woord meane I will not longer labour in it seing that at this day there is no suche regarde made in the partition but only consideration had that the partes them selues be equall and indifferent Now therfore if the Childe be vnder the age of 15. yeres the next Cousin to whoÌ„ the inheritance may not descend shal haue the education order of his body landes vntil suche time as he shall attaine to that age euen as the Gardein in socage at the common law shall kéepe his vntill the warde aspire to fouretéene And in all other things also this customarie Gardein is to be charged and to haue allowance in suche sorte and none other then as the Gardein in socage at the common law is Saue only as it is partly remembred already that he is bothe chargeable to the Heire in accompt for his receipt subiect also to the distresse of the Lord for the same cause Yet doe I not heare that the Lordes take vpon them at this day to committe the custodie of these Infants but that they leaue it altogether to the order of the next of the Kinne the rather belike for that they them selues if they intermedle stande chargeable in default of the abilitie of suche as happely they might credit therewithall So that vpon the whole matter the addes consisteth only in this that Gardein in Socage at the common Lawe shall keepe the land till the Infant be fourtéene yeares of age and Gardein by this custome till he haue attained fully fiftéene whiche diuersitie ariseth not without great reason For whereas the Infant in Socage at the common law cannot make alienation of his land vntill he haue reached to the full age of 21. yeares although he be long before that frée from all wardship The Infant in Socage by this Custome may giue and sell his land so sone as he is crept out of this Custodie And therefore it was expedient at the leaste to adde one yeare to the common Lawe before he should be of power to depart with his inheritance whiche otherwise being vnaduisedly made away might worke his owne impouerishment and ouerthrowe And truly it séemeth to me that the Custome it selfe hath a watchefull eye vpon the same matter in so much as it licenceth him at fiftéene yeares Not to giue his Land for that he might doe for nothing But to giue and sell his Land whiche it meaneth he should not doe without sufficient recompence Suche like interpretation the common Lawe also séemeth to make of this custome both by the opinion of Vauasor 5. H. 7. who said the it was adiudged that a release made by such an Infant was voide by the sentence of the Booke 21. E. 4. 24. where it was said that an infant cannot declare his will vpon such a Feoffment and by the iudgement of Hank 11. H. 4. who also helde that a warrantie or graunt of a reuersion made at suche age was to no purpose at all althoughe a lease with release might happely be good by the Custome bicause that amounteth to a Feoffment And in my simple iudgement it is not fit that this Custome should be construed by equitie for as muche as it standeth not with any equitie to enable an infant of litle discretion and lesse experience to sell his land and not to prouide withal that he should haue Quid pro quo and some reasonable recompence for the same for that were not to defend the Pupill and Fatherles but to lay him wyde open to euery slye deceipt and circumuention In whiche respect I cannot but very well like of their opinion who holde that if an Infant in Gauelkinde at this day will sell at xv yeares of age these thrée things ought of necessitie to concurre if he will haue the sale good and effectuall The firste that he be an heire and not a Purchasour of the land that he departeth withall The second that he haue recompeÌ„ce for it and the third that he do it with liuerie of seison by his owne hand and not by warrant of Attourney nor by any other manner of assurance And these men for proofe
quilz pusent lour terres in that which shal be needeful And that they may their landes lour their tenementz tenements doner vender sauÌ„z conge demauÌ„der a giue and sell without licence asked of their lour seignerages sauues a seignorages les rentz Lords Sauing vnto the Lordes the rentes and e les the seruices seruices dues des mesmes le tenementz due out of the same tenements Et que touz e chescun And that al and euery of them puseit per Brë le roy may by writ of the kyng ou or per by pleynt plainte pleder pur lour plede for the obteining drou purchaser auxibien de lour Seignerages come des auters of their right as well of their Lordes as of other men gentz Et clament auxi que la Commune de Gauylekendeys And they clayme also that the communaltie of GauelkindmeÌ„ que ne tenent mes que tenemenz Gauylekendeys which hold none other then tenements of Gauelkind nature ne deiuent venir a la comune Somonse del Eire oug t not to come to the common Summonce of the Eire mes but ke per Borgesaldre only by the Borsholder and iiij foure homeÌ„s men de of la the Borghe Borowe hors except pris les villees que deiuent responder per xij hoÌ„mes en le Eire the townes which ought to aunswere by twelue men in the Eire Et And they clament clayme auxi also que sil nul tenant en Gauylekend seit atteint that if any tenant in Gauelkinde be attainted de of felonie felonie per que for the which il he suffre suffreth Iuyse de mort iudgement of death eit le Râ—y the King touz ses chateux shal haue all his goods e son heire eir heire meintenant foorthwith apres after sa his mort death seit shal enherite de touz be inheritable to all ses his terres landes tenemenz tenements que which il he tient held en in Gauylekende Gauelkind en in fee fee e en heritage e les tiendâ—a perâ—â—â—â— les in inheritance and he shall holde them by the same seruices seruices et customes customes sicoÌ„e ses auÌ„cestres les tyndroÌ„t dont est dist as his auncestors held theÌ„ whervpoÌ„ it is said en in Kenteis Kentish þe the fader father to to þe the boghe boughe and þe the son son to þe plogh to the plough And if Et he si il eit haue a femme wife meintenant seit dowe forthw t be she endowed by ê‘ the le heir heire sil seit dage if he be of age de of la the meytie one half de touz les terres e tenemeÌ„z que son Baroun tint of al the landes tenements which her husband held de of Gauylekend Gauelkind nature en in fee fee a auer e a tener solonc la fourme de to haue to hold according to the forme suthdyte hereafter declared Et And de of tiels such terres lands le the Roy King ne auera An shal not haue the yere ne nor wast wast mes tant soulmeÌ„t les chateux sicome il est auaÌ„tdit Et si but only the goods as is before said And if any man of nul Gauylekendeis Gauelkind either pur felonie either for felonie ou or pur for Ret suspitioÌ„ de of felonie felonie se suthtres A drawe him de la pees out of the country e scit en counte demande com il appent be demauÌ„ded in the countie as he ought e puis be vtlagheâ—ou sil se met en scinte eglise et foriure la terre one afterward vtlawed or put him self into the holy church abiure the le Reaume le Roy auera lan e le wast de ces terres de land the King shal haue the yere that wast of his lands of touz all ses his tenemenz tenements ensemblement oue touz together with all his goods ces and chateus chattels issint que apres lan e le tour le plus ê“cheyn Seigâ—ou Seigneurs So that after the yeare the day the next Lord or Lordes eyent shall leur haue their eschetes Eschetes de celes terres e tenemenz of those landes and tenementes chescun euery Seigneur Lorde ceo that que whiche de is luy est tenu immediatly sans holden men of him E clament And they claime auxi also que that si if ascun any tenant tenant en in gauylekende Gauelkind murt dye et seit and be an enherite inheritour de of terres landes e de and tenemenz tenementes de in Gauylekende Gauelkinde que touz ses fitz that all his sonnes shall partent parte cel that heritage inheritaunce per by ouele equall porcioun portions Et And si nul heir if there be no madle ne seit seit la partye feit entre les females sicome heiâ—e male let the partition be made betweene the females euen entres les freres as betweene brothers Et la mesuage seit autreci entre eux And let the messuage also be departed departi mes le astre demorra al pune betweene them but the Astre shall remaine to the youngest sonne ou or al punee daughter e la value seit de ceo liure a chescun des And be the value therof deliuered to eche of the parceners parceners de of cel that heritage heritage a. from xl fourtie pes de cel Astre si feete from that Astre if le the tenement tenement le will peut so suffrir suffer E And donkz then le eyne frere eit let the eldest brother haue la primere electioun e les autres apres per degree the first choyce the others afterward according to their degree Ensement Likewise de of mesons houses que whiche serront shall be trouets founde en in tieus suche mesuages Messuages seient departye entre les heirs per ouele porcioun let them be departed amongst the heires by equal portions Ceo est that is asauoir per peies sil est mistier Sauue le couert del Astre to weete by foote if neede be Sauing the Couert of the Astre que remeynt al pune which shal remain to the yongest son ou al punee sicome il est auandist or daughter as is before said issi que nequedont que le punc face renable gre a ces So neuerthelesse that the yongest make reasonable amendes to his parceners de la partye que a eux appent parceners for the part which to them belongeth per agard de by the award of bone good gentz meÌ„ E des auaunditz tenemenz dont vn soule Sute And of the aforesaid tenements whereof one only suite tant soulement soleit estre feit auaut ne seit per la resoun de la was wont to be made before time be there not by reason of the partition partye fo rs vn soule sute faite sicome soleit auant but one sole suite made as it was before accustomed
retent doth reteine no seruice deuers sey sauuet nequedent as autres Seigneurages fees fermes to himselfe but saueth neuerthelesse to the other Lords their fees e les rentes dont les auant diz tenemenz de Gauylekende fermes and the rentes wherewith the aforesaide tenementes of ensi rendus auaunt furent charges per ceux ou Gauelkind so rendred were before charged by him or theim per celuy que le charger poent ou poeyt which might charge them Eclament auxi que si And they claime also that if any nul tenant en Gauylekende reteine sa rent e son seruice del tenant in Gauelkind reteine withholde his rent and his seruices of the tenement tenement quil tient de son Seign querge le Seign per whiche he holdeth of his Lorde let the Lorde seeke by the agard de sa court de treys semeynes en treys semeynes truue award of his courte from .3 weekes to .3 weekes to find some distresse destreâ—se sur cel tenement tant que a la quart court a totefet vpon that tenement vntill the fourth court alwayes with per tesmoynage Et si dedens cel temps ne trusse destresse on ce witnesses And if within that time he can find no distresse in theÌ„ tenement per queux il puisse son tenant iustiser tenement whereby he may haue iustice of his tenant Donc a la Then at the quart court seit fourth court let it be agard awarded quil pregne cel tenement en that he shall take that tenement into sa mein en noum de destress his hand in the name of a distresse ausi come boef ou vache as if it were an oxe or a cow e le tiene vn an and let him keepe it a yeare e vn iour en sa mein sance meyn and a daye in his hande without manuring ouerir dens quel terme it within which terme si le tenant vent e rend ses if the tenaunt come and paye his arrerages arrerages e feit renables amendes de la detenue and make reasonable amendes for the withholding a donc eit e ioise son tenement sicom ses auncestors e Then let him haue and enioye his tenement as his auncetors and ly auant le tyndront Et sil ne vent deuant lan he before held it And if he do not come before the yeare e le tour and the day passe donc auge le Seign al prochein Counte suiant oue resmoynage paste then let the Lord goe to the next countie court with the witnesses de sa court e face la pronuncier cel proces pur of his owne courte pronounce there this processe to haue tesmoynage auer further witnesse Et per agard de sa court apres ceo Counte And by the award of his court after that couÌ„tie tenue entra e meynouera en celes terres e tenemenz courte holden he shal enter manure in those lands tenemeÌ„ts sicome en son demeyne Et si le tenant vent apres e voillâ— as in his demeanes owne And if the tenant come afterwarde and will ces tenemenz reauer e tener sicome il fist deuaunt face rehaue his tenements hold them as he did before let him make gree al Seigneur sicome il est auncyenement dist agreement with the Lord according as it is aunciently sayde NegHe syþe selde and neg He syþ gelde and fif pond for þe Æ¿ere er He bicome Healder Aussi il cleyment que nul home deit serment sur liure fere Also they claime that no maÌ„ ought to make an othe vpon a booke per destress ne per poer de Seigneur neither by distresse nor by the power of the Lord ne de Baylif nor his bailyfe encountre sa volunte saunz bref le Roy sinon pur feaute against his wil without the writ of the King vnlesse it be for fealtie fere a son Seigneur meske per deuaunt Coronner ou auter to be done to his Lord but only before the Coroner or suche other minister le Roy qui Real poer eyont de enquerer de minister of the King as hathe Royall power to enquire of trespas fet encountre la Coronne nostre Seigneur le Roy. trespasse committed against the crowne of our Lord the king Ecleyment And auxi que checun Kenteys put autre assonier en they clayme also that euerie Kentishe man may essoine an other la court le Roy en Counte en hundreth e en la either in the Kings court or in the countie or in the huÌ„dreth or in the court son Seigneur la ou assoigne gist aussi bien de commune Court of his Lord where essoine lieth the aswel in case of coÌ„muÌ„e sute come de play Estre ceo il cleyment per especial fet le Roy sute as of plea. Moreouer they claime by an especiall deed of king Henrie pere le Roy Edward que ore est que dieu Garde que Henry the 3 father of King E. which now is whoÌ„ god saue that of de tenementz que sont tenus en Gauylekende ne scit prise battaille the tenements which are holden in Gauelkind ther shal no battail ne graund assise per xij chiuallers sicome aillours be ioyned nor graund Assise taken by .xii. Knights as it is vsed in est prise en le reaume ceo est a sauoir la ou tenaÌ„t e le demauÌ„dant other places of the realme this is to weet where the tenant demauÌ„dant teneÌ„t per Gauylekende mes en lu de ces grandes assises holde by Gauelkinde But in place of these ground assises seieÌ„t prises Iurees per xii homes tenaÌ„tz en GauylekeÌ„d Issi let Iuries be taken by .xii. men being tenants in Gauelkind so the que quatre tenaÌ„tz de GauylekeÌ„d elisent .xij. tenaÌ„tz de Gauyle foure tenants of Gauelkinde choose .xii. tenants of Gauelkinde to kende iurours E la chartre le Roy de ceste especiaute est en la be Iurors And the chartre of the King of this especialtie is in the garde Sire Iohan de Norwode le tour S. Elphegh en CaÌ„terbyre custodie of Sir Ihon of Norwood the day of S. Alphey in Canterburie le an le Roy Edward le Fiz le Roy Henrie .xxi. the yere of King Edward the sonne of king Henrie the xxi Ces sont les vsages de Gauilekend e de Gauylekendeys en KeÌ„t These be the vsages of Gauelkind of Gauelkinde men in Kent que furent deuaunt le conquest e en le Conquest e totes houres whiche were before the conquest and at the Conquest and euer teskes en ca since till now The names of such persons as procured their possessions to be altered from the nature of Gauelkinde by acte of Parleament made .31 H. 8. Cap. 3. Thomas Lord Cromwell Thomas Lord Burghe George Lord Cobham Andrew Lord Windsore Syr Thomas Cheyne Syr Christopher Hales S. Thomas Willoughbie S. Anthonie Seintleger S. Edward Wootton S. Edward Bowton S. Roger Cholmley
at the Sea. The College The value of the Religious houses in this Shyre The Citie when it began The olde Schole at Canterbury The decay of Canterbury and other places Continuall contention betweene the two great houses in Canterbury Christes-Churche in Canterbury Thomas Becket the Archbishop his hystorie Saint Augustines The deade in old time were buried out of the Cities Popishe braules S. Maries in Canterbury The Saints and Reliques at CaÌ„terbury S. August Thomas Becket had two heads S. Gregories in Canterbury S. Laurenceâ— Hospitall S Iames Hospitall S. Sepulchers White friars S. Mildredâ— The Bishops Palaice S. Martines was a Bishops See. S. Sepulchres by CaÌ„terbury The Monkes coÌ„tend with the Archbishop and do preuaile The vanitie of Man and the subtilty of the Deuill be the cause of Idolatrie Saint Thomas Beckets Relique The olde manner of nameing men Maude the Empresse true Heire to the Crowne Bartholmew Badelesmere Thomas Colpeper The Pryory at Leeds By what meanes the Archebishops chair came to 〈…〉 The Deanrie of shorâ—ham A Popishe myracle Monkes contend for the electioÌ„ of the Bishop SaÌ„int Cuthbertes feast why holdeÌ„ double Bishops Sees are translated from Villages to Cities The Catalogue of Rochester Bishops The Harborowe of the Nauie Royall The benefites that God hathe giuen this Realme in the Reigne oâ— Queene Elizabeth A barbarous crueltie executed vpon Straungers Excessiue drinking and how it came into England Great troupes of seruing men came in with the Normanes The cause of the Conquest of Enlande Harold the King. The vncurtesie of the English natioÌ„ toward straungers Busyris was a tirant that sacrificed straungers and was therefore slaine by Hercules Our Lady the Rode of ChethaÌ„ Gillingham Horsted borne in Ailesford Hengist Horsa two famous Capitaines A religious Skirmish betwene the Monkes of Rochester and the Brethren of Stroude Friendsbury clubbes Eslingham Appropriations of benefices The Citie The Castle S. Andrews Church in Rochester Priests had wiues in England of olde time Saint William of Rochester Saint Bartholmewes Hospitall Rochester Bridge both the olde the newe Syr Robert Knolles a valiant Capitaine The Hospitall The beginning of this scoffing by word Kentishe tailes Angle Queene Many kinges at once in Kent The olde manner of Signing Sealing of deedes Fernham The Danes compelled to take the Thamise The Danes are chased from Otforde Earle Edrie an infamus traytour A noble example of Kinge Edmunde Ironside The names of Townes ending in ing The Abbay The Solaces of Solâ— life The Castle The Cleargie was law lesse The Pryorie at Tun-Bridge The Low the of Tunbridge 42. H. 3. The Archebishop hath an Earle to his Butler The Rooâ—â— of Asherst was a growing Idole The masters of the nauie Royal. Alphey the Archbishop was cruelly slaine A popish minde 32. Shyres in England Great suÌ„mâ— of money paied to the Danes The Priorie of Shene The frierie The Palaice The rebellion of Iack Straw The rebellion of Iack Cade The rebellion of the black smith Lord Richard Lucy The ancient manner of the triall of right to Landes Wager of Lawe Hengist Horsa The beginning of the Kentishe Kingdome Orpenton the course of Cray water Mesopotamia signifieth a couÌ„try encompassed with riuers Rochester castle beseiged Princes may wooe by picture and marye by proctor The Abbay The old maner of Tourneament The occasion of Iacke Strawes his rebellion The courâ—â— of the riuer of Derent The name of Portreue whereof it commeth The name of Sherife London had a Portreue The office of a Reue. A learned age in which priestes had more latine theÌ„ english and yet almost no latine at all The order of this description The Manour The church of S. Hildeferthe The auncient forme of a Testament The auncient estate of a Gentleman and by what meanes gentle was obteyned in the olde time The degres of Freemen Earl Thein and Churle Alderman ShiremaÌ„ c were names of offices Wisdom is more profitable when it is ioyned with riches Merchandize and Husbandrie 1. The worship of many Gods. Saint Edith and her offering The olde newe Romanes agre in many points of religion S. Thomas Beckets spiteful miracles S. Bartilmew of Otford and his offering The Palaice at Otford Cardinall Morton Erasmus doth misreporte the cause of the contention between the King and Thomas Becket The Manor of WinghaÌ„ Reigate Castle in Surrey The Schole and Almes house The Town The name Gauelkind wherof it arose To shift laÌ„d is an olde terme The antiquitie of Gauelkind custome The diuisioÌ„ of this discourse What lands be of Gauel kind nature Some Knight fee is Gauelkinde Auncient Knight fee is not of the nature of Gauelkynd The change of Gauelkind tenure is no chaÌ„ge of the nature of Gauelkind A contrarie vsage changeth not the nature of Gauelkinde HeaHbeorg in Saxon is a high defence and the customs of NormaÌ„die that cal fieâ—e or fee de Haubert whiche oweth to defend the laÌ„d by full armes that is by horse haubert target sword or helme and it consisteth of 300. acres of land which is the same as I suppose that we called a whole Knights fee * The custome of Gauelkind is vniuersall in Kent The reason of Gauelkinde Custome What thinges shal ensue the nature of the land Rent Remainder Voucher Condition Attaint and Error No battail nor graund Assise in gauelkinde Forfaiture in Felonie Cessauit in Gauelkind Tenant by the Courtesie Tenant in Dâ—wer The difference betweene coÌ„mon Lawe and Custome therin Dower of chattels Partition of chattels Partition of chattels London Partition of Gauelkinde lands Astrâ— what it meaneth Gardein after the cusâ—ome Sale is at 15. yearâ—â— Sale good at 15. yeares No villains in Kent Apparance Câ—men Chase and driue out Attaint Chaunging of wayes Goppies These wordes betweene the starres were taken out of an other olde copie Free men Esechator Giue and sell landes without licence Plede by writte or pleinte Appeare by Borsholder No eschete for felonie but of goods only Dower of the one half Flying for felony causeth forfeiture Partition amoÌ„gst the heirs males The Astre Curt in other copies One suite for all the parceners Partition of goods Custodie of the heire in Gauelkind Sale at xv yeres of age Dower of the one half Forfaiture of Dower Tenant by the courtesie of the one halfe The discent of Gauelkind changed Forfaiture by Ceslauit or Gâ—uelate No oathe but for fealtie Essoignes No battail nor graunâ— assise in Guelkinde landes A Table conteining the principall places and matters handeled in this Booke A Angles or Englishmen Page 2 Archebishopricke of Canterbury Page 62 Archebishops contend for the primacie Page 65 Archebishops all named Page 70 Armour Page 112. 211. Apledore Page 146. 162 Aile or Eile a Riuer Page 177. Correction of adulterie Page 180. Appropriations Page 292 Ailesforde Page 321. Asheherst Page 333. Adington Page 258. Aldington Page 149. B Brytones or Welshmen Page 1. 12. Borsholder what he is Page 22 Bridges of stone Page