trust in a business of that nature and recommend it to one or more of them to inform you of their opinions and of their reasons for or against the granting of it and if the matter be of great weight indeed then it would not be amiss to send several Copies of the same Petition to several of your Friends the one not knowing what the other doth and desire them to return their Answers to you by a certain time to be prefixed in writing so shall you receive an impartial Answer and by comparing the one with the other you shall both discern the Abilities and Faithfulness of your Friends and be able to give a judgment thereupon as an Oracle But by no means trust not your own judgment alone for no man is omniscient nor trust only to your Servants who may mislead you or misinform you by which they may perhaps gain a few Crowns but the Reproach will lie upon yourself if it be not rightly carried For the facilitating of your dispatches my Advice is further that you divide all the Petitions and the matters therein contained under several Heads which I conceive may be fitly ranked into these eight sorts 1. Matters that concern Religion and the Church and Church-men 2. Matters concerning Justice and the Laws and the Professors thereof 3. Councellors and the Councel-table and the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom 4. Forrain Negotiations and Embassies 5. Peace and War both Forrain and Civil and in that the Navy and Forts and what belongs to them 6. Trade at home and abroad 7. Colonies or Forrain Plantations 8. The Court and Curiality And whatsoever will not fall naturally under one of these Heads believe me Sir will not be worthy of your thoughts in this capacity we now speak of And of these sorts I warrant you you will find enough to keep you in business I begin with the first which concerns Religion 1. In the first place be you your self rightly perswaded and setled in the true Protestant Religion professed by the Church of England which doubtless is as sound and orthodox in the Doctrine thereof as any Christian Church in the World 2. In this you need not be a Monitor to Your gracious Master the King the chiefest of His imperial Titles is to be The Defender of the Faith and His Learning is eminent not only above other Princes but above other men be but his Scholar and you are safe in that 3. For the Discipline of the Church of England by Bishops c. I will not positively say as some do that it 's Jure Divino but this I say and think ex animo that it is the nearest to Apostolical Truth and confidently I shall say it is fittest for Monarchy of all others I will use no other Authority to you than that excellent Proclamation set out by the King Himself in the first Year of His Reign and annexed before the Book of Common-Prayer which I desire you to read and if at any time there shall be the least motion made for Innovation to put the King in mind to read it Himself It is most dangerous in a State to give ear to the least alterations in Government 4. Take heed I beseech you that you be not an instrument to countenance the Romish Catholicks I cannot flatter the world believes that some near in blood to you are too much of that perswasion you must use them with fit respects according to the bonds of nature but you are of kin and so a Friend to their Persons not to their Errours 5. The Arch-bishops and Bishops next under the King have the Government of the Church and Ecclesiastical Affairs be not you the mean to prefer any to those places for any by-respects but only for their Learning Gravity and Worth their Lives and Doctrine ought to be exemplary 6. For Deans and Canons or Prebends of Cathedral Churches In their first institution they were of great use in the Church they were not only to be of councel with the Bishop for his revenue but chiefly for his Government in causes Ecclesiastical use your best means to preferre such to those places who are fit for that purpose men eminent for their learning piety and discretion and put the King often in minde thereof and let them be reduced again to their first institution 7. You will be often sollicited and parhaps importuned to preferre Scholars to Church-living you may further your friends in that way caeteris paribus otherwise remember I pray that these are not places meerly of favour the charge of souls lies upon them the greatest account whereof will be required at their own hands but they will share deeply in their faults who are the instruments of their Preferment 8. Besides the Romish Catholicks there is a generation of Sectaries the Anabaptists Brownists and others of their kinds they have been several times very busie in this Kingdom under the colour of zeal for reformation of Religion The King your Master knows their disposion very well a small touch will put him in mind of them he had experience of them in Scotland I hope he will beware of them in England a little countenance or connivency sets them on fire 9. Order and decent ceremonies in the Church are not only comely but commendable but there must be great care not to introduce innovations they will quickly prove scandalous men are naturally over-prone to suspition the true Protestant Religion is seated in the golden mean the enemies unto her are the extreams on either hand 10. The persons of Church-men are to be had in due respect for their works sake and protected from scorn but if a Clergie man be loose and scandalous he must not be patronized nor winck't at the example of a few such corrupt many 11. Great care must be takan that the patrimony of the Church be not sacrilegiously diverted to lay uses His Majesty in his time hath religiously stopped a leak that did much harm and would else have done more Be sure as much as in you lies stop the like upon all occasions 12. Colledges and Schools of learning are to be cherished and encouraged there to breed up a new stock to furnish the Church and Common-wealth when the old store are transplanted This Kingdom hath in latter ages been famous for good literature and if preferment shall attend the deservers there will not want supplies Next to Religion let your care be to promote Justice By Justice and mercy is The Kings throne established 1. Let the rule of Justice be the Laws of the Land an impartial arbiter between the King and his people and between one Subject and another I shall not speak superlatively of them lest I be suspected of partiality in regard of my own profession but this I may truly say they are second to none in the Christian world 2. And as far as it may lie in you let no Arbitrary power be intruded the people of this Kingdome love
bounden Servant July 5. 1616. Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Attorney General to the Master of the Horse upon the sending of his Bill for Viscount sc. SIR I Send you the Bill for His Majesties Signature reformed according to His Majesties amendments both in the two places which I assure you were altered with great judgment and in the third place which His Majesty termed a question only But he is an idle body that thinketh His Majesty asketh an idle question and therefore His Majesties questions are to be answered by taking away the cause of the question and not by replying For the name His Majesties Will is a Law in those things and to speak the truth it is a well-sounding and noble name both here and abroad and being your proper name I will take it for a good sign that you shall give honour to your dignity and not your dignity to you Therefore I have made it Viscount Villiers and for your Barony I will keep it for an Earldom For though the other had been more orderly yet that is as usual and both alike good in Law For Ropers place I would have it by all means dispatched and therefore I marvaile it lingreth It were no good manners to take the business out of my Lord Treasurers hands and therefore I purpose to write to his Lordship if I hear not from him first by Mr. Deckome but if I hear of any delay you will give me leave especially since the King named me to deal with Sir Joseph Roper my self for neither I nor my Lord Treasurer can deserve any great thanks in this business of yours considering the King hath spoken to Sir Jo. Roper and he hath promised and besides the thing it self is so reasonable as it ought to be as soon done as said I am now gotten into the Countrey to my house where I have some little liberty to think of that I would think of and not of that which other men hourly break their head withal as it was at London Upon this you may conclude that most of my thoughts are to His Majesty and then you cannot be far off God ever keep you and prosper you I rest always Your true and most dutiful Servant The 5. of August one of the happiest dayes Sir Francis Bacon to Sir George Villiers upon the sending his Pattent for Viscount Villiers to be Signed SIR I Have sent you now your Patent of Creation of Lord Bletchly of Bletchly and of Viscount Villiers Beltchly is your own and I liked the sound of the name better then Whaddon but the name will be hid for you will be called Viscount Villiers I have put them in a Patent after the manner of the Patent for Earls where Baronies are joyned but the chief reason was because I would avoid double prefaces which had not been fit nevertheless the Ceremony of Robing and otherwise must be double And now because I am in the Countrey I will send you some of my Countrey fruits which with me are good Meditations which when I am in the City are choked with business After that the King shall have watered your new Dignities with the bounty of the Lands which he intends you and that some other things concerning your Means which are now likewise in intention shall be setled upon you I do not see but you may think your private Fortunes established and therefore it is now time that you should refer your Actions to the good of your Sovereign and your Countrey It is the life of an Oxe or Beast alwayes to eat and never exercise but men are born and specially Christian men not to cramb in their Fortunes but to exercise their Vertues and yet the other hath been the unworthy and thanks be to God sometimes the unlucky humour of great Persons in our times Neither will your future Fortune be the further off for assure your self that Fortune is of a Womans nature and will sooner follow by sleighting than by too much wooing And in this dedication of your self to the Publick I recommend unto you principally that which I think was never done since I was born and which because it is not done hath bred almost a Wilderness and Solitude in the Kings Service which is That you countenance and encourage and advance able men in all kinds degrees and professions For in the time of the Cecils the Father and the Son able men were by design and of purpose suppressed and though of late choice goeth better both in Church and Commonwealth yet money and turn-serving and cunning canvasses and importunity prevaileth too much And in places of moment rather make able and honest men yours than advance those that are otherwise because they are yours As for cunning and corrupt men you must I know sometimes use them but keep them at a distance and let it appear rather that you make use of them than that they lead you Above all depend wholly next unto God upon the King and be ruled as hitherto you have been by His Instructions for that is best for your self For the Kings care and thoughts for you are according to the thoughts of a great King whereas your thoughts concerning your self are and ought to be according to the thoughts of a modest man But let me not weary you the sum is That you think Goodness the best part of Greatness and that you remember whence your rising comes and make return accordingly God keep you August 12. 1616. Sir Francis Bacon to the King about a Certificate of my Lord Coke's It may please Your Excellent Majesty I Send your Majesty inclosed my Lord Coke's answers I will not call them rescripts much less Oracles They are of his own hand and offered to me as they are in writing not required by me to have them set down in writing though I am glad of it for my own discharge I thought it my duty as soon as I received them instantly to send them to Your Majesty and forbear for the present to speak further of them I for my part though this Muscovia-weather be a little too hard for my constitution was ready to have waited upon Your Majesty this day all respects set aside but my Lord Treasurer in respect of the season and much other business was willing to save me I will onely conclude touching these Papers with a Text divided I cannot say Oportuit haec fieri but I may say Finis autem nondum God preserve Your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant Feb. 14. at 12. a Clock I humbly pray Your Majesty to keep the Papers safe A Letter to the King touching the Lord Chancellors place It may please Your most Excellent Majesty YOur worthy Chancellour I fear goeth his last day God hath hitherto used to weed out such Servants as grew not fit for Your Majesty but now he hath gathered to himself a true sage or salvia out of Your Garden But Your Majesties service must not be mortal
I know your Son Mr. William and other your servants hereto doth advertise you and therefore I pray you to bear with my shortness for I am almost smothered with business We look to hear of the apprehension of more of the Rebels I send you extracts of our letters out of the North as of late time they have come Yours assuredly W. Cecil Windsor-Castle 7. Jan. 1569. To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador c. Advertisements from Lyexham 22. Decemb. 1569. THe two Rebellious Rebels went into Liddesdale in Scotland yester-night where Martin Elwood and others that have given pledges to the Regent of Scotland did raise their forces against them being conducted by black Ormeston an Out-law of Scotland that was a principal murtherer of the King of Scots where the fight was offered and both parties lighted from their horses and in the end Elwood said to Ormeston he would be sorry to enter deadly send with him by bloodshed but he would charge him and the rest before the Regent for keeping of the Rebels and it he did not put them out of the Country the next day he would do his worst against them whereupon the two Earls were driven to leave Liddesdale and to flye to one of the Armestronges a Scot upon the batable on the borders between Liddesdale and England the same day the Liddesdale men stole the horses of the Countess of Northumberland and her two women and ten others of their Company so as the Earls being gone the Lady of Northumberland was left there on foot at John of the Sides house in a Cottage not to be compared to many a Dog-kennel in England at their departing from her they went not above fifty horse and the Earl of Westmerland to be the more unknown changed his Coat of Plate and sword with John of the Sides and departed like a Scotish Borderer The rest of the Rebels are partly taken in the West Borders of England and partly spoiled by the English and Scotish Borderers By letters of the 24 The Rebels be driven to change their names their Horses and apparel and to ride like Liddesdale men The Regent of Scotland will be this night upon the Borders of Liddesdale The Earl of Cumberland the Lord Scroop and Mr. Leonard Dacre have shewed themselves very Honorable and diligent in their service at the Rebels entring into the West Marches and upon the scaling of the Rebels there be great numbers of them taken there There be in every of the Marches against Scotland sundry Bands of Horsemen and shot laid if they shall enter into the Realm again By letters of the last of December The Regent of Scotland is gone from Jedworth to Edenburgh and hath taken the Earl of Northumberland and six of his men with him Before his departure from Jedworth he sent for the Gentlemen of Tividale to come before him where all came saving the Lord of Farnehurst and the Lord of Bucklugh whereupon the Regent rode towards them but they hearing thereof suddainly rode away Robert Collingwood Ralph Swynton with others of their company were taken in East Tividale and delivered to the Regent who re-delivered them to their takers and charged them for their safe keeping Egremont Ratcliff with certain with him remain about Liddesdale And it is thought the Countess of Northumberland the Earl of West-merland Norton Markenfield Swynborne and Tempest are removed out Liddesdale to the Lords of Fernhurst and Buckclugh SIR I Doubt not but the report of the cruel murther of the Regent in Scotland will be diversly reported in those parts and diversly also received by some with gladness and by some with grief as I am sure it shall be of you the manner of it was thus as I have been advertised the 22. of the last moneth the Regent coming thorough the Town of Lithgo which is in the midway between Sterling and Edenburgh having in his company about a hundred persons was stricken with a Courrier about the Navell with the Pellet coming out about his Hucklebone which also slew a horse behinde him and of this wound he dyed the next day afterward within night the murtherer was one Hambleton of Bothwell-Hall who lay secretly in a house to attempt this mischief having shut the doors towards the street in such sort as no man could enter on the foreside to take him and so he escaped on the backside where he had a horse to serve his turn although he was pursued what is like to follow miserably to that Land I dare not judge but do fear that the death of so good a man will prove Initium multorum malorum At the writing hereof I know not what is done or intended but some write from thence That the Earls of Marr and Morton and other friends to the young King are come to Edenburgh and do in the Kings name preserve the State and do purpose to have the Land ruled by four Regents and one to be a Lieutenant for the wars to execute their directions a matter more probable in talk than in effect as I shall hereafter understand more so will I write It happend that at this time Sir Henry Gates and the Marshal of Berwick were at Edenburgh having been at Sterling with the Regent the Fryday before for the demanding in the Queens Majesties name of the Earl of Northumberland and other the Rebels and by direction of the Regent they attended at Edenburgh for answer to be given the day of his death which now is as our Lawyers call it sine die Mr. Randolph went from hence towards Scotland the 29. upon knowledge of the hurt and doubt of his life The same day also came Montlnet to her Majesties presence with the French Ambassador bringing his letters dated the 27. of December at which time I think they understand not of the stay of our Rebellion The sum of Montlnets message consisted upon these two heads request for restitution and liberty of the Queen of Scots and a declaration of the Kings inclination to peace with his subjects and their disguising with him by treating and suing for peace and yet amassing of new Forces in Almaine and seeking also to surprise the Kings Towns as Burdeaux and otherlike whereupon the King requireth the Queens Majesty not to favor his Rebels if they should seek any further succours from hence as they have done as persons unworthy of any favor They have made great instance to be answered for the first matter but the Queens Majesty hath hitherto deferred them but I think upon Monday next they shall have audience I forgat to shew you that in the request for the Queen of Scots he desired liberty to go to her and from thence to pass into Scotland which thing would not be granted unto him Upon the death of the Regent the Earl of Sussex and Mr. Sadler were admonished to stay there for that it was thought good that Mr. Sadler should have gone from thence into Scotland
to both the shipping of both in conjuncture being so powerful by Gods blessing as no Forrainers will venture upon This League and Friendship must inviolably be observed 15. From Scotland we have had in sormer times some Alarms and Inro esinto the Northern parts of this Kingdom but that happy Union of both Kingdoms under one Sovereign our gracions King I hope hath taken away all occasions of breach between the two Nations let not the cause arise from England and I hope the Scots will not adventure it or if they do I hope they will find that although to our King they were His first-born Subjects yet to England belongs the Birth-right But this should not be any cause to offer any injury to them nor to suffer any from them 16. There remains then no danger by the blessing of God but a Civil War from which God of his mercy defend us as that which is most desperate of all others The Kings Wisdom and Justice must prevent it if it may be or if it should happen quod absit he must quench that Wild-fire with all the diligence that possibly can be 17. Competition to the Crown there is none nor can be therefore it must be a fire within the bowels or nothing the cures whereof are these Remedium praeveniens which is the best physick either to a natural body or to a State by just and equal Government to take away the occasion and Remedium puniens if the other prevail not The service and vigilancy of the Deputy Lieutenants in every County and of the High Sheriff will contribute much herein to our security 18. But if that should not prevail by a wise and timous Inquisition the peccant humours and humorists must be discovered and purged or cut off mercy in such a case in a King is true cruelty 19. Yet if the Heads of the Tribes can be taken off and the mis-led multitude will see their error and return to their obedience such an extent of mercy is both honourable and profitable 20. A King against a storm must fore-see to have a convenient stock of treasure and neither be without money which is the sinewes of war nor to depend upon the courtesie of others which may fail at a pinch 21. He must also have a Magazine of all sorts which must be had from forreign parts or provided at home and to commit them to several places under the custody of trusty and faithful Ministers and Officers if it be possible 22. He must make choice of expert and able Commanders to conduct and manage the War either against a forreign invasion or a home rebellion which must not be young and giddy which dare not only to fight but to swear and drink and curse neither fit to govern others nor able to govern themselves 23. Let not such be discouraged if they deserve well by mis-information or for the satisfying the humors or ambition of others perhaps out of envy perhaps out of treachery or other sinister ends A steddy hand in governing of Military affairs is more requisite then in times of peace because an error committed in war may perhaps prove irremediable 24. If God shall bless these endeavours and the King return to His own House in Peace when a Civil war shall be at an end those who have been found faithful in the Land must be regarded yea and rewarded also the traiterous or treacherous who have mis-led others severely punish'd and the neutrals and false-hearted friends and followers who have started aside like a broken bowe be noted Carbone nigro and so I shall leave them and this part of the work VI. I come to the sixth part which is Trade and that is either at home or abroad And I begin with that which is at home which enableth the Subject of the Kingdom to live and layeth a foundation to a forreign trade by traffique with others which enableth them to live plentifully and happily 1. For the Home-trade I first commend unto your consideration the encouragement of Tillage which will enable the Kingdom for Corn for the Natives and to spare for Exportation And I myself have known more than once when in times of Dearth in Queen Elizabeths dayes it drained much Coyn of the Kingdom to furnish us with Corn from Forrain Parts 2. Good Husbands will find the means by good Husbandry to improve their Lands by Lime Chalk Marl or Sea-sand where it can be had But it will not be amiss that they be put in mind thereof and encouraged in their Industries 3. Planting of Orchards in a Soyl and Air fit for them is very prositable as well as pleasurable Sider and Perry are notable Beverage in Sea-Voyages 4. Gardens are also very profitable if planted with Artichokes Roots and such other things as are fit for food whence they be called Kitchin-Gardens and that very properly 5. The planting of Hop-yards sowing of Woad and Rape-seed are sound very profitable for the Planters in places apt for them and consequently profitable for the Kingdom which for divers years was furnished with them from beyond the Seas 6. The planting and preserving of Woods especially of Timber is not only profitable but commendable therewith to furnish posterity both for building and shipping 7. The Kingdom would be much improved by draining of drowned lands and gaining that in from the over-flowing of salt waters and the sea and from fresh waters also 8. And many of those grounds would be exceeding fit for Daries which being well houswived are exceeding commodious 9. Much good land might be gained from Forrests and Chases more remote from the Kings access and from other commonable places so as always there be a due care taken that the poor Commoners have no injury by such improvement 10. The making of navigable Rivers should be profitable they would be as so many in-draughts of wealth by conveying the commodities with ease from place to place 11. The planting of Hemp and Flax would be an unknown advantage to the Kingdom many places therein being as apt for it as any forreign parts 12. But add hereunto that it be converted into Linnen-cloth or Cordage the commodity thereof will be multiplied 13. So it is of the Wools and Leather of the Kingdom if they be converted into manufactures 14. Our English Dames are much given to the wearing of costly Laces and if they be brought from Italy or France or Flanders they are in great esteem whereas if the like Lace were made by the English so much thred as would make a yard of Lace being put into that manufacture would be five times or perhaps ten or twenty times the value 15. The breeding of cattel is of much profit especially the breed of Horses in many places not only for travel but for the great saddle the English horse for strength and courage and swiftness together not being inferiour to the horses of any other Kingdom 16. The Minerals of the Kingdom of Lead Iron Copper and Tynn
swadled in the infancy as the Roman was by the vertue of their first Kings which was a principal cause of the wonderful growth of that State in after-times The Decemvirs Laws were Laws upon Laws not the Original For they graffed Laws of Graecia upon the Roman stock of Laws and Customs But such was their success as the twelve Tables which they compiled were the main body of the Laws which framed and welded the great Body of that State They lasted a long time with some supplementals and the Pretorian Edicts in Albo which were in respect of Laws as Writing-tables in respect of Brass the one to be put in and out as the other is permanent Lucius Cornelius Sylla reformed the Laws of Rome For that man had three singularities which never Tyrant had but he That he was a Law-giver that he took part with Nobility and that he turned private man not upon fear but upon confidence Caesar long after desired to imitate him only in the first for otherwise he relied upon new men and for resigning his power Seneca describeth him right Caesar gladium cito condidit nunquam posuit And himself took it upon him saying in scorn of Sylla's resignation Sylla nescivit liter as dictare non potuit But for the part of a Law-giver Cicero giveth him the Attribute Caesar si ab eo quaereretur quid egisset in Toga leges se respondisset multas praeclar as tulisse His Nephew Augustus did tread the same steps but with deeper print because of his long Reign in peace whereof one of the Poets of his time saith Pace data terris animum ad Civilia vertit Jura suum legesque tulit justissimus Author From that time there was such a race of Wit and Authority between the Commentaries and Decisions of the Lawyers and the Edicts of the Emperours as both Laws and Lawyers were out of breath whereupon Justinian in the end re-compiled both and made a Body of Laws such as might be wielded which himself calleth glorious and yet not above truth the edifice or structure of a sacred Temple of Justice built indeed out of the former ruines of Books as materials and some novel constitutions of his own In Athens they had sex viri as AEschines observeth which were standing Commissioners who did watch to discern what Laws were unproper for the times and what new Law did in any branch cross a former Law and so ex officio propounded their Repeal King Edgar collected the Laws of this Kingdom and gave them a strength of a Faggot bound which formerly were dispersed which was more glory to him than his sailing about this Island with a great Fleet for that was as the Scripture saith Via Navis in Mari it vanished but this lasteth Alphonso the Wise the Ninth of that Name King of Castile compiled the Digest of the Laws of Spain intituled The six Partidas an excellent Work which he finished in seven years And as Tacitus noteth well That the Capitol though built in the beginnings of Rome yet was sit for the great Monarchy that came after so that building of Laws sufficeth the greatness of the Empire of Spain which since hath ensued Lewis the Eleventh had in his mind though he performed it not to have made one constant Law of France extracted out of the Civil Roman Law and the Customes of Provinces which are various and the Kings Edicts which with the French are Statutes Surely he might have done well if like as he brought the Crown as he said himself hors de Page so he had brought his people from Lacquay not to run up and down for their Laws to the Civil Law and the Ordinances of Courts and Discourses of Philosophers as they use to do King Henry the Eighth in the Twenty seventh year of his Reign was authorized by Parliament to nominate Thirty two Commoners part Ecclesiastical part Temporal to purge the Common Law and to make it agreeable to the Law of God and the Law of the Land but it took not effect For the Acts of that King were commonly rather proffers and fames then either well grounded or well pursued But I doubt I err in producing so many examples for as Cicero said to Caesar so may I say to Your Majesty Nil vulgare te dignum videri possit though indeed this well understood is far from vulgar for that the Laws of both Kingdoms and States have been like buildings of many pieces and patched up from time to time according to occasions without frame or model Now for the Laws of England if I shall speak my opinion of them without partiality either to my profession or Countrey for the matter and nature of them I hold them wise just and Moderate Laws they give to God they give to Caesar they give to the Subject what appertaineth It is true they are as mixt as our Language compounded of British Roman Saxon Danish Norman customs and surely as our Language is thereby so much the richer so our Laws are likewise by that mixture the more compleat Neither both this attribute the less to them then those that would have them to stand out the same in all mutations For no tree is so good first set as by transplanting and graffing I remember what happened to Calisthenes that followed Alexders Court and was grown into some displeasure with him because he could not well brook the Persian adoration At a Supper which with the Grecians was a great part he was desired the King being present because he was an eloquent man to speak of some Theme which he did and chose for his Theme the praise of the Macedonian Nation Which though it were but a filling thing to praise men to their faces yet he performed it with such advantage of truth and avoidance of flattery and with such life as was applauded by the Hearers The King was the less pleased with it not loving the man and by way of discountenance said It was easie to be a good Orator in a pleasing Theme But saith he to him turn your stile and tell us now of our faults that we may have the profit and not the praise only Which he presently did with such quickness that Alexander said That Malice made him Eloquent then as the Theme had done before I shall not fall into either of these extreams iu this Subject of the Laws of England I have commended them before for the matter but surely they ask much amendment for the Form which to reduce and perfect I hold to be one of the greatest Dowries that can be conferred upon this Kingdom which Work for the Excellency as it is worthy Your Majesties Acts and Times so it hath some Circumstance of propriety agreeable to Your person God hath blessed Your Majesty with posterity and I am not of opinion that Kings that are barren are fittest to supply perpetuity of generations by perpetuity of noble acts but contrariwise that they that leave posterity are the more
Queens Service mine own Fortune and in a sort my Vocation I did nothing but devise and ruminate with my self to the best of my understanding Propositions and Memorials of any thing that might concern his Lordships Honour Fortune or Service And when not long after I entred into this course my Brother Mr. Anthony Bacon came from beyond the Seas being a Gentleman whose abilities the World taketh knowledge of for matter of State specially Forreign I did likewise knit his Service to be at my Lords disposing And on the other side I must and will ever acknowledge my Lords love trust and favour towards me and last of all his liberality having enfeoffed me of land which I sold for 1800 l. to Mr. Reynold Nicholas and I think was more worth and that at such a time and with so kind and noble circumstances as the manner was as much as the matter Which though it be but an idle digression yet because I will not be short in commemoration of his benefits I will presume to trouble your Lordship with the relating to you the manner of it After the Queen had denied me the Sollicitors place for the which his Lordship had been a long and earnest Suitor on my behalf it pleased him to come to me from Richmond to Twilknam Park and brake with me and said Mr. Bacon the Queen hath denied me the place for you and hath placed another I know you are the least part of your own matter but you fare ill because you have chosen me for your mean and dependance you have spent your time and thoughts in my matters I die these were the very words if I do not somewhat towards your Fortune you shall not deny to accept a piece of land which I will bestow upon you My answer I remember was That for my Fortune it was no great matter but that his Lordships offer made me call to mind what was wont to be said when I was in France of the Duke of Guise That he was the greatest Usurer in France because he had turned all his Estate into Obligations meaning that he had left himself nothing but only had bound numbers of persons to him Now my Lord said I I would not have you imitate this course nor turn your state thus by greatest gifts into obligations for you will find many bad Debtors He bade me take no care for that and pressed it whereupon I said I see my Lord that I must be your Homager and hold land of your gift but do you know the manner of doing Homage in Law alwayes it is with a saving of his faith to the King and his other Lords and therefore my Lord said I I can be no more yours than I was and it must be with the ancient savings and if I grow to be a rich man you will give me leave to give it back a gain to some of your un-rewarded followers But to return Sure I am though I can arrogate nothing to my self but that I was a faithful Remembrancer to your Lordship that while I had most credit with him his fortune went on best and yet in too many points we always directly and condradictorily differed which I will mention to your Lordship because it giveth light to all that followed The one was I alwayes set this down That the only course to be held with the Queen was by obsequiousness and observance and I remember I would usually gage confidently that if he would take that course constantly and with choice of good particulars to express it the Queen would be brought in time to Ahasuerus Question to ask What should be done to the man that the King would honour meaning that her goodness was without limit where there was a true concurrence which I knew in her nature to be true My Lord on the other side had a setled opinion that the Queen should be brought to nothing but by a kind of necessity and authority and I well remember when by violent Courses at any time he had got his Will he would ask me Now Sir whose Principles be true and I would again say to him My Lord these Courses be like to hot waters they will help at a pang but if you use them you shall spoil the stomack and you shall be fain still to make them stronger and stronger and yet in the end they will lose their operation with much other variety wherewith I used to touch that string Another point was That I alwayes vehemently perswaded him from seeking greatness by a Military dependance or by a Popular dependance as that which would breed in the Queen Jealousie in himself Presumption and in the State Perturbation and I did usually compare them to Icarus two wings which were joined on with wax and would make him venture to soar too high and then fail him at the height And I would further say unto him My Lord stand upon two feet and flie not upon two wings The two feet are the two kinds of Justice commutative and distributive use your greatness for advancing of merit and vertue and relieving wrongs and burthens you shall need no other art of sineness but he would tell me that opinion came not from my mind but from my robe But it is very true that I that never meant to enthrall my self to my Lord of Essex nor any other man more than stood with the publick good did though I could little prevail divert him by all means possible from Courses of the Wars and Popularity for I saw plainly the Queen must either live or dye if she lived then the times would be as in the declination of an old Prince if she died the times would be as in the beginning of a new and that if his Lordship did rise too fast in these Courses the times might be dangerous for him and he for them Nay I remember I was thus plain with him upon his Voyage to the Islands when I saw every spring put forth such actions of charge and provocation that I said to him My Lord when I came first to you I took you for a Physitian that desired to cure the diseases of the State but now I doubt you will be like to those Physitians which can be content to keep their Patients long because they would alwayes be in request which plainness he nevertheless took very well as he had an excellent care and was patientissimus veri and assured me the case of the Realm required it and I think this speech of mine and the like renewed afterwards pricked him to write that Apology which is in many mens hands But this dfference in two points so main and material bred in process of time a discontinuance of privateness as it is the manner of men seldom to Communicate where they think their courses not approved between his Lordship and my self so as I was not called nor advised with for some year and a half before his Lordships going into Ireland as in former time yet
it hath been answered untill her cause may appear more probable for her innocency the Queens Majesty cannot with honor receive her personally but if the Queen will by any manner of means honorable let her cause appear to be void of the horrible crime imputed to her for the murthering of her husband she shall be aided and used with all honor whereunto she will give no resolute answer other then that if she may come personally to the Queens Majesty then she will let it appear how she standeth in the cause Hereupon we stand at a brawl she much offended that she hath not her requests and we much troubled with the difficulties finding neither her continuance here good nor her departing hence quiet for us We here speak of one La Mote that should come hither Yours assured W. Cecil From Havering the 13. of July in haste Postscript And for and x I pray you put them in comfort that if extremity should happen they must not be left for it is so universal a cause as none of the Religion can separate themselves one from another we must all pray together and stand fast together and further c. To the right honorable Sir Henry Norris Knight the Queens Majesties Ambassador Resident in France AFter my hearty commendations though here be no great cause of present dispatch to you yet for the return of this bearer your servant Darrington having been long here and also to let you understand of the Queens Majesty proceedings with the Queen of Scots since her being in this Realm and since my last letters to you I have taken this occasion to return him to you The Queen of Scots having long laboured the Queens Majesty both by Messages and Letters to have aid of her Majesty against the Lords of Scotland and by force to restore her to her Realm her Majesty could not finde it meet in honor so to do but rather to seek all other good means to compass it with quiet and honor wherein much travailing hath been spent Finally the Queen of Scots hath agreed that her matter shall be heard in this Realm before some good personages to be deputed by the Queens Majesty to meet with some of the Lords of Scotland about New-Castle or Durham or neer this way as shall be found fit and so to be reported to her Majesty This way being now resolved upon and accepted of all parts the Earl of Murray hath offered to come himself in person if her Majesty finde it good accompanyed with others of meet condition to any place and at any time that her Majesty will appoint and because the Lord Herreys having long been here for the Queen of Scots and lately gone to her hath on his Mistrisses behalf required that speed might be used in this matter the Queens Majesty hath by her special letters required the Earle of Murray that all expedition may be made either for his own or else that some others may come chosen to be persons of wisdom and dexterity and void of all particular passion in such a cause as this is and upon his answer of the persons that shall be thus appointed there the Queens Majesty will with all speed send like fit personages from hence to meet with them and in the mean time where they the Lords of Scotland had summoned a Parliament of their three Estates to assemble in this next August her Majesty hath required them to suspend the holding of the Parliament untill the issue of this matter to be heard by her Majesty may come to some end In this meeting the Queens Majesty doth not mean to charge the Queen of Scots but will hear what the Lords can alleadge for themselves to defend all their doings and proceedings for imprisoning and deposing their Queen and other matters published by them and thereof to cause report to be made to her to be answered and likewise to carry such matters as are to come from her against them and upon hearing of all parts as matters shall in truth fall out so doth her Majesty mean to deal further therein as honor will lead and move her to do Whilst these things have been in doing the Queens Majesty hath been advertised though not from the Queen of Scots that she hath deputed the whole Government of her Realm of Scotland to the Duke of Chastilheraulte thereby both to make a party as may be supposed betwixt him and the Earl of Murray and also to be the earnester to procure Forreign aid for his maintenance whereof her Majesty is informed there is a great appearance having obtained of the French King good numbers of Harquebuziers and others ready to embarque for Scotland which being true her Majesty hath good cause to let the said King understand that it is against his promise as your self knoweth best And so hath also the said Queen assured her Majesty that she will not procure any Strangers to come into Scotland for her use untill it may appear what will ensue of this meeting But if the contrary fall out either by her own means or by the procuring of the said Duke of Chastilherault in France the Queens Majesty will not onely forbear to deal any further for the benefit of the Queen of Scots as hitherto her Highness hath done with all honor and sincerity having had as great care of her cause as she her self could have but shall be justly moved to do otherwise then the said Queen or her friends abroad would wish Thus much I thought good to impart unto you of these matters to the end that if you being there finde indeed that the said Duke doth obtain any such aide there to be sent into Scotland you may take occasion to deal therein with the King or with such as you know fittest for the stay thereof The Queen is now removed lately from Carlile to Bolton Castle a house of the Lord Scroops about 30. miles within the land fitter in all respects for her to lye at then Carlile being a Town for Frontier and War the Queens Majesty doth cause her to be very well and honorably used and accompanied And thus having no other present matter to write unto you I thought good herewith to return your servant to you wishing you right heartily well to do From the Court at Endfield the 25. of July 1568. After the end of this letter your servant Wall arrived here with your letters to the Lord Steward the Earl of Leicester and to me for answer to the letter which we wrote to you which letter after I had caused to be deciphered I sent to the Court to them my self being at my house near Waltham not well at ease nor in case to go to Court I long much to hear answer of letters sent by your Lackque touching the matter of an Italian whereof I doubt the Queens Majesty is more careful to hear then she doth here express at this time I have received a letter from an Italian there with you who
wherein Queen Elizabeth Reigneth in good felicity I am delivered of the excuse wherewith the best writers of Histories are troubled in their Poems when they go about without breaking the bounds of modesty to give a reason why they should write that again which others have written well or at least tolerably before For those which I am to follow are such as I may fear rather the reproach of coming unto their number than the opinion of presumption if I hope to do better than they But in the mean time it must be considered That the best of the ancient Histories were contrived out of divers particular Commentaries Relations and Narrations which it was not hard to digest with ornament and thereof to compound one entire Story And as at first such Writers had the ease of others labours so since they have the whole Commendation in regard their former writings are for the most part lost whereby their borrowings do not appear But unto me the disadvantage is great finding no publick memories of any consideration or worth that the supply must be out of the freshness of memory and tradition and out of the Acts Instruments and Negotiations of State themselves together with the glances of Forreign Histories which though I do acknowledge to be the best Originals and Instructions out of which to write an History yet the travel must be much greater than if there had been already digested any tolerable Chronicle as a single Narration of the Actions themselves which should only have needed out of the former helps to be inriched with the Councels and Speeches and notable Particularities And this was the reason while I might not attempt to go higher to more ancient times because those helps and grounds did more and more fail although if I be not decieved I may truly affirm that there have no things passed ever in this Nation which have produced greater Actions nor more worthy to be delivered to the Ages hereafter For they be not the great Wars and Conquests which many times are works of Fortune and fall out in barbarous times the rehearsal whereof maketh the profitable and instructing History but rather times refined in policies and industries new and rare variety of accidents and alterations equal and just encounters of State and State in forces and of Prince and Prince in sufficiency that bring upon the stage the best parts for observation Now if you look into the general natures of the times which I have undertaken throughout Europe whereof the times of this Nation must needs participate you shall find more knowledge in the World than was in the Ages before whereby the wits of men which are the shops wherein all actions are forged are more furnished and improved Then if you shall restrain your Consideration to the state of this Monarchy first there will occur unto you Changes rare and altogether unknown unto Antiquity in matters of Religion and the State Ecclesiastical Then to behold the several Reigns of a King that first or next the first became absolute in the Sovereignty of a King in minority of a Queen married to a Forreigner and lastly of a Queen that hath governed without the help either of a marriage or of any mighty man of her blood is no small variety in the affairs of a Monarchy but such as perhaps in four Successions in any State at any time is hardly to be found Besides there have not wanted examples within the compasse of the same times neither of an Usurpation nor of Rebellions under heads of greatness nor of Commotions meerly popular nor of sundry desperate Conspirators an unwonted thing in hereditary Monarchies nor of Forreign Wars of all sorts invasive repulsive of Invasion open and declared covert and under-hand by Sea by Land Scottish French Spanish Succors Protections new and extraordinary kinds of Confederations with Subjects Generally without question the State of this Nation had never a longer reach to import the unusual Affairs of Europe as that which was in the former part of the time the Counterpoise between France and Spain and in the latter the only encounter and opposition again Spain Add hereunto the new Discoveries and Navigations abroad the new provisions of Laws and Presidents of State at home and the Accidents mememorable both of Sate and of Court and there will be no doubt but the times which I have chosen are of all former times in this Nation the fittest to be registred if it be not in this respect that they be of too fresh a memory which point I know very well will be a prejudice as if this story were written in favour of the time present But it shall suffice unto me without betraying mine own name and memory or the liberty of a History to procure this commendation to the time with the Posterity namely That a private man living in the same time should not doubt to publish an History of the time which should not carry any shew or taste at all of flattery a point noted for an infallible Demonstration of a good time King Henry the Seventh of that name after he had lived about 52. years and thereof Reigned 23. and some months deceased of a Consumption the 22. day of April in the Palace which he had built at Richmond in the year of our redemption 1504. This King attained unto the Crown not only from a private fortune which might endow him with moderation but also from the fortune of an exile man which had quickned in him all seeds of observation and Industry His times were rather prosperous than calme for he was assailed with many troubles which he overcame happily a matter that did not lesse set forth his wisdom than his fortune and yet such a wisdom as seemed rather a dexterity to deliver himself from dangers when they pressed him than any deep foresight to prevent them afar off Jealous he was over the greatness of his Nobility as remembring how himself was set up And much more did this humour encrease in him after he had conflicted with some such Idols and Counterfeits as were Lambert Symnell and Perkine Warbeck The strangeness of which dangers made him think nothing safe whereby he was forced to descend to the imployment of secret Espials and suborned Conspirators a necessary remedy against so dark and subtile practises and not to be reprehended except it were true which some report That he had intelligence with Confessors for the revealing matters disclosed in Confession and yet if a man compare him with the King his Concurrents in France and Spain he shall find him more politique than Lewis the Twelfth of France and more entire and sincere than Ferdinando of Spain upon whom nevertheless he did handsomly bestow the envy of the death of Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick Great and devout reverence he bear to Religion as he that employed Ecclesiastical men in most of his affairs and negotiations and as he that was brought hardly and very late to the
Duke of Chastillherault over all They raise Forces against the Regent are Routed 139. A Couragious Answer from Queen Elizabeth to the French Ambassadour and the Audience adjourned 140. She sends a Ring to Marshal Montmorancy his wife 141. The Bishop of Rhemes Ambassador from France is offended that the doctrine of Rome is said to be contrary to Christs deducing consequently that his Mr. should be reputed no Christian and how that Speech was salved The Cardinal Chastillons Wife comes over 141 142. The Reason of the Cardinals coming into England Ships sent by the Queen to preserve the Bourdeaux Fleet. The Queen of Scots Case not defensible and the Consequence thereof 144. Matters about the Queen of Scots Chastillion highly commended 144 145. The Cause of the Queen of Scots to be heard here 146. Passages touching the differences between the King and the Prince of Conde Pag. 147. Matters against the Queen of Scots very bad 148. Sir Henry Norris claims the Lord Dacres Lands 149. Three manner of wayes proposed for ending the Scottish differences 150. Spanish Treasure stayed ibid. 151 156. The Parliament of Scotland declares the Queen of Scots privy to the murder of her Husband 152. D'Assonvill comes over Without Commission and desires Conference with the Spanish Ambassadour but denied 153. Hawkins his Return to Mounts Bay from the Indies with Treasure The Queen of Scots at Tetbury under the charge of the Earl of Shrewsbury 153. The French Ambassadors Currier searched and the Reason of it 154. The Prince of Conde slain in Battel against the King 157. The 13th of March had two great Effects 158. Differences in Scotland accorded 159. But not observed 160. Sir William Cecil laments the misfortune of France means made to accord with the Low Countries Scottish Nobility reconciled 61. Original Letters intercepted by persons of credit in the FrenchCourt of advertisement concerning the Queen of Scots and the Duke of Anjou Pag. 161. That the said Queen should transfer her title on the said Duke to learn more truth hereof and advertise with speed The Queens Ships far excel others 162. The Queen of Scots excuseth her Transaction with the Duke of Anjou 163 164. A Rebellion in the West-part of Ireland and the Spaniards aid feared 164. My Lord of Shrewsbury strucken with a Palsie and a Phrensie 165. The Parisians execute two Merchants whom the King had pardon'd The English Ambassador taxed for dealing with the Kings Rebels 166. The Earl of Desmond's great Rebellion in Ireland but dispersed 167 168. An Italian sent hither upon a Devilish attempt An Insurrection in Suffolk Queen Elizabeth desires to be rid of the Queen of Scots 169. The Queen offended at the Duke of Norfolk about his Marriage Sir William Cecil his good Friend therein my Lords of Arundel and Pembroke confined to their Lodgings about it and so is the Lord Lumley My Lord of Huntington joined with the Earl of Shrewsbury in the custody of the Scots Queen 172. The King of Spains designs with the Irish. Pag. 173. The grand Rebellion in the North and the pretences thereof and their numbers and names 174 175. A Report of the death of the Count Nassau the Northern Rebellion scattered and their Ring-leaders fled 176. Extracts of Letters out of the north The two Rebellious Earls in Liddesdale but flee from thence The Countess of Northumberland and her attendants robbed in Scotland The Earls flee with about 50. horse Westmerland changeth his coat of plate sword and travails like a Scottish borderer many others taken 177 178 The Regent of Scotland takes the Earl of Northumberland and others The Lord Fernhurst and Bucklugh aiders of them p. 178 The Murther of the Regent of Scotland at Lithgo by Hambleton of Bothwell Hall The Earl of Sussex his wise and noble carriage The Hambletons strongly suspected for the murder and why 179 180 The French Embassador makes 3 demands of the Queen in behalf of the Queen of Scots p. 181 Sir William Cecil names to the Queen Mr. Francis Walsingham and Mr. Henry Killigrew to succeed Sir Henry Norris in France p. 182 The Earl of Sussex goes again into Scotland The Bishop of Ross writes a Book in defence of the Queen of Scots and dangerous against Queen Elizabeth Pag. 183. The Earls of Worcester and Huntington made Knights of the Order p. 184 The Earl of Sussex and the Lord Hunsdon enter Scotland with fire and sword 50. Castles and 300 Villages burnt p. 184 185 The Lord Scroop Warden of the West Marshes makes great devastation in Scotland The Castle of Hume surrendred to the Lords of Sussex and Hunsdon and well fortified for the Queens service A great part of the Scotish borderers obediently adhere to their King and offer dependance upon the Queens Majesty The contrary part act rebelliously A great meeting of Lords on both sides at Edenburgh in Armes to try who shall have the authority p. 186 187 Simon Musgrage General of the horse routs the Lord Maxell is in some distress by him but is relieved by the Lord Scroop 's forces and the Maxwels and several other Lords escaped by flight Drumlangricks servants and tenants although pretended favorers of the King and Queen cruel to the English Dumfriese a Receptacle of English Rebels p. 187 188 The Queen of Scots desires cessation of Armes the Bishop of Ross plots against the Queen p. 189 Sir Henry Norris to be revoked and Mr. Walsingham to go in his place ibid. The Marshal of Berwick betray'd by the Bishop of St. Andrews and other Lords who under colour and treaty with him intended to have slain him he destroys the Hambletons Castles and houses Pag. 190. The Earl of Southampton for complyance with the Bishop of Ross is committed close prisoner to the Sheriff of London The fond Lord Morley withdraws to Lovain p. 191 The French King mediates for the Queen of Scots the Queen keeps some Castles in Scotland until her subjects of England should have satisfaction p. 191 192 Sir William Cecil and Sir Walter Mildmay are sent Commissioners to the Scotch Queen and they like not the message The Lord Coke to King James touching tryal of Duels out of England occasioned by putting to death of Doubty beyond the Seas by Sir Francis Drake that crime tryable only before the Constable and Marshal of England p. 193 194 H. THe History of the Reign of King Henry the 8th King Edward the 6th Queen Mary and part of Queen Eliz. p. 194 195 I. Exquisitely begun but left imprfect Two Copies of Letters from King James to the Lords touching abatement of his houshold charge and the means of redresse p. 198 199 From the King to the Lord Bacon in commendation of his book caled the Organon To Sir Thomas Coventry Atturney General commanding him to prepare a pardon of the whole sentence pronounc'd against my Lord Bacon p. 200 201 S. SIr Philip Sidney to the Queen diswading her from her marriage with Mounsieur most elegantly and judiciously penned p. 201 202 203 A most quaint Speech made by the Lord Bacon then Sollicitor General at the arraignment of the Lord Sanquir as well in extenuation as aggravation of the murder of Turner 209 210 c. The Countess of Shrewsburies Case touching the Marriage of the Lady Arabella and her refusal to be examined therein 212 213. T. SIR Nicholas Throckmorton Ambassador in France to Q. Elizabeth touching a free passage for the Q of Scots through England into Scotland several Politick Reasons urged on both sides between him the Queen of Scots and the Queen-Mother of France 214 215 216 c. FINIS ERRATA PAge 72. line 16. for bnt read but. p. 89. l. 22. for Twilknam r. Twitnam p. 97 l. 3. for fortunas suas r. fortunae suae p. 116. l. 3. for Moleneux r. Molineux p. 120. in fine for name r. named p. 130. l. 9. for what r. with and l. 7. for not r. now p. 137. l. 12. for to r. to be p 165. l. 6. for there r. here p. 173. l. 9. or 10. for over r. fromus p. 182. l. 14. for inferrior r. inferior p. 208. l. 18. for Holladour r. Hollander and in the same line for le r. he p. 211. l. 21. for Luedia r. Suedia p. 224. l. 26. for Abeville r. Abbeville 27 E. 3. Cap. 1. 4 H. 4. Cap. 23. These that follow are but indigested Notes Entertainment above ordinary To know the cause thereof Her Majestie much mislikes of the Prince of Conde and Thadnur Lords of France The Lords of the Council do all they can to cover the same Her Majesty being a Prince her self is doubtful to give comfort to subjects Our Ambassador to comfort them nevertheless as occasion serves Expectation of the Queens marrying with the Archduke Charles In Scotland all quiet the Scotish Queen still in Loughlevin and in health Murray ruleth quietly as Regent Original lettere intercepted by persons of credit in the French ourt of Advertisement concerning the Q of Scots and Duke of Anjou That the said Scotish Queen should transfer her Title on the said Duke To learn more truth hereof and advertise with speed This precisely denyed by the other side To send a trusty person to Marcells 19. Febr. 1616. Note before this Statute Criminal Causes were often adjudged in Parliament