years And as Tacitus noteth well That the Capitoll though built in the beginnings of Rome yet was fit for the great Monarchy that came after So that Building of Lawes sufficeth the Greatnesse of the Empire of Spaine which since hath ensued Lewis the eleuenth had it in his minde though he performed it not to haue made one constant Law of France Extracted out of the Ciuill Roman Law and the Customes of Prouinces which are Various and the Kings Edicts which with the French are Statutes Surely he mought haue done well if like as he brought the Crowne as he said himselfe from Page So he had brought his People from Lacquay Not to runne vp and downe for their Lawes to the Ciuill Law and the Ordinances and the Customes the Discretions of Courts discourses of Philosophers as they vse to doe King Henry the Eighth in the twenty seuenth yeare of his Reigne was authorized by Parliament to nominate 32. Commissioners part Ecclesiasticall and part Temporall To purge the Canon Law and to make it agreeable to the Law of God and the Law of the Land But it tooke not effect For the Acts of that King were commonly rather Proffers and Fames than either well grounded or well pursued But I doubt I erre in producing so many examples For as Cicero said to Caesar so may I say to your Maiestie Nil vulgare te dignum videri possit Though indeed this well vnderstood is farre from Vulgar For that the Lawes of the most Kingdomes and States haue beene like Buildings of many peeces patched vp from time to time according to occasions without Frame or Modell Now for the Lawes of England if I shall speake my Opinion of them without partiality either to my Profession or Country for the Matter and Nature of them I hold them Wise lust and Moderate Lawes They giue to God they giue to Caesar they giue to the Subiect what appertaineth It is true they are as mixt as our Language compounded of Brittish Roman Saxon Danish Norman Customes And surely as our Language is thereby so much the richer So our Lawes are likewise by that Mixture the more compleat Neither doth this attribute lesse to them than those that would haue them to haue stood out the same in all Mutations For no Tree is so good first set as by transplanting and Grafting I remember what happened to Callisthenes that followed Alexanders Court and was growne into some displeasure with him because he could not well brooke the Persian Adoration At a Supper which with the Grecians was a great part Talke he was desired the King being present because he was an Eloquent Man to speake of some Theme Which he did And chose for his Theme the praise of the Macedonian Nation Which though it were but a filling Thing to praise Men to their Faces yet he performed it with such aduantage of Truth and auoidance of Flattery and with such Life as was much applauded by the Hearers The King was the lesse pleased with it not louing the Man and by way of discountenance said It was easie to be a good Oratour in a pleasing Theme But saith he to him Turne your stile And tell vs now of our faults that we may haue the profit and not you the praise onely Which he presently did with such Quicknesse that Alexander said That Malice made him Eloquent then as the Theme had done before I shall not fall into either of these Extremes in this Subiect of the Lawes of England I haue commended them before for the Matter but surely they aske much Amendment for the Forme Which to reduce and perfect I hold to be one of the greatest Dowries that can be confer'd vpon this Kingdome Which Worke for the Excellency as it is worthy your Maiesties Act and Times So it hath some circumstance of Propriety agreeable to your Person God hath blessed your Maiesty with Posterity And I am not of opinion that Kings that are barren are fittest to supply Perpetuity of Generations by perpetuity of Noble Acts But contrariwise that they that leaue Posterity are the more interessed in the Care of Future Times That as well their Progeny as their People may participate of their Merit Your Maiesty is a great Master in Iustice and Iudicature And it were pity the fruit of that your Vertue should not bee transmitted to the Ages to come Your Maiestie also reigneth in learned times the more no doubt in regard of your owne Perfection in Learning and your Patronage thereof And it hath beene the Mishap of Works of this nature that the lesse Learned Time hath sometimes wrought vpon the more Learned Which now will not be so As for my selfe the Law was my Profession to which I am a Debter Some little Helps I haue of other Arts which may giue Forme to Matter And I haue now by Gods mercifull Chastisement and by his speciall Prouidence time and leisure to put my Talent or halfe-Talent or what it is to such Exchanges as may perhaps exceed the Interest of an Actiue Life Therefore as in the beginning of my Troubles I made offer to your Maiestie to take paines in the Story of England and in compiling a Method and Digest of your Lawes So haue I performed the first which rested but vpon my selfe in some part And I doe in all humblenesse renew the offer of this latter which will require Helpe and Assistance to your Maiestie if it shall stand with your good pleasure to imploy my Seruice therein THE HISTORY OF THE REIGNE OF KING Henry the Eighth LONDON ¶ Printed by IOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson 1629. THE HISTORY OF THE REIGNE OF King HENRIE The Eighth AFter the Decease of that Wise Fortunate King King Henry the 7 who died in the Height of his Prosperity there followed as vseth to doe when the Sun setteth so exceeding cleare one of the fairest Mornings of a Kingdome that hath beene knowne in this Land or any where else A young King about 18. yeares of Age for Stature Strength Making and Beauty one of the goodliest Persons of his time And though he were giuen to Pleasure yet he was likewise desirous of Glory So that there was a passage open in his Minde by Glory for Vertue Neither was he vn-adorned with Learning though therein he came short of his Brother Arthur He had neuer any the least pique Difference or Iealousie with the King his Father which might giue any occasion of altering Court or Counsell vpon the change but all things passed in a Still He was the first Heire of the White and the Red Rose So that there was no discontented Party now left in the Kingdome but all Mens Hearts turned towards him And not onely their Hearts but their Eyes also For he was the onely Sonne Of the Kingdome He had no Brother which though it be a comfortable thing for Kings to haue yet it draweth the subiects Eyes a little aside And yet being a married Man in those young yeares it promised hope of speedy Issue to succeed in the Crowne Neither was there any Queene Mother who might share any way in the Gouernment or clash with his Counsellours for Authority while the King intended his pleasure No such thing as any Great and Mighty Subiect who might any way eclipse or ouershade the Imperiall Power And for the people and State in generall they were in such lownesse of obedience as Subiects were like to yeeld who had liued almost foure and twenty yeares vnder so politique a King as his Father Being also one who came partly in by the sword And had so high a Courage in all points of Regalitie And was euer victorious in Rebellions and Seditions of the People The Crowne extremely rich and full of Treasure and the Kingdome like to be so in short time For there was no War no Dearth no Stop of Trade or Commerce it was onely the Crowne which had sucked too hard and now being full and vpon the head of a young King was like to Draw lesse Lastly he was Inheritour 〈◊〉 Fathers Reputation which was great 〈◊〉 ouâ— the World He had streight â—â—â—nceâ— with the two Neighbour States 〈…〉 Enemy in 〈◊〉 to times and an 〈…〉 Friâ—â—d Scotland and Burgundy He had Peace and Amitie with France vnder the Assuâ—â—â—â— not only of Treatie and League but of Necessâ—â—e and Inhabilitie in the French to doe him hurt in respect that the French Kings Designes were wholly bent vpon Italy So that it may be truly said there had scarcely beene seene or knowne in many Ages such a rare Concurrence of Signes and Promises of a happy and flourishing Reigne to ensue as were now met in this young King called after his Fathers name HENRY the Eighth c. FINIS
to call it A necessity imposed vpon the Lacedemonians of a Warre Which are the Words of a meere Defensiue Adding that the other Causes were but specious and Popular Verissimam quidem sed minimè sermone celebratam arbitror extitisse Belli Causam Athenienses magnos effectos Lacedemonijs formidolosos necessitatem illis imposuisse Bellandi Quae autem propalam ferebantur vtrinque Causae istae fuerunt c. The truest Cause of this Warre though least voyced I conceiue to haue beene this That the Athenians being growne great to the terrour of the Lacedemonians did impose vpon them a necessity of a Warre But the Causes that went abroad in speech were these c. Sulpitius Galba Consul when he perswaded the Romans to a Preuentiue Warre with the latter Philip King of Macedon in regard of the great Preparations which Philip had then on foot and his Designes to ruine some of the Confederates of the Romans confidently saith That they who tooke that for an Offensius War vnderstood not the state of the Question Ignorare videmini mihi Quirites non vtrum bellum an pacem habeatis vos consuli neque enim liberum id vobis permittet Philippus qui terrâ marique ingens bellum molitur sed vtrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis an hostem in Italiam recipiatis Ye seeme to me ye Romans not to vnderstand that the Consultation before you is not whether you shall haue Warre or Peace for Philip will take order you shall be no choosers who prepareth a mighty Warre both by Land and Sea but whether you shall transport the Warre into Macedon or receiue it into Italy Antiochus when he incited Prusias King of Bithynia at that time in league with the Romans to ioyne with him in Warre against them setteth before him a iust Feare of the ouerspreading Greatnesse of the Romans comparing it to a Fire that continually tooke and spread from Kingdome to Kingdome Venire Romanos ad omnia Regna tollenda vt nullum vsquam orbis terrarum nisi Romanum imperium esset Philippum Nabin expugnatos se tertium peti Vt quisque proximus ab oppresso sit per omnes velut continens incendium peruasurū That the Romans came to pull downe all Kingdomes and to make the State of Rome an vniuersall Monarchie That Philip and Nabis were already ruinated and now was his turn to be assailed So that as euery State lay next to the other that was oppressed so the fire perpetually grazed Wherein it is well to be noted that towards ambitious States which are noted to aspire to great Monarchies and to seeke vpon all occasions to enlarge their Dominions Crescunt Argumenta iusti Metus All particular feares doe grow and multiply out of the Contemplation of the generall Courses and Practice of such States Therefore in Deliberations of Warre against the Turke it hath beene often with great iudgement maintained That Christian Princes and States haue alwayes a sufficient Ground of Inuasiue Warre against the Enemie Not for Cause of Religion but vpon a iust Feare Forasmuch as it is a Fundamentall Law in the Turkish Empire that they may without any other prouocation make warre vpon Christendome for the Propagation of their Law So that there lieth vpon the Christians a perpetuall Feare of a Warre hanging ouer their heads from them And therefore they may at all times as they thinke good be vpon the Preuention Demosthenes exposeth to scorne Wars which are not Preuentiue comparing those that make them to country Fellowes in a Fence Schoole that neuer ward till the blow be past Vt Barbari Pugiles dimicare solent ita vos bellum geritis cum Philippo Ex his enim is qui ictus est ictui semper inhaeret Quod si eum alibi verberes illò manus transfert Ictum autem depellere aut prospicere neque scit neque vult As Country Fellowes vse to doe when they play at Wasters such a kinde of warre doe you Athenians make with Philip For with them hee that gets a blow streight falleth to ward when the blow is past And if you strike him in another place thither goes his hand likewise But to put by or foresee a blow they neither haue the skill northe will Clinias the Candian in Plato speaks desperately and wildly As if there were no such thing as Peace betweene Nations But that euery Nation expects but his aduantage to Warre vpon another But yet in that Excesse of Speech there is thus much that may haue a ciuill Construction Namely that euery State ought to stand vpon his guard and rather preuent than be preuented His words are Quam rem ferè vocant Pacem nudum inane Nomen est Reuera autem omnibus aduersus omnes Ciuitates bellum sempiternum perdurat That which Men for the most part call Peace is but a naked and empty Name But the truth is that there is euer betweene all Estates a secret Warre I know well this Speech is the Obiection and not the Decision and that it is after refuted But yet as I said before it beares thus much of Truth That if that generall Malignity and Predisposition to Warre which hee vntruly figureth to be in all Nations be produced and extended to a iust Feare of being oppressed then it is no more a true Peace but a Name of a Peace As for the Opinion of Iphicrates the Athenian it demands not so much towards a Warre as a iust Feare But rather commeth neare the Opinion of Clinias As if there were euer amongst Nations a Brooding of a War and that there is no sure League but Impuissance to doe hurt For he in the Treaty of Peace with the Lacedemonians speaketh plaine language Telling them there could be no true and secure Peace except the Lacedemonians yeelded to those things which being granted it would be no longer in their power to hurt the Athenians though they would And to say truth if one marke it well this was in all Memory the maine peece of Wisdome in strong and prudent Counsels To bee in perpetuall watch that the States about them should neither by Approach nor by Encrease of Dominion nor by Ruining Confederates nor by blocking of Trade nor by any the like meanes haue it in their power to hurt or annoy the States they serue And whensoeuer any such Cause did but appeare straight-wayes to buy it out with a Warre and neuer to take vp Peace at credit and vpon Interest It is so memorable as it is yet as fresh as if it were done yesterday how that Triumuirate of Kings Henry the eight of England Francis the first of France and Charles the fifth Emperour and King of Spaine were in their times so prouident as scarce a Palme of Ground could bee gotten by either of the Three but that the other Two would be sure to doe their best to set the Ballance of Europe vpright againe And the like diligence was vsed in the Age before by
followed immediately after the Defeat a present yeelding vp of the Towne by Composition And not only so but an Auoiding by expresse Articles of Treaty accorded of all other Spanish Forces thorowout all Ireland from the Places and Nests where they had setlâ—d themselues in greater strength as in regard of the naturall Situation of the Places than that was of Kinsale Which were Castle-hauen Baltimore and Beere-hauen Indeed they went away with sound of Trumpet For they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the Reproaches they could deuise against the Irish Land and Nation Insomuch as D' Aquila said in open Treaty That when the Deuill vpon the Mount did shew Christ all the Kingdomes of the Earth and the Glory of them hee did not doubt but the Deuill left out Ireland and kept it for himselfe I cease here omitting not a few other Proofes of the English Valour and Fortune in these later times As at the Suburbs of Paris at the Raueline at Druse in Normandy some Encounters in Britanny and at Ostend and diuers others Partly because some of them haue not beene proper Encounters between the Spaniards and the English And partly because Others of them haue not beene of that greatnesse as to haue sorted in company with the Particulars formerly recited It is true that amongst all the late Aduentures the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins into the West-Indies was vnfortunate Yet in such sort as it doth not breake or interrupt our Prescription To haue had the better of the Spaniards vpon all fights of late For the Disaster of that Iourney was caused chiefly by sicknesse As might well appeare by the Deaths of both the Generals Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins of the same sicknesse amongst the rest The Land Enterprise of Panama was an ill measured and immature Counsell For it was grounded vpon a false account that the Passages towards Panama were no better fortified than Drake had left them But yet it sorted not to any Fight of importance but to a Retreit after the English had proued the strength of their first Fort and had notice of the two other Forts beyond by which they were to haue marched It is true that in the Returne of the English Fleet they were set vpon by Auellaneda Admirall of 20. great ships Spanish our Fleet being but 14 full of sicke men depriued of their two Generalls by Sea and hauing no pretence but to iourny homewards And yet the Spaniards did but salute them about the Cape de los Corientes with some small offer of Fight and came off with losse Although it was such a new thing for the Spaniards to receiue so little hurt vpon dealing with the English as Auellaneda made great bragges of it for no greater matter than the waiting vpon the English afarre off from Cape de los Corientes to Cape Antonio Which neuerthelesse in the Language of a Souldier and of a Spaniard hee called a Chace But before I proceed further it is good to meet with an Obiection which if it bee not remoued the Conclusion of Experience from the time past to the time present will not bee sound and perfect For it will be said that in the former times whereof wee haue spoken Spaine was not so mighty as now it is And England on the other side was more aforehand in all matters of Power Therefore let vs compare with indifferency these Disparities of times and we shall plainly perceiue that they make for the aduantage of England at this present time And because we will lesse wander in Generalities we wil six the Comparison to precise Times Comparing the State of Spaine and England in the yeare 88. with this present yeare that now runneth In handling this Point I will not meddle with any Personall Comparisons of the Princes Counsellors and Commanders by Sea or Land that were then and that are now in both Kingdomes Spaine and England But only rest vpon Reall Points for the true Ballancing of the State of the Forces and Affaires of both Times And yet these Personall Comparisons I omit not but that I could euidently shew that euen in these Personall Respects the Ballance swayes on our part But because I would say nothing that may sauour of a spirit of Flattery or Censure of the presen Gouernment First therefore it is certaine that Spaine hath not now a foot of Ground in quiet possession more than it had in 88. As for the Valtoline and the Palatinate it is a Maxime in State that all Countries of new Acquest till they be setled are rather Matters of Burthen than of Strength On the other side England hath Scotland vnited and Ireland reduced to obedience and planted which are mighty Augmentations Secondly in 88 the Kingdome of France able alone to counterpoize Spaine it selfe much more in coniunction was torne with the Party of the League which gaue law to their King and depended wholly vpon Spaine Now France is vnited vnder a valiant young King generally obeyed if he will himselfe King of Nauarre as well as of France And that is no wayes taken Prisoner though he be tied in a double chaine of Alliance with Spaine Thirdly in 88 there sate in the See of Rome a fierce Thundring Frier that would set all at six and seuen Or at six and fiue if you allude to his Name And though hee would after haue turned his teeth vpon Spaine yet he was taken order with before it came to that Now there is ascended to the Papacy a Personage that came in by a chaste Election no wayes obliged to the Party of the Spaniards A man bred in Ambassages Affaires of State That hath much of the Prince and nothing of the Frier And one that though he loue the Chaire of the Papacy well yet hee loueth the Carpet aboue the Chaire That is Italy and the Liberties thereof well likewise Fourthly in 88 the King of Denmarke was a stranger to England and rather inclined to Spaine Now the King is incorporated to the Bloud of England and Engaged in the Quarrell of the Palatinate Then also Venice Sauoy and the Princes and Cities of Germany had but a dull Feare of the Greatnesse of Spaine vpon a generall Apprehension only of the spreading and ambitious Designes of that Nation Now that Feare is sharpened and pointed by the Spaniardâ— late Enterprises vpon the Valtoline and the Palatinate which come nearer them Fifthly and lastly the Dutch which is the Spaniards perpetuall Duellist hath now at this present fiue Ships to one and the like Proportion in Treasure and Wealth to that they had in 88. Neither is it possible whatsoeuer is giueÌ„ out that the Cofers of Spain should now bee fuller than they were in 88. For at that Time Spaine had no other Warres saue those of the Low-Countries which were growne into an Ordinary Now they haue had coupled therewith the Extraordinary of the Valtoline and the Palatinate And so I conclude my
that League wherewith Guicciardine beginneth his Story and maketh it as it were the Kalender of the good dayes of Italy which was contracted betweene Ferdinando King of Naples Lorenzo of Medici Potentate of Florence and Lodouico Zforza Duke of Milan designed chiefly against the growing Power of the Venetians But yet so as the Confederates had a perpetuall eye one vpon another that none of them should ouertop To conclude therefore howsoeuer some Schoolemen otherwise Reuerend Men yet fitter to guide Penkniues than Swords seeme precisely to stand vpon it That euery Offensiue Warre must be Vltio A Reuenge that presupposeth a precedent Assault or Iniurie yet neither doe they descend to this Point which we now handle of a iust Feare Neither are they of authority to iudge this Question against all the Presidents of time For certainly as long as Men are Men the Sonnes as the Poets allude of Prometheus and not of Epimetheus and as long as Reason is Reason A iust Feare will be a iust Cause of a Preuentiue War But especially if it be Part of the Case that there be a Nation that is manifestly detected to aspire to Monarchie and new Acquests Then other States assuredly cannot be iustly accused for not staying for the first Blow Or for not accepting Poliphemus Courtesie to be the last that shall be eaten vp Nay I obsetue further that in that passage of Plato which I cited before and euen in the Tenet of that Person that beareth the Resoluing Part and not the Obiecting part a iust Feare is iustified for a Cause of an Inuasiue Warre though the fame Feare proceed not from the fault of the forraine State to bee assailed For it is there insinuated That if a State out of the distemper of their owne Body doe feare Sedition and intestine Troubles to breake out amongst themselues they may discharge their owne ill Humours vpon a forraine Warre for a Cure And this kind of Cure was tendred by Iasper Coligni Admirall of France to Charles the ninth the French King when by a viue and forcible perswasion he moued him to a warre vpon Flanders for the better Extinguishment of the Ciuill Warres of France But neither was that Counsell prosperous Neither will I maintaine that Position For I will neuer set Politiques against Ethicks Especially for that true Ethicks are but as a Handmaid to Diuinity and Religion Surely Saint Thomas who had the largest heart of the Schoole Diuines bendeth chiefly his stile against the depraued Passions which reigne in making Warres speaking out of S. Augustine Nocendi Cupiditas vlciscendi Crudelitas implacatus implacabilis Animus Feritas Rebellandi Libido Dominandi si quae sunt similia haec sunt quae in Bellis iure culpantur And the same Saint Thomas in his owne Text defining of the iust Causes of a Warre doth leaue it vpon very generall Tearmes Requiritur ad Bellum Causa iusta vt scilicet illi qui impugnantur propter aliquam culpam Impugnationem mereantur For Impugnatio Culpae is a farre more generall word than vltio Iniuriae thus much for the first Proposition of the Second Ground of a War with Spaine Namely that a iust Feare is a iust Cause of a War And that a Preuentiue Warre is a true Defensiue The Second or Minor Proposition was this That this Kingdome hath Cause of iust Feare of Ouerthrow from Spaine Wherein it is true thaâ— Feares are euer seene in dimmer lights than Facts And on the other side Feares vse many times to be represented in such an Imaginary fashion as they rather dazell Mens eyes than open them And therefore I will speake in that manner which the Subiect requires That is probably and moderately and briefly Neither will I deduce thâ—se Feares to present Occurrences but point only at generall Grounds leauing â—he rest to more secret Counsels Is it nothing that the Crowne of Spaine hath enlarged the Bounds thereof within this last sixscore yeares much more than the Ottomans I speake not of Matches or Vnions but of Armes Occupations Inuasions Granada Naples Milan Portugal the East and West Indies All these are actuall Additions to that Crowne They had a mind to French Britaine the lower Part of Piccardi and Piemont but they haue let fall their Bit. They haue at this day such a houering possession of the Valtoline as an Hobby hath ouer a Larke And the Palatinate is in their Tallons So that nothing is more manifest than that this Nation of Spaine runnes a race still of Empire When all other States of Christendome stand in effect at a stay Looke then a little further into the Titles whereby they haue acquired and doe now hold these new Portions of their Crowne and you will finde them of so many varieties and such natures to speake with due respect as may appeare to be easily minted and such as can hardly at any time be wanting And therefore so many new Conquests Purchases so many Strokes of the Larum Bell of Feare and Awaking to other Nations And the Facility of the Titles which hand ouerhead haue serued their turne doth ring the Peale so much the sharper and the lowder Shall wee descend from their generall Disposition to inlarge their Dominions to their particular Disposition and Eye of Appetite which they haue had towards vs They haue now twice sought to impatronise themselues of this Kingdome of England once by Marriage with Queene Mary And the second time by Conquest in 88. when their Forces by Sea and Land were not inferiour to those they haue now And at that time in 88. the Counsell and Designe of Spaine was by many aduertisements reuealed and laid open to bee That they found the Warre vpon the Low-Countries so churlish and longsome as they grew then to a Resolution That as long as England stood in state to succour those Countries they should but consume themselues in an endlesse Warre And therefore there was no other way but to assaile and depresse England which was as a Backe of Steele to the Flemmings And who can warrant I pray that the same Counsell and Designe will not returne againe So as we are in a strange Dilemma of Danger For if wee suffer the Flemmings to be ruined they are our Out-worke and wee shall remaine Naked and Dismantled If wee succour them strongly as is fit and set them vpon their feet and doe not withall weaken Spaine we hazard to change the Scene of the War and to turne it vpon Ireland or England Like vnto Rheumes and Defluxions which if you apply a strong Repercussiue to the Place affected and doe not take away the Cause of the Disease will shift and fall straightwayes to another Ioynt or Place They haue also twice inuaded Ireland Once vnder the Popes Banner when they were defeated by the Lo. Grey And after in their owne name when they were defeated by the Lo. Mountioy So as let this suffice for a Taste of their Disposition towards vs. But it
Answer to the Obiection raised touching the Difference of times Not entring into more secret Passages of State But keeping that Character of Stile whereof Seneca speaketh Plus significat quà m loquitur Here I would passe ouer from Matter of Experience were it not that I held it necessary to discouer a wonderfull Erroneous obseruation that walketh about and is commonly receiued contrary to all the true Account of Time and Experience It is that the Spaniard where he once getteth in will seldome or neuer be got out againe But nothing is lesse true than this Not long since they got footing at Brest and some other parts in French Brittaine after quitted them They had Calais Ardes and Amiens and rendred them or were beaten out They had since Verseilles and faire left it They had the other day the Valtoline and now haue put it in deposite What they will doe with Ormus which the Persian hath taken from them we shall see So that to speake truly of later Times they haue rather poched and offered at a Number of Enterprises than maintained any constantly quite contrary to that idle Tradition In more ancient times leauing their Purchases in Affricke which they after abandoned when their great Emperour Charles had clasped Germany almost in his fist he was forced in the end to goe from Isburg and as if it had beene in a Masque by Torch-light and to quit euery foot in Germany round that he had gotten Which I doubt not will be the hereditary Issue of this late Purchase of the Palatinate And so I conclude the Ground that I haue to think that Spain will be no Ouermatch to Great Britaine if his Maiesty shall enter into a Warre out of Experience and the Records of Time For Grounds of Reason they are many I will extract the principall and open them briefly and as it were in the Bud. For Situation I passe it ouer Though it be no small point England Scotland Ireland and our good Confederates the Vnited Prouinces lie al in a plump together not accessible but by Sea or at least by passing of great Riuers which are Naturall Fortifications As for the Dominions of Spaine they are so scattered as it yeeldeth great choice of the scenes of the Warre and promiseth slow Succours vnto such Part as shall bee attempted There be three maine parts of Military Puissance Men Mony and Confederates For Men there are to be considered Valour and Number Of Valour I speake not Take it from the Witnesses that haue beene produced before Yet the old obseruation is not vntrue That the Spaniards Valour lieth in the Eye of the Looker on But the English Valour lieth about the Souldiers Heart A Valour of Glory and a Valour of Naturall Courage are two things But let that passe and let vs speake of Number Spaine is a Nation thin sowne of People Partly by reason of the Sterility of the Soile And partly because their Natiues are exhausted by so many Employments in such vast Territories as they possesse So that it hath beene counted a kind of Miracle to see ten or twelue thousand Natiue Spaniards in an Army And it is certaine as we haue touched it a little before in passage that the Secret of the Power of Spaine consisteth in a Veterane Army compounded of Miscellany Forces of all Nations which for many yeares they haue had on foot vpon one occasion or other And if there should happen the Misfortune of a Battell it would be a long worke to draw on supplies They tell a Tale of a Spanish Ambassadour that was brought to see the Treasury of S. Marke at Venice and still he looked downe to the Ground And being asked why he so looked downe said He was looking to see whether their Treasure had any Root so that if it were spent it would grow againe as his Masters had But howsoeuer it be of their Treasure certainly their Forces haue scarce any Root Or at least such a Root as buddeth forth poorely and slowly It is true they haue the Wallons who are tall Souldiers But that is but a Spot of Ground But on the other side there is not in the world againe such a Spring and Seminary of braue Militar People as is England Scotland Ireland and the Vnited Prouinces So as if Warres should mowe them downe neuer so fast yet they may be suddenly supplyed and come vp againe For Money no doubt it is the principall Part of the Greatnesse of Spaine For by that they maintaine their Veteran Army And Spaine is the only State of Europe that is a Money grower But in this Part of all others is most to be considered the ticklish and brittle State of the Greatnesse of Spaine Their Greatnesse consisteth in their Treasure Their Treasure in their Indies And their Indies if it bee well weighed are indeed but an Accession to such as are Masters by Sea So as this Axeltree whereupon their Greatnesse turneth is soone cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by Sea Herein therefore I refer me to the Opinions of all Men Enemies or whomsoeuer whether that the Maritime Forces of Great Britaine and the Vnited Prouinces bee not able to beat the Spaniard at Sea For if that bee so the Linkes of that chaine whereby they hold their Greatnesse are dissolued Now if it be said that admit the Case of Spaine bee such as wee haue made it yet wee ought to descend into our owne Case which wee shall finde perhaps not to be in State for Treasure to enter into a Warre with Spaine To which I answer I know no such thing The Mint beateth well And the Pulses of the Peoples Hearts beat well But there is another Point that taketh away quite this Obiection For whereas Warres are generally Causes of Pouerty or Consumption on the contrary part the speciall Nature of this Warre with Spaine if it be made by Sea is like to be a Lucratiue and Restoratiue Warre So that if we goe roundly on at the first the Warre in continuance will finde it selfe And therefore you must make a great difference betweene Hercules Labours by Land and Iasons Voyage by Sea for the Golden Fleece For Confederates I will not take vpon mee the knowledge how the Princes States and Counsels of Europe at this day stand affected towards Spaine For that trencheth into the secret Occurrents of the present Time wherewith in all this Treatise I haue forborne to meddle But to speake of that which lieth open and in view I see much Matter of Quarrell and Iealousie but little of Amity and Trust towards Spaine almost in all other Estates I see France is in competition with them for three noble Portions of their Monarchie Nauarre Naples and Millaine And now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline I see once in thirty or forty yeares commeth a Pope that casteth his eye vpon the Kingdome of Naples to recouer it to the Church As it was in the mindes
did Adams Sinne or the Curse vpon it depriue him of his Rule but left the Creatures to a Rebellion or Reluctation And therefore if you note it attentiuely when this Charter was renewed vnto Noah and his Sonnes it is not by the words You shall haue Dominion But Your Feare shall be vpon all the Beasts of the Land and the Birds of the Aire and all that moueth Not re-granting the Soueraignty which stood firme But protecting it against the Reluctation The sound Interpreters therefore expound this Image of God of Naturall Reason Which if it be totally or mostly defaced the Right of Gouernment doth cease And if you marke all the Interpreters well still they doubt of the Case and not of the Law But this is properly to be spoken to in handling the Second Point when we shall define of the Defacements To goe on The Prophet Hosea in the Person of God saith of the Iewes They haue reigned but not by me They haue set a Signory ouer themselues but I knew nothing of it Which Place proueth plainly that there are Gouernments which God doth not auow For though they be ordained by his Secret Prouidence yet they are not knowledged by his Reuealed Will Neither can this be meant of euill Gouernours or Tyrants For they are often auowed and stablished as lawfull Potentates But of some Peruersnesse and Defection in the very Nation it selfe Which appeareth most manifestly in that the Prophet speaketh of the Signory in Abstracto and not of the Person of the Lord. And although some Heretickes of those we spake of haue abused this Text yet the Sunne is not soiled in Passage And againe if any Man inferre vpon the words of the Prophets following which declare this Reiection and to vse the words of the Text Rescision of their Estate to haue beene for their Idolatry that by this Reason the Gouernments of all Idolatrous Nations should be also dissolued which is manifestly vntrue in my iudgement it followeth not For the Idolatry of the Iewes then and the Idolatry of the Heathen then and now are Sinnes of a farre differing Nature in regard of the speciall Couenant and the cleare Manifestations wherein God did contract and exhibit himselfe to that Nation This Nullity of Policy and Right of Estate in some Nations is yet more significantly expressed by Moses in his Canticle In the Person of God to the Iewes Yee haue incensed mee with Gods that are no Gods and I will incense you with a People that are no People Such as were no doubt the People of Canaan after Seisin was giuen of the Land of Promise to the Israelites For from that time their Right to the Land was dissolued though they remained in many Places vnconquered By this we may see that there are Nations in Name that are no Nations in Right but Multitudes onely and Swarms of People For like as there are Particular Persons vtlawed and proscribed by ciuill Lawes of seuerall Countries So are there Nations that are vtlawed and proscribed by the Law of Nature and Nations Or by the immediate Commandement of God And as there are Kings de Facto and not de Iure in respect of the Nullity of their Title So are there Nations that are Occupants de Facto and not de Iure of their Territories in respect of the Nullity of their Policy or Gouernment But let vs take in some Examples into the Midst of our Proofes For they will proue as much as put after And illustrate more It was neuer doubted but a Warre vpon Pyrates may be lawfully made by any Nation though not infested or violated by them Is it because they haue not Certas Sedes or Lares In the Pyraticall War which was atchieued by Pompey the Great and was his truest and greatest glory the Pyrates had some Cities sundry Ports and a great part of the Prouince of Cilicia And the Pyrates now being haue a Receptacle and Mansion in Algiers Beasts are not the lesse Sauage because they haue Dens Is it because the Danger houers as a Cloud that a Man cannot tell where it will fall And so it is euery Mans case The Reason is good But it is not all nor that which is most Alleadged For the true receiued Reason is that Pyrates are Communes Humani Generis Hostes Whom all Nations are to prosecute not so much in the Right of their owne Feares as vpon the Band of Humane Society For as there are Formall and written Leagues Respectiue to certaine Enemies So is there a Naturall and Tacite Confederation amongst all Men against the common Enemy of Humane Societie So as there needs no Intimation or Denunciation of the Warre There needs no Request from the Nation grieued But all these Formalities the Law of Nature supplies in the Case of Pyrates The same is the Case of Rouers by Land Such as yet are some Cantons in Arabia And some petty Kings of the Mountaines adiacent to Streights and Wayes Neither is it lawfull onely for the Neighbour Princes to destroy such Pyrates or Rouers But if there were any Nation neuer so farre off that would make it an Enterprise of Merit and true Glory as the Romans that made a Warre for the Liberty of Grecia from a distant and remote Part no doubt they mought doe it I make the same Iudgement of that Kingdome of the Assasins now destroyed which was situate vpon the Borders of Saraca And was for a time a great Terrour to all the Princes of the Leuant There the Custome was that vpon the Commandement of their King and a Blinde Obedience to be giuen thereunto any of them was to vndertake in the nature of a Votary the insidious Murther of any Prince or Person vpon whom the Commandement went This Custome without all question made their whole Gouernment void as an Engine built against Humane Society worthy by all Men to be fired and pulled downe I say the like of the Anabaptists of Munster And this although they had not beene Rebels to the Empire And put case likewise that they had done no Mischiefe at all actually yet if there shall be a Congregation and Consent of People that shall hold all Things to be lawfull Not according to any certaine Lawes or Rules but according to the secret and variable Motions and Instincts of the Spirit This is indeed no Nation no People no Signorie that God doth know Any Nation that is Ciuill and Polliced may if they will not be reduced cut them off from the Face of the Earth Now let me put a Feigned Case And yet Antiquity makes it doubtfull whether it were Fiction or History of a Land of Amazons where the whole Gouernment Publike and Priuate yea the Militia it Selfe was in the hands of Women I demand is not such a Preposterous Gouernment against the first Order of Nature for Women to rule ouer Men in it selfe void and to be suppressed I speake not of the Reigne of Women For that is supplied by Counsell and