would withholde from him all other gold within the earth I sawe some of those people being very deformed creatures In Tangut I saw lusly tall men but browne and smart in colour The Iugures are of a middle stature like vnto our French men Amongst the Iugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish and Comanian languages Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court And they had brought more then ten great cartes with them euery one of which was drawen with sixe oxen They be little browne men like vnto Spaniards Also they haue iackets like vnto the vpper vestment of a deacon sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter And they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat and is so trimmed that it glittereth in the sunne beames like vnto a glasse or an helmet well burnished And about their temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto their miters which houer in the wind as if two long hornes grewe out of their heads And when the winde tosseth them vp and downe too much they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from one temple to another and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite in length and a handfull in breadth being very smoothe And whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe or vnto any other great personage hee alwayes beheld that table as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand nor to the lefte nor vpon his face with whom he talked Yea going too and fro before his lord he looketh no where but only vpon his table Beyond theÌ„ as I vnderstand of a certainty there are other people called Muc hauing villages but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattell vnto himselfe Notwithstanding there are many flockes and droâ—es of cattell in their countrey no man appointed to keepe them But when any one of them standeth in neede of any beast hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill and there maketh a shout and all the cattell which are within hearing of the noyse come flocking about him and suffer themselues to be handled and taken as if they were tame And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their countrie they shut him vp into an house ministring there things necessary vnto him vntill his businesse he dispatched For if anie stranger should trauell through that countrie the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him and so would become wilde Beyond Muc is great Cathâ—ya the inhabitants whereof as I suppose were of olde time called Seres For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke And this people is called Seres of a certain towne in the same countrey I was crediblie informedâ— that in the said countrey there is one towne hauing walles of siluer and bulwarkes or towers of golde There be many prouinces in that land the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars And amongst * Somewhat is wanting Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque portes in the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. for their good seruices done vnto him by sea wherein is mention of their former ancient Charters from Edward the Confessor William the Conqueror William Rufus Henry the second king Richard the first king Iohn and Henry the third continued vnto them EDward by the grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Gascoigne to all Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earles Barons Iustices Shirifs Prouosts Officers to all Bayliffes and true subiects greeting You shall knowe that for the faithfull seruice that our Barons of the fiue Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England vnto vs lately in our armie of Wales haue done and for their good seruice to vs and our heires kings of England truly to be continued in time to come we haue granted by this our Charter confirmed for vs and our heires to the same our Barons and to their heires all their liberties and freedomes So that they shall be free from all toll and from all custome that is to say from all lastage tollage passage cariage riuage asponsage and from all wrecke and from all their sale carying and recarying through all our realme and dominion with socke and souke toll and theme And that they shall haue Infangthefe and that they shall be wreckefree lastagefree and louecopfree And that they shall haue Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth according as it is contayned in the ordinance by vs thereof made perpetually to bee obserued And also that they are free from all shires and hundreds so that if any person will plead against them they shall not aunswere nor pleade otherwise then they were wont to plead in the time of the lord king Henrie our great grandfather And that they shall haue their findeâ—â—es in the sea and in the land And that they be free of all their goods and of all their marchandises as our freemen And that they haue their honours in our court and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoeuer they shall come And that they shall be free for euer of all their lands which in the time of Lord Henrie the king our father they possessed that is to say in the 44. yere of his reign from all maner of summonces before our Iustices to any maner of pleadings iourneying in what shire soeuer their lands are So that they shall not be bound to come before the Iustices aforesaid except any of the same Barons doe implead any man or if any man be impleaded And that they shall not pleade in any other place except where they ought and where they were wont that is to say aâ— Shepeway And that they haue their liberties and freedomes from hencefoorth as they and their predecessors haue had them at any time better more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England Edward William the first William the second Henrie the king our great grandfatherâ— and in the times of king Richard and king Iohn our grandfathers and lord king Henrie our father by their Charters as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereof haue and which we haue seene doe reasonably testifie And we forbid that no man vniustly trouble them nor their marchandise vpon our forfeyture of ten pounds So neuerthelesse that when the same Barons shall fayle in doing of Iustice or in receiuing of Iustice our Warden and the
languages For I caused them to be translated at Acon into the character dialect of both the saide tongues And there were certain Armenian priests which had skil in the Turkish Arabian languages The aforesaid knight also of the order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake Turkish Arabian tongues Then we departed forth and put off our vestiments and there came vnto vs certaine Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat caused our letters to be interpreted Which letters being heard he caused our bread wine and fruits to be receiued And he permitted vs also to carie our vestiments and bookes vnto our owne lodging This was done vpon the feast of S. Peter ad vincula How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu the Father of Sartach Chap. 18. THe next morning betimes came vnto vs a certaine Priest who was brother vnto Coiat requesting to haue our boxe of Chrisine because Sartach as he said was desirous to see it and so we gaue it him About euentide Coiat sent for vs saying My lord your king wrote good words vnto my lord and master Sartach Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them concerning which he dare not determine ought without the aduise and counâ—ell of his father And therfore of necessitie you must depart vnto his father leauing behind you the two carts which you brought hither yesterday with vestiments and bookes in my custodie because my lorde is desirous to take more diligent view thereof I presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his couetousnes said vnto him Sir we will not onely leaue those with you but the two other carts also which we haue in our possession will we commit vnto your custodie You shall not quoth he leaue those behinde you but for the other two carts first named we will satisfie your request I saide that this could not conueniently be done but needes we must leaue all with him Then he asked whether we meant to tarie in the land I answered If you throughly vnderstand the letters of my lorde the king you know that we are euen so determined Then he replied that we ought to bee patient and lowly and so we departed from him that euening On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the carts and we caused all the foure carts to be deliuered Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs and separated all those things which we had brought the day before vnto the Court from the rest namely the bookes and vestiments and tooke them away with him Howbeit Coiat had commanded that we should carie those vestiments with vs which wee ware in the presence of Sartach that we might put them on before Baatu if neede should require but the said Priest tooke them from vs by violence saying thou hast brought them vnto Sartach and wouldest thou carie them vnto Baatu And when I would haue rendred a reason he answered be not too talkatiue but goe your wayes Then I sawe that there was no remedie but patience for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe neither was there any other that would doe vs iustice I was afraide also in regard of the interpreter least he had spoken other things then I saide vnto him for his will was good that we should haue giuen away all that wee had There was yet one comfort remaining vnto me for when I once perceiued their couetous intent I conueyed from among our bookes the Bible and the sentences and certaine other bookes which I made speciall account of Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter of my soueraigne Lady the Queene because it was too wel known by reason of the golden pictures therein And so we returned with the two other carts vnto our lodging Then came he that was appointed to be our guide vnto the court of Baatu willing vs to take our iourney in all poste-haste vnto whom I said that I would in no case haue the carts to goe with me Which thing he declared vnto Coiat Then Coiat commaunded that we should leaue them and our seruant with him And we did as he commanded And so traueling directly Eastward towards Baatu the third day we came to Etilia or Volga the streams whereof when I beheld I wondered from what regions of the North such huge and mighty waters should descend Before we were departed from Sartach the foresaid Coiat with many other Scribes of the court said vnto vs doe not make report that our Lord is a Christian but a Moal Because the name of a Christian seemeth vnto them to be the name of some nation So great is their pride that albeit they beleeue perhaps some things concerniâ—g Christ yet will they not bee called Christians being desirous that their owne name that is to say Moal should be exalted aboue all other names Neither wil they be called by the name of Tartars For the Tartars were another nation as I was informed by them Howe Sartach and Mangu-Can and Ken-Can doe reuerence vnto Christians Chap. 19. AT the same time when the French-men tooke Antioch a certaine man named Con Can had dominion ouer the Northren regions lying thereabouts Con is a proper â—ame Can is a name of authority or dignitie which signifieth a diuiner or soothsayer All diuiners are called Can amongst them Whereupon their princes are called Can because that vntoâ— them belongeth the gouernment of the people by diuination Wee doe reade also in the historie of Antiochia that the Turkes seâ—t for aide against the French-men vnto the kingdome of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turkes first came The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catayâ— Kara signifieth blacke and Catay is the name of a countrey So that Kara-Catay signifieth the blacke Catay This name was giuen to make a difference between the foresaid people and the people of Catay inhabiting Eastward ouer against y e Ocean sea concerning whom your maiesty shall vnderstand more hereafter These Catayans dwelt vpon certaine Alpes by the which I trauailed And in a certain plaine countrey within those Alpes there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard being a mighty gouernour ouer the people called Yayman which were Christians following the sâ—ct of Nestorius After the death of Con Can the said Nestorian exalted himselfe to the kingdome and they called him King Iohn reporting ten times more of him then was true For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts vse to doe For they blaze abroade great rumors and reports vpon iust nothing Whereupon they gaue out concerning Sartach that he was become a Christian and the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can and Ken Can namely because these Tartars make more account of Christians then they doe of other people and yet in very deede themselues are no Christians So likewise there went foorth a great report concerning the said king Iohnâ— Howbeit when I trauailed along by his
Ruce no Christen man so oft of his degree In Granade at the siege had he bee At Algezer and ridden in Belmarye At Leyes was hee and also at Satalye when they were wonne and in the great see at many a Noble armie had hee bee At mortall battailes had he bin fifteene And foughten for our faith at Tramissen in listes thries and aye slayne his foe This ilke worthie Knight had bin also sometime with the lord of Palathye ayenst another Heathen in Turkie Written in the lustie moneth of May in our Palace where many a million of louers true haue habitation The yeere of grace ioyfull and iocond a thousand foure hundred and second The original proceedings and successe of the Northren domestical and forren trades and traffiques of this Isle of Britain from the time of Nero the Emperour who deceased in the yeere of our Lord 70. vnder the Romans Britons Saxons and Danes till the conquest and from the conquest vntill this present time gathered out of the most authenticall histories and records of this nation A testimonie out of the fourteenth Booke of the Annales of Cornelius Tacitus proouing London to haue bene a famous Mart Towne in the reigne of Nero the Emperour which died in the yeere of Christ 70. AT Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes Londinium perrexit cognomento quidem coloniae non insigne sed copia negociatorum coÌ„meaâ—u maxime celebre The same in English BUt Suetonius with wonderfull constancie passed through the middest of his enemies vnto London which though it were not honoured with the name and title of a Romane Colonie yet was it most famous for multitude of Marchants and concourse of people A testimonie out of Venerable Beda which died in the yeere of our Lord 734. proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffike and Marchandize not long after the beginning of the Saxons reigne ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo quarto Augustinus Britanniarum Archiepiscopus ordinauit duos Episcopos Mellitum videlicet Iustumâ— Mellitum quidem ad praedicandum prouinciae Orientalium Saxonum qui Tamesi fluuio dirimuntur à Cantia ipsi Orientalâ— Mari contigui quorum Metropolis Londonia Ciuitas est super ripam praefati fluminis posiâ—a ipsa multorum emporium populorum terra marique venientium The same in English IN the yeere of the incarnation of Christ 604. Augustine Archbishop of Britaine consecrated two Bishops to wit Mellitus and Iustus He appoynted Mellitus to preach to the East Saxons which are diuided from Kent by the riuer of Thames and border vpon the Easterne sea whose chiefe and Metropolitane Citie is London seated vpon the banke of the aforesayd riuer which is also a Marte Towne of many nations which repayre thither by sea and by land The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning safe trade of the English Marchants in all the Emperours Dominion This Offa died in the yeere of our Lord 795. OFfa interea Carolum magnum Regem Francorum frequentibus legationibus amicum parauit quamuis non facile quod suis artibus conduceret in Caroli animo inuenerit Discordarunt antea adeo vt magnis motibus vtrobique concurrentibus etiam negociatorum commeatus prohiberentur Est Epistola Albini huiusce rei index cuius partem hic apponam Nescio quid de nobis venturum sit Aliquid enim dissentionis diabolico fomento inflammante nuper inter Regem Carolum Regem Offam exortum est ita vt vtrinque nauigatio interdicta negociantibus cesset Sunt qui dicant nos pro pace in illas partes mittendos Et nonnullis interpositis Nunc inquit ex verbis Caroli foedus firmum inter eum Offam compactum subijciam Carolus gratia Dei Rex Francorum Longobardorum patricius Romanorum viro venerando fratri charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum salutem Primo gratias agimus omnipotenti deo de salute animatum de Catholicae fidei sinceritate quam in vestris laudabiliter paginis reperimus exaratam De peregrinis vero qui pro amore Dei salute animarum suarum beatorum Apostolorum limina desiderant adire cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant Sed si aliqui non religioni seruientes sed lucra sectantes inueniantur inter eos locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia Negociatores quoque â—olumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinium habeant in Regno nostro legitime Et si aliquo loco iniusta affligantur oppressione reclament ad nos vel nostros iudices plenam videbimus iustitiam fieri The same in English IN the meane season Offa by often legacies solicited Charles le maignâ— the king of France to be his friend albeit he could not easily finde king Charles any whit enclined to further and promote his craftie attempts Their mindes were so alienated before that bearing hauty stomacks on both parts euen the mutuall traffique of their Marchants was prohibited The Epistle of Albinus is a sufficient testimony of this matter part whereof I will here put downe I know not quoth he what will become of vs. For there is of late by the instigation of the deuill some discord and variance sprung vp betweene king Charles and king Ofâ—a insomuch that sailing to and fro is forbiddenâ— vnto the Marchants of both their dominions Some say that we are to be sent for the obtaining of a peace into those partes And againe after a fewe lines Nowe quoth he out of Charles his owne words I will make report of the league concluded betweene him and Offa. Charles by the grace of God king of the Franks and Lombards and Senatour of the Romanes vnto the reuerend and his most deare brother Offa king of the Mercâ—ans sendeth greeting First we doe render vnto almightie God most humble thankes for the saluation of soules and the sinceritie of the Catholique faith which we to your great commendation haue found signified in your letters As touching those pilgrimes who for the loue of God and their owne soules health are desirous to resort vnto the Churches of the holy Apostles let them goe in peace without all disturbance But if any be found amongst them not honouring religion but following their owne gaine they are to pay their ordinarie customes at places conuenient It is our pleasure also and commandement that your marchants shall haue lawfull patronage and protection in our dominions Who if in any place they chance to be afflicted with any iniust oppression let them make their supplication vnto vs or vnto our Iudges and we will see iustice executed to the full An ancient testimonie translated out of the olde Saxon lawes containing among other things the aduancement of Marchants for their thrise crossing the wide seas set downe by the learned Gentleman Master William Lambert pagina 500. of his perambulaâ—ion of Kent IT was sometime in
forasmuch as the foresaid Master general and our Order do know no iust occasion wherby they haue deserued your maiesties indignation but are firmely and most vndoubtedly perswaded to finde all curtesie fauour and friendship at your Highnesse according to your wonted clemencie the said Master generall therefore maketh no doubt that al the aboue writtenâ—damages molestations being in such sort against God and iustice offred vnto his subiects by yours be altogether vnknown vnto your magnificence committed against your mind wherfore presently vpon the foresaid arrest of your marchants goods he dispatched his messengers vnto your roial maiesty Wherof one deceased by the way namely in the territory of Holland the other remained sick in those parts for a long season so that ambassage took none effect Wherfore the said master general was desirous to send vs now y e second time also vnto your Highnes We do make our humble sute therfore in the name behalf of our Master and Order aforesaid vnto your kingly supremacy that hauing God and iustice before your eies and also the dutifull and obsequious demeanor of the said master and order towards you you would vouchsafe to extend your gracious clemency for the redresse of the premisses wherby the foresaid losses may be restored and repaied vnto our subiects All which notwithstanding that it would please you of your wisedome prouidence to procure so absolute a remedy by meanes whereof in time to come such dealings and inconueniences may be auoided on both parts finally that your marchants may quietly be possessed of their goods arrested in Prussia and our marchants may be admitted vnto the possession of their commodities attached in England to conuert apply them vnto such vses as to themselues shal seem most conuenient Howbeit most gracious prince and lord we are to sollicite your Highnesse not onely about the articles to be propounded concerning the losses aforesaide but more principally for certain sinister reports and superstitious slanders wherwith certaine of your subiects not seeking for peace haue falsly informed your maiesty your most honorable discreete CouÌ„cel affirming that at the time of y e aforesaid arrest your marchants were barbarously intreated that they were cast into lothsom prisons brenched in myre and water vp to y e neck restrained from al conference and company of men and also that their meat was thrown vnto them as a bone to a dog with many other enormities which they haue most slanderously deuised concerning the master general aforesaid and his people and haue published them in these dominions vpon the occasion of which falshoods certain marchants of our parts and of other regions of Alemain who of your special beneuolence were indued with certaine priuileges and fauours in your citie of London and in other places were as malefactors apprehended and caried to prison vntil such time as the trueth was more apparant Whereupon the foresaide master generall propoundeth his humble sute vnto your maiestie that such enemies of trueth and concord your Maiesty woulde vouchsafe in such sort to chastise that they may be an example vnto others presuming to doe the like Moreouer high and mighty Prince and lord it was reported vnto our Master general that his former Legats required of your maiesty safe conduct freely to come into your highnesse Realme Which when hee heard he was exceedingly offended therat sithence vndoubtedly they did not this at his commaundement or direction We therefore humbly beseech your Grace as touching this ouersight to holde the Master generall excused because there is no need of safeconduct between so speciall friends Furthermore sundry damages and complaints of the foresaid general Master and his subiects are briefly exhibited and put downe in the billes following Also all and singular damnified persons besides other proofes were compelled to verifie their losses by their formall othes taken vpon the holy Bible Lastly we doe make our humble suite and petition vnto the prouidence and discretion of your Highnes and of your honorable Councell that concerning the premisses and all other matters propounded or to be propounded vnto your Maiesty we may obtaine a speedy answere and an effectuall end For it would redound vnto our great charges and losse to make any long delayes An agreement made by the Ambassadors of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second RIchard by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland To all vnto whom these present letters shall come greeting We haue seene and considered the composition ordination concord and treatie betweene our welbeloued clearke master Nicholas Stocket licentiat in both lawes Walter Sibel and Thomas Graa citizens of our cities of London York our messengers and ambassassadors on the one part and the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Sifridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary commander in Elburg and Vlricus Hachenberg Treasurer the messengers and ambassadors of the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothenstein master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospital of Saint Mary at Ierusalem on the other part lately concluded and agreed vpon in these words In the name of the supreame and indiuisible Trinitie the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Amen Forasmuch as the author of peace will haue peace-makers to be the sons of blessednes and the execrable enemie of peace to be expelled out of the dominions of Christians therefore for the perpetuall memorie of the thing be it knowen vnto all men who shall see or heare the tenour of these presents that there being matter of dissension and discord bred betweene the most renowmed prince and king Richard by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and his subiects on the one part and the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothinstein Master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospitall of S. Marie at Ierusalem and his land of Prussia and his subiects also on the other part the foresaid lord and generall master vpon mature counsell and deliberation had sent his honourable ambassadours towards England vnto the forenamed most soueraigne prince and king to propound and make their complaint vnto him of violence and iniuries offered as it is sayd by the English vnto the Prussians in consideration whereof certaine goods of the marchants of England were arrested in the land of Prussia Whose complaint the foresayd most gracious prince did courteously and friendly admit receiue and accept and after many speeches vttered in this treaty louingly dismissed them vnto their owne countrey againe promising by his letters vnto the foresayd reuerend Master generall that hee would dispatch his ambassadours vnto the land of Prussia Whereupon in the yeere 1388. he sent hono and reuerend personages Master Nicholas Stocket licentiate of both lawes Thomas Graa and Walter Sibill citizens of London and Yorke with sufficient authority and full
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâ—sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâ—d execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌ„d lord the Master general appointed as coÌ„missioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ„ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâ—ition expressed conditionaly thaâ— our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâ—iation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398 and vpon the 22. day of February Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia and the Hans-townes IN primis that in the moueth of Iuly and in the yeare of our Lord 1403 and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is there came into England the ambassadours of the mighty lord Fr Conradus de lungingen being then Master general of Prussia with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master generall written in 20. articles which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe c. Item that the third day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lord aboue written and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king between the reuerend father in God Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party it was according to their petition amongst other things ordayned namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia and from thence with their goods marchandises to returne vnto their own home and also that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue licence and liberty to doe the like Prouided alwayes that after the time aboue limitted neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia nor the Prussian marchaÌ„ts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general Item immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall for to haue mutuall conuersation and intercourse of dealing to continue some certain space betweene the marchants of England and of Prussia promising in the same letters that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid which letters the foresayd Master for diuers causes refused to yeelde vnto as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth Item that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid which are next aboue mentioned our sayd king according to his promise sent William Esturmy knight M. Iohn Kington câ—erke and William Brampton citizen of London from his court of parliament holden at Couentrie very slightly informed as his ambassadours into Prussia Item before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia all intercourse of traffique betweene the English and the Prussians in the realme of England and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods out of that porte vnto any other place of the land of Prussia either by water or by lande vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same but was enioyned to sell them in the very same porte vnto the Prussians onely and to none other to the great preiudice of our English marchants Item that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia it was ordayned that from the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our lord 1405 all English marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia and to make sale of them in the said land as hath heretofore from auncient times bene accustomed Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia demanded of the â—aid Master generall a reformation and amends for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king written in fifteene articles which losses amounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles Item the said Master generall besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king as it is aboue mentioned deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine iniuries offered as he â—ayth vniustly by English men vnto his subiects which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles Item it was afterward concluded that vpon the first of May next then insuing namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuenâ—ent iust and reasonable satisfaction for all molestatious vniustly ofâ—â—red on both partes as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king as of the foresayd Master general Which satisfaction not being performed the Prussians with their goods marchandises within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following were without molestation or impediment enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods and the English men likewise out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general both of them without any further admonition to abstaine separate themselues from both the countreis aforesayd For the performance of which premisses the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed were appointed to meete the first day of May at the towne of Dordract in Holland Item that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them that there were sent messengers and agents in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants vnto the towne of Dordract to conferre with the ambassadors of England about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts where diuers agreements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors and messengers as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract vpon the first of May was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing and afterward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following and there was another day of prorogation also Item that after the prorogations aforesayd
the ambassadors of England and the messengers commissioners of Prussia met together at the towne of Hage in Holland the 28. day of August in the yere of our lord 1407. And there was a treaty between theÌ„ concerning the summe 25934. nobles and an halfe demanded on the behalfe of the sayd Master generall for amends and recompense in consideration of wrongs offered vnto himselfe and vnto his subiects of Prussia as is aforesayd Also the sayd Master and his Prussians besides the summe not yet declared in the articles which is very small are to rest contented and satisfied with the summe of 8957. nobles in lieu of al the damages aforesaid no times of paâ—ment being then assigned or limited but afterward to be reasonably limited and assigned by our sayd soueraigne lord the king Insomuch that our said soueraigne lord the king is to write his ful intention determination concerning this matter in his letters to be deliuered the 16. day of March vnto the aldermen of the marchants of the Hans residing at Bruges Otherwise that from thenceforth all league of friendship shall bee dissolued betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia Also it is farther to be noted that in the appointment of the summe next before written to be disbursed out of England this condition was added in writing namely that if by lawful testimonies it may sufficiently and effectually be prooued concerning the chiefe articles aboue written or any part of them that satisfaction was made vnto any of those parties to whom it was due or that the goods of and for the which complaint was made on the the behalfe of Prussia in the sayd articles did or doe pertayne vnto others or that any other iust true or reasonable cause may lawfully be proued alledged why the foresaid sums or any of them ought not to be payed that theÌ„ in the summes contained in the articles abouementioned so much only must be cut off or stopped as shal be found either to haue bene payd already or to appertaine vnto others or by any true iust and reasonable cause alleaged not to be due Neither is it to be doubted but for the greater part of the summe due vnto the Prussians that not our lord the king but others which will in time be nominated are by all equity and iustice to be compelled to make satisfaction Also at the day and place aboue mentioned it was appointed and agreed vpon that our lord the king and his liege subiects for the said 4535. nobles demanded of the Engliâ—h in consideration of recompense to be made for iniuries offered vnto the Prussians are to discharge pay the summe of 764. nobles which are not as yet disbursed but they haue reserued a petition to them vnto whom the sayd summe is due or if they please there shal be made satisfaction which will be very hard and extreme dealing Item that in the last assembly of the sayd ambassadors of England and messengers of Prussia holden at Hage made as is aforesayd for the behalfe of England there were exhibited anew certaine articles of iniuries against the Prussians The value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 1825. nobles and three shillings Item on the contrary part for the behalfe of the Prussians the summe of 1355. nobles eight shillings and sixe pence Item forasmuch as diuers articles propounded as well on the behalfe of England as of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans both heretofore and also at the last conuention holden at Hage were so obscure that in regard of their obscurity there could no resolute answere bee made vnto them and other of the sayd articles exhibited for want of sufficient proofes could not clearely be determined vpon it was appointed and concluded that all obscure articles giuen vp by any of the foresayd parties whatsoeuer ought before the end of Easter then next ensuing and within one whole yeare after to be declared before the Chancelour of England for the time being and other articles euidently exhibited but not sufficiently proued to be proued vnder paine of perpetuall exclusion Which being done accordingly complete iustice shall be administred on both parts Item as concerning the eleuenth article for the behalfe of the Prussians first exhibited which conteined losses amounting vnto the summe of 2445. nobles as touching the first article on the behalfe of England exhibited in the land of Prussia conteining losses which amouÌ„ted to the summe of 900. nobles after many things alleadged on both parts relation thereof shall be made in the audience of the king and of the Master generall so that they shall set downe ordaine and determine such an ende and conclusion of those matters as shall seeme most expedient vnto them Now concerning the Liuonians who are subiect vnto the great Master of Prussia IN primis that the Master of Prussia demaunded of the sayd English ambassadours at their being in Prussia on the behalfe of them of Liuonia who are the sayd Master his liege people to haue restitution of their losses vniustly as he sayth offered vnto them by the English namely for the robbing and rifling of three ships The value of which ships and of the goods contained in them according to the computation of the Liuonian marchants doeth amount vnto the summe of 8037. pound 12. shillings 7. pence Howbeit afterward the trueth being inquired by the sayd ambassadors of England the losse of the Liuonians exceedeth not the summe of 7498. pound 13. shillings 10. pence halfepeny farthing Item forasmuch as in the sayd ships on the behalfe of the sayd Master and of certaine cities of the Hans there are alleadged aboue 250. men very barbarously to be drowned of whome some were noble and others honourable personages and the rest common marchants mariners there was demaunded in the first dyet or conuention holden at Dordract a recompense at the handes of the sayd English ambassadors albeit this complaint was exhibited in the very latter end of al the negotiations informe of a scedule the tenor whereof is in writing at this present beginneth in maner following Cum vita hominum c. Howbeit in the last conuention holden at Hage as is aforesaid it was concluded betweene the ambassadours of England and the messengers and commissioners of the land of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans that our sayd soueraigne lord the king should of his great pietie vouchsafe effectually to deuise some conuenient and wholesome remedie for the soules of such persons as were drowned Item that our sayd soueraigne lord the king will signifie in writing his full purpose intention as touching this matter vnto the aldermen of the Hans marchants residing at Bruges vpon the sixteenth day of March next following Otherwise that from hencefoorth all amity and friendship betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia shall be dissolued Neither is it to be doubted but that a great part of the sayd goods for the which they of
Liuonia doe demaund restitution namely waxe and furres redounded vnto the vse and commoditie of our soueraigne lord the king And also our said soueraigne lord the king gaue commandement by his letters that some of the sayd goods should be deliuered vnto others And a great part of them is as yet reserued in the towne of Newcastle One Benteld also hath the best of the sayd three ships in possession Also it is reported and thought to be true that certaine Furriers of London which will be detected in the end haue had a great part of the sayd goods namely of the Furres Now as concerning the cities of the Hans IN primis the Hamburgers exhibited nine articles wherein they demaunded restitution for certaine damages offered as they sayd by the English men the value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 9117. nobles 20. pence For the which after due examination there was promised restitution to the summe of 416. nobles 5. shillings Besides the two articles propounded against theÌ„ of Scardeburg the summe wherof was 231. pounds 15. s. 8. d. coÌ„cerning the which there was sentence giuen in England by the coÌ„missioners of our lord the king the execution wherof was promised vnto the said Hamburgers by the ambassadors of England leaue and licence being reserued vnto the sayd Hamburgers of declaring or explaning certaine obscure articles by them exhibited which declaration was to be made at the feast of Easter then next to come or within one yeare next ensuing the said feast vnto the chancelor of England for the time being and of proouing the sayd articles and others also which haue not as yet sufficiently bene proued Which being done they are to haue full complement and execution of iustice Also by the Hamburgers there are demaunded 445. nobles from certaine of the inhabitants of Linne in England Which summe if it shal be prooued to be due vnto any English men the Hamburgers are to rest contented with those goods which they haue already in their possessions Item they of Breme propounded â—â—xe articles wherein the summe conteined amounteth vnto 4414. nobles And there was no satisfaction promised vnto them But the same libertie and licence was reserued vnto them in like maner as before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Stralessund propounded 23. articles wherof the summe amounted vnto 7415. nobles 20. d. for the which there was promised satisfaction of 253. nobles 3. q. Also here is a caueat to be obserued that they of Stralessund had of English mens goods a great summe particularly to be declared which will peraduenture suffice for a recompense And some of their articles are concerning iniuries offered before 20,22,23,24 yeres past Also their articles are so obscure that they will neuer or very hardly be able to declare or proue them Howbeit there is reserued the very same liberty vnto them that was before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Lubec propounded 23. articles the summe whereof extended vnto 8690. nobles and an halfe whereupon it was agreed that they should haue paied vnto them 550. nobles There was reserued the same libertie vnto them which was vnto the men of Stralessund Item they of Gripeswold exhibited 5. articles the summe whereof amounted vnto 2092. nobles and an halfe For the which there was promised satisfaction of 153. nobles and an half And the said men of Gripeswold haue of the goods of English men in possession to the value of 22015. nobles 18. s as it is reported by them of Linne And the same libertie is reserued vnto them that was vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Campen propounded ten articles the summe whereof extended vnto 1405. nobles There is no satisfaction promised vnto them but the same liberty is reserued vnto them which was vnto the other abouementioned Item the ambassadors of England demanded of the citizens of Rostok Wismer for damages iniuries by them committed against the subiects of the foresayd souereigne king 32407. nobles 2. s. 10. d. And albeit euery of the foresayd cities sent one of their burgomasters vnto the towne of Hage in Holland to treat with the English ambassadours it was in the end found out that they had not any authority of negotiating or concluding ought at al. And therfore they made their faithfull promises that euery of the said cities should send vnto our soueraigne Lord the king one or two procurator or procurators sufficiently instructed to treat conclude with our said souereigne lord the king about the damages and iniuries aforesaid at the feast of the nauitie of Saint Iohn the Baptist. Compositions and ordinances concluded between the messengers of Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia and the chancelor and treasurer of the realme of England 1403. IN the yere of our Lord 1403 vpon the feast of S. Michael the Archangel the right hono Henrie bishop of Lincoln chancelor of England and the lord de Roos high treasurer of England the ambassadors of Prussia Iohn Godek of Dantzik Henry Monek of Elbing masters of the same cities haue at Westminster treated in maner of composition about the articles vnderwritten between the most souereigne lord the king of England and the right reuerend honorable Conradus de Iungingen Master general of Prussia as concerning the iniuries offered vnto the people of Prussia and Liuonia vpon the sea by the English First that all ships with their appurtenances the commodities of the mariners according vnto the condition of the things and all other goods taken away by the English which are actually vndiuided whole are incontinently with al speed to bee restored And if there bee any defect in ought the value of the said defect is to be accounted with other losses of goods to be restored at the terme of the restitution to be made and deliuered Item that all ships damages and goods as they are conteined in our bill of accusation which are not now immediately restored are to be restored and payd in the land of Prussia between this and the terme appointed with full execution and complement of iustice Item concerning the persons throwen ouer boord or slaine in the sea it shall remayne to bee determined at the will and pleasure of the most mighty prince the king of England and of the right reuerend the Master of Prussia Item betwene this and the terme appointed for the restoring of the goods taken away vntill there be due payment restitution of the said goods performed the marchants of England and of Prussia are in no wise to exercise any traffique of marchandise at all in the foresaid lands Memorandum that the third day of the moneth of October in the yere of our Lord 1403. and in the fift yere of the reigne of the most mighty prince and lord king Henrie the fourth by the grace of God king of England and France c. betweene the reuerend father Henrie bishop of Lincolâ— chancelor and the
our selues or of any appertayning vnto vs but that our inclinations and desires in this regarde are all one and the same neither would we lightly transgresse the limits of your perswasions without some iust weighty reasonable cause forasmuch as the matters perswaded are in very deede most happy preseruatiues of a common weale yea of nature it selfe Moreouer whereas your highnes hath farther requested vs that the prohibition of your subiects accesse vnto our dominions might vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing be released we answere vnder correction of your maiesties more deliberate counsell that it is farre more expedient for both parts to haue the sayd prohibition continued then released vntil such time as satisfaction be performed on both sides vnto the parties endamaged not in words only but actually really in deeds or by some course of law or friendly composition For there is no equall nor indifferent kinde of consort or trade between the impouerished party and him that is inriched betweene the partie which hath obtayned iustice and him that hath obtayned none between the offender and the party offended because they are not mooued with like affections For the remeÌ„brance of iniuries easily stirreth vp inconsiderate motions of anger Also such a kind of temperature or permixtion as it were by way of contrariety breedeth more bitternes then sweetnes more hate then loue whereupon more grieuous complaints aswel vnto your highnes as vnto our selues might be occasioned The lord knoweth that euen now we are too much wearied and disquieted with the importunate and instant complaints of our subiects insomuch that wee cannot at this present by any conuenient meanes release or dissolue the sayd prohibition before wee be sufficiently informed by your maiesties ambassadors of the satisfaction of our endamaged subiects Furthermore whereas your maiesties request concerning your subiects that shal come vnto the parts of Sconia is that we would defend them vnder our protection be it knowen vnto your highnes that for diuers considerations vs reasonably mouing being prouoked by the queene of Denmarke and her people being also vrged thereunto full sore against our wils for the repelling and auoiding of iniuries we haue sent forth our armie against them Howbeit for a certaine time a â—ruce is concluded on both parts so that our people are actually returned home Farre be it from vs also that our subiects being occupied in warres should in any sort willingly molest or reproch any strangers of what landes or nations soeuer not being our professed enemies For this should be to oppresse the innocent in stead of the guilty to condemne the iust for the vniust then which nothing can be more cruel nor a reuenge of greater impietie In very deede most gracious prince and lorde we are mouâ—d with right hearty sympathy and compassion for any inconuenience which might happen in your regiment wishing from the bottome of our hearts that all affayres may right prosperously and happily succeede about the royall person and regiment of your most excellent Maiestie and that continually The like whereof wee hope from you most humbly commending our selues and our whole Order vnto your highnes Giuen at our castle of Marienburgh the 16. day the moneth of Iuly in the yere of our Lord 1404. An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the land of Prussia THis Indentnre made between Sir William Esturmy knight Iohn Kington clerke and William Brampton citizen of London the ambassadors commissioners messengers of the most mighty prince and lord our souereigne lord Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland for the repayring reformaâ—ion and amâ—nds of whatsoeuer damages grieuances excesses violences and iniuries in any sort vniustly attempted done or offered by our sayd soueraigne lord the king and his liege people and subiects vnto the great and mighty lord Conradus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospitall of Ierusalem or his subiects and for the requiring demanding and receiuing of such like reparations reformations amends by the foresayd lord the Master generall for the behalfe of himselfe or any of his subiects whatsoeuer from in the name of our soueraign lord the king his subiects vnto the sayd Master general into his land of Prussia by our souereigne lord the king appointed as ambassadors on the one party And betweene the hono Lords and religious personages Conradus de Lichtenstein great commander Warnherus de Tetâ—ingen chiefe hospitalary commaÌ„der in Elbing Arnold de Hacken treasurer the procurators commissioners of the great mighty lord the Master general being in like equal sort and in all respects as the ambassadours of England are authorized on the contrary side by the authoritie and power of the sayd Master general on the other part witnesseth That diuers treaties conferences being holden between the said ambassadors messengers procurators or coÌ„missioners of concerning the reparations reformations amends of certaine damages grieuances excesses violences iniuries offered and attempted aswel by the Prussians against the English as by the English against the Prussians and of other actes vniustly committed on both parts in conclusion after the sayd treatise the foresayd ambassadours procurators and commissioners by vertue of the authority committed vnto them appoynted and with one consent agreed vnto the articles vnder written Inprimis that for the consideration of mutuall loue and woonted friendship and of peace and tranquillity hereafter to be continued and maintained and also that the articles vnderwritten may more prosperously be brought vnto a wished effect between our said soueraign lord the king his liege people subiects the subiects people inhabitants of the territories and dominions of the foresayd lord the Master generall it is agreed and concluded that all liege marchants of England whatsoeuer shall haue free licence and libertie to arriue with their shippes goods and marchandises whatsoeuer at any Porte of the land of Prussia and also the sayd goods and marchandises farther vnto any place of the sayd land of Prussia to transport and there with any person or persons freely to contract and bargaine euen as heretofore and from auncient times it hath bene accustomed Which liberty in all respects is granted vnto the Prussians in England Item it is farther agreed betweene the sayd ambassadours procurators and commissioners that whereas of late namely in the yeare of our lord 1403 the sayd Master general by his discreet subiects Iohn Godek of Dantzik and Henry Monek of Elbing his ambassadors messengers for this purpose hath caused certain articles namely 20 in number containing in them matters of damages molestations violences and iniuries committed and offered against the said Master generall his subiects by our sayd soueraigne lord the king his subiects liege people to be exhibited giuen vp and deliuered vnto our lord the king
aforesaid in his kingdome of England it is concluded and agreed about the sayd 20. articles by the aforesaid ambassadors commissioners and procurators as in the acts pleas had and made before the sayd ambassadors commissioners and procurators and in the records made and written of and about the examination of such articles it is more at large contayned vnto the which the sayd ambassadors commissioners and messengers doe here in this place referre themselues of the which articles also some are receiued by the commissioners aforesayd and others are proroged vnto a certaine time vnder written euen as in the foresayd registers it is more fully contayned and put downe in writing As touching certaine other articles also exhibited a newe vnto the sayd English ambassadors in the land of Prussia being 16 in number whereof one is admitted the rest are proroged vntil a terme vnderwritten the same course is to be taken and obserued which was before appoynted and agreed vpon about the articles deliuered and exhibited vnto our foresayd souraigne lorde the king as is aforesayd Moreouer as touching the articles exhibited by the English ambassadours in the name and behalfe of their sayd soueraigne lord the king of England vnto the procuratours and commissioners of the foresayd lord the Master generall of the which some are declared already and the declaration of the rest is proroged vntill a certayne terme vndernamed euen as in the registers made of and vpon the examination of the sayd articles it is more manifestly prouided the same course is to be taken which must be obserued about the articles of the sayd lord the Master generall exhibited as well vnto the foresayd soueraigne prince in England as vnto his ambassadors in the land of Prussia euen as about the sayd articles it is before concluded And whereas on the behalfe of the citizens and marchants of the cities of Rij and Dorp and of other townes in the land of Liuonia many and great complaints haue beneâ— by way of articles exhibited and deliuered vnto the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia which for diuers causes could not as then be ended therefore it is concluded and agreed vpon betweene the ambassadours and the commissioners aforesayd that the saide citizens and marchants may in the towne of Dordâ—act in Holland vpon the first day of the moneth of May next ensuing at the which time and place the continuation and prorogation of all other articles not fully declared in the partes of Prussia shall be put in vre by themselues or their lawfull procurators make their appearance for the obtayning of a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation of all iniuries attempted against them then or at some other times within one whole yere next following and not afterward being effectually set downe and limited at the place aforesaid by the consent of the ambassadours and commissioners of either parte all lawfull impediments ceasing Prouided alwayes that the value and price of all wares goods and marchandises whereof the said citizens and marchants of Liuonia in their articles receiued by the sayde English ambassadours as is aforesayd doe make mention shall be iustly esteemed prized and approoued not by any of England or of Prussia or of Liuonia but by some other indifferent marchants of good credite valuing them at the true rate of marchants which such like marchandise would haue amounted vnto if at the time when they were taken they had bene to be solde at the town of Bruges in Flanders Forasmuch also as diuers and sundry Prussians who exhibited manifolde Articles of complaints being receiued by the said English Ambassadours at their abode in Prussia made not their personall appearance before the saide English Ambassadours in the lande of Prussia aforesaide The prorogation aboue-mentioned was made vnto the first day of the moneth of May and also it was agreed vpon vy the saide Ambassadours Procurators and Commissioners that the saide parties which had not appeared before shall haue libertie graunted them lawfully to make their appearance vpon the first of May aforesaide at the towne of Dordract either by themselues or by their Procurators and also to bring with them the letters testimonial and patents sealed with the seale of the saide Lord the Master generall he hauing first of all receiued sound and sufficient information from the cities whereof the parties plaintife are citizens of the damages and grieuances any way vniustly inflicted vpon them or any of them by the English to the end that they may there by articles conueniently declare and proue before the Ambassadours Procurators messengers and Commissioners of both partes the rate and value of their saide goods and that in so doing they may obtaine conuenient iust and reasonable restitution for all acts vniustly attempted against them then or at some other times effectually to bee set downe and limited at the foresaid place by the consent of the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts euen as it was aboue promised vnto the marchants of Liuonia But if they of Prussia last aboue-mentioned shall not vpon the first of May and at the place appointed for some cause make their appearance that then it shal be lawfull for them at anytime within one whole yeere next following to repaire vnto the lord Chancelor of England at the citie of London and to insinuate and declare vnto him their complaints before exhibited vnto the saide English Ambassadours in the land of Prussia or which complaints should haue bene deliuered at the foresaid terme and place or els the which were not then and there fully finished and dispatched and also by articles as is aforesaide to declare and proue the true worth and estimation of all damages and grieuances any wayes vniustly offered by the English vnto them or any of them to the ende that they may as it is aboue mentioned effectually receiue and also speedily and easily obtaine conuenient iust and reasonable reformation and satisfaction for al acts vniustly attempted against them which are contained in the complaints not as yet fully declared and finished Moreouer it is appointed and agreed vpon betweene the foresaide Ambassadours and Commissioners that the forenamed souereign Lord the said lord the Master general are to send and set forward their Ambassadours messengers and Commissioners vpon the first of May vnto the place appointed to treate parle agree and conclude about those affaires which shal then and there happen to be treated of and handled among them Furthermore betweene the often mentioned Ambassadours Procurators and Commissioners it is enacted and concluded that vnto all and singular lawfull statutes ordinations and prohibitions framed made and ordained by the saide lorde the Master generall in his land of Prussia or by his Proconsuls and Consuls and his gouernours of cities townes villages and of other places in the land of Prussia vnto the obseruation whereof aswell the subiectes of the said Master general as foreners and strangers are tyed and bound vnto the very same
clothes namely of skarlet and cloth died in grayne and of other clothes of assise which were by them to be caried out of the realme of England euen as by their foresaid Charter in doeth more plainly appeare and whereas our soueraigne lord the king that now is ratifying and confirming the saide charter and being willing that they shoulde haue more especiall fauour shewed vnto them granted vnto them by their Charter that the said marchants should be exempted and freed from all custome and imposition of small clothes as in pieâ—es and in narrow clothes which were not of assise and in such other clothes of like qualitie yet of late the Customers of our Lorde the King that nowe is not allowing their saide speciall Charter so graunted vnto the marchants aforesaid do compel them to pay for straight clothes and for pieces of clothes which are not of assise together with other demands particularly seuerally made as great custome as if the clothes were full ouâ— of assise Moreouer also of late the customers of the smal or pety custome of the subsidie doe demand of them custome for kersey-clothes equal vnto the custome of those clothes that be of ful assise whereas the foresaid marchants were noâ— wont to pay for those kerseys by vertue of their Charter but onely according to the worth of ech pound of siluer as namely for other goods which are of golde weight to the great hinderance of the foresaid parties and against the manifest graunt of our soueraigne Lord the king as it appeareth in the said speciall Charter Item the said marchants alleage that they are priuiledged by their Charter if they pay custome and subsidy for their goods in the behalfe of our lord the king at any port of England where those goods haue arriued and afterward would transport the saide goods or any part of them vnto any other port within the realme aforesaid that then they should be quite released from paying of any other custome for the same goods if they bring a warrant that they haue paide the saide custome as is aforesaide Of late it fortuned that a certaine man of their socieâ—â—e named Nicholas Crossehaire being a marchant of the lande of Prussia immediatly after the concord was concluded betwene the English and the Prussians brought vnto the towne of Sandwich a shippe laden with bow-sâ—aues and other marchandize and there well and truely paide the custome of our lord the king for all his wares and selling there part of the same goods he afterward transported parcel thereof in a small barke vnto London there to be solde and caried a warrant also with him that he had at Sandwich paid the custome due vnto our lord the king yet the said warrant notwithstanding the customers of the pety custome subsidy of London came demanded custome of him at another time coÌ„trary to reason against the tenor of their charter and the said Nicholas offred pledges vnto them yea euen ready mâ—ney downe into their hands vntil the question were discussed and determined whether he should pay new custome or no but this they would not doâ— Then the said Nicholas brought a brief from our lord the king to get himselfe discharged from paying the said custome and for all that the foresaid customers would not as yet haue regard vnto him but kept the said goods within shipboord vpoÌ„ the riuer of Thames for the space of 15. dayes vntil he had paid another custom to the great losse of the said Nicholas for that which he sold first at Sandwich to be deliuered at London for seuen nobles he could not afterward haue for it aboue foure nobles and yet so was it solde by reason of the harme which his wares had taken by lying so long vpon the water contrary to the tenor of their Charter IteÌ„ the said marchants do alleage that another of their company called Peter Hertson bought at Bristow certain clothes laded the same in a ship to be transported for Prussia for the which he truely paide at Bristow the customs subsidies due vnto our soueraign lord the king which ship with the foresaid goods arriuing at London the customers of the pety-custome and of the subsidie there would not permit the said ship with the goods to passe vnto the parts aforesaid vntil the said Peter had paid another custome for the same goods the warrant which he brought with him notwithstanding to his great hinderance and contrary to the tenour of their Charter IteÌ„ pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants alleage that wheras euery marchant bringing wares into the realm was wont to haue a schedule wherein his name was written for a specification certificat of the quantity of his goods in the said schedule to be found at the arriual of the ship without paying therfore ought at all of late the customers of the pety custome do compel theÌ„ to pay for ech mans name written a peny at y e arriual of their goods out of euery ship wherein the said goods are found what commodities marchandize soeuer they be whenas notwithstanding if there be a chest or any other smal matter there should not therfore be any custome due vnto our lord the king nor any receiued vnto his Maiesties vse In like maner do the customers of the subsidy deale Wheras also the foresaid marchants were not wont to pay for a cocket for the conueyance transportation of their goods out of the realme albeit many names were written therein more then 4.d of late the customers of the pety custom do compel them to pay for euery name contained in the same cocket 4.d and in like sort do the customers of the saide subsidy deale Which contribution in a yere extendeth it self vnto a great summe to the vnknown preiudice of our lord the king more then any man could suppose for the customers enioy their tees and commodities from his Maiestie that they may doe him faithfull seruice and likewise to the great damage of the said marchants IteÌ„ pitifully complaining the said marchants do alleage that they are constrained to pay for subsidy sometime 12.d and somtime 6.d in the pound contrary to the tenor of their charter and yet notwithstanding when their marchandize commeth to the wharf the customers prolong delay the time 3. or 4. weeks before they wil take custome for their goods in the which space other marchants sel their goods the customers not regarding whether the goods aforesaid take weâ— or no to the great damage aswel of our lord the king as of the said marchants because if they had quicke dispatch they mighâ— pay custome vnto his Maiestie oftner then they doe Item the said marchants doe farther alleage that the customers of the petiâ— custome and of the subsidie in the port of London haue appointed among themselues certaine men to seale vp the goods of the saide marchants so soon as they are arriued at the port of safetie vntil the said
by the tenor of these presents wee straitely commaund all and singular the aforesaid English Marchants that they attend aduise obey and assist as it becommeth them the sayde gouernours so to bee chosen and their deputies in all and singular the premisses and other things which any way may concerne in this behalfe their rule and gouernement Giuen in our Palace at Westminster vnder the testimonie of our great Seale the sixt day of Iune in the fift yeere of our reigne A note touching the mighty ships of King Henry the fift mentioned hereafter in the treatie of keeping the Sea taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester EOdem Anno quo victoria potitus est videlicet Anno Domini 14â—5 regni sui Annotertio post bellum de Agencourt conducti a Francis venerunt cum multis Nauibus recuperaturâ— Harfletum Sed Rex Angliae misit fratrem suum Iohannem Ducem Bedfordiae Andegauiae qui pugnauit cum eis vicit Naues cepit quasdam submersit caeteri fugerunt cum Hispanis nauibus qui venerant cum eis Anno gratiae 1416. Sequenti vero Anno redierunt potentiores iterum deuicti perpetuam pacem â—cum Rege composuerunt propter eorum naues fecit Rex fieri naues quales non erant in mundo De his sic conductis a Francis ita metricè scribitur Regum belligero trito celeberrimus aruo Gallos Hispanos Ianos deuicit Vrget Vastat turbantur caetera regna metu Nauali bello bis deuicti quoque Iani. A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the sixt for the trade to Norwey Sweueland Denmarke and Fynmarke ITem because that the kings most deare Uncle the king of Denmarke Norway Sweueland as the same our soueraigne Lord the king of his intimation hath vnderstood considering the manifold great losses perils hurts and damage which haue late happened aswell to him and his as to other foraines and strangers and also friends and speciall subiects of our said soueraigne Lord the king of his Realme of England by y e going in entring passage of such forain strange persons into his realme of Norwey other dominions streits territories iurisdictions places subdued and subiect to him specially into his Iles of Fynmarke and elswhere aswell in their persons as their things and goods for eschuing of such losses perils hurts damages and that such like which God forbid should not hereafter happen our said soueraigne Lord the king hath ordeined and statuted that all and singular strangers aswell Englishmen and others willing to apply by Ship and come into his Realme of Norwey and other dominions streits territories iurisdictions Isles places aforesaid with their ships to the intent to get or haue fish or any other Marchandises or goods shall apply and come to his Towne of Northberne where the said king of Denmarke hath specially ordained and stablished his staple for the concourses of strangers and specially of Englishmen to the exercise of such Marchandises granting to the said Englishmen that they shall there inioy in and by all thingsâ— the same fauour priuileges and prerogatiues which they of the Hans did enioy Therefore our said soueraigne Lord the king willing the loue affinitie and amities to be firmely obserued which betwixt his said Uncle and his noble progenitors of good memory their Realmes lands dominions streites territories iurisdictions and their said places and the same our soueraigne Lord the king his noble progenitours of famous memory his great men subiects Realmes lands dominions hath bene of old times hitherto continued nor nothing by our said soueraigne Lord the king or his people to be attempted or done whereby such amities by reason of any dissensions enemities or discords might be broken by the aduise of the Lords spirituall temporall of the coÌ„mons of his said Realme of England assembled in this present Parliament hath ordained prohibiting that none of his liege people nor subiects of his Realme of England by audacitie of their follie presume to enter the Realmes lands dominions straits territories iurisdictions places of the said king of Denmarke against y â— ordinance prohibition interdictioÌ„ of y e same his Uncle aboue remembred in contempt of the same vpoÌ„ paine of forfeiture of all their moueable goods imprisonment of their persons at the kings will Another branch of a statute made in the tenth yeere of the reigne of Henry the sixt concerning the state of the English Marchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke ITem because that our soueraigne Lord the king at the grieuous complaint to him made in this Parliament by the commons of his realme of England being in this Parliament is informed that many of his faithfull liege people be greatly impouerished vndone in point to be destroyed by the king of Denmarke his lieges which be of the amitie of the king our soueraigne Lord because that they do daily take of his said faithful subiects their goods so that they haue taken of marchants of York and Kingston vpon Hul goods marchandises to the valour of v. M.li. within a yeere and of other lieges marchants of y e Realme of England goods cattals to the valour of xx M.li. wherof they haue no remedie of the said king of Denmarke nor of none other forasmuch as none of them coÌ„meth within the Realme of England nor nothing haue in the same Realme of England that y e goods be taken out of the same Realme The king willing to prouide remedy for his said liege people hath ordeined established that if y e goods of any of y e said his lieges be or shal be taken by the said king of Denmarke or any of his said lieges the keeper of the priuie seale for y e time being shall haue power to make to y e partie grieued letters of request vnder the priuie seale wtout any other pursuite to be made to any for restitutiâ—n to be had of y e goods so taken to be taken And if restitution be not made by such letters the king our soueraigne lord by the aduise of his counsel shal prouide to the partie grieued his couenable remedy according as y e case requireth Here beginneth the Prologue of the processe of the Libel of English policie exhorting all England to keepe the sea and namely the narrowe sea shewing what profite commeth thereof and also what worship and saluation to England and to all English-men THe true processe of English policie Of vtterward to keepe this regne in Of our England that no man may deny Ner say of sooth but it is one of the best Is this that who seeth South North East and Wesâ—â— Cherish Marchandise keepe the admiraltie That we bee Masâ—ers of the narrowe see For Sigismond the great Emperour With yet reigneth when he was in this land With king Henry the fift
Lords came thider by assent To his worship but in a certaine day Hee bad shippes to bee redie of aray For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist Hee assigned to Erles Lords and knights Many ships right goodly to sights And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo A good shippe and entrede into it With eight kings and downe did they sit And eche of them an ore tooke in hand At ore hales as I vnderstand And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde Such another rowing I dare well say Was not seene of Princes many a day Lo than how hee in waters got the price In lande in see that I may not suffice To tell O right O magnanimitee That king Edgar had vpon the see An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande on sea yee knowe his worthines The siege of Caleis ye know well all the matter Round about by land and by the water Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe After the battell of Creeye was ydoe Howe it was closed enuiron about Olde men sawe it which liuen this is no doubt Did Knights say that the Duke of Burgoyn Late rebuked for all his golden coyne Of ship on see made no besieging there For want of shippes that durst not come for feare It was nothing besieged by the see Thus call they it no siege for honestee Gonnes assailed but assault was there none No siege but fuge well was he that might be gouer This maner carping haue knights ferre in age Expert through age of this maner language But king Edward made a siege royall And wanne the towne and in especiall The sea was kept and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie Battell of Scluse yee may rede every day Howe it was done I leue and goe my way It was so late done that yee it knowe In comparison within a litle throwe For which to God giue we honour and glorie For Lord of see the king was with victorie Another incident of keeping of the see in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince King Henrie the fifth and of his great shippes ANd if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift what was his purposing Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons Which passed other great ships of all the commons The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost And other nwe which as nowe bee lost What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes and what in minde hee meant It was not ellis but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see And when Harflew had her siege about There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure Dâ—stroyed they were by that discomfiture This was after the king Harflew had wonne Whan our enemies to siege had begonne That all was staine or take by true relation To his worshippe and of his English nation There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes which knoweth this in certaine He can it tell otherwise then I Aske him and witte I passe foorth hastily What had this king of his magnificence Of great courage of wisedome and prudence Prouision forewitte audacitee Of fortitude iustice and agilitee Discretion subtile auisednesse Attemperance Noblesse and worthinesse Science prowesse deuotion equitie Of most estate with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar and the saide Edward As much of both liche hem as in regard Where was on liue a man more victorious And in so short time prince so maruellous By land and sea so well he him acquitte To speake of him I stony in my witte Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse Henry the fift with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie Of sea keeping entending victorie I leaue endly for about in the see No Prince was of better strenuitee And if he had to this time liued here He had bene Prince named withoutenpere His great ships should haue ben put in preese Unto the ende that he ment of in cheefe For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence And wonne vs good and wisely brought it thence That no passage should be without danger And his licence on see to moue and sterre Of vnitie shewing of our keeping of the see with an endly or finall processe of peace by authoritie Chap. 12. NOw in than for loue of Christ and of his ioy Bring it England out of trouble and noy Take heart and witte and set a gouernance Set many wits withouten variance To one accord and vnanimitee Put to good will for to keepe the see First for worship and profite also And to rebuke of eche euill wisted foe Thus shall worship and riches to vs long Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong To beare that coyne in figure and in deede To our courage and to our enemies dreede For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy And by stories which proued well this parte Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte But many londs would seche her peace for nede The see wel kept it must bee dâ—â— for drede Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs it will non other bee Within short while and ambassadours Would bene here soone to treate for their succours This vnitee is to God pleasance And peace after the werres variance The ende of battaile is peace sikerly And power causeth peace finally Kept than the sea about in speciall Which of England is the towne wall As though England were likened to a citie And the wall enuiron were the see Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England And than is England kept by Goddes hande That as for any thing that is without England were at ease withouten doubt And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon as brother with his brother And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie Without rancour in very charitie In rest and peace to Christes great pleasance Without strife debate and variance Which peace men should enserche with businesse And knit it saddely holding in holinesse The Apostle seith if ye list to see Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee Of the spirit in the bond of peace Which is nedeful to all withouten lese The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it this is holy desire Our
Duâ—furth Master of the Considentia 10 Roger Wilson Masters mates 11 Iohn Buckland Masters mates 12 Richard Ingram Masters mates Exemplar Epistolae seu literarum Missiuarum quas illustrissimus Princeps Eduardus eius nominis Sextus Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Rex misit ad Principes Septentrionalem ac Orientalem mundi plagam inhabitantes iuxta mare glaciale nec non Indiam Orientalem Anno Domini 1553 Regni sui anno septimo vltimo EDuardus sextus Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Rex c. Omnibus Regibus principibus ac dominis cunctis Iudicibus terrae Ducibus eius quibuscunque est excellens aliqua dignitas in ea cunctis in locis quae sunt sub vniuerso coelo Pax tranquillitas honor vobis terris regionibus vestris quae imperio vestro subiacent cuique vestrum quemadmodum conuenit ei Proptereà quòd indidit Deus Opt. Max. hominibus prae cunctis alijâ— viuentibus cor desiderium tale vt appetat quisque cum aliis societatem inire amare vicissim amari beneficijs afficere mutua accipere beneficia studeat ideò cuique pro facultate sua hoc desiderium in omnibus quidem hominibus beneficijs fouere consetuare conuenit in illis autem maximè qui hoc desiderio adducti à remotis etiam regionibus ad eos veniunt Quo enim longius iter eius rei gratia ingressi sunt eò ardentius in eis hoc desiderium fuisse declararunt Insuper etiam ad hoc nos patrum maiorumque nostrorum exempla inuitant qui semper humanissimè susceperunt benignissimè tractauerunt illos qui tum à locis propinquis tâ—â—â—â—à remotis cosamicè adibant eorum se protectioni commendantes Quod si omnibus id praestare aequum est certè mercatoribus imprimis praestari debet qui per vniuersum orbem discurrunt mare circumlustrantes aridam vt res bonas vtiles que Dei beneficio in regione eorum inueniuntur ad remotissimas regiones regna adferant atque inde vicissim referant quòd suae regioni vtile ibi repeterint vt populi ad quos eunt non destituantur commodis quae non profert illis terra eorum ipsi sint participes rerum quibus illi abundant Nam Deus coeli terrae humano generi maximè consulens noluit vt omnia in quauis regione inueniâ—entur quò regio ope alterius regionis indigeret gens ab alia gente commodum aliquod expectaret ac ita stabiliretur amicitia inter omnes singulique omnibus benefacere quaererent Hoc ita que ineundae ac stabiliendae amicitiae desiderio moti viri quidam regni nostri iter in remotas maritimas regiones instituerunt vt inter nostros illos populos viam mercibus inferendis efferendis aperirent nosque rogauerunt vt id illis concederemus Qui petitioni illorum annuentes concessimus viro honorabili forti Hugoni Wilibâ—o alijs qui cum eo sunt seruis nostris fidis charis vt pro sua voluntate in regiones eis priùs incognitas eant quaesituri ea quibus nos caremus adducant illis ex nostris terris id quo illi carent Atque ita illis nobis commodum inde accedat sitque amicitia perpetua foedus indissolubile inter illos nos dum permittent illi nos accipere de rebus quibus superabundant in regnis suis nos concedemus illis ex regnis nostris res quibus destituuntur Rogamus itaque vos Reges Principes omnes quibus aliqua est potestas in terra vt viris istis nostris transitum permittatis per regiones vestras Non enâ—m tangent quicquam â—x rebus vestris inuitis vobis Cogitate quòd homines ipsi sunt Et si qua re caruerint oramus pro vestra beneficentia eam vos illis tribuatis accipientes vicissim ab eis quod poterunt rependere vobis Ita vos gerite erga cos quemadmodum cuperetis vt nos subditi nostri nos gereremus erga seruos vestros si quando transierint per regiones nostras Atque promittimus vobis per Deum omnium quae coelo terra mari continentur perque vitam nostram tranquillitatem regnorum nostrorum nos pari benignitate seruos vestros accepturos si ad regna nostra aliquando venerint Atque à nobis subditis nostris ac si nati fuissent in regnis nostris ita benignè tractabuntur vt rependamus vobis benignitatem quam nostris exhibueritis Postquam vos Reges Principes c. rogauimus vt humanitate beneficentia omni prosequamini seruos nostros nobis charos oramus omnipotentem Deum nostrum vt vobis diuturnam vitam largiatur pacem quae nullam habeat finem Scriptum Londini quae ciuitas est primaria regni nostri Anno 5515. à creato mundo mense Iiar 14. die mensis anno septimo regni nostri The copie of the letters missiue which the right noble Prince Edward the sixt sent to the Kings Princes and other Potentates inhabiting the Northeast partes of the worlde toward the mighty Empire of Cathay at such time as Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and Richard Chancelor with their company attempted their voyage thither in the yeere of Christ 1553. and the seuenth and last yeere of his raigneâ— EDward the sixt by the grace of God King of England France and Ireland c. To all Kings Princes Rulers Iudges and Gouernours of the earth and all other hauing any excellent dignitie on the same in all places vnder the vniuersall heauen peaceâ— tranquillitie and honour be vnto you and your lands and regions which are vnder your dominions and to euery of you as is conuenient Forasmuch as the great and Almightie God hath giuen vnto mankinde aboue all other liuing creatures such an heart and desire that euery man desireth to ioine friendship with other to loue and be loued also to giue and receiue mutuall benefites it is therefore the duety of all men according to their power to maintaine and increase this desire in euery man with well deseruing to all men and especially to shew this good affection to such as being moued with this desire come vnto them from farre countreis For how much the longer voyage they haue attempted for this intent so much the more doe they thereby declare that this desire hath bene ardent in them Furthermore also the examples of our fathers and predecessors doe inuite vs hereunto forasmuch as they haue euer gently and louingly intreated such as of friendly mind came to them aswell from Countries neare hand as farre remote commending themselues to their protection And if it be right and equity to shew such humanitie toward all men doubtlesse the same ought chiefly to be shewed to marchants who wandering about the world search both the land and the sea to carry
safegard forty armed men to watch ward me vntil he might haue newes from the king of Shiruan The 12 day of the same moneth newes did come from the king with order that I should repaire vnto him with all speâ—d and for expedition aswell camels to the number of fiue and forty to cary my goods as also horses for me and my company were in readinesse so that the goods laden and taking my iourney from thence the said twelft day on the 18 of the same moneth I came to a city called Shamaky in the said countrey of Hircan otherwise called Shiruan and there the king hath a faire place where my lodging being appointed the goods were discharged the next day being the 19 day I was sent for to come to the king named Obdolowcan who kept his court at that time in the high mountainesâ—â—â— tents distant â—rom the sayd Shamaki twentie miles to auoyd the iniury of the heat and the 20 day I came before his presence who gently interteined me and hauing kissed his hands he bad me to dinner and commanded me to sit downe not farre from him This king did sit in a very rich pauillion wrought with silke golde placed very pleasantly vpon a hill side of sixteene fathom long and sixe fathom broad hauing before him a goodly fountaine of faire water whereof he his nobility did drinke he being a prince of a meane stature and of a fierce countenance richly apparelled with long garments of silke and cloth of gold imbrodred with pearles and stone vpon his head was a tolipane with a sharpe end standing vpwards halfe a yard long of rich cloth of golde wrapped about with a piece of India silke of twentie yards long wrought with golde and on the left side of his tolipane stood a plume of fethers set in a trunke of golde richly inameled and set with precious stones his earerings had pendants of golde a handfull long with two great rubies of great value set in the ends thereof all the ground within his pauilion was couered with rich carpets vnder himselfe was spred a square carpet wrought with siluer golde and therupon was layd two sutable cushions Thus the king with his nobility sitting in his pauillion with his legs acrosse and perceiuing that it was painfull for me so to sit his highnesse caused a stoole to be brought in did will me to sit thereupon after my fashion Dinner time then approching diuers clothes were spred vpon the ground and sundry dishes serued and set in a ranke with diuers kindes of meats to the number of 140 dishes as I numbred them which being taken away with the table clothes and others spred a banket of fruits of sundry kindes with other banketting meates to the number of 150 dishes were brought in so that two seruices occupied 290 dishes and at the end of the sayd dinner banket the king said vnto me Quoshe quelde that is to say Welcome and called for a cup of water to be drawen at a fountaine and tasting thereof did deliuer me the rest demanding how I did like the same and whether there were so good in our countrey or not vnto whom I answered in such sort that he was therewith contented then he proponed vnto me sundry questions both touching religion and also the state of our countreys and further questioned whether the Emperor of Almaine the Emperor of Russia or the great Turke were of most power with many other things too long here to rehearse to whom I answered as I thought most meet Then he demanded whether I intended to goe any further and the cause of my comming vnto that I answered that I was sent with letters from the Queenes most eâ—cellent Maiesty of England vnto the great Sophy to intreat friendship and free passage and for his safeconduct to be granted vnto English merchants to trade into his Segniories with the like also to be granted to his subiects when they should come into our countreys to the honour and wealth of both realmes and commodity of both their subiects with diuers other words which I omit to rehearse This sayd king much allowing this declaration sayd that he would not onely giue me passage but also men to safeconduct me vnto the sayd Sophy lying from the foresayd citie of Shamaki thirtie dayes iourney vp into the land of Persia at a castle called Casbin so departing from the king at that time within three dayes after being the foure and twentieth day of August the yere aforesaid he sent for me againe vnto whom I repaired in the morning and the king not being risen out of his bed for his maner is that watching in the night and then banketting with his women being an hundred and forty in number he sleepeth most in the day did giue one commandement that I should ride on hawking with many Gentlemen of his Court and that they should shew me so much game and pastime as might be which was done and many cranes killed We returned from hawking about three of the clocke at the afternoone the king then risen and ready to dinner I was inuited thereunto and approching nigh to the entring in of his tent and being in his sight two gentlemen incountered me with two garments of that countrey fashion side downe to the ground the one of silke and the other of silke and golde sent vnto me from the king and after that they caused me to put off my vpper garment being a gowne of blacke veluet furred with Sables they put the sayd two garments vpon my backe and so conducted me vnto the king before whom doing reuerence and kissing his hand he commanded me to sit not farre from him and so I dined in his presence he at that time being very mery and demanding of me many questions and amongst other how I like the maner of their hawking Dinner so ended I required his highnesse safeconduct for to depart towards the Sophy who dismissing me with great fauour and appointing his Ambassadour which returned out of Russia and others to safeconduct me he gaue me at my departure a faire horse with all furniture and custome free from thence with all my goods So I returned to Shamaki againe where I remained vntill the sixt of October to prouide camels horses and other necessaries for may sayd intended iourney But now before I proceed further I purpose to write something of this countrey of Hircan now called Shiruan with the townes and commodities of the same This countrey of Hircan in times past was of great renowme hauing many cities townes and castles in it and the kings thereof in time of antiquity were of great power able to make wars with the Sophies of Persia but now it is not onely otherwise for that the cities townes and castles be decayed but also the king is subiect to the sayd Sophie although they haue their proper king and be at the commandement of the sayd Sophy
your seruants Thomas Alcocke George Wrenne and Richard Cheinie the 28. of Iune last I departed in poste from the said Mosco and comming to Colmogro and so downe to the Sea side I found your ships laden and ready to depaâ—t where I embarked my selfe in your good ship called the Swallow the 9. of Iuly one thousand fiue hundred sixtie foure and hauing passed the Seas with great and extreme dangers of losse of shippe goods and life the 28. day of September last God be praised we arriued here at London in safetie Thus knowing that the couragious and valiant souldier which aduentureth both fame member and life to serue faithfully his soueraigne esteemeth not the perils and dangers passed the victorie once obtained neither for his guerdon desireth any thing more then that his seruice bee well taken of him for whom he enterprised it So I perceiuing your fauourable beneuolence to me extended in accepting my trauels in good part to your contentations do thinke my selfe therewith in great part recompensed beseeching Almightie God so to prosper your aduentures from time to time hereafter to be made for reaping the fruits of my trauels at your great charges and to my no small dangers that ye may plentifully gather in and enioy the same to the illustrating of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie the honour and commoditie of this her highnesse Realme and to the ample benefit and abundant enriching of you and your succession posteritie for euer A copie of the priuiledges giuen by Obdolowcan King of Hircania to the company of English merchants Aduenturers for Russia Persia and Mare Caspium with all the lands and countreys adioyning to the same obtained by M. Anthonie Ienkinson at his being there about the affaires of the said company April 14. Anno 1563. VVE Obdolowcan by the mightie power of God maker of heauen and of earth appointed and now raigning king of Shiruan and Hircan of our meere wotion and great goodnes at the earnest sute and request of our fauoured and welbeloued Anâ—honie Ienkinson Ambassadour haue giuen and graunted vnto the right worshipfull Sir William Garrer sir William Chester sir Thomas Lodge M. Richard Mallarie and M. Richard Chamberlaine with all their company of merchants Aduenturers of the Citie of London in England free libertie safe conduct and licence to come or sende their factors in trade of merchandize into our countreys and to buy and sell with our merchants and others either foâ— ready money or barter and to tary and abide in our countrey so long as they will and to goe away when they list without impediment let or hinderance either of body or goods And further our commaundement and pleasure is that the said English merchants with their company shall pay no maner of custome for wares which they or their factors shal buy or sel within our dominions And if at any time our customers or other officers or any of them doe disturbe misuse force or constraine the said English merchants or any of them or their factors to pay any maner of custome or duetie for any wares they bring in or cary out of our dominions contrary to this our commandement and the same be knowen vnto vs then we will that the saide customers and officers shall loose be put out of their said offices with our further displeasure and the saide English merchants to haue restored all such money wares as our customers haue taken of them for our said custome And whensoeuer the saide English merchants or their factors shall bring any maner of wares meete for our treasurie then our treasurer shall take the said wares into our treasurie and shall giue vnto the said English merchants either ready money or raw silkes to the value of their saide wares And wheresoeuer this our letter of priuiledges shall bee seene and read within our dominion we straightly wil and command that it take effect and be obeyed in al points Dated at our place of Iauat the day and yere aboue written and sealed with our princely seale and firmed by our Secretarie in the 12. yeere of our raigne The second voiage into Persia made by Tho. Alcock who was slaine there and by George Wrenne Ric. Cheinie seruants to the worshipfull compaine of Moscouie merchants in Anno 1563. written by the said Richard Cheinie IT may please your worships to vnderstand that in the yere 1563. I was appointed by M. Antho. Ienkinson and M. Thomas Glouer your Agent in Russia to goe for Persia in your worships affaires one Thomas Alcock hauing the charge of the voyage committed to him and I one of your worships seruants being ioyned with him in your businesâ— hauing with vs as they said 1500. rubbles And if it shall please you I cannot tell certainly what summe of money we had then of the Emperors for I receiued none nor disbursed any of it in wares for the voyage Also God I take to record I could not tell what stocke your worships had there for the bookes were kept so priuily that a man could neuer see them The 10. of May anno 1563. we departed from a towne called Yeraslaue vpon our voyage toward Persia. The 24. of Iuly we arriued at Astracan and the second of August wee departed from Astracan and the 4. of the same moneth we came to the Caspian sea and the 11. day of the said moneth we arriued at our port in Media and the 21. of the said August wee arriued at Shammaki whereas the king Obdolocan lay in the fiâ—lde We were wel entertained of heathen people for the thirde day after our arriuall at Shammaki wee were called before the king we gaue him a present and he entertained vs very well At our comming to the Court wee were commaunded to come before the king who sate in his tent vpon the ground with his legs a crosse and all his dukes round about his tent the ground being couered with carpets wee were commaunded to sit downe the King appointing euery man his place to sit And the king commaunded the Emperour of Russelands Merchants to rise vp and to giue vs the vpper hande The 20. of October Thomas Alcock departed from Shammaki towards Casbin leauing mee at Shammaki to recouer such debts as the dukes of Shammaki ought for wares which they tooke of him at his going to Casbin In the time I lay there I could recouer but little And at Thomas Alcocks comming from Casbin who arriued at a towne called Leuuacta whereas the king Obdolocan lay a day and a halfes iourney from the towne whereas I lay I hearing of his arriuing there departed from Shammaki finding him there in safetie with all such goods as he had with him During his abode there for seuen dayes he made suite to the king for such money as the dukes ought him But the king was displeased for that the Emperour of Russelands merchant had slaine a Boserman at his going to Casbin Thomas Alcocke seeing
princes There came also Ambassadors from the Emperor of Almaine the Pole the Swethen the Dane c. And since his coronation no enemie of his hath preuailed in his attempts It fell out not long after that the Emperor was desirous to send a message to the most excellent Queene of England for which seruice he thought no man fitter than M. Ierome Horsey supposing that one of the Queenes owne men and subiects would be the more acceptable to her The summe of which message was that the Emperor desired a continuance of that league friendship amitie and intercourse of traffique which was betweene his father and the Queens maiestie and her subiects with other priuate affaires besides which are not to be made common Master Horsey hauing receiued the letters and requests of the Emperour prouided for his iourney ouer land and departed from Mosco the fift day of September thence vnto Otuer to Torshook to great Nouogrod to Vobsky and thence to Nyhouse in Liuonia to Wenden and so to Riga where he was beset and brought foorthwith before a Cardinall called Rageuil but yet suffred to passe in the end From thence to Mito to Golden and Libou in Curland to Memel to Koningsburgh in Prussia to Elbing to Dantzike to Stetine in Pomerland to Rostock to Lubeck to Hamborough to Breme to Emden and by sea to London Being arriued at her maiesties roiall court and hauing deliuered the Emperors letters with good fauour and gracious acceptance he was foorthwith againe commaunded to repasse into Ruffia with other letters from her maiestie to the Emperor and prince Boris Pheodorowich answering the Emperors letters and withall requesting the fauour and friendship which his father had yeelded to the English merchants and hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the merchants of London themselues of that company to deale in their behalfe Being thus dispatched from London by sea he arriued in Mosco the 20. of April 1586. and was very honorably welcommed And for y t merchants behoofe obtained all his requests being therein specially fauoured by y e noble prince Boris Pheodorowich who alwayes affected M. Horsey with speciall liking And hauing obtained priuiledges for the merchants he was recommended from the Emperor againe to the Queene of England his mistresse by whom the prince Boris in token of his honorable and good opinion of the Queens maiestie sent her highnesse a roiall present of Sables Luzarns cloth of gold and other rich things So that the Companie of English merchants next to their thankfulnes to her maiestie are to account M. Horseis paines their speciall benefit who obtained for them those priuileges which in twentie yeeres before would not be granted The maner of M. Horseis last dispatch from the Emperor because it was very honorable I thought good to record He was freely allowed post horses for him and his seruants victuals and all other necessaries for his long iourney at euery towne that he came vnto from Mosco to Vologda which is by land fiue hundred miles he receiued the like free and bountifull allowances at the Emperors charge New victuall and prouision were giuen him vpon the riuer Dwina at euery towne by the kings officers being one thousand miles in length When he came to the new castle called Archangel he was receiued of the Duke Knez Vasili Andrewich Isuenogorodsky by the Emperors commission into the Castle gunners being set in rankes after their vse where he was sumptuously feasted from thence hee was dispatched with bonntifull prouision and allowance in the Dukes boat with one hundred men to rowe him and one hundred Gunners in other boats to conduct him with a gentleman captaine of the Gunners Comming to the road where the English Dutch and French ships rode the gunners discharged and the ships shot in like maner 46. pieces of their ordinance so he was brought to his lodging at the English house vpon Rose Island And that which was the full and complete conclusion of the fauour of the Emperor and Boris Pheodorowich toward M. Horsey there were the next day sent him for his further prouision vpon the fea by a gentleman and a captaine the things folowing 16. liue oxen 70. sheepe 600. hens 25. fâ—itches of Bacon 80. bushels of meale 600. loaues of bread 2000. egs 10. geese 2. cranes 2. swans 65. gallons of mead 40. gallons of Aquauitae 60. gallons of beere 3. yong beares 4. hawkes Store of onions and garlike 10. fresh salmons A wild bore All these things were brought him downe by a Gentleman of the Emperors and another of prince Boris Pheodorowich were receiued in order by Iohn Frefe seruant to M. Horsey together with an honorable present and reward from the prince Boris sent him by M. Francis Cherry an Englishman which present was a whole very rich piece of cloth of gold a faire paire of Sables This Gentleman hath obserued many other rare things concerning those partes which hereafter God willing at more conuenient time and laisure shall come to light Pheodor Iuanowich the new Emperors gracious letter of priuilege to the English Merchants word for word obtained by M Ierome Horsey 1586. THrough the wil of the almightie and without beginning God which was before this world whom we glorifie in y e Trinitie one only God the father the sonne and the holy ghost maker of all things worker of all in all euery where fulfiller of all things by which will and workingâ— he both loueth and giueth life to man That our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his onely children with his word to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times Establish vs to keep the right Scepter and suffer vs of our selues to raigne to the good profite of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the maintenance of vertue We Pheodor the ofspring of Iohn the great Lord Emperor king and great prince of all Russia of Volodemeria Moscouia and Nouogrod king of Cazan king of Astracan Lord of Plesko and great prince of Smolensko of Tuer Yougoria Permia Viatsko of Bolghar and others lord and great prince of the land of the lower Nouogrod Chernigo Rezan Polotsko Rostow Yeraslaue the White lake Liefland Oudor Condensa and Ruler of all Siberia and all the North-side and lord of many other countries I haue gratified the merchants of England to wit sir Rowland Haiward and Richard Maâ—tin Aldermen sir George Barnes Thomas Smith esquire Ierome Horsey Richard Saltonstall with their fellowes I haue licensed them to saile with their shippes into our dominion the land of Dwina with all kind of commodities to trade freely and vnto our kingdom and the citie of Mosco and to all the cities of our empire of Moscouia And the english merchants sir Rowland Haiward his societie desired vs that we would gratifie them to trade into our kingdom of Moscouia and into our
for the ayding helping and protecting of her Maiesties merchants by the order and commaundement of our Lord and king his Maiestie And to that ende I haue giuen order to all our authorised people to bee carefull ouerthem and to defende them in all causes and to giue them free libertie to trafficke at their owne willes and pleasures It may bee that your merchants doe not certifie you the trueth of all things nor make knowen vnto your honour my readinesse to protect them And howe my Letters and Commissions are sent to all authorised people for them that they shoulde ayde and assist them according to the tenour of my Letters to all others that bee in authoritie vnder the said Officers or otherwise Also your honour writeth of the debarring of your merchants at the Sea port from their accustomed libertie of enterchangeable trafficke and bartar Touching which complaint search and inquisition hath bene made and commaundement giuen that your Queenes Maiesties merchants at the Seaside and in all places where the trade is doe not sustaine any domage or hinderance hereafter but that they shal be at libertie without any hindering or letting either in the Mosco the Treasurehouse or else where by any of our authorised people but absolutely to bee at free libertie at their owne will and pleasure And also I will continue to be their protectour and defendour in all causes by our Lorde and kings Maiesties order and commaundement as it shal be knowen and certified you by your people resident here in the Mosco Written in our Kings Maiesties royall citie of Mosco from the beginning of the world 7101â— yeere in the moneth of Ianuary A most gracious Letter giuen to the English Merchants Sir Iohn Hart and his company by Theodore Iuanowich the King Lord and great duke of all Russia the onely vpholder thereof THe onely God omnipotent before all eternitie his will be done without ende the Father Sonne and holy Ghost we glorifie in Trinitie Our onely God the maker of all things and worker of all in all euery where with plentifull increase for which cause he hath giuen life to man to loue him and to trust in him Our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his holy children with his word to discerne good through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times establish vs to keepe the right sâ—epter and suffer vs to reigne of our selues to the good profit of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the mainteinance of vertue We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanouich of all Russia the onely vpholder of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Casan and king of Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great duke of Smolensko of Otuer Vghorie Permia Viatski Bulgari and other regions great duke also of Nouogrod in the lowe Countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yaruslaue Bealozero and of Liefland of Vdorski Obdorski Condenski and commaunâ—er of all the Countrey of Siberi and of the North parts and Lord ouer the Countrey of Iuerski Grusinski and King ouer the Countrey of Igorski and ruler ouer many other kingdomes and Lordships more Our princely Maiestie at the request of our brother in lawe Boâ—is Feodorowich Godenoua our seruant and Master of our horses generall Comptroller of our house and gouernour of the Lordships and kingdomes of Casan and Astracan vnto the English merchants Sir Iohn Hart knight sir William Webbe knight Richard Salkenstow Alderman Nicholas Moseley alderman Robert Doue Wilâ— Garrowe Iohn Harbey Robert Chamberlaine Henry Anderson Iohn Woodworth FraÌ„cis Cherry Iohn Merrick Christopher Holmes hath graciously giuen leaue to come go with their ships into our kingdome territories of Duina with all kind of commodities at their pleasures to trafficke froÌ„ the seaside to our roial city of Mosco in al other cities townes countries and territories of our whole kingdom of Mosco vpon the humble petition and sute of the saide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company wee haue giuen them leaue to passe and trafficke into all parts of our dominions and territories of Mosco and to our inheritance of Nouogrod and Plesco with their wares and commodities without paying any custome or dueties We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia haue firmely giuen and graunted vnto the aforesaide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company for the loue we beare to our deare sister Queene Elizabeth we I say of our gracious goodnes haue giuen leaue to trauel and passe to our royal seat of Mosco and to all the parts of our kingdome with all kinde of commodities and to trafficke with all kinde of wares at their owne pleasure without paying any custome of their said wares To you our Customers we wil and command not to take any maner of custome of the said merchants and their company neither for entering weying nor passing by or through any place of our territories nor for custome of iudgement by Lawe or for their person or persons nor any duties ouer bridges or for certificats or processes or for conducting ouer any streames or waters or for any other customes or dueties that may be named we wil and straitly commaund you not to take any of them in any wise Prouided alwayes that the saide merchants shall not colour any strangers wares nor bring them into our countrey nor fauour them colourably nor sel for any stranger To you our subiects also we coÌ„mand not to meddle or deale with any wares of strangers colourably nor to haue them by you in keeping nor to offer to sel their coÌ„modities but themselues to sel their owne coÌ„modities in change or otherwise as they may or can And in al townes cities countreys or any part of our dominions and territories it shal be lawful for the foresaid merchants and their company to sell or barter away their owne commodities in change or otherwise for or at their pleasure as they will And whensoeuer the said merchants or any of them come into our territories of great Nouogrod or Plesco or to any other parts of our kingdome with their wares by vertue of these our Maiesties letters we straitly charge and command you our Captaines generals and all other that be authorised or in office to suffer the aforesaid merchants to passe and repasse and to take no kinde of custome or dutie of them or any of their goods howsoeuer it may haue name nor in no place else where they shal come in all our kingdome Likewise if they sell not nor buy no wares you shall take no custome but suffer them quietly to passe where they will with their goods Of our gratious goodnes and meere goodwill we haue giuen the said merchants leaue to trafficke throughout all our kingdomes and in all townes and cities with all maner of wares and commodities without paying any custome or dutie Wheresoeuer they shal
authoritie For the second point when it pleased your Honour in sommer was two yeeres to haue some conference with me and to demaund mine opinion touching the state of the Country of Guiana and whether it were fit to be planted by the English I then to my no small ioy did admire the exact knowledge which you had gotten of those matters of Indian Nauigations and how carefull you were not to be ouertaken with any partiall affection to the Action appeared also by the sound arguments which you made pro contra of the likelihood and reason of good or ill successe of the same before the State and common wealth wherein you haue an extraordinarie voyce should be farther engaged In consideration whereof I thinke my selfe thrise happie to haue these my trauailes censured by your Honours so well approued iudgement Touching the third and last motiue I cannot but acknowledge my selfe much indebted for your fauourable letters heretofore written in my behalfe in mine honest causes Whereunto I may adde that when this worke was to passe vnto the presse your Honour did not onely intreate a worthy knight a person of speciall experience as in many others so in marine causes to ouersee and peruse the same but also vpon his good report with your most fauourable letters did warrant and with extraordinarie commendation did approue and allow my labours and desire to publish the same Wherefore to conclude seeing they take their life and light from the most cheerefull and benigne aspect of your fauour I thinke it my bounden dutie in all humilitie and with much bashfulnesse to recommend my selfe and them vnto your right Honorable and fauourable protection and your Honour to the mercifull tuition of the most High From London this 24. of October 1599. Your Honors most humble to be commanded Richard Hakluyt preacher ¶ A Catalogue of the English Voyages made by and within the Streight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world conteined in the first part of this second volume Voyages before the Conquest 1 THe voyage of Helena the Empresse daughter of Coelus king of Britain and mother of Constantine the Great to Ierusalem An. 337. pag. 1.2 2 The voyage of Constantine the Great Emperour and king of Britaine to Greece AEgypt Persia and Asia Anno 339. pag. 2.3 3 The voyage of Pelagius Cambrensis vnder Maximus king of the Britaines into AEgypt and Syria Anno 390. pag. 4 4 The voyage of certaine Englishmen sent by the French king to Constantinople vnto Iustinian the Emperour about the yeere of our Lord 500. pag. 4 5 The memorable voyage of Sighelmus bishop of Shirburne sent by king Alphred vnto S. Thomas of India An. 883. confirmed by two testimonies pag. 5 6 The voyage of Iohn Erigen vnder king Alphred to Athens in the yeere of our Lorde 885. pag. 5.6 7 The voyage of Andrew Whiteman aliâs Leucander vnder Canutus the Dane to Palastina Anno 1020. pag. 6 8 The voyage of Swanus one of the sonnes of Earle Godwin vnto Ierusalem Anno 1052. pag. 6 9 A voyage of three Ambassadours sent in the time of king Edward the Confessor vnto Constantinople and from thence vnto Ephesus Anno 1056. pag. 7 10 The voyage of Alured bishop of Worcester vnto Ierusalem Anno 1058. pag. 8 11 The voyage of Ingulphus afterward Abbat of Croiland vnto Ierusalem An. 1064. pag. 8.9 Voyages since the Conquest 12 A Voyage made by diuerse of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtois the sonne of William the Conquerour to Ierusalem Anno 1096. pag. 10 13 The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady married vnto Baldwine brother of Godfrey duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem An. 1097. 10.11 14 The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund surnamed Ironside brother vnto king Edward the Confessor being accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwine to Ierusalem Anno 1102. 11 15 The voyage of Godericus a valiant Englishman who trauailed with his ships in an expedition vnto the holy land Anno 3. Hen. 1. 12 16 The voyage of Hardine an Englishman and one of the principall commaunders of 200 sayles of Christians ships which arriued at Ioppa Anno 1102 12. 13 17 A voyage by sea of Englishmen Danes and Flemings who arriued at Ioppa in the holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Ierusalem and in the 8. yeere of Henry the first king of England pag. 13,14 15 18 The voyage of Athelard of Bathe to AEgypt and Arabia in the yeere of our Lord 1130 pag. 15. 16 19 The voyage of William Archbishop of Tyre to Ierusalem and to the citie of Tyre in Phoenicia Anno 1130. 16 20 The voyage of Robert Ketenensis vnder king Stephen to Dalmatia Greece and Asia Anno 1143. 16 21 A voyage of certaine Englishmen vnder the conduct of Lewis the French king vnto the holy land Anno 1147. 17 22 The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ierusalem Anno 1173 17 23 The voyage of William Mandeuile Erle of Essex to Ierusalem Anno 1177. 17 24 The famous voyage of Richard the first king of England into Asia for the recouering of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens Anno 1190. 20 25 The voyage of Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury vnto Syria and Palaestina in the yeere 1190. 28 26 The voyage of Richard Surnamed Canonicus vnder king Richard the first into Syria and Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 27 The voyage of Gulielmus Peregrinus vnder king Richard the first to Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 28 The voyage of Hubert Walter bishop of Salisbury vnder king Richard also vnto Syria Anno 1190. 31 29 The voyage of Robert Curson a nobleman of England and a Cardinall vnder Hen. the third to Damiata in AEgypt Anno 1218. 31. 32 30 The voyage of Rainulph Earle of Chester of Saer Quincy Earle of Winchester of William de Albanie Earle of Arundel c. to the holy land Anno 1218. 32 31 The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the holy land in the yeere of our Lord 1222. 32 32 The voyage of Rainulph Glanuile Earle of Chester to the holy land and to Damiata in AEgypt 32 33 The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1231. 33 34 The honourable voyage of Richard Earle of Cornwall brother to king Hen. the third accompanied with William Long-espee Earle of Salisburie and diuerse other noblemen into Syria Anno 1240. 33 35 The voyage of William Long-espee or Long-sword Erle of Salisburie into AEgypt with Lewis the French king Anno 1248. 33 36 The voyage of prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Syria An. 1270. 36 37 The voyage of Robert Turneham vnder the said prince Edward into Syria in the yeere of our Lord 1270 38.39 38 The voyage of Frier Beatus Odoricus to Asia minor Armenia Chaldaea Persia India China and other remote parts c. 39.53 39 The voyage of Matthew Gurney an
Domini 1172 fundata fuit abbatia de Stanlaw per dominum Iohannem Lacy Constabularium Cestriae dominum de Halton qui obijt in Terra sancta anno sequenti qui fuit vicessimus annus regni regis Henrici secundi ¶ The same in English IN the yere of our Lord 1172 was founded the abbey of Stanlaw by the lord Iohn Lacy Constable of Chester lord of Halton who deceased in the Holy land the yere following which was in the twentieth yere of king Henry the second The voyage of VVilliam Mandeuile to Ierusalem VVIlliam Mandeuile earle of Essex with diuers English lords and knights went to the Holy land in the 24 yere of Henry the second Holinshed pag. 101. English men were the guard of the Emperours of Constantinople in the reigne of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus Malmesburiensis Curopolata and Camden pag. 96. IAminde Anglia non minus belli gloria quà m humanitatis cultu inter Florentissimas orbis Christiani gentes inprimis floruit Adeo vt ad custodiam corporis Constantinopolitanorum Imperatorum euocati fuerint Angli Ioannes enim Alexij Comneni filius vt refert noster Malmesburiensis eorum fidem suspiciens praecipue familiaritati suae applicabat amorem eorum filio transcribens Adeo vt iam inde longo tempore fuerint imperatorum illorum satellites Inglini Bipenniferi Nicetae Choniatae Barangi Curopolatae dicti Qui vbique Imperatorem prosequebantur ferentes humetis secures quas tollebant cum Imperator ex oratorio spectandum se exhibebat Anglicè vitam diuturnam secures suas collidentes vt sonitum ederent comprecabantur The same in English FRom this time forward the kingdome of England was reputed amongst the most flourishing estates of Christendome no lesse in chiualrie then humanitie So farforth that the English men were sent for to be the guarders of the persons of the Emperours of Constantinople For Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus as our countreyman William of Malmesburie reporteth highly esteeming their fidelity vsed them very nere about him recommending them ouer to his sonne so that long time afterwards the guard of those Emperours were English halberâ—iers called by Nicetas Choniata Inglini Bipenniseri and by Europolata Barangi which alwayes accompanied the Emperour with their halberds on their shoulders which they held vp when the Emperour comming from his Oratorie shewed himselfe to the people and clafhing their halberds together to make a terrible sound they in the English tongue wished vnto him long life A great supply of money to the Holy land by Henry the 2. THe same yeere King Henry the second being at Waltham assigned an aide to the maintenance of the Christian souldiers in the Holy lande That is to wit two and fortie thousand markes of siluer and fiue hundred markes of golde Matth. Paris and Holens pag. 105. A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henrie the second King of England Anno Dom. 1177. wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries Noble men and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battell of his against the Soldan of Iconium Recorded by Roger Houeden in Annalium parte posteriore in regno Hen. 2. fol. 316 317. EOdem anno Manuel Constantinopolitanus imperator habito praelio campestri cum Soltano Iconij illo devicto in hac forma scripsit Domino regi Angliae Manuel in Christo deo Porphyrogenitus diuinitùs coronatus sublimis potens excelsus semper Augustus moderator Romanorum Comnenus Henrico nobilissimo regi Angliae charissimo amico suo salutem omne bonum Cum imperium nostrum necessarium reputet notificare tibi vt dilecto amico suo de omnibus quae sibi obueniunt ideò de his quae nunc acciderunt ei opportunum iudicauit declatare tuae voluntati Igitur a principio coronationis nostrae imperium nostrum aduersus dei inimicos Persas nostrum odium in corde nutriuit dum cernetet illos in Christianos gloriari eleuarique in nomen dei Christianorum dominari regionibus Quocirca alio quidem tempore in differentèr inuasit eos prout deus ei concessit sic fecit Et quae ab ipso frequenter patrata sunt ad contritionem ipsorum perditionem imperium nostrum credit nobilitatem tuam non latere Quoniam autem nunc maximum exercitum contra eos ducere proposuit bellum contra omnem Persidem mouere quia res cogebat Et non vt voluit multum aliquem apparatum fecit sicut ei visum est Veruntamen prout tempus dabat rerum status potentèr eos inuasit Collegit ergo circa se imperium nostrum potentias suas sed quia carpenta ducebat armorum machinarum aliorum instrumentorum conserentium ciuitatum expugnationibus pondera portantia idcircò nequa quam cum festinatione iter suum agere poterat Ampliùs autem dum adhuc propriam regionem peragraret antequam barbarorum aliquis aduersus nos militaret in bellis aduersarius aegritudo dissicillima fluxus ventris invasit nos qui diffâ—sus per agmina imperij nostri pertransibat depopulando inteâ—imendo multos omni pugnatore grauior Et hoc maluÌ„ inuslescens maximè nos contriuit Ex quo verò fines Turcorum inuasimus bella quidem primum frequentia concrepabant agmina Turcorum cum exercitibus imperij nostri vndique dimicabant Sed Dei gratia ex toto à nostris in fugam vertebantur barbari Post verò vbi eâ— qui illic adjaceâ— angustiae loci quae à Persis nominatur Cibrilcimam propinquâ—uimus tot Persarum turmae peditum equitum quorum pleraeque ab interioribus partibus Persidis occurrerant in adiutorium contribulium suorum exercitui nostro superuenerunt quot penè nostrorum excederent numerum Exercitu ita que imperij nostri propter viae omnino angustiam difficultatem vsque ad decem milliaria extenso cum neque qui praeibant possent postremos defendere neque versa vice rursus postremi possent praeeuntes iuuare non mediocritèr ab inuicem hos distare accidit Sanè primae cohortes permultùm ab acie imperij nostri diuide bantur postremarum oblitae illas non praestolantes Quoniam igitur Turcorum agmina ex iam factis praelijs cognouerant non conferre sibi à fronte nobis repugnare loci angustiam bonum subuentorem cum inuenissent posteriora statuerunt inuadere agmina quod fecerunt Arctissimo igitur vbique loco existente instabant barbari vndique à dextris â sinistris aliundè dimicantes tela super nos quasi imbres descendentia interimebant viros equos complures Ad haec itaque imperium nostruÌ„ vbi malum superabundabat reputans secum oportunuÌ„ iudicabat retrò expectare atque illos qui illic erant adiuuare expectando vtiquè contra infinita illa Persarum agmina bellum sustinuit Quanta quidem
their weapons as thicke as hailestones against vs slew diuers of our men and horses Hereupon the slaughter of our people still encreasing our maiestie imperiall deemed it requisite to stay behind and to succour our bands in the rereward and so expecting them we sustained the fierce encounter of many thousand Persians What exploits out Imperiall person atchieued in the same skirmish I hold it needlesse at this time to recount your maiestie may perhaps vnderstand more of this matter by them which were there present Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse being in the middest of this conflict and enduring the fight with so great danger all our hindermost troups both Greekes Latines and other nations retiring themselues close together and not being able to suffer the violence of their enemies weapons pressed on so hard and were caried with such maine force that hastening to ascend the next hill for their better safegard they vrged on them which went before whether they would or no. Whereupon much dust being raised which stopped our eyes and vtterly depriued vs of sight and our mē and horses pressing so sore one vpon the necke of another plunged themselues on the sudden into such a steepe and dangerous valley that treading one vpon another they quelled to death not onely a multitude of the common souldiours but diuers most honourable personages some of our neere kinsmen For who could restraine the irresistable throng of so huge a multitude Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse being enuironed with such swarmes of Infidels and giuing and receiuing wounds insomuch that the miscreants were greatly dismaied at our constancie we gaue not ouer but by Gods assistance wonne the field Neither did we permit the enemie to ascend vnto that place from whence we skirmished with him Neither yet spurred wee on our horse any faster for all their assaults But marshalling all our troupes together and deliuering them out of danger we disposed them about our Imperial person and so we ouertooke the foremost and marched in good order with our whole army Nowe the Soldan perceiuing that notwithstanding the great damages which we had sustained our Imperial highnes prouided to giue him a fresh encounter humbly submitting himselfe vnto vs and vsing submisse speaches made suite to haue peace at our hands and promised to fulfill the pleasure of our maiestie Imperiall to doe vs seruice against all commers to release all our subiects which were captiues in his realme and to rest wholy at our commaund Here therefore we remained two dayes with great authoritie and considering that wee could attempt nought against the citie of Iconium hauing lost all our warrelike engines both for defence and for batterie for that the oxen which drew them were slaine with the enemies weapons falling as thicke as hailestones and also for because all our beasts in a maner were most grieuously diseased our maiestie Imperial accepted of the Soldans petition league and oath being made and taken vnder our ensignes and granted our peace vnto him Then returned we into our owne dominions being greatly grieued for the losse of our deere kinsmen and yeelding vnto God most humble thanks who of his goodnesse had euen now giuen vs the victory We are right glad likewise that some of your maiesties princes and nobles accompanied vs in this action who are able to report vnto you all things which haue happened And albeit we were exceedingly grieued for the losse of our people yet thought it we expedient to signifie vnto you the successe of our affaires as vnto our welbeloued friend one who is very neerly allied vnto our highnesse Imperial by reason of the consanguinitie of our children Farewell Giuen in the moneth of Nouember and vpon the tenth Indiction ¶ The woorthy voiage of Richard the first K. of England into Asia for the recouerie of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens drawen out of the booke of Acts and Monuments of the Church of England written by M. Iohn Foxe KIng Richard the first of that name for his great valure surnamed Ceur de Lion the sonne of Henry the second after the death of his father remembring the rebellions that he had vndutifully raised against him sought for absolution of his trespasse and in part of satisfaction for the same agreed with Philip the French king to take his voiage with him for the recouerie of Christes patrimonie which they called the Holy land whereupon the sayd king Richard immediately after his Coronation to prepare himselfe the better towards his iourney vsed diuers meanes to take vp summes of money and exacted a tenth of the whole Realme the Christians to make threescore and ten thousand pounds and the Iewes which then dwelt in the Realme threescore thousand Hauing thus gotten sufficient money for the exploite he sent certaine Earles and Barons to Philip the French king in the time of his Parliament at S. Denis to put him in mind of his promise made for the recouerie of Christs holy patrimonie out of the Saracens hands To whom he sent word againe in the moneth of December that he had bound himselfe by solemne othe deposing vpon the Euangelists that he the yeere next following about the time of Easler had certainly prefixed to addresse himselfe toward that iourney requiring him likewise not to faile but to bee ready at the terme aboue limited appointing also the place where both the Kings should meéte together In the yeere therfore 1190. King Richard hauing committed the gouernment of this realme in his absence to the bishop of Ely then Chancellor of England aduanced forward his iourney and came to Turon to meet with Philip the French king after that went to Vizeliac where the French king he ioyning together for the more continuance of their iourney assured themselues by solemne othe swearing fidelitie one to the other the forme of whose oth was this That either of them should defend and maintaine the honour of the other and beare true fidelitie vnto him of life members worldly honor and that neither of them should faile one the other in their affaires but the French King should aide the King of England in defending his land and dominions as he would himselfe defend his owne Citie of Paris if it were besieged and that Richard king of England likewise should aide the French king in defending his land and Dominions no otherwise then he would defend his owne Citie of Roan if it were besieged c. Concerning the lawes and ordinances appointed by K. Richard for his Nauie the forme therof was this 1. That who so killed any person on shipboord should be tied with him that was slaine and throwen into the sea 2. And if he killed him on the land he should in like maner be tied with the partie slaine and be buried with him in the earth 3. He that shal be conuicted by lawfull witnes to draw out his knife or weapon to the intent to strike any man or that hath
French armie as afterwards it appeared ¶ The Voyage of Prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Asia in the yeere 1270. ABout the yeere of our Lord 1267. Octobonus the Popes Legate being in England prince Edward the sonne of king Henry and diuers other Noble men of England tooke vpon them the crosse vpon S. Iohn Baptists day by the sayd Legates hands at Northhampton to the reliefe of the Holy land and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ. For which purpose and for the better furnishing of the prince towards the iourney there was granted him a subsidie throughout all the realme and in the moneth of May in the yeere of our Lord 1270. he began to set forward At Michaelmas following he with his company came to Eguemortes which is from Marsilia eight leagues Westward and there taking ship againe hauing a mery and prosperous wind within ten dayes arriued at Tunez where he was with great ioy welcommed and entertained of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembleâ— as of Philip the French King whose father Lodouicus died a litle before of Carolus the king of Sicilia and the two kings of Nauarre and Arragon and as this lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England thâ—ther came also Henry the sonne of the king of Almaine for his father who at his returne from the voyage was slaine in a chappell at Viterbium When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done they answered him againe and sayd the prince of this citie and the prouince adioyning to the same hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the king of Sicily euery yere and now for that the same hath bene for the space of seuen yeeres vnpaied and more therefore we thought good to make inuasion vpon him But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly demaunded hath now according â—o our owne desire satisfied for the time past and also paied his tribute before hand Then sayd â—e My Lords what is this to the purpose are we not here all assâ—mbled haue taken vpon vs the Lords Character to fight against the infidels enemies of Christ What meane you then to conclude a peace with them God forbid we should do so for now the land is plaine and hard so that we may approch to y e holy city IerusaleÌ„ Then said they now haue we made a league with them neither is it lawful for vs to breake the same But let vs returne againe to Sicilia and when the winter is past we may well take shipping to Acra But this counsel nothing at all liked him neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased there with but after hee had made them a princely banket he went into his closet or priuy chamber from amongst them neither would be partaker of any of that wicked money which they had taken They notwithstanding continuing their purpose at the next mery wind tooke shipping and for want of ships left 200. of their men a shore crying out and pitioufly lamenting for the peril and hazard of death that they were in wherewith prince Edward being somewhat mooued to compassion came backe againe to the land and receiued and stowed them in his owne ships being the last that went aboord Within seuen dayes after they arriued in the kingdom of Sicilia ouer agaynst the Citie Trapes casting their ankers a league from thence within the sea for that their shippes were of great burden and throughly fraught and from the hauen of the citie they sent out barges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie to land as would but their horses for the most part and all their armour they kept still within boord At length towards the euening the sea began to be rough increased to a great tempest and a mightie insomuch that their ships were beaten one against anothers sides and drowned there was of them at that tempest lying at anker more then 120. with all their armour and munition with innumerable soules besides and that wicked money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was lost But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince Edwards who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby for that as it may be presupposed he consented not to the wicked counsell of the rest When in the morning the princes and kings came to the sea side and saw all their ships drowned and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon the land drowned they had full heauie hearts as well they might for of all their ships and mariners which were in number 1500. besides the common souldiers there was no more saued then the mariners of one onely ship and they in this wise There was in that ship a good wise Matrone a Countesse or an Erles wife who perceiuing the tempest to grow fearing her selfe called to her the M. of the ship asked him whether in attempting to the shoare it were not possible to saue theÌ„selues he answered that to saue the ship it was impossible howbeit the men that were therein by Gods helpe he doubted not Then sayd the countesse for the ship force no whit saue the soules therein and haue to thee double the value of the shippe who immediatly hoising the sailes with all force ran the shippe aground so nere the shore as was possible so that with the vehemency of the weather force he came withall he brast the ship and saued all that was within the same as he had shewed and sayd before Then the kings and princes altering their purpose after this so great a shipwracke returned home againe euery one vnto their owne lands onely Edward the sonne of the king of England remained behinde with his men and ships which the Lord had saued and preserued Then prince Edward renouating his purpose tooke shipping againe and within fifâ—eene daies after Easter arriued he at Acra and went aland taking with him a thousand of the best souldiers and most expert and taried there a whole moneth refreshing both his men and horses and that in this space he might learne and know the secrets of the land After this he tooke with him sixe or seuen thousand souldiers and marched forward twenty miles from Acra and tooke Nazareth and those that he found there he slew and afterward returned againe to Acra But their enemies following after them thinking to haue set vpon them at some streit or other aduantage were espied by the prince and returning againe vpon them gaue a charge and slew many of them and the rest they put â—o flight After this about Midsummer when the prince had vnderstanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cakow which was forty miles from Acra he marching thither set vpon them very earely in the morning and slew of them more then a thousand the rest he put to flight and tooke rich spoiles
and an halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies The state of his kingdome and maintenance of his army is a thing incredible to consider the victuals that should maintaine such a number of people in the warres but he that knoweth the nature and qualitie of that people will easily beleeue it I haue seene with mine eyes that those people and souldiers haue eaten of all sorts of wild beasts that are on the earth whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all serueth for their mouthes yea I haue seene them eate Scorpions and Serpents also they feed of all kinde of herbes and grasse So that if such a great armie want not water and salt they wil maintaine themselues a long time in a bush with rootes flowers and leaues of trees they cary rice with them for their voyage that serueth them in stead of comâ—its it is so daintie vnto them This king of Pegu hath not any army or power by sea but in the land for people dominions golde and siluer he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength This king hath diuers Magasons ful of treasure as gold siluer and euery day he encreaseth it more and more and it is neuer diminished Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies Safires Spinels Neere vnto his royal pallace there is an inestimable treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt for that it standeth in such a place that euery one may see it and the place where this treasure is is a great Court walled round about with walls of stone with two gates which stand open euery day And within this place or Courâ— are foure gilded houses couered with lead in euery one of these are certaine heathenish idoles of a very great valure In the first house there is a stature of the image of a man of gold very great on his head a crowne of gold beset with most rare Rubies and Safires and round about him are 4. litle children of gold In the second house there is the stature of a man of siluer that is set as it were sitting on heapes of money whose stature in height as hee sitteth is so high that his highnesse exceedes the height of any one roofe of an house I measured his feete and found that they were as long as all my body was in height with a crowne on his head like to the first And in the thirde house there is a stature of brasse of the same bignesse with a like crowne on his head In the 4. and last house there is a stature of a man as big as the other which is made of Gansa which is the metall they make their money of this metall is made of copper leade mingled together This stature also hath a crowne on his head like the first this treasure being of such a value as it is standeth in an open place that euery man at his pleasure may go see it for the keepers therof neuer forbid any man the sight thereof I say as I haue said before that this king euery yere in his feastes triumpheth because it is worthy of the noting I thinke it meet to write therof which is as foloweth The king rideth on a triumphant cart or wagon all gilded which is drawen by 16. goodly horses and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy ouer it behind the cart goe 20. of his Lords nobles with euery one a rope in his hand made fast to the cart for to hold it vpright that it fal not The king sitteth in the middle of the cart vpon the same cart about the king stande 4. of his nobles most fauored of him and before this cart wherein the king is goeth all his army as aforesaid and in the middle of his army goeth all his nobilitie round about the cart that are in his dominions a marueilous thing it is to see so many people such riches such good order in a people so barbarous as they be This king of Pegu hath one principal wife which is kept in a Seralio he hath 300 concubines of whom it is reported that he hath 90. children This king sitteth euery day in person to heare the suites of his subiects but he nor they neuer speake one to another but by supplications made in this order The king sitteth vp aloft in a great hall on a tribunall seat and lower vnder him sit all his Barons round about then those that demaund audience enter into a great Court before the king and there set them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the kings person and amongst those people there is no difference in matters of audience before the king but all alike and there they sit with their supplications in their hands which are made of long leaues of a tree these leaues are 3. quarters of a yard long two fingers broad which are written with a sharpe iron made for y t purpose in those leaues are their supplications written with their supplications they haue in their hands a present or gift according to the waightines of their matter Then come y e secretaries downe to read these supplications taking them reading them before the king if the king think it good to do to them that fauour or iustice that they demaund then he coÌ„mandeth to take the presents out of their hands but if he thinke their demand be not iust or acding to right he commandeth them away without taking of their gifts or presents In the Indies there is not any marchandise that is good to bring to Pegu vnlesse it bee at some times by chance to bring Opium of Cambaia and if he bring money he shall lose by it Now the commodities that come from S. Tome are the onely marchandize for that place which is the great quantity of cloth made there which they vse in Pegu which cloth is made of bombaâ—â— wouen and paâ—â—ted so that the more that kinde of cloth is washed the more liuelie they shewe their colours which is a rare thing and there is made such accompt of this kinde of cloth which is of so great importance that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand duckets Also from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne of bombast died with a roote which they call Saia as aforesayd which colour will neuer out With which marchandise euery yeere there goeth a great shippe from S. Tome to Pegu of great importance and they vsually depart from S. Tome to Pegu the 11. or 12. of September if she stay vntil the twelfth it is a great hap if she returne not without making of her voiage Their vse was to depart the sixt of September and then they made sure voyages and now because there is a great labour about that kind of cloth to bring it to perfection and that it be well dried as
maner how gentlemen are created Louteas and do come to that honour and title is by the giuing of a broad girdle not like to the rest and a cap at the commaundement of the king The name Loutea is more generall common vnto mo then the equalitie of honour thereby signâ—fied agreeth withall Such Louteas as doe serue their prince in weightie matters for iustice are created after trial made of their learning but the other which serue in smaller affaires as Captaines constables sergeants by land and sea receiuers and such like whereof there be in euery citie as also in this very many are made for fauour the chiefe Louteas are serued kneeling The whole prouince of China is diuided as I haue said into 13. shires in euery shire at the least is one gouernour called there Tutan in some shires there be two Chiefe in office next vnto them be ceâ—taine other named Chians that is high Commissioners as you would say or visiters with full authoritie in such wise that they doe call vnto an accompt the Tutans themselues but their authoritie lasteth not in any shire longer then one yere Neuerthelesse in euery shire being at the least 7. cities yea in some of them 15. or 16. beside other boroughes and townes noâ— well to be numbred these visiters where they come are so honoured and feared as though they were some great princes At the yeres end their circuit done they come vnto that Citie which is chiefe of others in the shire to do iustice there finally busying themselues in the searching out of such as are to receiue the order of Louteas whereof more shal be said in another place Ouer and besides these officers in the cheife City of ech one of these aforesaid 13. prouinces is resident one Ponchiassi Captaine thereof and treasurer of all the kings reuenues This Magistrate maketh his abode in one of the foure greatest houses that be in all these head Cities And although the principall part of his function be to be Captaine to be treasourer of the reuenues in that prouince to send these reuenues at appointed times to the Court yet hath he notwithstanding by his office also to meddle with matters appertaining vnto iustice In the second great house dwelleth an other Magistrate called Anchiassi a great officer also for he hath dealings in all matters of iustice Who although he be somewhat inferior in dignitie vnto the Ponchiassi yet for his great dealings and generall charge of iustice whosoeuer seeth the affaires of the one house and the other might iudge this Anchiassi to be the greater Tuzi an other officer so called lieth in the thirde house a magistrate of importance specially in things belonging vnto warfare for thereof hath he charge There is resident in the 4. house a fourth officer bearing name Taissu In this house is the principall prison of all the Citie Ech one of these Magistrates aforesaide may both lay euill doers in prison deliuer them out againe except y e fact be heinous of importance in such a case they can do nothing except they do meet al together And if the deed deserueth death all they together cannot determine thereof without recourse made vnto the Chian wheresoeuer hee be or to the Tutan and eâ—t soones it falleth out that the case is referred vnto higher power In all Cities not onely chiefe in ech shire but in the rest also are meanes found to make Louteas Many of them do study at the prince his charges wherefore at the yeeres ende they resort vnto the head Cities whither the Chians doe come as it hath bene earst saide as well to giue these degrees as to sit in iudgement ouer the prisoners The Chians go in circuit euery yere but such as are to be chosen to the greatest offices meete not but from three yeeres to three yeeres and that in certaine large halles appointed for them to be examined in Many things are asked them whereunto if they doe answere accordingly and be found sufficient to take their degree the Chian by and by granteth it them but the Cap and girdle whereby they are knowen to be Louteas they weare not before that they be confirmed by the king Their examination done and triall made of them such as haue taken their degree wont to be giuen them with all ceremonies vse to banquet and feast many dayes together as the Chineans fashion is to ende all their pleasures with eating and drinking and so remaine chosâ—n to do the king seruice in matters of learning The other examinates founde insufficient to proceed are sent backe to their studie againe Whose ignorance is perceiued to come of negligence and default such a one is whipped and sometimes sent to prison where lying that yeere when this kinde of acte was we found many thus punished and demaunding the cause thereof they saide it was for that they knew not how to answere vnto certaine things asked them It is a world to see how these Louteas are serued and feared in such wise that in publike assemblies at one shrike they giue all the seruitors belonging vnto iustice tremble thereat At their being in these places when they list to mooue be it but euen to the gate these seruitors doe take them vp and carry them in seates of beaten gold After this sort are they borne when they goe in the City either for their owne businesse abroade or to see ech other at home For the dignitie they haue and office they doe beare they be all accompanied the very meanest of them all that goeth in these seates is vshered by two men at the least that cry vnto the people to giue place howbeit they neede it not for that reuerence the common people haue vnto them They haue also in their company certaine Sergeants with their Maces either siluered or altogether siluer some two some foure other sixe other eight conueniently for ech one his degree The more principal and chiefe Louteas haue going orderly before these Sergeants many other with staues and a great many catchpoules with rods of Indish caâ—es dragged on the ground so that the streets being paued you may heare afarre off as well the noyâ—â— of the rods as the voyce of the criers These fellowes serue also to apprehend others and the better to be knowen they weare liuery red girdles and in their caps peacocks feathers Behinde these Louteas come such as doe beare certaine tables hanged at staues endes wherein is written in siluer letters the name degree and office of that Loutea whom they follow In like maner they haue borne after them hattes agreeable vnto their titles if the Loutea be meane then hath he brought after him but one hat and that may not be yealowe but if he be of the better sort then may he haue two three or foure the principall and chiefe Louteas may haue all their hats yealow the which among them is accompted great honour The Loutea
their enemies subdue them take possession of their Townes Cities or Uillages and in auoyding murtherous tyrannie to vse the Law of Armes as in like case among all Nations at this day is vsed and most especially to the ende they may with securitie holde their lawfull possession lest happily after the departure of the Christians such Sauages as haue bene conuerted should afterwards through compulsion and enforcement of their wicked Rulers returne to their horrible idolatrie as did the children of Israel after the decease of Ioshua and continue their wicked custome of most vnnaturall sacrificing of humane creatures And in so doing doubtlesse the Christians shall no whit at all transgresse the bonds of equitie or ciuilitie forasmuch as in former ages yea before the incarnation of Christ the like hath bene done by sundry Kings and Princes Gouernours of the children of Israel chiefly in respect to begin their planting for the establishment of Gods worde as also since the Natiuitie of Christ mightie and puissant Emperours and Kings haue performed the like I say to plant possesse and subdue For proofe whereof I will alledge you examples of both kindes Wee reade in the olde Testament how that after Noes flood was ceased restauration of mankinde began onely of those fewe of Noes children and familie as were by God preelected to bee saued in the Arke with him whose sâ—ede in processe of time was multiplyed to infinite numbers of Nations which in diuers sortes diuided themselues to sundry quarters of the earth And forasmuch as all their posteritie being mightâ—ly encreased followed not the perfect life of Noe their predecessour God chose out of the multitude a peculiar people to himselfe to whom afterwardes being vnder the gouernment of Moyses in Mount Sinay hee made a graunt to inherite the Land of Canaan called the Land of promise with all the other rich and fertile Countries next adioyning thereunto Neuerthelesse before they came to possession thereof hauing bene afflicted with many grieuous punishments and plagues for their sinnes they fell in despayre to enioy the same But being encouraged and comforted by their Rulers men of God they proceeded arming themselues with all patience to suffer whatsoeuer it should please God to send and at last attaining to the Land they were encountered with great numbers of strong people and mighty Kings Notwithstanding Iosua their Leader replenished with the Spirite of God being assured of the iustnesse of his quarell gathered the chiefe strength of the children of Israel together to the number of 40000. with whom he safely passed huge riuer Iordan and hauing before sent priuie spies for the discouerie of the famous citie Ierico to vnderstand the certaintie of the Citizens estate he forthwith came thither and enuironed it round about with his whole power the space of seuen dayes In which respite perceiuing none of the Gentiles disposed to yeeld or call for mercie he then commanded as God before had appointed that both the citie Ierico should be burned yea and all the inhabitants as well olde as young with all their cattell should be destroyed onely excepted Rahab her kindred and familie because shee before had hid secretly the messengers of Iosua that were sent thither as spies As for all their golde siluer precious stones or vessels of brasse they were reserued and consecrated to the Lords treasurie In like maner he burned the citie Hay slew the inhabitants thereof and hanged vp their King But for so much as the Gebionites fearing the like euent sent Ambassadours vnto Iosua to intreate for grace sauour and peace hee commaunded that all their liues should bee saued and that they should be admitted to the company of the children of Israel Yet vnderstanding afterwards they wrought this by a policie he vsed them as drudges to hewe wood and to carie water and other necessaries for his people Thus beganne this valiant Captaine his conquest which he pursued and neuer left till hee had subdued all the Hethites Amorites Cananites Peresites Heuites and Iebusites with all their princes and Kings being thirtie and one in number diuers other strange nations besides whose lands dominions he wholy diuided among Gods people After that Iosua was deceased Iuda was constituted Lord ouer the armie who receiuing like charge from God pursued the proceedings of the holy captaine Iosua and vtterly vanquished many Gentiles Idolaters and aduersaries to the children of Israel with all such Rulers or Kings as withstoode him and namely Adonibezek the most cruell tyrant whose thumbes and great toes he caused to be cut off for so much as hee had done the like before vnto seuentie Kings whom being his prisoners he forced to gather vp their victuals vnderneath his table In this God shewed his iustice to reuenge tyrannie We reade likewise that Gedeon a most puissant and noble warriour so behaued himselfe in following the worthy acts of Iosua and Iuda that in short time he not only deliuered the children of Israel from the hands of the multitude of the fierce Madianites but also sâ—bdued them and their Tyrants whose landes he caused Gods people to possesse and inherite I could recite diuers other places out of the Scripture which aptly may be applyed hereunto were it not I doe indeuour my selfe by all meanes to be briefe Now in like maner will I alledge some fewe Inductions out of the autenticall writings of the Ecclesiasticall Historiographers all tending to the like argument And first to begin withall we doe trade That after our Sauiour Iesus Christ had suffered his passion the Apostles being inspired with the holy Ghost and the knowledge of all strange languages did immediatly disperse themselues to sundry parts of the world to the preaching of the Gospel Yet not in so generall a maner but that there remayned some farre remote Countries vnvisited by them among the which it is reported that India the great called the vttermost India as yet had receiued no light of the word But it came to passe that one Metrodorus a very learned and wise Philosopher in that age being desirous to search our vnknowen lanâ—s did first discouer the same finding it wonderfull populous and rich which vpon his returne being published and for certaine vnderstood there was another graue Philosopher of Tyrus called Meropius being a Christian who did resolue himselfe following the example of Metrodorus to trauaile thither and in a short time assisted but with a fewe in a small Uessel arriued there hauing in his company two yong youths Edesius and Frumentius whom being his schollers he had throughly instructed both in liberall Sciences and christian Religion Now after that Meropius some while staying there had as hee thought sufficient vnderstanding of the Indians whose estate He determined to depart and to bring notice thereof vnto the Emperour whom he meant to exhort to the conquest of the same But by misfortune he was preuented for being in the middest of his course
lesse gratefull to you here then I know it to be acceptable to many great and worthie persons there And no maruaile though it were very welcome vnto you and that you liked of the translation thereof since no history hitherto set sorth hath more affinitie resemblance or conformitie with yours of Virginia then this of Florida But calling to minde that you had spent more yeeres in France then I and vnderstand the French better then my selfe I forthwith perceiued that you approoued mine endeuour not for any priuate ease or commoditie that thereby might redound vnto you but that it argued a singular and especiall care you had of those which are to be employed in your owne like enterprise whom by the reading of this my translation you would haue forewarned and admonished aswell to beware of the grosse negligence in prouiding of sufficiency of victuals the securitie disorders and mutinies that fell out among the French with the great inconueniences that thereupon ensued that by others mishaps they might learne to preuent and auoyde the like as also might be put in minde by the reading of the manifolde commodities and great fertilitie of the places herein at large described and so neere neighbours vnto our Colonies that they might generally bee awaked and stirred vp vnto the diligent obseruation of euery thing that might turne to the aduancement of the action whereinto they are so cheerefully entred Many speciall poynts concerning the commodities of these partes the accidents of the French mens gouernment therein the causes of their good or bad successe with the occasions of the abandoning one of their forts and the surprise of the other by the enemie are herein truely and faithfully recorded Which because they be quoted by me in the margents and reduced into a large alphabeticall table which I haue annexed to the ende of the worke it shall be needlesse to recken vp againe And that the rather because the â—ame with diuers other things of chiefest importance are liuely drawne in colours at your no smal charges by the skilfull painter Iames Morgues sometime liuing in the Black-fryers in London whom Monsieur Chastillion then Admirall of France sent thither with Laudonniere for that purpose which was an eye-witnesse of the goodnesse and fertility of those regions and hath put downe in writing many singularities which are not mentioned in this treatise which since he hath published together with the purtraitures These foure voyages I knew not to whom I might better offer then to your selfe and that for diuers iust considerations First for that as I haue sayd before they were dedicated vnto you in French secondly because now foure times also you haue attempted the like vpon the selfe same coast neere adioyning thirdly in that you haue peâ—sed as farre vp into the maine and discouered no lesse secrets in the partes of your aboad then the French did in the places of their inhabiting lastly considering you are now also ready vpon the late returne of Captaine Stafford and good newes which he brought you of the safe arriual of your last Colony in their wished hauen to prosecute this action more throughly then euer And here to speake somewhat of this your enterprise I affirme that if the same may speedily and effectually be pursued it will prooue farre more beneficiall in diuers respects vnto this our realme then the world yea many of the wiser sort haue hitherto imagined The particular coÌ„modities whereof are wel knowen vnto your selfe and some few others and are faithfully and with great iudgement coÌ„mitted to writing as you are not ignorant by one of your fellowers which remained there about a twelue month with your worshipful Lieutenant M. Ralph Lane in the diligent search of the secrets of those Countreys Touching the speedy and effectuall pursuing of your action though I wote well it would demaund a princes purse to haue it throughly followed without lingring yet am I of opinion that you shall drawe the same before it be long to be profitable and gainful aswel to those of our nation there remaining as to the merchants of England that shall trade hereafter thither partly by certaine secret commodities already discouered by your seruants partly by breeding of diuers sorts of beasts in those large and ample regions and planting of such things in that warme climat as wil best prosper there and our realme standeth most in need of And this I find to haue bin the course that both the Spaniards and Portugals tooke in the beginnings of their discoueries conquests For the Spaniards at their first entrance into Hispaniola fouÌ„d neither suger-canes nor ginger growing there nor any kind of our cattel But finding the place fit for pasture they sent kine buls and sundry sorts of other profitable beasts thither transported the plants of suger-canes and set the rootes of ginger the hides of which oxen with suger and ginger are now the chiefe merchandise of that Island The Portugals also at their first footing in Madera as Iohn Barros writes in his first Decade found nothing there but mighty woods for timber whereupon they called the Island by that name Howbeit the climate being fauourable they inriched it by their own industry with the best wines and sugers in the world The like maner of proceeding they vsed in the Isles of the Açores by sowing therin great quantity of Woad So dealt they in S. Thomas vnder the Equinoctial and in Brasil and sundry other places And if our men will follow their steps by your wise direction I doubt not but in due time they shall reape no lesse commoditie and benefit Moreouer there is none other likelihood but that her Maiesty which hath Christned and giuen the name to your Virginia if need require will deale after the maner of honorable godmothers which seeing their gossips not fully able to bring vp their children themselues are wont to contribute to their honest education the rather if they find any towardlines or reasonable hope of goodnesse in them And if Elizabeth Queene of Castile and Aragon after her husband Ferdinando and she had emptied their cofers and exhausted their treasures in subduing the kingdome of Granada and rooting the Mores a wicked weed out of Spayne was neuerthelesse so zealous of Gods honour that as Fernandus Columbus the sonne of Christopher Columbus recordeth in the history of the deedes of his father she layd part of her owne iewels which she had in great account to gage to furnish his father foorth vpon his first voyage before any foot of land of all the West Indies was discouered what may we expect of our most magnificent and gracious prince ELIZABETH of England into whose lappe the Lord hath most plentifully throwne his treasures what may wee I say hope of her forwardnesse and bounty in aduancing of this your most honourable enterprise being farre more certaine then that of Columbus at that time especially and tending no
foote and a halfe They said vnto me that he dwelt within the land in a very large place and inclosed exceeding high but I could not learne wherewith And as farre as I can iudge this place whereof they spake vnto me was a very farre citie For they said vnto me that within the inclosure there was great store of houses which were built very high wherein there was an infinite number of men like vnto themselues which made none account of gold of siluer nor of pearles seeing they had thereof in abundance I began then to shew theÌ„ al the parts of heaueÌ„ to the intent to learue in which quarter they dwelt And straightway one of them stretching out his hand shewed me y t they dwelt toward the North which makes me thinke that it was the riuer of Iordan And now I remember that in the raigne of the Emperour Charles the fift certaine Spaniards inhabitants of S. Domingo which made a voyage to get certaine slaues to work in their mines stole away by subtilty the inhabitants of this riuer to the number of 40 thinking to cary theÌ„ into their new Spaine But they lost their labour for in despite they died al for hunger sauing one that was brought to the Emperor which a litle while after he caused to be baptised and gaue him his own name called him Charles of Chiquola because he spake so much of this Lorde of Chiquola whose subiect hee was Also he reported continually that Chiquola made his a bode within a very great inclosed citie Besides this proof those which were left in the first voyage haue certified me that the Indians shewed theÌ„ by euident signes that farther within the land toward the North there was a great inclosure or city where Chiquola dwelt After they had staied a while in our ships they began to be sory and stil demanded of me wheÌ„ they should returne I made them vnderstand that the Captaines will was to send them home againe but that first he would bestow apparell of them which fewe dayes after was deliuered vnto them But seeing he would not giue them licence to depart they resolued with themselues to steale away by night and to get a litle boat which we had and by the help of the tyde to saile home toward their dwâ—llings and by this meanes to saue thâ—mselues Which thing thâ—y failed not to doe and put their enterprize in execution yet leauing behinde thâ—m the apparel which the Captaine had giuen them and carrying away nothing but that which was their owne shewing well hereby that they were not void of reason The Captaine cared not greatly for their dâ—parture considering they had not bene vsed otherwiâ—e then well and that therefore they woulde not estrange themselues from the Frenchmen Captaine Ribault therefore knowing the singular fairenes of this riuer desired by all meanes to encourage some of his men to dwell there well â—oreseeing that this thing might be of great importance for the Kings seruice and the releife of the Common wealth of France Therefore proceeding on with his intent he commanded the ankers to bee weighed and to set things in order to returne vnto the opening of the riuer to the ende that if the winde came faire he might passe out to accomplish the rest of his meaning When therefore we were come to the mouth of the riuer he made them cast anker whereupon we stayed without discouering any thing all the rest of the day The next day he commanded that all the men of his ship should come vp vpon the decke saying that he had somewhat to say vnto them They all came vp and immediatly the Captaine began to speake vnto them in this maner I thinke there is none of you that is ignorant of how great consequence this our enterprize is and also how acceptable it is vnto our yong King Therefore my friendes as one desiring your honour and benefite I would not faile to aduertise you all of the exceeding good happe which should fall to them which as men of valure and worthy courage would make tryall in this our first discouerie of the benefits and commodities of this new land which should be as I assure my selfe the greatest occasion that euer could happen vnto them to arise vnto the title and degree of honour And for this cause I was desirous to propose vnto you and set downe before your eyes the eternall memorie which of right they deserue which forgetting both their parents and their countrey haue had the courage to enterprize a thing of such importance which euen kings themselues vnderstanding to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnanimitie and increase of their maiesties doe not disdaine so wel to regard that afterwards imploying them in maters of weight of high enterprize they make their names immortall for euer Howbeit I would not haue you perswade your selues as many doe that you shall neuer haue such good fortune as not being knowen neither to the king not the Princes of the Realme and besides descending of so poore a sâ—ocke that few or none of your parents hauing euer made profession of armes haue bene knowen vnto the great estates For albeit that from my tender yeeres I my selfe haue applyed all my industry to follow them and haue hazarded my life in so many dangers for the seruice of my prince yet could I neuer attaine therunto not that I did not deserue this title and degree of gouernment as I haue seene it happen to many others onely because they descende of a noble race since more regard is had of their birth then of their vertue For wel I know that if vertue were regarded ther would more be found worthy to deserue the title by good right to be named noble and valiant I will therefore make sufficient answere to such propositions and such things as you may obiect against me laying before you the infinite examples which we haue of the Romans which concerning the point of honour were the first that triumphed ouer the world For how many finde we among them which for their so valiant enteprizes not for the greatnesse of their parentage haue obtained the honour to tryumph If we haue recourse vnto their ancesters wee shall finde that their parents were of so meane condition that by labouring with their hands they liued very basely As the father of AElius Pertâ—nax which was a poore artisan his Grandfather likewise was a bond man as the historiographers do witnes and neuerthelesse being moued with a valiant courage he was nothing dismayed for all this but rather desirous to aspire vnto high things he began with a braue stomacke to learne feates of armes and profited so wel therein that from step to step he became at length to be Emperour of the Romans For all this dignitie he despised not his parents but contrariwise in remembrance of them he caused his fathers shop to be couered with a fine wrought marble
according to the former discourse and as also it is related by Cayworaco the sonne of Topiawary now chiefe Lord of the said Aromaya who was brought into England by Sir Walter Ralegh and was present at the same possession and discouerie of the Spaniards mentioned in these letters it appeareth that after they were gone out of their countrey the Indians then hauing farther consideration of the matter and more then coniecture of their intent hauing knowen and heard of their former cruelties vpon their borderers and others of the Indians elsewhere At their next comming there being ten of them sent and imployed for a farther discouery they were prouided to receiue and entertaine them in an other maner of sort then they had done before that is to say they slew them and buried them in the countrey so much sought They gaue them by that meanes a full and complete possession the which before they had but begunne And so they are minded to doe to as many Spaniards as come after Other possession they haue had none since Neither doe the Indians meane as they protest to giue them any other One other thing to be remembred is that in these letters the Spaniards seeme to call Guiana and other countries neere it bordering vpon the riuer of Orenoque by the name of Nueuo Dorado because of the great plentie of golde there in most places to be found Alluding also to the name of El Dorado which was giuen by Martinez to the great citie of Manoa as is in the former treatise specified This is all I thought good to aduertise As for some other matters I leaue them to the consideration and iudgement of the indifferent Reader W. R. Letters taken at sea by Captaine George Popham 1594. Alonso his letter from the Gran Canaria to his brother being commander of S. Lucar concerning El Dorado THere haue bene certaine letters receiued here of late of a land newly discouered called Nueuo Dorado from the sonnes of certaine inhabitants of this citie who were in the discouery they write of wonderfull riches to be found in the said Dorado and that golde there is in great abundance the course to fall with it is fiftie leagues to the windeward of Margarita Alonsos letter from thence to certaine Marchantes of Sant Lucar concerning El Dorado SIrs we haue no newes worth the writing sauing of a discouery lately made by the Spaniardes in a new land called Nueuo Dorado which is two dayes sayling to the windward of Margarita there is golde in such abundance as the like hath not bene heard of Wee haue it for certaine in letters written from thence by some that were in the discouerie vnto their parents here in this citie I purpose God willing to bestow tenne or twelue dayes in search of the said Dorado as I passe in my voyage towards Carthagena hoping there to make some good sale of our commodities I haue sent you therewith part of the information of the said discouerie that was sent to his Maiestie Part of the Copie that was sent to his Maiestie of the discouery of Nueuo Dorado IN the riuer of Pato otherwise called Orenoque in the principall part thereof called Warismeroâ— the 23 of April 1593 Domingo de vera master of the campe and Generall for Antonio de Berreo Gouernour and Captaine generall for our lord the king betwixt the riuers of Pato and Papamene alias Orenoque and Marannon and of the Iland of Trinidad in presence of me Rodrigo de Carança Register for the sea commanded all the souldiers to be drawen together and put in order of battaile the Captaines and souldiers and Master of the campe standing in the middest of them said vnto them Sirs Souldiers and Captaines you vnderstand long since that our Genâ—ral Antonio de Berreo with the trauell of eleuen yeeres and expence of more then an hundred thousand pezos of golde discouered the royall Prouinces of Guiana and Dorado of the which he tooke possession to gouernâ— the same but through want of his peoples health and necessarie munition he issued â—ut at the Iland Magarita and from thence peopled Trinidad But now they haue sent me to learne out and discouer the wayes most easily to enter and to people the said Prouinces and where the campes and armies may best enter the same By reason wherof I intend so to doe in the name of his Maiestie and the saide gouernour Antonio de Berreo and in token thereof I require you Francis Carillo that you aide mee to aduance this crosse that lieth here on the ground which they set on end towâ—rdes the East and the said Master of the campe the captaines and souldiers kneeled downe and did due reuerence vnâ—o the saide crosse and thereupon the master of the campe tooke a bowle of water and dranke it off and tooke more and threw abroad on the ground he also drewe out his sworde and cut the grasse off the ground and the boughes off the trees saying I take this possession in the name of the king Don Philip our master and of his Gouernour Antonio de Berreo and because some make question of this possession to them I answere that in these our actions was present the Cassique or principall Don Antonio otherwise called Morequito whose land this was who yeelded consent to the said possession was glad thâ—reof and gaue his obedience to our lord the king and in his name to the said Gouernour Antonio de Berreo And the said master of the campâ— kneeled downe being in his libertie and all the Captaines and souldiâ—rs said that the possession was well taken and that they would defend it with their liues vpon whosoeuer would say the contrary And the said master of the campe hauing his sword drawen in his hand saide vnto me Register that art here present giue me an instrument or testimoniall to confirme me in this possession which I haue taken of this land for the Gouernour Antonio de Berreo and if it be needefull I will take it a newe And I require you all that are present to witnesse the same and do furthâ—r declare that I will goe on taking the possession of all these landes wheresoeuer I shall enter Signed thus Domingo de vera and vnderneath Before me Rodrigo de Carança Register of the armie ANd in prosecution of the said possession and the discouerie of the way and Prouinces the 27 of Aprâ—l of the said yeere the master of the campe entred by little and little with all the campe and men of warre more then two leagues into the in-land and came to a towne of a principall and conferring with him did let him vnderstand by meanes of Antonio Bisame the Interpretor that his Maiestie and Antonio de Berreo had sent him to take the said possession And the said frier Francis Carillo by the Interpretor deliuered him certain things of our holy Cathâ—lique faith â—o all which he answered that they vnderstood him wâ—ll and would become Christians and that wâ—th â— vâ—ry good
Floridians measure their moneths by the reuolutions of the Moone The arriual of Captaine Iohn Ribault at the Fort the 28 of August 1565. Note False reâ—oâ—ts of laâ—d 〈◊〉 to the Admiral of Fâ—ance The danger of bâ—ckbiting Alcibiades banâ—shed by backbiters Laudonâ—ere receiuing of Captaine Ribault Letters of the Lord Admiâ—all vnto Laudonnieâ—e Accusations against him Laudonniereâ— answere thereunto Fiue Indian kings The mouÌ„tans of Apalatcy wherein Aâ—e mines or perfect gold Sicroa Pira red mettall Perfect gold Good meanes to auoid the danger of fire September 4. The Spaniards vndermining and surprizing of the French The riuer Seloy or the riuer of Dolphins but 8 or 10 leagues ouer land from the fort but it is thirty doubling the Cape by sea Dangerous flawes of wind on the coast of Florida in September King Emola A village and riuer both of that caâ—e An aduertisment of my Lord Admiral to Captaine Ribault Captaine Ribault â—mbarkment Sept. 8. The tenth of September A mighty tempest the tenth of Sept. Lauâ—onnierâ— hardly vsed by Ribault 〈…〉 and â—is company begin 〈◊〉 fortifie themselueâ— A muster of the men left in the fort by Ribault Fourescore and fiue left in the fort with Laudonnieâ—e The Spanyards discepâ—d the 20 of September The Spaniards enter the fort Francis Iean a traitour to his nation Don Pedro Melendes captaine of the Spaniards Laudonnierâ— escape Iohn du Chemin a faithfull seruant The diligence of the Chaâ—neâ—s to saue them that escaped out of the fort Among these was Iaques Morâ—ues painter sometime liuing in the Black fâ—yers in London Francis Iean cause of thiâ— enterprise The bad dealing of Iames Ribault Our returne into France thâ— 25. of September 1565. October 28. Nouember 10 The chanel of Saint George 〈◊〉 aâ—riuall in Sâ—ansey Baâ— in Glamorgan shire in South-Wales The courtesie of oâ—â— Master Morgan Bâ—isâ—oll London Monsieur de Foix Ambassadour for the French king in England The conclusion The causes why the French lost Florida The French Fleete cast away on the coast of Florida The chanell of Bahama betweene Florida and the Isles of Lucayos The Frenchmens landing at the Riuer Tacatacouru Eight sauagâ— kings The kings seate Complaints of thâ— Sauages against the Spanyards Two chainâ—s of siluer giuen to Gourgues Peter de Bré had liued aboue two yeeres with Satourieua Three pledges deliuered to Gourgues by Satourioua The riuer of Salinacani called Somme by the French The riuer of Sarauâ—hi The estate oâ— the Spanyards in Florida The riuer of Saracary or Sarauaâ—â— The assault and taking of the first Fort. The valure of Olotocara The assault and taking of the second fort The Sauages great swimmers The Spaniards of the second Fort all sâ—aâ—ie Note A notable Spanish subtiltâ—e The cause why the Floridian bury their goods with them Notâ— The slaughteâ— of the Spaniards of the third Forâ— The taking of the third Fort. The 〈◊〉 hanged ouâ—â— the French and Spaniards slame Flâ—â—â—â— The three Forts râ—â—ed Great honour done by the Sauages to 〈◊〉 Kniues in great estimation The third of May. The arriuall of Gourgues at Rochel the sixt of Iune Che-de Bois The birth life and death of captaine Gourgues Wateri which is able to receiue any Fleete of ships of great burden a goodly riuer La grand Copaâ— a rich citie Oâ—â—n Store of golde siluer and precious stones in Topira Topâ—ra Another greater Prouince Those man seeme to be the Piniâ—â—â— euer one â—â—â—rier Marcus de Niâ—a in his 2. Chap. This was the Port of Santa Cruz in the Isle of California Valle de los Corazones mentioned by Vasquez de Coronado cap. 1. Petatlan a towne The Island of 〈…〉 A great island and 30. small islands which serue to be the new islands of California rich in pearles A desert foure dayes iourney This was the 〈…〉 Vacupa a towne 4â— leaguâ—s from 〈◊〉 Baâ— of 〈◊〉 From Vacupa to Ceuola are 37 dayes iourney Great pearles and 〈◊〉 golde in the Isle of California which he is in number Another village This graduation is mistaken by 6. or â— degrees at the 〈◊〉 Marata lieth toward the Southeast â—otâ—nteac lyeth â—est A mightie beast with one horne Fifteene Dâ—â—â—â— iourney from the end of the desert to Ceuola or Ciuâ—lâ— The second desert entred the 9 of May. Twelue dayes iourney â—ost rich 〈◊〉 of gold and siluer in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ce the 〈◊〉 Totonteac the greatest â—â—d most populâ—â—â—rouince A desert A second desert Compostella in 21 degrees of latitude This was but 2â—0 leagues â—rom Mexico Frier Maâ—â—â—â—â—f Nâ—â— The riuer of Lachimi The valley of the pâ—ople called Caracones Vâ—lle del Seâ—nor The valley de loâ— Caâ—aâ—ones distant fiuâ— dâ—yes iourney from the Westâ—â—ne â—â—a Sâ—â—â—n or eighâ— Isles which are the Isles of California A ship seene oâ— the seâ— câ—â—â—t Chichilticâ—â—â— â—â— dayes iouâ—ney from the seâ— This Câ—iâ—â—iâ—â—icale is indeed but in 28 deâ— The â—3 oâ— Iune Don Garcia Lâ—peâ— de Caâ—denas A godly and fruitfull countrâ—y found Riâ— dâ—l Linâ— A wise forecast The treason of the Indians Great â—orecâ—st and diligeâ—ce of the Campe-maâ—â—er They arriue at the citie â—â— of â—ibola The arrâ—gancie of the pâ—ople of Cibola Commandement to vse gentlenesse to the Sauages There were 800 men within the towne Gomaâ—a Hist. gen cap. 213. They defend the wals with stones like those of Hochelaga Eâ—â—â—llâ—nt houses â—oure or fiue â—oftes high Cibola is a â—rouince conâ—â—â—ning sâ—uâ—n towâ—â—â— Fiue hundâ—ed housâ—s in Graâ—adâ— A painte necâ—ssariâ— in a nâ—w discouery Painted maâ—tles Store of Turquâ—â—es Emralds Granatâ—s Crhâ—â—â—all Eâ—â—elâ—ent and very â—â—eat cocks Gâ—mara hist. gen Cap 213. saâ—th that the coldâ— is by reaâ—on of the â—igâ— mountaines A wood of Cedars Excellent grasse Deere hares and couies â—ery good salte The Westernâ— sea within 150. leagues from Cibola Beares Tigers Lions Porkespicks mightie sheep wilde goates Wilde Bores Deere Ounces Stagges Theâ—â—rauaile 8. daâ—es iourney toward the North sea Oxe hides dressed and painted very cunningly Totonteac is an hotte lake Tadouac seemeth because it is a lake and endeth in it to haue some affinitie herewith Other townes neere a riuer Turqâ—â—ses Manâ—lâ—s The Indians flee to the hiâ— with their wiues châ—â—â—dren and goods A citie greatâ— then Granada Twâ— tableâ— painted by thâ— Indianâ— one of bâ—astâ— â—nother oâ— birdes and fishes An old pâ—ophecie that â—hose parts should be suâ—dued by Châ—â—â—â—â—ans They worship the water Seuen cities farre from Granada Tucâ—â—o The Spaniards virtualling in discouerie A garment excellently imbroidered with needle worke An orelude â—ertaine Turquâ—â—es The death of Stephan the Negro Acucu Gold and siluer found in Cibola Acuco The Westerne sea discouered Tiguâ—â— Aâ—a and Quiuiray A townâ— burne Another town assaulted Maâ—tles Turqueses Feathers Precious things Melons Cotton Large mantles Cicuic fourâ— dayes iourney from Tiguâ—â— Quâ—â—ira â—â—eapes of 〈◊〉 dâ—â—â— made for markes to know the way The Spaniards râ—turne to 〈◊〉 and so to Mexico 154â— Tâ—e Spaniards wouâ—d haue inhabited the countrey Ships seâ—ne on tâ—e sea coast
and honorable voyage vnto Cadiz the vanquishing of part of the king of Spaines Armada the destruction of the rich West Indian Fleete the chasing of so many braue and gallant Gallies the miraculous winning sacking and burning of that almost impregnable citie of Cadiz the surprising of the towne of Faraon vpon the coast of Portugal and other rare appendances of that enterprise because they be hereafter so iudicially set downe by a very graue and learned Gentleman which was an eye witnesse in all that action I referre your good L. to his faithfull report wherein I trust as much as in him lay he hath wittingly depriued no man of his right Vpon these and other the like considerations I thought it fit and very conuenient to commend with all humilitie and reuerence this first part of our English Voiages Discoueries vnto your Honors fauourable censure and patronage And here by the way most humbly crauing pardon and alwayes submitting my poore opinion to your Lordships most deep and percing insight especially in this matter as being the father and principall fauourer of the English Nauigation I trust it shall not be impertinent in passing by to point at the meanes of breeding vp of skilfull Sea-men and Mariners in this Realme Sithence your Lordship is not ignorant that ships are to litle purpose without skilfull Sea-men and since Sea-men are not bred vp to perfection of skill in much lesse time as it is said then in the time of two prentiships and since no kinde of men of any profession in the common wealth passe their yeres in so great and continuall hazard of life and since of so many so few grow to gray heires how needfull it is that by way of Lectures and such like instructions these ought to haue a better education then hitherto they haue had all wise men may easily iudge When I call to minde how many noble ships haue bene lost how many worthy persons haue bene drenched in the sea and how greatly this Realme hath bene impouerished by losse of great Ordinance and other rich commodities through the ignorance of our Sea-men I haue greatly wished there were a Lecture of Nauigation read in this Citie for the banishing of our former grosse ignorance in Marine causes and for the increase and generall multiplying of the sea-knowledge in this age wherein God hath raised so generall a desire in the youth of this Realme to discouer all parts of the face of the earth to this Realme in former ages not knowen And that it may appeare that this is no vaine fancie nor deuise of mine it may please your Lordship to vnderstand that the late Emperour Charles the fift considering the rawnesse of his Sea-men and the manifolde shipwracks which they susteyned in passing and repassing betweene Spaine and the West Indies with an high reach and great foresight established not onely a Pilote Maior for the examination of such as sought to take charge of ships in that voyage but also founded a notable Lecture of the Art of Nauigation which is read to this day in the Contractation house at Siuil The readers of which Lecture haue not only carefully taught and instructed the Spanish Mariners by word of mouth but also haue published sundry exact and worthy treatises concerning Marine causes for the direction and incouragement of posteritie The learned works of three of which readers namely of Alonso de Chauez of Hieronymo de Chauez and of Roderigo Zamorano came long ago very happily to my hands together with the straight and seuere examining of all such Masters as desire to take charge for the West Indies Which when I first read and duely considered it seemed to mee so excellent and so exact a course as I greatly wished that I might be so happy as to see the like order established here with vs. This matter as it seemeth tooke no light impression in the royall brest of that most renowmed and victorious prince King Henry the eight of famous memory who for the increase of knowledge in his Sea-men with princely liberalitie erected three seuerall Guilds or brotherhoods the one at Deptford here vpon the Thames the other at Kingston vpon Hull and the third at Newcastle vpon Tine which last was established in the 28. yeere of his reigne The chiefe motiues which induced his princely wisedome hereunto him selfe expresseth in maner following Vt magistri marinarij gubernatores alij officiarij nauium iuuentutem suam in exercitatione gubernationis nauium transigentes mutilati aut aliquo alio casu in paupertatem collapsi aliquod releâ—amen ad eorum sustentationem habeant quo non solùm illi reficiantur verùmetiam alij iuuenes moueantur instigentur ad candem artem exercendam ratione cuius doctiores aptiores fiant nauibus alijs vasis nostris aliorum quorumcúnque in Mare gubernandis manutenendis tam pacis quà m belli tempore cum opus postulet c. To descend a litle lower king Edward the sixt that prince of peerelesse hope with the aduise of his sage and prudent Counsaile before he entred into the Northeasterne discouery aduanced the worthy and excellent Sebastian Cabota to be grand Pilot of England allowing him a most bountifull pension of 166 li.vj.s.viij.d by the yeere during his life as appeareth in his Letters Patents which are to be seene in the third part of my worke And if God had granted him longer life I doubt not but as he delt most royally in establishing that office of Pilote Maior which not long after to the great hinderance of this Common wealth was miserably turned to other priuate vses so his princely Maiestie would haue shewed himselfe no nigard in erecting in imitation of Spaine the like profitable Lecture of the Art of Nauigation And surely when I considered of late the memorable bountie of sir Thomas Gresham who being but a Merchant hath founded so many chargeable Lectures and some of them also which are Mathematicall tending to the aduancement of Marine causes I nothing doubted of your Lordships forwardnes in settling and establishing of this Lecture but rather when your Lordship shall see the noble and rare effects thereof you will be heartily sory that all this while it hath not bene erected As therefore our skill in Nauigation hath hitherto bene very much bettered and increased vnder the Admiraltie of your Lordship so if this one thing be added thereunto together with seuere and straight discipline I doubt not but with Gods good blessing it will shortly grow to the hiest pitch and top of all perfection which whensoeuer it shall come to passe I assure my selfe it will turne to the infinite wealth and honour of our Countrey to the prosperous and speedy discouery of many rich lands and territories of heathens and gentiles as yet vnknowen to the honest employment of many thousands of our idle people to the great comfort and reioycing of our friends to the terror daunting and confusion of our foes
Nations had those bright lampes of learning I meane the most ancient and best Philosophers Historiographers and Geographers to shewe them light and the loadsâ—arre of experience to wit those great exploits and voyages layed vp in store and recorded whereby to shape their course what great attempt might they not presume to vndertake But alas our English nation at the first setting foorth for their Northeasterne discouery were either altogether destitute of such cleare lights and inducements or if they had any inkling at all it was as misty as they found the Northren seas and so obscure and ambiguous that it was meet rather to deterre them then to giue them encouragement But besides the foresaid vncertaintie into what dangers and difficulties they plunged themselues Animus meminisse horret I tremble to recount For first they were to expose themselues vnto the rigour of the sterne and vncoâ—th Northren seas and to make triall of the swelling waues and boistrous winds which there commonly do surge and blow then were they to saile by the ragged and perilous coast of Norway to frequent the vnhaunted shoares of Finmark to double the dreadfull and misty North cape to beare with Willoughbies land to râ—n along within kenning of the Countreys of Lapland and Corelia and as it were to open and vnlocke the seuen-fold mouth of Duina Moreouer in their Northeasterly Nauigations vpon the seas and by the coasts of Condora Colgoieue Petzora Ioughoria Samoedia Noua Zembla c. and their passing and returne through the streits of Vaigatz vnto what drifts of snow and mountaines of yee euen in Iune Iuly and August vnto what hideous ouerfals vncertaine currents darke mistes and fogs and diuers other fearefull inconueniences they were subiect and in danger of I wish you rather to learne out of the voyages of sir Hugh Willoughbie Stephen Burrough Arthur Pet and the rest then to expect in this place an endlesse cataloque thereof And here by the way I cannot but highly commend the great industry and magnanimity of the Hollanders who within these few yeeres haue discouered to 78. yea as themselues affirme to â—1 degrees of Northerly latitude yet with this prouiso that our English nation led them the dance brake the yee before them and gaue them good leaue to light their candle at our â—orch But nowe it is high time for vs to weigh our ancre to hoise vp our sailes to get cleare of these boistrous frosty and misty seas and with all speede to direct our course for the milde lightsome temperate and warme Atlantick Ocean ouer which the Spaniards and Portugales haue made so many pleasant prosperous and golden voyages And albeit I cannot deny that both of them in their East and West Indian Nauigations haue indured many tempests dangers and shipwracks yet this dare I boldly affirme first that a great number of them haue satisfied their fame-thirsty and gold-thirsty mindes with that reputation and wealth which made all perils and misaduentures seeme tolerable vnto them and secondly that their first attempts which in this comparison I doe onely stand vpon were no whit more difficult and dangerous then ours to the Northeast For admit that the way was much longer yet was it neuer barred with yee miâ—â— or darknes but was at all seasons of the yeere open and Nauigable yea and that for the most part with fortunate and fit gales of winde Moreouer they had no forren prince to intercept or molest them but their owne Townes Islands and maine lands to succour them The Spaniards had the Canary Isles and so had the Portugales the Isles of the Açores of Porto santo of Madera of Cape veâ—d the castle of Mina the fruitfull and profitable Isle of S. Thomas being all of them conueniently situated and well fraught with commodities And had they not continuall and yerely trade in some one part or other of Africa for getting of slaues for sugar for Elephants teeth graines siluer gold and other precious wares which serued as allurements to draw them on by little and litle and as proppes to stay them from giuing ouer their attempts But nowe let vs leaue them and returne home vnto our selues In this first Volume friendly Reader besides our Northeasterne Discoueries by sea and the memorable voyage of M. Christopher Hodson and M. William Burrough Anno 1570. to the Narue wherein with merchants ships onely they tooke fiue strong and warrelike ships of the Freebooters which lay within the sound of Denmark of purpose to intercept our English Fleete besides all these I say thou maiest find here recorded to the lasting honor of our nation all their long and dangerous voyages for the aduauncing of traffique by riuer and by land to all parts of the huge and wide Empire of Russia as namely Richard Chanceler his first fortunate arriuall at Newnox his passing vp the riuer of Dwina to the citie of Vologda for the space of 1100. versts and from thence to Yaruslaue Rostoue Peraslaue and so to the famous citie of Mosco being 1500. versts trauell in all Moreouer here thou hast his voiage penned by himselfe which I hold to be very authentical for the which I do acknowledge my selfe beholding vnto the excellent Librarie of the right honorable my lord Lumley wherein he describeth in part the state of Russia the maners of the people and their religion the magnificence of the Court the maiestie power and riches of the Emperour and the gracious entertainment of himselfe But if he being the first man and not hauing so perfect intelligence as they that came after him doeth not fullie satisfie your expectation in describing the foresayd countrey and people I then referre you to Clement Adams his relation next following to M. Ienkinsons discourse as touching that argument to the smooth verses of M. George Turberuile and to a learned and excellent discourse set downe pag. 475. of this volume and the pages following Vnto all which if you please you may adde Richard Iohnsons strange report of the Samoeds pag. 283. But to returne to our voyages performed within the bounds of Russia I suppose among the rest that difficult iourney of Southam and Sparke from Colmogro and S. Nicholas Baie vp the great riuer of Onega and so by other riuers and lakes to the citie of Nouogrod velica vpon the West frontier of Russia to be right woorthy of obseruation as likewise that of Thomas Alcock from Mosco to Smolensko and thence to Tirwill in Polonia pag. 304. that also of M. Hierome Horsey from Mosco to Vobsko and so through Liefland to Riga thence by the chiefe townes of Prussia and Pomerland to Rostok and so to Hamburg Breme Emden c. Neither hath our nation bene contented onely throughly to search into all parts of the Inland and to view the Northren Southerne and Westerne frontiers but also by the riuers of Moscua Occa and Volga to visite Cazan and Astracan the farthest Easterne and Southeasterne bounds of that huge Empire
at Fontanas and Nichoâ—as succeeded in his roome In the yere 1204. Hugo de Lacy inuaded Vlster with an armie and encountered with Iohn de Curcy tooke him prisoner subdued Vlster vnto himselfe Afterward he permitted the said Iohn to goe at libertie who comming vnto king Reginald was honourably enterteined by him because he was his sonne in lawe for Iohn de Curcy had taken to wife Affrica the daughter of Godredus which founded the abbey of S. Mary de iugo domini and was there buried In the yeere 1205. Iohn de Curcy Reginald king of the islands inuading Vlster with a hundreth ships at the port which is called Stranfeord did negligently besiege the castle of Rath but Walter de Lacy coÌ„ming vpoÌ„ them with his armie put them to flight from that time Curcy neuer recouered his land In the yere 1210. Eâ—gus the son of Sumerled his 3. sonnes were slaine At the same time Iohn king of England conducted a fleet of 500. ships into Irland and subdued it vnto himselfe and sending a certaine earle named Fulco vnto the isle of Man his souldiers almost vtterly wasted it in the space of 15. dayes and hauing taken pledges they returned home into their owne countrey King Reginald and his nobles were at this time absent from Man In the yere 1217. deceased Nicolas bishop of the islands and was buried in Vlster in the house of Benchor whom Reginald succeeded I thinke it not amisse to report somewhat more concerning the two foresaid brethren Reginaldus and Olauus REginald gaue vnto his brother Olauus the island called Lodhus or Lewes which is saide to be larger then the rest of the islands but almost destitute of inhabitants because it is so ful of mountaines quarreis being almost no where fit for tillage Howbeit the inhabitants thereof do liue for the most part vpon hunting and fishing Olauus therefore went to take possession of this Island and dwelt therein leading a poore life and when he saw that it would by no meanes suffice for the sustentation of himselfe his folowers hee went boldly vnto his brother Reginald who as then remained in the islands spake on this wise vnto him My brother said he and my lord and king you know that the kingdom of the islands pertained vnto me by right of inheritance howbeit because the Lord had chosen you to beare the scepter I doe not enuie that honour vnto you neither doeth it any whit grieue mee that you are exalted vnto this royall dignitie Nowe therefore I beseech you to prouide mee some portion of land in the islands whereby I may honestly liue For the Island of Lewis which you gaue me is not sufficient for my maintenance Which his brother Reginald hearing said that he would consult about the premisses And on the morow when Olauus was sent for to parle Reginald coÌ„manded him to be attached and to be caried vnto William king of Scotland and with him to remaine prisoner and Olauus remained in prison almost for the space of 7. yeres But at the 7. yeres end William king of Scots deceased and Alexander his sonne reigned in his stead The foresaid William before his death commanded that all prisoners should be set at libertie Olauus therefore being at libertie came vnto Man and immediatly with a great company of nobles tooke his iourney vnto S. Iames and his brother Reginald caused the said Olauus to take vnto wife the daughter of a certaine noble man of Kentyre cousine german vnto his owne wife by name being called Lauon and he granted vnto him the possession of Lewis After a few dayes Reginald the bishop of the Islands hauing gathered a Synod separated Olauus and Godred his sonne and Lauon his wife namely because shee was cousin german vnto his former wife Afterward Olauus maried Scristina daughter vnto Ferkarus earle of Rosse Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queene of the Islands being incensed sent letters vnto the Island of Sky in K. Reginald his name to her sonne Godred willing him to take Olauus Which coÌ„mandement Godred putting in practise entring the isle of Lewis for y e same purpose Olauus fled in a litle skiffe vnto his father in law the earle of Rosse in the meane time Godred wasted the isle of Lewis At the very same time Pol the son of Boke vicount of Sky being a man of power in al the Islands because he would not consent vnto Godred fled dwelt together with Olauus in the dominions of the earle of Rosse making a league with Olauus they went both in a ship vnto Sky To be short sending certaine spies they were informed that Godred remained secure with a smal company in a certaine Isle called y e isle of S. Columba And vniting vnto themselues their friends and acquaintance others that would goe voluntarily with them in the dead of the night hauing lanched 5. ships from the next sea-shore which was distant about the space of 2. furlongs from the foresaid Island they enuironed the said Island on all sides Now Godred and his company rising early in the morning and seeing themselues beset with their enemies on all sides they were vtterly astonied Howbeit arming themselues they began stoutly to make resistance but altogether in vaine For about 9. of the clocke in the morning Olauus and the foresaid vicount Pol with al their souldiers entred the Island and hauing slaine all whom they found without the precincts of the Church they apprehended Godred gelding him and putting out his eyes Unto which action Olauus gaue not his coÌ„sent neither could he withstand it by reason of the forenamed vicount the son of Boke This was done in the yere of Christ 1223. The next sommer folowing Olauus hauing receiued pledges from all the chiefe men of the Islands with a fleet of 32. ships sailed vnto Man and arriued at Rognolfwaht At the same time Reginald and Olauus diuided the kingdome of the Islands betweene themselues Man being granted vnto Reginald besides his portion the name of a king also Olauus hauing receiued certaine victuals of the people of Man returned together with his company vnto his owne portion of Islands The yeere folowing Reginald taking vnto him Alanus lord of Galway together with his subiects of Man sailed vnto the Islands that hee might take away that portion of ground from his brother Olauus which he had granted vnto him and subdue it vnto himselfe Howbeit by reason that the people of Man had no list to fight against Olauus or the Islanders because they bare good will towards them Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway being defeated of their purpose returned home vnto their owne Within a short space after Reginald vnder pretense of going vnto the Court of his lord the king of England receiued an 100. markes of the people of Man and tooke his iourney vnto Alanus lord of Galway Which the people of Man hearing tooke great indignation thereat insomuch that they sent for
Neither doth Bathy at any time drinke nor any other of the Tartarian princes especially being in a publique place but they haue singing and minstrilsie before them And alwaies when hee rides there is a canopie or small tent caried ouer his head vpon the point of a iaueline And so doe all the great princes of the Tartars their wiues also The sayd Bathy is courteous euough vnto his owne men and yet is hee had in great awe by them he is most cruel in fight he is exceedingly prudent and politique in warre because he hath now continued a long time in martiall affaires How departing from Bathy they passed through the land of Comania and of the Kangittae Chap. 23. MOreouer vpon Easter euen we were called vnto the tent and there came forth to meete vs the foresaid agent of Bathy saying on his masters behalfe that we should go into their land vnto the Emperor Cuyne deteining certaine of our company with this pretence that they would send them backe vnto the Pope to whom we gaue letters of al our affaires to deliuer vnto him But being come as farre as duke Montij aforesaid there they were kept vntill our returne Upon Easter day hauing said our praiers and taken a slender breakfast in the company of two Tartars which were assigned vnto vs by Corensa we departed with many teares not knowing whether we went to death or to life And we were so feeble in bodie that we were scarce able to ride For all that Lent through our meat was Millet onely with a little water and salte And so likewise vpon other fasting dayes Neither had we ought to drinke but snowe melted in a skillet And passing through Comania we rode most earnestly hauing change of horses fiue times or oftener in a day except when we went through deserts for then we were allowed better and stronger horses which could vndergoe the whole labour And thus farre had we trauailed from the beginning of Lent vntill eight dayes after Easter The land of Comania on the North side immediately after Russia hath the people called Morduyni Byleri that is Bulgaria magna the Bastarci that is Hungaria magna next vnto the Bastarci the Parositae and the Samogetae Next vnto the Samogetae are those people which are sayd to haue dogges faces inhabiting vpon the desert shores of the Ocean On the South side it hath the Alani the Circassi the Gazari Greece and Constantinople also the land of Iberia the Cathes the Brutaches who are said to be Iewes shauing their heads all ouer the landes also of Scythia of Georgia of Armenia of Turkie On the West side it hath Hungaria and Russia Also Comania is a most large and long countrey The inhabitantes whereof called Comani the Tartars slewe some notwithstanding fled from them and the rest were subdued vnder their bondage But most of them that fled are returned againe Afterward wee entred the lande of the Kangitâ—ae which in many places hath great scarcetie of waters wherin there are but fewe inhabitants by reason of the foresayd defect of water For this cause diuers of the seruants of Ieroslaus duke of Russia as they were traueiling towards him into the land of Tartaria died for thirst in that desert As before in Comania so likewise in this countrey wee found many skulles and bones of dead men lying vpon the earth like a dunghill Through this countrey we were traueiling from the eight day after Easter vntill Ascension day The inhabitants therof were Pagans and neither they nor the Comanians vsed to till the ground but liued onely vpon cattell neither built they any houses but dwelled in tents These men also haue the Tartars rooted out and doe possesse and inhabite their countrey howbeit those that remained are reduced into their bondage How they came vnto the first court of the new Emperour Chap. 24. MOreouer out of the land of the Kangittae we entered into the countrey of y e Bisermini who speake the language of Comania but obserue the law of the Saracens In this countrey we found innumerable cities with castles ruined many towns left desolate The lord of this country was called Soldan Altâ— who with al his progenie was destroyed by the Tartars This country hath most huge mountains On the South side it hath Ierusalem and Baldach and all the whole countrey of the Saracens In the next territories adioyning doe inhabite two carnall brothers dukes of the Tartars namely Burin and Cadan the sonnes of Thyaday who was the sonne of Chingis Can. On the North side thereof it hath the land of the blacke Kythayans and the Ocean In the same countrie Syban the brother of Bathy remaineth Through this countrie we were traueiling from the feast of Ascension vntil eight daies before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist. And then we entred into the land of the blacke Kythayans in which the Emperour built an house where we were called in to drinke Also the Emperours deputy in that place caused the chiefe men of the citie and his two sonnes to daunce before vs. Departing from hence wee founde a certaine small sea vpon the shore whereof stands a little mountaine In which mountaine is reported to be a hole from whence in winter time such vehement tempests of winds doe issue that traueilers can scarcely and with great danger passe by the same way In summer time the noise in deede of the winde is heard there but it proceedeth gently out of the hole Along the shores of the foresaid sea we trauailed for the space of many dayes which although it bee not very great yet hath it many islandes and wee passed by leauing it on our left hande In this lande dwelleth Ordu whome wee sayde to bee auncient vnto all the Tartarian dukes And it is the Orda or court of his faher which hee inhabiteth and one of his wiues beareth rule there For it is a custome among the Tartars that the Courts oâ— Princes or oâ— noble men are not dissolued but alwayes some women are appointed to keepe and gouerne them vpon whom certain gifts are bestowed in like sort as they are giuen vnto their Lords And so at length we arriued at the first court of the Emperour wherein one of his wiues dwelt Howe they came vnto Cuyne himselfe who was forthwith to be chosen Emperour Chap. 25. BUt because we had not as yet seene the Emperour they would not inuite vs nor admit vs into his Orda but caused good attendance and entertainement after the Tartars fashion to be giuen vnto vs in our owne tent and they caused vs to stay there and to refresh our selues with them one day Departing thence vpon the euen of Saint Peter and Saint Paul wee entered into the land of the Naymani who are Pagans But vpon the very feast day of the saide Apostles there fel a mightie snowe in that place and wee
to death at the same time when the Tartars armie was in Hungarie which for the same cause returned home Moreoouer vpon the foresaide Concubine and many other of her confederats sentence of iudgement was pronounced and they were put to death At the same time Ieroslaus the great Duke of Soldal which is a part of Russia deceased For being as it were for honours sake inuited to eate and drink with the Emperours mother and immediatly after the banquet returning vnto his lodging he fel sicke and within seuen dayes died And after his death his body was of a strange blew colour and it was commonly reported that the said Duke was poisoned to the ende that the Tartars might freely and totally possesse his Dukedome How the Friers comming at length vnto the Emperour gaue and receiued letters Chap. 31. TO be short the Tartars brought vs vnto their Emperor who when he had heard of them that we were come vnto him coÌ„manded that we should return vnto his mother For he was determined the next day as it is abouesaid to set vp a flag of defiaÌ„ce against al y â— countreis of the West which he would haue vs in no case to know Wherefore returning we staied some few dayes with his mother and so returned baâ—ke again vnto him With whom we continued for the space of one whole moneth in such extreme hunger and thirst that we could scarce hold life and soule together For the prouision allowed vs for foure dayes was scantly sufficient for one day Neither could we buy vs any sustenance because the market was too farre off Howbeit the Lorde prouided for vs a Russian goldsmith named Cosmas who being greatly in the Emperours fauour procured vs some sustenance This man shewed vnto vs the throne of the Emperour which hee had made before it was set in the proper place and his seale which he also had framed Afterward the Emperor sent for vs giuing vs to vnderstand by Chingay his chief Secretary that wee should write downe our messages affaires and should deliuer them vnto him Which thing we performed accordingly Aâ—ter many daies he called for vs againe demanding whether there were any with our Lord the Pope which vnderstood the Russian the Sarracen or the Tartarian language To whom we answered that we had none of those letters or languages Howbeit that there were certaine Saracens in the land but inhabiting a great distance from our Lord the Pope And wee saide that wee thought it most expedient that when they had written their mindes in the Tartarian language and had interpreted the meaning therof vnto vs we should diligently translate it into our own tongue and so deliuer both the letter and the translation thereof vnto our Lord the Pope Then departed they from vs and went vnto the Emperour And after the day of S. Martine we were called for againe Then Kadac principal agent for the whole empire and Chingay and Bala with diuers other Scribes came vnto vs and interpreted the letter word for word And hauing written it in Latine they caused vs to interprete vnto them eche sentence to wit if we had erred in any word And when both letters were written they made vs to reade them ouer twise more least we should haue mistaken ought For they said vnto vs Take heed that ye vnderstand all things throughly for if you should not vnderstand the whole matter aright it might breed some inconuenience They wrote the said letters also in the Saracen tongue that there might be some found in our dominions which could reade and interprete them if need should require How they were licensed to depart Chap. 32. ANd as our Tartars told vs the Emperour was purposed to send his ambassadors with vs. Howbeit he was desirous as we thought that we our selues should craue that fauour at his hands And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man exhorted vs to make the said petition we thought it not good for vs that the Emperor should send his ambassadours Wherfore we gaue him answere that it was not for vs to make any such petition but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord to send them we would diligently by Gods assistance see them conducted in safetie Howbeit we thought it expedient for vs that they should not goe and that for diuers causes First because we feared least they seeing the dissentions and warres which are among vs should be the more encouraged to make warre against vs. Secondly we feared that they would be insteade of spies and intelligencers in our dominions Thirdly we misdoubted that they would be slaine by the way For our nations be arrogant and proud For when as those seruants which at the request of the Cardinall attended vpon vs namely the legates of Almaine returned vnto him in the Tartars attire they were almost stoned in the way by the Dutch and were compelled to put off those garments And it is the Tartars custome neuer to bee reconciled vnto such as haue slaine their Ambassadours till they haue reuenged themselues Fourthly least they should bee taken from vs by mayne force Fiftly because there could come no good by their ambassade for they were to haue none other commission or authoritie but onely to deliuer their Emperours letter vnto the Pope and to the Princes of Christendome which very same letters wee our selues had and we knew right well that much harme might ensue thereoâ— Wherefore the third day after this namely vpon the feast of Saint Brice they gaue vs our passe-port and a Letter sealed with the Emperours owne seale sending vs vnto the Emperours mother who gaue vnto eche of vs â— gowne made of Foxe-skinnes with the furre on the outside and a piece of purple And our Tartars stole a yarde out of euery one of them And out of that which was giuen vnto our seruant they stole the better halfe Which false dealing of theirs we knew well inough but would make no words thereof How they returned homewards Chap. 33. THen taking our iourney to returne we trauailed all Winter long lying in the deserts oftentimes vpon the snow except with our feete wee made a piece of ground bare to lye vpon For there were no trees but the plaine champion field And oftentimes in the morning we found our selues all couered with snow driuen ouer vs by the winde And so trauailing till the feast of our Lordes Ascension we arriued at the court of Bathy Of whom when wee had enquired what answere he would send vnto our Lord the Pope he said that he had nothing to giue vs in charge but onely that we should diligently deliuer that which the Emperour had written And hauing receiued letters for our safe conduct the thirteenth day after Pentecost being Saterday wee were proceeded as farre as Montij with whome our foresaide associates and seruants remained which were withheld from vs and we caused them to be deliuered vnto vs.
English lawes that the people and the lawes were in reputation and then were the wisest of the people worship-worthy euery one after his degree Earle and Churle Thein and vnder-Thein And if a churle thriued so that hee had fully five hides of his owne land a Church and a Kitchin a Belhouse and a gate a seate and a seuerall office in the Kings hall then was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy And if a Thein so thriued that he serued the king and on his message rid in his houshold if he then had a Thein that followed him the which to the kings iourney fiue hides had and in the kings seate his Lord serued and thrise with his errand had gone to the king he might afterward with his forâ—oth his lords part play at any great neede And if a Thein did thriue so that he became an Earle then was he afterward an Earles right worthie And if a Marchant so thriued that he passed thrise ouer the wide seas of his owne craft he was thencefoorth a Theins right worthie And if a scholar so prospered thorow learning that he degree had and serued Christ he was then afterward of dignitie and peace so much worthie as thereunto belonged vnlesse he forfaited so that he the vse of his degree vse ne might A testimonie of certaine priuiledges obtained for the English and Danish Marchants of Conradus the Emperour and Iohn the Bishop of Rome by Canutus the King of England in his iourney to Rome extracted out of a letter of his written vnto the Cleargie of England SIt vobis notum quia magna congregatio nobilum in ipsa solemnitate Pascali Romae cum Domino Papa Ioanne imperatore Conrado erat scilicet omnes principes gentium a monte Gargano vsque ad iâ—tum proximum Marâ—â— qui omnes me honorifice suscepere magnificis donis honorauere Maxime autem ab imperatore donis varijs muneribus pretiosis honoratus sum tam in vasis aureis argenteis quam in pallijs vestibus valde pretiosis Locutus sum igitur cum ipso imperatore Domino Papa principibus qui ibi erant de necessitatibus totius populi mei tam Angli quam Dani vt eis concederetur lex aequior pax securior in via RomaÌ„ adeundi ne tot clausuris per viam arcerentur propter iniustum teloneuÌ„ fatigarentur Annuitque postulatis Imperator Rodulphus Rex qui maxime ipsarum clausurarum dominatur cunctique principes edictis firmarunt vt homines mei tam Mercatores quà m alij orandi gratia viatores absque omni anguria clausurarum teloneaâ—iorum cum firma pace Romam eant redeant The same in English YOu are to vnderstand that at the feast of Easter there was a great company of Nobles with Pope Iohn and Conradus the Emperour assembled at Rome namely all the princes of the nations from mount Garganus vnto the West Ocean sea Who all of them honourably interteined me and welcomed mee with rich and magnificent gifts but especially the Emperour bestowed diuers costly presents and rewards vpon mee both in vessels of golde and siluer and also in cloakes and garments of great value Wherefore I conferred with the Emperour himselfe and the Pope and with the other Princes who were there present concerning the necessities of all my subiects both Englishmen and Danes that a more fauourable law secure peace in their way to Rome might bee graunted vnto them and that they might not bee hindered by so many stops impediments in their iourney and wearied by reason of iniust exactions And the Emperour condescended vnto my request and king Rodulphus also who hath greatest authoritie ouer the foresaid stops and streights and all the other princes confirmed by their Edicts that my subiects as well Marchants as others who trauailed for deuotions sake should without all hinderance and restraint of the foresaid stops and customers goe vnto Rome in peace and returne from thence in safetie The flourishing state of Marchandise in the Citie of London in the dayes of Willielmus Malmesburiensis which died in the yeere 1142. in the reigne of K. Stephen HAud longe a Rofa quasi viginti quinque milliarijs est Londonia Ciuitas nobilis opima ciuium diuitijs constipata negociatorum ex omni terra maxime ex Germania venientium commercijs Vnde fit vt cum vbique in Anglia caritas victualium pro sterili prouentu messium sit ibi necessaria distrahantur emantur minore quà m alibi vel vendentium compendio vel ementium dispendio Peregrinas inuehit merces Ciuitatis sinibus Tamesis fluuius famosus qui citra vrbem ad ' 80. milliaria fonticulo fusus vltra plus 70. nomen profert The same in English NOt farre from Rochester about the distance of fiue and twenty miles standeth the Noble Citie of London abounding with the riches of the inhabitants and being frequented with the traffique of Marchants resorting thither out of all nations and especially out of Germanie Whereupon it commeth to passe that when any generall dearth of victuals falleth out in England by reason of the scarcitie of corne things necessary may there be prouided and bought with lesse gaine vnto the sellers and with lesse hinderance and losse vnto the buyers then in any other place of the Realme Outlandish wares are conueighed into the same Citie by the famous riuer of Thames which riuer springing out of a fountaine 80. miles beyond the Citie is called by one and the selfe same name .70 miles beneath it The aforesaid William of Malmesburie writeth of traffike in his time to Bristowe in his fourth booke degestis pontificum Anglorum after this maner IN eadem valle est vicus celeberrimus Bristow nomine in quo est nauium portus ab Hibernia Norwegia caeteris transinarinis terris venientium receptaculum ne scilicet genitalibus diuitijs tam fortunata regio peregrinarum opum frauderetur commercio The same in English IN the same valley stands the famous Towne of Bristow with an Hauen belonging thereunto which is a commodious and safe receptacle for all ships directing their course for the same from Ireland Norway and other outlandish and foren countreys namely that a region so fortunate and blessed with the riches that nature hath vouchsafed thereupon should not bee destitute of the wealth and commodities of other lands The league betweene Henry the second and Fredericke Barbarossa Emperour of Germanie wherein is mention of friendly traffike betweene the Marchants of the Empire and England confirmed in the yeere of our Lord 1157. recorded in the first Booke and seuenteenth Chapter of Radeuicus Canonicus Frisingensis being an appendix to Otto Frisingensis IBidem tunc affuere etiam Henrici Regis Angliae missi varia preciosa donaria multo lepore verborum adornata praestantes Inter quae papilionem vnum quantitate maximum qualitate optimum perspeximus
and subduing the Infidels or els in keeping them vnder their obedience and subiection taken out of Munster THe order of the Dutch knights had their first original at Ierusalem in the yere of our Lorde 1190. within the Hospitall of the blessed Uirgine and the first Master of the saide order was called Henrie of Walpot vnder whome many good things and much wealth and riches were throughout all Germanie and Italie procured vnto the order and the saide Hospitall was remoued from Ierusalem vnto Ptolemais otherwise called Acon and the foresaid Order grew and mightily increased whereof I will hereafter discourse more at large in my Treatise of Syria Henrie of Walpot deceased in the yeere of Christ 1200. The 2. Master was Orâ—o of Kerpen and he continued Master of the Order for the space of sixe yeeres The 3. was Hermannus Bart a godly and deuout person who deceased in the yeere 1210. being interred at Acon as his predecessors were The 4. was Hermannus de Saltza who thirtie yeeres together gouerned the saide Order and managed the first expedition of warre against the infidels of Prussia and ordained another Master also in Prussia to bee his Deputie in the same region In the yeere 1239. the knights of the sword who traueâ—led into Liuonia to conuert the inhabitants thereof vnto Christ seeing they were not of sufficient force to performe that enterprise and that their enemies increased on all sides they vnited themselues vnto the famous Order of the Dutch knights in Prussia that their worthie attempt might bee defended and promoted by the aide and assistance of the saide Duch knights At the very same time the ensiâ—ne of the crosse was exalted throughout all Germanie against the Prussians and a great armie of souldiers was gathered together the Burgraue of Meidenburg being generall of the armie who combining themselues vnto the Dutch knights ioyned battell with the Infidels and slew about fiue hundred Gentiles who beforetime had made horrible inuasions and in-roades into the dominions of Christians wasting all with fire and sword but especially the land of Colm and Lubonia which were the Prouinces of Conradus Duke oâ— Masâ—ouia Nowe the â—oresaide knights hauing made so huge a slaughter built the castle of Reden betweene Pomerania and the land of Colm and so by degrees they gotte footing in the lande and daylie erected more castles as namely Crutzburg Wissenburg Resil Bartenstein Brunsburg and Heilsburg and furnisheâ— them all with garrisons The fift Master of the Order was Conradus Landgrauius the brother of Lodouick which was husband vnto Ladie Elizabeth This Conradus by his fathers inheritance gaue great riches and possessions vnto the Order and caused Ladie Elizabeth to be interred at Marpuâ—g within the religious house of his saide Order Under the gouernment of this Master Acon in the lande of Palestina was subdued vnto the Saracens Moreouer in the yeere 1254. there was another great armie of Souldiers prepared against Prussia by the Princes of Germanie For Octacer aliâs Odoacer king of Bohemia Otto Marques of Brandeburg the Duke of Austria the Marques of Morauia the Bishops of Colen and of Olmutz came marching on with great strength of their Nobles and common souldiers and inuading the lande of Prussia in the Winter season they constrained the inhabitants thereof to receiue the Christian faith and to become obedient vnto the knights After which exploite by the aduise and assistance of king Odoacer there was a castle built vpon a certaine hill of Samogiâ—ia which immediately after grewe to be a great citie being at this day the seate of the Prince of Prussia and it was called by Odoacer Kunigsberg that is to say Kings Mount or Mount royall being finished in the yeere 1255. Due of this fort the knights did bridle and restraine the furie of the Infidels on all sides and compelled them to obedience The sixt Master was called Boppo ab Osterna vnder whom the citie of Kunigsberg was built At the very same instant the knights beeing occupied about the warre of Curland the Prussians conspiring together and abandoning the Christian faith in furious maner armed themselues against y e Christians defaced and burnt down Churches sâ—ew Priests and to the vtâ—ost of their abilitie banished all faithfull people The report of which misdemeanour being published throughout all Germanie an huge armie was leuied and sent for the defence and succour of the knights which marching into the land of Natan made many slaughters through the inconstancie of fortune sometimes woonne and sometimes lost the victorie Also the Infidels besieged these three castles namelyâ— Barstenstein Crutzberg and Kunigsberg and brought extreame famine vpon the Christians contained within the saide fortes Againe in the yeere of our Lord 1262. the Earle of Iuliers with other Princes and great chiualrie came downe and giuing charge vpon the Prussiansâ— put three thousand of them to the edge of the sworde Afterward the Prussians banding themselues together were determined to spoile the castle of Kunigsberg but their confederacie being disclosed they had the repulse And when the knightes had preuailed against them they laide in pledges and yet for all that were not afraid to breake their fidelitie For vpon a certaine time after they had giuen diuers pledges they slewe two noble knights of the Order and so by that meanes incensed the principall of the saide order insomuch that they caused two paire of gallous to be set vp besides the castle thirtie of the Prussians pledges to be hanged therupon Which seueritie so vexed and prouoked the Prussians that in reuenge of the said iniury they renewed bloody and cruel warres slew many Christians yea and put 40. knights with the master of the Order and the Marshal vnto the edge of the sword There was at the same instant in Pomerania a Duke called Suandepolâ—us professing the Christian faith but being ioyned in league with the Prussians he indeuoured for many yeeres not onely to expell the knights but all Christians whatsoeuer out of the lande of Prussia in which warre the foresaide knights of the Order suffered many abuses For they lost almost all their castles and a great number of themselues also were slaine This Suandepolcus put in practise many lewde attempts against religion For albeit he was baptized he did more mischiefe then the very Infidels themselues vntill such time as the knights being assisted by the Princes of Germanie brought the saide Duke and the Prussians also into such straights that maugre their heads they were constrained to sue for peace Afterward Swandepolcus lying at the point of death admonished his sonnes that they should not doe any inâ—urie vnto the knights of the order affirming that himselfe neuer prospered so long as he vrged warre against them Howbeit his sonnes for a certaine time obserued not their fathers counsel vntill at length one of them named Warteslaus was created one of the Order and the other called Samborus bestowed by legacie his goods and possessions
statutes ordinations and prohibitions al English marchants whatsoeuer resorting vnto the land of Prussia must be firmely bounden and subiect Also it is ordained that whatsoeuer sale-clothes are already transported or at any time hereafter to bee transported out of England into Prussia by the English marchants and shall there be offered to bee solde whether they be whole cloathes or halfe cloathes they must containe both their endes Lastly that the matters aboue-mentioned fall not short and voyde of their wished effect the treaty and conference about all and singular damages and grieuances whereof there is not as yet done but there must be by the vertue of these presents performed a reformation and amendment must be continued and proroged vntill the first of May next ensuing as by these presents they are continued and proroged with the continuation of the dayes then immediately following at the towne of Dordract aforesaide at the which time and place or at other times and places in the meane space as occasion shall serue by both parties to be limited and assigned or else within oue yeere after the said first day of the moneth of May next ensuing bee expired the hurt and damaged parties generally before-mentioned shall haue performed vuto them a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation on both partes Prouided alwayes if within the terme of the saide yeere some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation bee not performed vnto the parties iniuried and endamaged which are generally aboue mentioned that then within three whole moneths after the foresaid yere shall expired the Prussians shall depart out of the realmes and dominions of the saide Soueraigne Lorde the king of England together with their marchandize and with other goods which they shal haue gotten or bought within the space of the foresaide three moneths and that the English men also are likewise in all respects bounden to auoid and no lawfull impediment hindering them to withdrawe themselues and to depart out of the territories and dominions of the saide Master generall without all molestation◠perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this regard Howbeit least that by the robberies and piracies of some insolent and peruerse people matter should be ministred vnto the said lord the Master generall of swaruing from the faithfull obseruation of the foresaide agreements or which God forbid any occasion bee giuen him of not obseruing them it is also decreed by the often aboue mentioned Ambassadours and messengers that if the goods and marchandize of any of the saide lorde Master generall his subiectes whatsoeuer shall be from hencefoorth vniustly taken vpon the Sea by any English Pirates and shal be caried into the realme of England and there receiued that the Gouernours and keepers of portes and of other places with whatsoeuer names they be called at the which portes and places such marchandises and goods shall chaunce to arriue beeing onely informed of the saide goods and marchandises by sole report or other proofes wanting by probable suspition are bound to arrest and to keep them in safe custodie fauourably to be restored vnto the owners therof whensoeuer they shall be lawfully demaunded which if they shall omit or deny to performe from thenceforth the saide gouernours and keepers are bound to make vnto the parties endamaged a recompease of their losses And for fault of iustice to be executed by the said gouernours and keepers our soueraign lord the king aboue named after he shall conueniently be requested by the parties damnified is bound within three moneths next ensuing all lawfull impediments being excepted to make correspondent iust and reasonable satisfaction vnto the saide parties endamaged Otherwise that it shal be right lawfull for the saide lorde the Master generall to arrest and after the arrest to keepe in safe custodie the goods of the English marchants being in the land of Prussia to the condigne satisfaction of such iniuries as haue bene offered vnto his subiects vntill his said subiects be iustly and reasonably contented Likewise also in all respects the same iustice is to be done vnto the English by the said Lord the Master generall and his subiects in Prussia euen as it hath bene enacted and decreed in the aboue written clause beginning Caeterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. for the said Master general and his subiects by the foresaide ambassadors of England and the commissioners of the said lord the Master generall that in like cases iustice ought to be administred on the behalfe of himselfe and of his subiects in the realme of England And that all and singular the couenants aboue written may in time to come by the parties whom they concerne firmly and inuiolably be obserued the forenamed ambassadors messengers and commissioners all and euery of them for the full credite probation and testimonie of all the premisses haue vnto these present Indentures made for the same purpose caused euerie one of their seales with their owne hands to be put One part of the which indentures remaineth in the custodie of the English ambassadors and the other part in the hands of the commissioners of Prussia Giuen at the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. vpon the 8. day of the moneth of October An agreement made betweene King Henrie the fourth and the common societie of the Marchants of the Hans THis Indenture made betweene the honourable Sir William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington clearke procurators messengers and commissioners sufficiently deputed and authorized by the most mighty Prince Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland for the performation of y e things vnder written on the one part the hon personages M. Henry Vredeland M. Riman Salum chief notaries Thederic Knesuolt secretary M. Simō Clouesten chief notary and Iohn Zotebotter citizen being sufficiently made and ordained procurators and messengers on the behalfe of the cities of Lubec Bremen Hamburg Sund and Gripeswold for the demanding obtaining seuerally of due reformation and recompense at the hands of our saide souereigne lord the king and of his messengers and commissioners aforesayde for all iniuries damages grieuances and manslaughters any wayes vniustly done and offred seuerally by the liege people and subiects of our soueraigne lord the king vnto the common societie of the marchants of the Hans and vnto any of the Citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide whatsoeuer on the other part Witnesseth That betweene all and euery of the saide Procurators messengers and Commissioners by vertue of the authoritie committed vnto them it hath bene and is appointed concluded and decreed that the liege marchants and subiects of our said soueraigne lord the king and the marchants of the common societie of the Dutch Hans aforesaide from hencefoorth for one whole yeere and seuen moneths immediately next ensuing and following shal be permitted and licenced friendly freely and securely to exercise mutual traffike
and like marchants to buy sell together one of and vnto another euen as in times past namely in the yeere 1400. and before that time also they haue bin accustomed to exercise mutuall traffike and marchandiseâ— and to buy and sell. Also the saide William and Iohn agreed and consented that they themselues or some other perhaps to be appointed in this behalfe by their saide lord the king in their stead shall vpon the first day of the moneth of May next to come with the continuation of the dayes following at the towne of Dordract in Holland or vpon any other terme or termes then perhaps to bee limited competently satisfie and performe conuenient recompence vnto the saide common societie citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide and also of other cities townes and villages of theâ— Hans of and for all iniuries damages grieuances and drownings or manslaughters done and committed as they alleage against them deliuered and exhibited in written articles vnto the aboue named William and Iohn or els heereafter to bee deliuered and exhibited either by the same procurators or by some others which shall perhaps be authorized in their stead or by the messengers procurators and commissioners of other cities townes and places of the Hans in equall and like maner and forme euen as at the saide terme limited or then perhaps to be proroged there is appointed by the said William and Iohn reparation reformation and recompence vnto the inhabitants of Prussia and Liuonia for the iniuries damages and grieuances uniustly done and committed against them by the liege people and subiects of the saide soueraigne lord the king in the presence of the mightie lord the Master general of Prussia in his land of Prussia as in certain letters indented bearing date in the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeere of our lord 1405. and being made and written about the reparation reformation and recompence of such like iniuries c. the tenour whereof ought here to be vnderstood as if it were inserted it is more manifestly contained It was furthermore promised by the said William and Iohn that they should not inforce nor compell the citizens people or inhabitants of the common society of the Hans or of the aboue named cities or of any other cities of the Hans aforesaid hauing receiued sufficient information of their dwelling and place of abode to more difficult or district proofes of their Articles of complaints alreadie exhibited and in the foresaide termes to come to bee exhibited then vnto the inhabitants of the lands of Prussia and Liuonia according to the forme of the Indentures aboue mentioned Moreouer the saide William and Iohn doe promise that so soone as they shall come into the kingdome of England and before the presence of their king they shall prouide that all and singular the priuiledges graunted vnto the marchants of the saide Hans by the renowmed kings of England and confirmed by the said Soueraigne lord the king that now is must according to al their contents be inuiolably obserued by the said soueraigne king and his subiects and also that from henceforth nothing is vniustly to be attempted vpon any occasion pretense or colour by the saide Soueraigne Prince and the inhabitants of the realme of England to the preiudice of the sayde priuiledges They shall prouide also that all things heretofore attempted and practised against the saide priuiledges shall by reasonable amendement and iust reformation vtterly be abolished But if after the date of these presents which God forfend within the space of the said one yere and seuen moneths prescribed any damages iniuries or grieuances in ships goods or persons should either by the English and the inhabitants of England be vniustly inflicted vpon the cities and marchants of the cities townes and places of the Hans aforesaid or by any marchants or others of the cities or townes of the saide Hans either vnto the English or vnto any of the inhabitants of that Realme vpon any fained pretense whatsoeuer all and singular the foresaide messengers commissioners ambassadours and procurators haue promised that all such damages iniuries and molestations so inflicted by them who shall offer and commit them must bee reformed and amended after the very same forme and manner that in the like case reformation reparation and amends of iniuries damages and molestations committed by the English against them of Prussia is to be performed according vnto a certaine clause contained in the letters aboue mentioned which beginneth Ceterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. continuing vnto that clause Et vt praescripta omnia c. In English And that all the couenants aboue written c. It was also concluded betweene the foresaide messengers commissioners and procurators and with one generall consent agreed vpon that if from the first day of the moneth of May next to come within one whole yeere following some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation be not performed vnto the parties iniuried and damnified generally aboue mentioned in regard of their damages molestations and iniuries then within three moneths after the saide yeere bee expired the marchants of the Hans cities aforesaid are bound without any molestation perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this behalfe to auoyde and if no lawfull impediment shall hinder them to abstaine and depart from the Realmes and dominions of the said Soueraigne king of England with their marchandize and other goods bought or gotten within the space of the saide three moneths and also the English likewise in all respects shall auoide abstaine and depart from the territories and dominions of the Hans cities aforesaide Also it was promised by the saide William and Iohn that at the terme appointed namely vpon the first of May next following or at some other terme or termes then limited or to bee limited there must be made a due recompense and a proportionall satisfaction for all those persons of the land of Prussia Liuonia and of the cities townes and other places of the Hans who haue vniustly bene drowned and slaine by the English and that according to the tenour of a certain schedule written concerning a recompense to be had in regarde of the saide persons drowned and slaine and presented vnto them by Albertus Rode consul of the citie of Thoren and by the forenamed procurators and messengers of the cities aforesaid they must faithfully and effectually to the vtâ—ost of their abilitie indeuour for the obtaining of the saide recompense and amends In witnesse whereof these letters of Indenture remaining in the possession of the saide William and Iohn the messengers procurators commissioners of England aforesaid and left in their custodie by the aboue named procurators and messengers Henrie Rimarus Thedericus Simon and Iohn Sotebotter of their certaine knowledge and assurance and for the full confirmation and testimonie of al the premisses the foresaid procurators
the said Simon to saile for England and spoiled the said craier and also tooke and caried away with them the goods and marchandises of the said Simon being in the foresaid ship to the value of 66. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1397. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans tooke a crayer of one Peter Cole of Zeland called the Bussship which Alan Barret the seruant and factor of the foresaid Simon Durham had laden with mastes sparres and other marchandize for the behalfe of the said Simon and vniustly tooke from thence the goods of the said Simon to the value of 24. pounds and caried the same away Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and others of the Hans vniustly tooke vpon the sea and caried away with them a packe of woollen cloth of the foresaid Simon worth 42. pounds out of a certain crayer of one Thomas Fowler of Lenne being laden and bound for Dantzik in Prussia Item pitifully complaining the marchants of Lenne doe auouch verifie affirme that about the feast of S. George the martyr in the yeere of our Lord 1394. sundry malefactors and robbers of Wismer Rostok and others of the Hans with a great multitude of ships arriued at the towne of Norbern in Norway and tooke the said town by strong assault and also wickedly and vniustly took al the marchants of Lenne there residing with their goods cattels and burnt their houses and mansions in the same place and put their persons vnto great ransoms euen as by the letters of safeconduct deliuered vnto the said marchants it may more euidently appeare to the great damage and impouerishment of the marchants of Lenne namely Imprimis they burnt there 21. houses belonging vnto the said marchants to the value of 440. nobles Item they tooke from Edmund Belyetere Thomas Hunt Iohn Brandon and from other marchants of Lenne to the value of 1815. pounds Concerning this surprise Albertus Krantzius in the sixt book of his history of Norway and the 8. Chapter writeth in maner following IN the meane while Norway enioyed peace vnder the gouernment of a woman vntil Albertus king of Suecia who had now seuen yeeres continued in captiuity vnder Queen Margaret was to be set at liberty Which when the common souldiers of Rostok Wismer called the Vitalians perceiued who whilest their king was holden captiue in the right of the forenamed cities for the behalfe of their lord the king being prince of Mekleburg by birth vndertooke and waged warre al the time of his captiuitie banding their forces together they resolued at their own costs charges but in the right of the said cities to saile into the 3. kingdoms and to take such spoiles as they could lay hold on These common souldiers therfore sâ—eing an end of their tyrannical and violent dealing to approch sassed into Norway vnto the towne of Norbern being a mart town for al the marchants of Germanie who transporting fishes from thence doe bring thither marchandises of all kinds especially corne vnto the scarcitie wherof vnlesse it be brought out of other countreys that kingdome as we haue said is very much subiect Departing out of their ships and going on shore they set vpon the towne and by fire and sword they easily compelled the inhabitants dwelling in weake wodden houses to giue place Thus these Vitalians entring and surprising the towne conueyed such spoiles vnto their ships as them pleased and hauing laden their ships with those booties they returned home frolike vnto the ports of their own cities Without all respect they robbed and rifled the goods aswel of the Germanes as of the Noâ—uagians and like lewde companions wasting and making hauock of all things prooued themselues neuer the wealthier For it is not the guise of such good fellowes to store vp or to preserue ought The citizens at the first seemed to be inriched howbeit afterward no man misdoubting any such calamitie goods ill gotten were worse spent Thus farre Kranâ—zius Item pitifully complaining the foresaide marchants auouch verifie and affirme that vpon the 14. day after the feast of S. George in the yeere of our Lord next aboue written as 4. ships of Lenne laden with cloth wine and other marchandises were sailing vpon the maine sea with all the goods and wares conteined in them for Prussia sundry malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans being in diuers ships came vpon them and by â—orce of armes and strong hand tooke the said ships with the goods and marchandises contained in them and some of the people which were in the saide foure ships they slew some they spoyled and others they put vnto extreame ransomes And carying away with them those foure ships with the commodities and marchandise therin they parted stakes thâ—rwith as them listed to the great impâ—uerishment losse of the said marchants of Lenne namely in cloth of William Silesden Tho. Waterden Ioh. Brandon Ioh. WesenhaÌ„ other marchants of Lenne to the value of 3623 li.5.s.11 d. Item pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants doe affirme that one Henry Lambolt and other his adherents in the yeere of our Lord 1396. looke vpon the maine sea betweene Norway and Sâ—aw one crayer laden with osmunds and with diuers other marchandises perteining vnto Iohn Brandon of Lenne to the summe and value of 443 li.4.s.2.d Moreouer they tooke from Iohn Lakingay 4. lasts and an halfe of osmunds to the value of 220 lib.10.s Item the foresaid marchants complaine that certain malefactors of Wismer with other their compliâ—es of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1396. tooke from Thomas Ploker of Lenne out of a certaine ship sailing vpon the maine sea towaâ—ds sconâ—Sconâ—land whereof Iames Snycop was master cloth and other marchandise to the summe and value of 13 lib.13.s.4.d Item the aboue-named marchants complaine saying that certaine malefactors of Wismer with others of the Hans society in the yere of our Lord 1397. wickedly and vniustly took out of a certaine ship of Dantzik whereof Laurence van Russe was master from Ralph Bedingam of Lenne one fardel of cloth worth 52 li.7.s.6.d Also for the ransome of his seruant 8 li.6.s.8.d Itemâ— they tooke from Thomas Earle diuers goods to the value of 24. pounds Item the foresaid marchants complainâ—â— that certaine malefactors of Wismer Rostok with others of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly vniustly tooke one crayer pertayning vnto Iohn Lakingliâ—h of Lenne laden with diuers goods and marchandise pertaining vnto sundry marchants of Lenne namely from the forenamed Iohn one fardel of cloth and one chest full of harneis and other things to the value of 90 lib Item they took out of the foresaid ship from Roger Hood one fardel of cloth and one chest with diuers goods to the value of 58 lib Item from Iohn Pikeron one fardell of cloth and one chest with
thankfull mind accept and by the tenour of the said letters of yours totally approue the concord of a certaine satisfaction to be performed with the payment of certaine summes of money howsoeuer due vnto your subiects as well of Prussia as of Liuonia expressed in our former letters within the termes prefixed by our consent and limited in our said letters aud also of other summes which within one whole yeare immediatly following the feast of Easter last past by sufficient proofes on their part to bee made before our chauncelour at our citie of London shall be found due vnto them conditionally that without inconuenience of delay and impediments the premisses be performed as they ought to be And that your selfe also will without fayle vpon the termes appoynted for the said payments procure satisfaction â—o be made accordingly vnto our endamaged subiects with the summes due vnto them by reason of their losses whereof they haue sufficient information Wherefore in regard of those your friendly letters and your courteous auswere returned by them vnto vs as is aforesaid wee doe yeelde vnto you right vnfained thanks But because it will vndoubtedly be most acceptable and pleasing both vnto vs and vnto our people and vnto you and your subiects that the zeale and ferueâ—cie of loue which hath from auncient times growen and increased betweene our progenitours for them and their subiects and your predecessors and their subiects and which by the insolencie of of certayne lewde persons without any consent of the principall lords hath often bene violated betweene vs and you and mutually betweene the subiects of vs both may be put in perpetuall vre and obtaine full strength in time to come sithens hereupon by Gods assistance it is to be hoped that vnspeakeable commodity and quiet will redound vnto both parts may it seeme good vnto your discretion as it seemeth expedient vnto vs that some messengers of yours sufficiently authorised to parle agree and conclude with our deputy about the mutuall contraction of a perpetuall league and confirmation of friendship may with all conuenient speede be sent vnto our presence At whose arriuall not onely in this busines so profitable and behoouefull but also in certaine other affaires concerning the former treaties and conclusions they may yea and of necessitie must greatly auayle Wherefore our entirely beloued friend euen as vpon confidence of the premisses we haue thought good to grant vnto the marchants and subiects of our realme full authority to resort vnto your dominions so we doe in like maner graunt vnto your marchants and subiects free licence and liberty with their marchandises and goods securely to come into our realmes and dominions there to stay and at their pleasures thence to returne home Moreouer if Arnold Dassel who last of all presented your foresayd letters vnto vs shal thinke good in the meane season to make his abode here in our dominions as in very deede it is expedient he may both by serious consideration and deliberate consulting with our commissioners more conueniently and prosperously finde out wayes and meanes for the more speedy expedition of all the premisses Fare ye well in Christ. Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster the seuenth of March in the yere of our lord 1408 according to the computation of the Church of England and in the tenth yere of our reigne A new concord concluded between king Henry the 4. and Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia in the yeare of our Lord 1409. BY this indenture or letters indented be it euidently knowen for the perpetual memory of the matter vnto all faithfull Christians that the noble honourable personages Richard Merlowe Maior and citizen of London Master Iohn Kington clerke and William Askham citizen and Alderman of the same citie the commissioners of the most soueraigne prince and lord L. Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and Tidericus de Longenthorpe knight Lefardus de Hereford burgomaster of Elbing and Iohn Crolowe citizen of the citie of Dantzik the procurators commissioners deputies and messengers of the right noble and religious personage Fr. Vlricus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital of Ierusalem hauing in the names of the sayd king and Master by vertue of the power on both parts committed vnto them sufficient authority haue appointed and with one consent agreed vpon all and singular the things vnder written Imprimis for the conseruation of mutuall loue and wonted amiâ—ie and for the tranquilitie of sweete amiable peace it is decreed and ordained that all and singular the liege people subiects of the Realme of England and the Marchants of the territories dominions of the said Realme and all other persons of what state or condition soeuer shall and may safely and securely as well by land as by water enter into the parts of Prussia and there mutually conuerse and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique aswell with the Prussians as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer there also make their abode and thence vnto their owne homes and dwelling places returne and depart vnto any place whither and so often as they shall thinke good as well by land as by water with their goods marchandize and wares whatsoeuer faithfully paying in the meane time all rights customes due in regard of their said wares and marchandize Reserued alwaies vnto the said Master and his successours all right and remedie ordained granted and vouchsafed in certaine obligations by our Lord the king whereof mention shall be made in the articles following Item it is ordained that all and singular the subiects of the said Master generall and of his order of what state and condition soeuer shall and may as well by water as by land enter into the kingdome of England and into the territories and dominions thereof and there mutually conuerse and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique as well with all English people as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer and there also make their abode and thence returne vnto their owne habitations and dwelling places and to depart whither they will and as oft as they shall thinke good as well by land as by water with their goods marchandize and wares whatsoeuer truely paying in the meane time all rights and customes due in regard of their said wares and Marchandize Reserued alwayes vnto the said soueraigne king his heires and successours all rights and remedies ordained and graunted vnto them in certaine obligations by the commissioners and procurators of the said Master generall aboue-named and in the name of the said Master generall Item it is with one consent agreed vpon promised and graunted that for all and singular damages grieuances and robberies howsoeuer done and committed before the date of these presents against the foresaid soueraigne Prince and his subiects whatsoeuer and all others which at the time
Prince of honour Here much glory as him thought he found A mightie land which had take in hand To werre in France and make mortalitie And euer well kept round about the see And to the king thus hee sayd My brother When hee perceiued two Townes Caleis and Douer Of all your Townes to chuse of one and other To keepe the sea and soone to come ouer To werre outwards and your regne to recouer Keepe these two Townes sure and your Maistie As your tweyne eyne so keepe the narrowe see For if this sea bee kept in time of werre Who can heere passe without danger and woe Who may escape who may mischiefe differre What Marchandie may forby bee agoe For needs hem must take trewes euery foe Flanders and Spaine and other trust to mee Or ellis hindred all for this Narrow see Therefore I cast mee by a little writing To shewe at eye this conclusion For conscience and for mine acquiting Against God and ageyne abusion And cowardise and to our enemies confusion For foure things our Noble sheweth to me King Ship and Swerd and power of the see Where ben our ships where ben our swerds become Our enemies bed for the ship set a sheepe Alas our rule halteth it is benome Who dare well say that lordship should take keepe I will assay though mine heart ginne to weepe To doe this werke if wee will euer thee For very shame to keepe about the see Shall any Prince what so be his name Which hath Nobles moch leche ours Bee Lord of â—ee and Flemings to our blame Stop vs take vs and so make fade the flowers Of English state and disteyne our honours For cowardise alas it should so bee Therefore I ginne to write nowe of the see Of the commodities of Spaine and of Flanders The first Chapter KNowe well all men that profits in certaine Commodities called comming out of Spaine And Marchandie who so will weete what it is Bene Figs Raisins wine Bastard and Datis And Licorts Siuill oyle and graine White Pastill Sope and Waxe is not vayne Yron Wooll Wadmolle Gotefell â—idfell also For Poynt-makers full needefull bene they tweyn Saffron Quickesilver which owne Spaine Marchandy Is into Flanders shipped full craftily Unto Bruges as to her staple fayre The Hauen of Sâ—luse hir Hauen for her repayre Wich is cleped Swyn tho shippes giding Where many vessels and fayre are abiding But these Marchandes with their shippes great And such chaffare as they bye and get By the weyes must nede take on hand By the coasts to passe of our England Betwixt Douer and Caleis this is no doubt Who can well els such matter bring about And when these sayd Marchants discharged bee Of Marchandie in Flanders nere the see Then they bee charged againe with Marchandy That to Flanders bougethfull richly Fine cloth of Ypre that named is better than ours Cloth of Curtrike fine cloth of all colours Much Fusâ—ian and also Linen cloth But Flemings if yee bee not wroth The great substance of your cloth at the full Yee wot ye make it of our English woll Then may it not sinke in mannis brayne But that it must this Marchandy of Spaine Both out and in by our costes passe Hee that sayd nay in witte was like an asse Wee should haue peace with the grounds tweyne Thus if this see were kept I dare well sayne For Spaine and Flanders is as eche other brother And nether may well liue without other They may not liuen to maintaine their degrees Without our English commodities Wolle and Tynne for the woolle of England Susteineth the Commons Flemings I vnderstand Then if England would her wolle restraine From Flanders this followeth in certaine Flanders of nede must with vs haue peace Or els shee is destroyed without lees Also if Flanders thus destroyed bee Some Marchandy of Spaine will neuer ythee For destroyed it is and as in cheeffe The wolle of Spaine it commeth not to preeffe But if it be costed and menged well Amongst the English wolle the greter delle For Spanish wooll in Flaunders draped is And euer hath bee that men haue minde of this And yet Wooll is one of the chiefe Marchandy That longeth to Spaine who so will espie It is of little value trust vnto mee With English wooll but if it menged bee Thus if the sea be kept than herken hether If these two lands comen not â—ogether So that the Fleete of Flanders passe nought That in the narrowe see it be not broughtâ— Into the Rochelle to fetch the fumose wine Ner into Bytonuse Bay for salt so fine What is then Spaine What is Flanders also As who sayd nought the thrift is agoe For the little land of Flanders is But a staple to other lands ywis And all that groweth in Flanders graine and seede May not a Moneth finde hem meate and brede What hath then Flanders bee Flemings lieffe or lothâ— But a little Mader and Flemish Cloth By Drapering of our wooll in substance Liuen her commons this is her gouernance Without wich they may not liue at ease Thus must hem sterue or with vs must haue peace Of the commodities of Portugal The second Chapter THe Marchandy also of Portugal By diuers lands turne into sale Portugalers with vs haue trouth in hand Whos 's Marchandy â—ommeth much into Englandâ— They ben our friends with their commodities And wee English passen into their countrees Her land hath wine Osey Waxe and Graine Figges Reysins Hony and Cordoweyne Dates and Salt Hides and such Marchandy And if they would to Flanders passe for by They should not bee suffred ones ner twyes For supporting of our cruell enemies That is to say Flemings with her gyle For changeable they are in little while Then I conclude by reasons many moe If we suffred neither friend nor foe What so enemies and so supporting Passe for by vs in time of werring Seth our friends will not ben in cause Of our hindring if reson lede this clause Then nede from Flanders peace bee to vs sought And other lands should seeke peace dout nought For Flanders is Staple as men tell mee To all nations of Christianitie The commodities of pety Britaine with her Rouers on the sea The third Chapter FUrthermore to write I am faine Somewhat speaking of the little Britayne Commoditie thereof there is and was Salt and wine crest cloth and canuas And the land of Flaunders sickerly Is the staple of their Marchandy Wich Marchandie may not passe away But by the coast of England this is no nay And of this Britaine who so trueth louis Are the greatest rouers and the greatest theeuis That haue bene in the sea many one yeere That our Marchants haue bought full dere For they haue tooke notable goods of ours On this side see these false pelours Called of Saincte Malo and ellis where Wich to their Duke none obeysance will bere With such colours wee haue
see They should not passe our streemes withouten leue It would not be but if we should hem greue Of the commodities of the Genuoys and her great Caracks Chap. 6. THe Genuois comen in sundry wises Into this land with diuers marchandises In great Caracks arrayed withouten lacke With cloth of gold silke and pepper blacke They bring with them and of crood great plentee Woll Oyle Woad ashen by vessel in the see Cotton Rochalum and good gold of Genne And then be charged with wolle againe I wenne And wollen cloth of ours of colours all And they aduenture as ofte it doth befall Into Flanders with such things as they bye That is their chefe staple sekerly And if they would be ouâ— full enemies They should not passe our stremes with marchandise The comodities and nicetees of the Venetians and Florentines with their Gallees Chap. 7. THe great Galees of Venice and Florence Be well laden with things of complacence All spicery and of grossers ware With sweete wines all maner of chaffare Apes and Iapes and marmusets tayled Nifles and trifles that little haue auayled And things with which they fetely blere our eye With things not induring that we bye For much of this chaffare that is wastable Might be forborne for dere and deceiuable And that I wene as for infirmities In our England are such commodities Withouten helpe of any other lond Which by witte and practise both yfound That all humors might be voyded sure Which that we gleder with our English cure That we should haue no neede of Scamonie Turbit enforbe correct Diagredie Rubarbe Sene and yet they ben to needefull But I know things al so speedefull That growen here as those things sayd Let of this matter no man be dismayde But that a man may voyde infirmitie Without degrees â—et fro beyond the sea And yef they should except be any thing It were but sugre trust to my saying He that trusteth not to my saying and sentence Let him better search experience In this matter I will not ferther prease Who so not beleeueth let him leaue and cease Thus these galeys for this licking ware And eating ware bare hence our best chaffare Cloth woll and tinne which as I sayd before Out of this lond worst might be forbore Foreth other land of necessitie Haue great neede to buy some of them three And we receiue of hâ—m into this coste Ware and chaffare that lightly wil be loste And would Iesus that our Lord is wold Consider this well both yong and old Namely old that haue experience That might the yong exhorte to prudence What harme what hurt and what hinderance Is done to vs vnto our great grieuance Of such lands and of such nations As experte men know by probations By writings as discouered our counsailes And false colour alwaies the countertailes Of our enimies that doth vs hindering Unto our goods our Relme and to the king As wise men haue shewed well at eye And all this is couloured by marchandye ALso they bere the gold out of this land And sucke the thrift away out of our hand As the Waspe souketh honie fro the bee So minisheth our commoditee Now wol ye here how they in Cotteswold Were wont to borrow or they shold be sold Her woll good as for yere and yere Of cloth and tinne they did in like manere And in her galies ship this marchandie Then soone at Venice of them men woll it bye Then vtterne there the chaffare by the peise And lightly al 's there they make her reise And when the goods beene at Venice sold Then to carie her change they this money haue They will it profer their subtiltie to saue To English marchants to yeue it out by eschange To be payed againe they make not strange At the receiuing and sight of a letter Here in England seeming for the better by foure pence lesse in the noble round That is twelue pence in the golden pound And if wee wol haue of payment A full moneth than must him needes assent To eight pence losse that is shillings twaine In the English pound as eft soone againe For two moneths twelue pence must he pay In the English pound what is that to say But shillings three So that in pound fell For hurt and harme hard is with hem to dwell And when English marchants haue content This eschange in England of assent That these sayd Uenecians haue in woone And Florentines to bere her gold soone Ouer the see into Flanders againe And thus they liue in Flanders sooth to sauâ—e And in London with such cheuisance That men call vsury to our losse and hinderance Another example of deceite NOw lesten well how they made vs a valeys When they borrowed at the town of Caleis As they were wont their woll that was hem lent For yere and yere they should make payment And sometime al 's two yere and two yeare This was fayre loue but yet will ye heare How they to Bruges would her woll carie And for hem take payment withouten tarie And sell it fast for ready money in hand For fifty pounds of money of losse they wold not wond In a thousand pound and liue thereby Till the day of payment easily Come againe in exchange making Full like vsury as men make vndertaking Than whan this payment of a thousand pound Was well content they should haue chaffare sound If they wold fro the Staple full Receiue againe three thousand pound in woll In Coâ—teswold also they ride about And all England and buy withouten doubte What them list with freedome and franchise More then we English may gitten many wise But would God that without lenger delayes These galees were vnfraught in fortie dayes And in fortie dayes charged againe And that they might be put to certaine To goe to oste as we there with hem doe It were expedient that they did right soe As we doe there If the king would it Ah what worship wold fall to English wit What profite also to our marchandie Which wold of nede be cherished hertilie For I would witte why now our nauie fayleth When manie a foe vs at our doore assayleth Now in these dayes that if there come a nede What nauie should we haue it is to drede In Denmarke were full noble conquerours In time past full worthy warriours Which when they had their marchants destroyed To pouerty they fell thus were they noyed And so they stand at mischiefe at this day This learned I late well writon this no nay Therefore beware I can no better will Is grace it woll of other mennis perill For if marchants were cherished to her speede We were not likely to fayle in any neede If they be rich then in prosperitee Shal be our londe lords and commontee And in worship Now thinke I on the sonne Of marchandy Richard of Whitingdon That load sterre and chiefe chosen floure What hath by him our England of honour And
colour and Lombards maintenance The king it needes to make an ordinance With his Counsayle that may not fayle I trowe That friends should from enimies be knowe Our enimies taken and our friends spared The remedy of hem must be declared Thus may the sea be kept in no sell For if ought he spoken wot yee well We haue the strokes and enemies haue the winning But mayntainers are parteners of the finning We liue in lust and â—ide in couetise This is our rule to maintaine marchandise And policie that wee haue on the sea And but God helpe it will no other bee Of the commodities of Ireland and policie and keeping thereof and conquering of wild Irish with an incident of Wales Chap. 9. I Cast to speake of Ireland but a litle Commodities of it I will entitle Hides and fish Salmon Hake Herringe Irish wooll and linen cloth faldinge And marterns goode ben her marchandie Hertes Hides and other of Uenerie Skinnes of Otter Squirell and Irish hare Of sheepe lambe and Fore is her chaffare Felles of Kiddes and Conies great plentie So that if Ireland helpe vs to keepe the sea Because the King cleped is Rex Angliae And is Dominus also Hyberniae Did possessed by Progenitours The Irish men haue cause like to ours Our land and hers together to defend That no enemie should hurt ne offend Ireland ne vs but as one commontie Should helpe well to keepe about the sea For they haue hauens great and goodly bayes Sure wyde and deepe of good assayes At Waterford and colles many one And as men sayne in England be there none Better hauens ships in to ride No more sure for enemies to abide Why speake I thus so much of Ireland For all so much as I can vnderstand It is fertile for things that there doe growe And multiplien loke who lust to knowe So large so good and so commodious That to declare is strange and maruailous For of siluer and golde there is the oore Among the wilde Irish though they be poore For they are rude and can thereon no skill So that if we had their peace and good will To myne and fine and metal for to pure In wilde Irish might we finde the cure As in London saith a Iuellere Which brought from thence golde oore to vs here Whereof was fyned mettal good and clene As they touch no better could be seene Nowe here beware and heartily take intent As yee will answere at last iudgement That for slought and for racheshede Yee remember with all your might to hede To keepe Ireland that it be not lost For it is a boterasse and a post Under England and Wales another God forbid but ech were others brother Of one ligeance due vnto the king But I haue pittie in good faith of this thing That I shall say with auisement I am aferde that Ireland will be shent It must awey it wol bee lost from vs But if thou helpe thou Iesu gracious And giue vs grace al slought to leue beside For much thing in my herte is hide Which in another treatise I caste to write Made al onely for that soile and site Of fertile Ireland wich might not be forborne But if England were nigh as goode as gone God forbid that a wild Irish wirlinge Should be chosen for to bee their kinge After her conqueste for our last puissance And hinder vs by other lands alliance Wise men seyn wich felin not ne douten That wild Irish so much of ground haue gotten There vpon vs as likenesse may be Like as England to sherris two or three Of this our land is made comparable So wild Irish haue wonne on vs vnable Yet to defend and of none power That our ground is there a litle corner To all Ireland in true comparison It needeth no more this matter to expon Which if it bee lost as Christ Iesu forbed Farewel Wales then England commeth to dred For aliance of Scotland and of Spaine And other mâ—e as the pety Bretaine And so haue enemies enuiron round about I beseech God that some prayers deuout Mutt let the said aâ—parance probable Thus disposed without feyned fable But all onely for â—erill that I see Thus imminent it 's likely for to bee And well I wotte that from hence to Rome And as men say in all Christendome Is nâ— ground ne land to Ireland liche So large so good so plenteous so riche That to this worde Dominus doe long Then mee semeâ—h that right were and no wrong To get the lande and it were piteous To vs to lese this high name Dominus And all this word Dominus of name Shuld haue thâ— ground obeysant wilde and tame That name and people togidre might accord Al the ground subiect to the Lord. And that it is possible to bee subiect Unto the king wel shal it bee detect In the litle booke that I of spake I trowe reson al this wel vndertake And I knowe wel howe it stante Alas fortune beginneth so to scant Or ellis grace that deade is gouernance For so minisheth parties of our puissance In that land that wee lese euery yere More ground and more as well as yee may here I herd a man speake to mee full late Which was a lord of full great estate Than expense of one yere done in France Werred on men well willed of puissance This said ground of Ireland to conquere And yet because England might not forbere These said expenses gadred in one yeere But in three yeeres or foure gadred vp here Might winne Ireland to a finall conqueste In one sole yeere to set vs all at reste And how soone wolde this be paied ageyne Which were it worth yerely if wee not feyne I wol declare who so luste to looke I trowe full plainely in my litle booke But couetise and singularitie Of owne profite enuie crueltie Hath doon vs harme and doe vs euery day And musters made that shame is to say Our money spent al to litle auaile And our enimies so greatly doone preuaile That what harme may fall and ouerthwerte I may vnneth write more for sore of herte An exhortation to the keeping of Wales BEware of Wales Christ Iesu muâ—t vs keepe That it make not our childers childe to weepe Ne vs also so if it goe his way By vnwarenes seth that many a day Men haue bee ferde of her rebellion By great tokens and ostentation Seche the meanes with a discrete auise And helpe that they rudely not arise For to rebell that Christ it forbede Looke wel aboute for God wote yee haue neede Unfainingly vnfeyning and vnfeynt That conscience for slought you not atteynt Kepe well that grounde for harme that may ben vsed Or afore God mutte yee ben accused Of the commodious Stockfish of Island and keeping of the Sea namely the Narrow sea with an incident of the keeping of Caleis Chap. 10â— OF Island to write is litle nede Saue of Stock-fish Yet
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
beastes skinnes In those partes they haue but small store of cattell The Mosco it selfe is great I take the whole towne to bee greater then London with the suburbes but it is very rude and standeth without all order Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire There is a faire Castle the walles whereof are of bricke and very high they say they are eighteene foote thicke but I doe not beleeue it it doth not so seeme notwithstanding I doe not certainely know it for no stranger may come to viewe it The one side is ditched and on the other side runneth a riuer called Moscua which runneth into Tartarie and so into the sea called Mare Caspium and on the North side there is a base towne the which hath also a bricke wall about it and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall The Emperour lieth in the castle wherein are nine fayre Churches and therin are religious men Also there is a Metropolitane with diuers Bishops I will not stande in description of their buildinges nor of the strength thereof because we haue better in all points in England They be well furnished with ordinance of all sortes The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene It is very lowe built in eight square much like the olde building of England with small windowes and so in other poynts Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie After I had remained twelue daies the Secretary which hath the hearing of strangers did send for me aduertising me that the Dukes pleasure was to haue me to come before his Ma. with the kings my masters letters whereof I was right glad and so I gaue mine attendance And when the Duke was in his place appointed the interpretour came for me into the vtter chamber where sate one hundred or moe gentlemen all in cloth of golde very sumptuous and from thence I came into the Counsaile chamber where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles which were a faire company they sateround about the chamber on high yet so that he himselfe sate much higher then any of his nobles in a chaire gilt and in a long garment of beaten golde with an emperial crowne vpon his head and a staffe of Cristall and golde in his right hand and his other hand halfe leaning on his chaire The Chancelour stoode vp with the Secretary before the Duke After my dutie done and my letter deliuered he bade me welcome enquired of me the health of the King my master and I answered that he was in good health at my departure from his court and that my trust was that he was now in the same Upon the which he bade me to dinner The Chancelour presented my present vnto his Grace bareheaded for before they were all couered and when his Grace had receiued my letter I was required to depart for I had charge not to speake to the Duke but when he spake to me So I departed vnto the Secretaries chamber where I remayned two houres and then I was sent for againe vnto another palace which is called the golden palace but I saw no cause why it should be so called for I haue seene many fayrer then it in all poynts and so I came into the hall which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England and the table was couered with a tablecloth and the Marshall sate at the ende of the table with a little white rod in his hand which boorde was full of vessell of golde and on the other side of the hall did stand a faire cupborde of place From thence I came into the dining chamber where the Duke himselfe sate at his table without cloth of estate in a gowne of siluer with a crowne emperiall vpon his head he sate in a chaire somewhat hie There sate none neare him by a great way There were long tables set round about the chamber which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner they were all in white Also the places where the tables stoode were higher by two steppes then the rest of the house In the middest of the chamber stoode a table or cupbord to set place on which stoode full of cuppes of golde and amongst all the rest there stoode foure maruellous great pottes or crudences as they call them of golde and siluer I thinke they were a good yarde and a halfe hie By the cupborde stoode two gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders and in their handes each of them had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones which were the Dukes owne drinking cups when he was disposed he drunke them off at a draught And for his seruice at meate it came in without order yet it was very rich seruice for all were serued in gold not onely he himselfe but also all the rest of vs and it was very massie the cups also were of golde and very massie The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons and all were serued in golden vessell The gentlemen that waited were all in cloth of gold and they serued him with their caps on their heads Before the seruice came in the Duke sent to euery man a great shiuer of bread and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude and sayd Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of Moscouia doth reward thee with bread then must all men stand vp and doe at all times when those wordes are spoken And then last of all he giueth the Marshall bread whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace and so doth reuerence and departeth Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swannes all in pieces and euery one in a seuerall dish the which the Duke sendeth as he did the bread and the bearer sayth the same wordes as he sayd before And as I sayd before the seruice of his meate is in no order but commeth in dish by dish and then after that the Duke sendeth drinke with the like saying as before is tolde Also before dinner hee changed his crowne and in dinner time two crownes so that I saw three seuerall crownes vpon his head in one day And thus when his seruice was all come in hee gaue to euery one of his gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand so likewise drinke His intent thereby is as I haue heard that euery man shall know perfectly his seruants Thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles before him name by name that it is wonder to heare howe he could name them hauing so many as he hath Thus when dinner was done I departed to my lodging which was an hower within night I will leaue this and speake no more of him nor his houshold but I will some what declare of his land and people with their nature and power in the wars This Duke is Lord and Emperour of many countreis his power is marueilous
Westsouthwest sunne we set our maine sayle and lay close by the winde the winde being at Northwest and by North making but little way because the billow went so high at midnight wee cast about and the shippe caped Northnortheast making little way Friday at noone we had the latitude in 70 degrees 8 minutes and we sounded and had 29 fadomes sand and in maner stremy ground At a West sunne we cast about to the Westwards and a little after the wind came vp at West Saturday was calme the latitude this day at noone was 70 degrees and a terce we sounded heere and had nine and forty fadomes and oze which oze signified that we drew towards Noua Zembla And thus we being out of al hope to discouer any more to the Eastward this yeere wee thought it best to returne and that for three causes The first the continuall Northeast and Northerly winds which haue more power after a man is past to the Eastwards of Caninoze then in any place that I doe know in these Northerly regions Second because of great and terrible abundance of ice which we saw with our eies and we doubt greater store abideth in those parts I aduentured already somewhat too farre in it but I thanke God for my safe deliuerance from it Third because the nights waxed darke and the winter began to draw on with his stormes and therefore I resolued to take the first best wind that God should send and plie towards the bay of S. Nicholas and to see if we might do any good there if God would permitt it This present Saturday we saw very much ice and were within two or three leagues of it it shewed vnto vs as though it had beene a firme land as farre as we might see from Northwest off vs to the Eastwards and this afternoone the Lord sent vs a little gale of wind at South so that we bare cleere off the Westermost part of it thanks be to God And then against night it waxeâ— calme againe and the winde was at Southwest we made our way vntil Sunday noone Northwest and by West and then we had the latitude in 70 degrees and a halfe the winde at Southwest there was a billow so that we could not discerne to take the latitude exactly but by a reasonable gesse Munday there was a pretie gale of wind at South so that wee went West and by South the latitude this day at noone was 70 degrees 10 minutes wee had little-winde all day at a Westnorthwest sunne we sounded and had 29 fadoms blacke sandie oze then we were Northeast 5 leagues from the Northeast part of the Island Colgoieue Tuesday the wind all Westerly we plyed to the wind wards Wednesday the wind was all Westerly and calme wee had the latitude this day in 70 degrees 10 minutes we being within three leagues of the North part of the Island Colgoieue Thursday we went roome about the Westermost part of the Island seeking where we might finde a place to ride in for a Northwest wind but could find none and then we cast about againe to the seawards and the winde came at Westsouthwest and this morning we had plenty of snow Friday the winde being at Southwest and by West we plied to the windewards Saturday the winde being at South we plyed to the Westwards and at afternoone the mist brake vp and then we might see the land seuen or eight leagues to the Eastwards of Caninoz we sounded a litle before and had 35. fadoms and oze And a while after wee sounded againe and had 19. fadome and sand then we were within three leagues and a halfe of the shore and towards night there came downe so much winde that we were faine to bring our ship a trie and laide her head to the Westwards Sunday the winde became more calme and then it waxed verie mystie At noone wee cast about to the Eastwards the winde beeing at South and ranne eight houres on that boorde and then we cast about and caped West southwest we sounded and had 32. fathomes and tough oaze like clay Munday we doubled about Caninoze and came at an anker there to the intent that we might kill some fish if God would permit it and there we gace a great Nuse which Nuses were there so plentie that they would scarcely suffer any other fish to come neere the hookes the said Nuses caried away sundrie of our hookes and leads A litle after at a West Sunne the winde began to blow stormie at West southwest so that we were faine to wey and forsake our fishing ground and went close by the winde Southwest and Southwest and by West making our way South southwest September TUesday at a West Sunne we sounded and had 20. fathoms and broken Wâ—â—keshels I reckoned Canonize to be 24. leagues Northnortheast from vs. The eleuenth day we arriued at Colmogro and there we wintered expecting the approch of the next Sommer to proceede farther in our intended discouerie for the Ob which by reason of our imploiments to Wardhouse the next spring for the search of some English ships was not accordingly performed Certaine notes vnperfectly written by Richard Iohnson seruant to Master Richard Chancelour which was in the discouerie of Vaigatz and Noua Zembla with Steuen Burrowe in the Serchthrift 1556. and afterwarde â—â—ong the Samoedes whose deuilish rites hee describeth FIrst after we departed out of England we fell with Norway and on that coste lieth Northbern or Northbergen and this people are vnder the King of Denmarke But they differ in their speech from the Daâ—es for they speake Norsh And North of Northbern lie the Isles of Roste and Lofoot and these Islands pertaine vnto Finmarke and they keepe the lawes and speake the language of the Islanders And at the Eastermost part of that land is a castle which is called the Ward house and the King of Denmarke doeth fortifie it with men of warre and the Russes may not goe to the Westward of that castle And East Southeast from that castle is a lande called Lappia in which lande be two maner of people that is to say the Lappians and the Scrickfinnes which Scrickfinnes are a wilde people which neither know God nor yet good order and these people liue intents made of Deares skinnes and they haue no certaine habitations but continue in heards and companies by one hundred and two hundreds And they are a people of small stature and are clothed in Deares skinnes and drinke nothing but water and eate no bread but flesh all raw And the Lappians bee a people adioyning to them be much like to them in al conditions but the Emperour of Russia hath of late ouercome manie of them and they are in subiection to him And this people will say that they beleeue in the Russes God And they liue in tents as the other doe And Southeast and by South from Lappia lyeth a prouince called Corelia
night Shally Murzey sonne to the king of Hircan aforesaid who fauoured me very much for that I was commended vnto him from his father willed mee not to doubt of any thing putting mee in hope that I should haue good successe with the Sophie and good intertainment Thus I continued for a time dayly resorting vnto me diuers gentlemen sent by the Sophie to conferre with me especially touching the affaires of the Emperour of Russia and to know by what way I intended to returne into my countrey either by the way that I came or by the way of Ormus and so with the Portingals ships Unto whom I answered that I durst not returne by the way of Ormus the Portingals and wee not being friendes fully perceiuing their meaning for I was aduertised that the saide Sophie meant to haue warres with the Portingals and would haue charged mee that I had bene come for a spie to passe through his dominions vnto the saide Portingaâ—s thinking them and vs to be all one people and calling all by the name of Franks but by the prouidence of God this was preuented After this the said Sophie conferred with his nobilitie and counsel concerning me who perswaded that he should not entertaâ—ne me wel neither dismisse me with letters or gifts considering that I was a Franke and of that nation that was enemie to the great Turke his brother perswading that if he did otherwise and that the newes thereof should come to the knowledge of the Turke it should be a meane to breake their new league and friendship lately concluded disswading further because he had no neede neither that it was requisite for him to haue friendship with vnbeleeuers whose Countreys lay farre from him and that it was best for him to send me with my letters vnto the said great Turke for a present which he was fully determined to haue done at some meet time meaning to send his Ambassadour vnto the said great Turke very shortly after But the king of Hircanes sonne aforesaide vnderstanding this deliberation sent a man in post vnto his father for to declare and impart the purpose vnto him who as a gracious prince considering that I had passed through his dominions and that I had iourneyed for a good intent did write to the Sophie al that which he vnderstood of his said determination that it should not stand with his Maiesties honour to doe mee any harme or displeasure but rather to giue mee good entertainment seeing I was come into his land of my free will and not by constraint and that if hee vsed mee euil there would few strangers resort into his countrey which would bee greatly vnto his hinderance with many other perswasions which after that the saide Sophie had well and throughly pondered and disgested much esteeming the same king of Hircane being one of the valiantest princes vnder him and his nigh kinseman changed his determined purpose and the twentieth of March 1562. he sent to me a rich garment of cloth of golde and so dismissed me without any harme During the time that I soiourned at the sayde City of Casbin diuers merchants out of India came thither vnto mee with whom I conferred for a trade of spices whereunto they answered that they would bring of all sorts so much as we would haue if they were sure of vent whereof I did promise to assure them so that I doubt not but that great abundance thereof may from time to time be there prouided and had The same twentieth day of March I returned from the saide Citie of Casbin where I remayned all the Winter hauing sent away all my Camels before and the thirtieth day I came to the saide Citie of Ardouil and the fifteenth of April vnto Zauat aforesayd where king Obdolowcan was at that present who immediatly sent for me and demaunding of me many questions declared that if it had not bene for him I had bene vtterly cast away and sent to the great Turke for a present by the Sophie through the euill perswasion of his wicked counsell that the Zieties and holy men were the chiefe and principal procurers and moouers thereof but the Sophie himselfe ment mee much good at the first and thought to haue giuen me good entertainement and so had done had not the peace and league fortuned to haue bene coÌ„cluded betweene them and the great Turke Neuerthelesse sayd he the Sophie hath written vnto me to entertaine you well and you are welcome into my Countrey and so he intreated mee very gently in whose Court I remained seuen dayes and obteined of him letters of safe conductes and priuiledges in your names to bee free from paying custome which I deliuered vnto your seruants Thomas Alcocke and George Wrenne at their departure towards Persia for your affaires and his highnesse did giue mee two garments of silke and so dismissed me with great fauour sending with me his Ambassadour againe vnto the Emperour of Russia and committed the chiefest secret of his affaires vnto me to declare the same vnto the Emperours Maiestie at my returne and thus departing the tenth day of April I came to the City of Shamachi and there remayning certaine dayes for prouision of Camels downe to the Sea side I sent from thence before men to repaire my Barke and to make her in a readinesse And during my abode in Shammachi there came vnto me an Armenian sent from the king of Georgia who declared the lamentable estate of the same king that being enclosed betwixt those two cruell tyrants and mightie princes the said great Turke and the Sophie hee had continuall warres with them requiring for the loue of Christ and as I was a Christian that I would send him comfort by the said Armenian and aduise how he might send his Ambassadour to the sayd Emperour of Russia and whether I thought that he would support him or ho and with many other wordes required me to declare his necessitie vnto the same Emperour at my returne adding further that the said king would haue written vnto me his minde but that hee doubted the safe passage of his messenger Unto whom I did likewise answere by word of mouth not onely perswading him to sende his Ambassadour to Russia not doubting but that hee should finde him most honourable and inclined to helpe him but also I directed him his way how the sayde king might send by the Countrey of Chircassi through the fauour of Teneruk king of the sayd Countrey whose daughter the said king had lately married And thus dismissing the saide Armenian within two dayes after I sent Edward Cleark your seruaunt vnto the Citie of Arrash where the most store of Silkes is to be had giuing him Commission to haue passed further into the saide Countrey of Georgia and there to haue repaired vnto the sayde king And after my commendations premised and my minde declared to haue pursued for safeconduct of the same Prince for our Merchants to trade
heate of the Sunne in the day causeth the deepe lakes of Ladega and specially of Onega to cleaue and if there should come then a sudden thaw as oftentimes in that time of the yeere doeth then doe these lakes open and breake whereby many men are lost and both men and horse drowned although other riuers do remaine frozen a long time after In the towne of Some also there are many warehouses whereof we cannot be destitute for the reposing of our wares as also as many barkes as you wil to transport your wares from thence to S. Nicholas road and that for three pence a poods caryage so that from the Citie of Nouogrod vnto S. Nicholas road you may haue wares caried for two altines The pood commeth vnto 23. altines the tunne Prouided alwayes that you buy your wares there your selfe and send it thence for there is no hope that the natiues will bring their wares from Nouogrod to Some in hope to sell vnto vs considering the great trade that they haue at the Narue which is within 180. miles off them Written by Thomas Southam a seruant to the company An Act for the corporation of Merchants aduenturers for the discouering of new trades made in the eight yeere of Queene Elizabeth Anno 1566. WHereas diuers very good Subiects of this Realme of England in the latter ende of the reigne of the late right high and mightie prince our Soueraigne Lord king Edward the sixt at the gracious incouragement and right good liking of the said king and by his Maiesties liberall example did at their aduenture and to their exceeding great charges for the glory of God the honor and increase of the reuenues of the Crowne and the common vtilitie of the whole Realme of England set forth thrâ—e ships for the discouery by Sea of Isles lands territories dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and by the Subiects of the sayd late king not commonly by seas frequented and after that Almightie God had called to his mercie the said king who died before the finishing and sealing of his most ample and gracious letters of priuiledges promised to the said Subiects as wel in consideration of the said enterprise as for diuers other respects it pleased our late souereigne Q. Mary at the humble suites of the same subiects to graunt by her letters Patents vnder the great Seale of England bearing date at Westminster the 26. day of February in the second yeere of her raigne for the considerations mentioned in the said letters Patents to the saide subiects being specially named in the saide letters Patents and to their successors that they by the name of Merchants aduenturers of England for the discouerie of lands territories Isles dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and not before their late aduenture or enterprise by seas or Nauigations coÌ„monly frequented should be from thenceforth one body and perpetual felowship and communaltie of themselues both in deed and in name and that the same felowship and communaltie from thenceforth should and might haue one or two gouernours foure Consuls and 24. assistants of the said felowship and comminaltie of Merchants aduenturers and that they by the name of the Gouernour Consuls assistants felowship and comminaltie of Merchants aduenturers for the discouery of lands territories Isles dominions and Seigniories vnknowen by the seas and Nauigations and not before their said late aduenture or enterprise by Seas frequented should or might be able in the lawe to implead and to bee impleaded to answere and to be answered to defend and to be defended before whatsoeuer Iudge or Iustice temporall or spiritual or other persons whatsoeuer in whatsoeuer court or courts and in all actions real personal and mixt and in euery of them and in all plaints of Nouel deseison and also in all plaints sutes quarrels affaires businesse and demaunds whatsoeuer they be touching and concerning the said felowship and comminaltie and the affaires and businesse of the same only in as ample maner and forme as any other corporation of this Realme might doe giuing also and granting vnto them by the said letters Patents diuers authorities powers iurisdictions preheminences franchises liberties and priuiledges as by the same letters Patents more at large will appeare And among other things mentioned in the said letters Patents whereas one of the three ships by the said fellowship before that time set foorth for the voyage of discouery aforesaid named the Edward Bonauenture had arriued within the Empire and dominion of the high and mightie Prince Lord Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour of all Russia Volodimersky great duke of Musky c. who receiued the Captaine and Merchants of the saide shippe very graciously granting vnto them freâ—â—y to traâ—fique with his subiects in all kinde of merchandizes with diuers other gracious priuiledges and liberties therefore the said late Queene by the same letters Patents for her her heires and successors did graunt that all the maine lands Isles ports hauens creeks and riuers of the said mighty Emperour of all Russia and great duke of Moâ—co c. and all and singular other lands dominions territories Isles ports hauens creeks riuers armes of the seas of al and euery other Emperour king prince ruler or gouerner whatsoeuer he or they be before the said late aduenture or enterprise not knowen or by the aforesaid merchants and subiects of the said king and Queene by the seas not commonly frequented nor any part or parcell thereof and lying Northwards Northeastwards or Northwestwards as in the said letters patents is mentioned should not be visited frequented nor hunted by any the subiects of the said late Queene other then of the said company and fellowship and their successors without expresse licence agreement consent of the Gouerner Consuls and Assistants of the said felowship and communaltie or the more part of them in maner forme as is expressed in the saide letters patents vpon paine of for feiture and losse as well of the ship and ships with the appurtenances as also of the goods merchandizes and things whatsoeuer they be of those the subiects of the said late Queene not being of the saide fellowship and communaltie which should attempt or presume to saile to any of those places which then were or after should happen to be found and traffiqued vnto the one halfe of the same forfriâ—ure to be to the vse of the said late Queene her heires successors and the other halfe to be to the vse of the said felowship communaltie as by the same letters patents more plainly will appeare Since the making of which letters patens the said fellowship haue to their exceeding great costes losses and expences not onely by their trading into the said dominions of the saide mightie prince of Russia c. found out conuenient way to saile into the saide dominions but also passing thorow the same and ouer the Caspian sea haue discouered very commodious trades into Armenia Media Hyrcania Persia and other dominions in Asia minor hoping by
Gods grace to discouer also the countrey of Cathaia and other regions very coÌ„uenient to be traded into by merchants of this realme for the great benefite and commodities of the same And forasmuch as diuers subiects of this realme vnderstanding the premises and perceiuing that now after the charge and trauel aforesaid diuers wares and merchandizes are brought by the saide fellowship into this Realme out of the dominions already discouered which bee within this realme of good estimation minding for their peculiar gaine vtterly to decay the trade of the â—ayde fellowship haue contrary to the tenor of the same letters patents in great disorder â—raded into the dominions of the said mightie prince of Russia c. to the great detriment of this common wealth And for that the name by which the saide felowship is incorporated by the letters patents aforesaid is long consisteth of very many words Therfore be it enacted by the Queenes most excellent Maiestie the Lords spiritual and temporal the commons in this present parliament assembled and by authoritie of the same that the said felowship company society corporation made or created by the said letters patents shal at al time times from henceforth be incorporated named and called onely by the name of the fellowship of English merchants for discouery of new trades and by the same name for euer shall and may continue a perpetuall body incorporate in deede and name and onely by the same name from henceforth shall implead and be impleaded answere and be answered defend and be defended sue and bee sued in whatsoeuer courts and places and shall and may by the same name bee inabled to purchase haue holde possesse reteine and enioy whatsoeuer manors landes tenements rents reuersions seruices heredicaments not exceeding a hundred marks yeerely not being holden of the Queenes maiestie her heires or successors by knights seruice in Capite and all goods merchandizes chattels and other things whatsoeuer and shall and may by the same name make and do all things as any other corporation may do and also shall haue and enioy all and singular the liberties priuiledges iurisdictions franchises preheminencâ—s powers authorities and things and may doe and execute all other matters and things in the sayd letters patents mentioned or in any wise conteined And that no part nor parcell of the maine lands Isles ports hauens roades creekes riuers armes of the seas of any Emperour king prince ruler or gouernor whatsoeuer he or they be before the said first enterprise made by the merchants of the saide corporation not knowen by the merchants and subiects of this Realme or by them not commonly by seas frequented and lying from the City of London Northwards Northwestwards or Northeastwards nor any part or parcel of the maine lands dominions isles ports roades hauens creeks armes of the Seas that now be subiect to the said high and mightie prince Lord Iohn Vasiliwich his heires or successours or to the Emperour chiefe gouernour or ruler of the said country of Russia for the time beâ—ng his heires or successors nor the countries of Armenia maior or minor Media Hyrcania Persia or the Caspian sea nor any part of them shall be sailed or traffiqued vnto visited frequented or haunted by any person being or that shalâ—â— a subiect or denizen of this realme by themselues their factor or factors or any other to their vse or commoditie by any wayes or meanes directly or indirectly other then by the order agreement consent or ratification of the gouernour Consuls and assistants of the saide fellowship and comâ—â—naltie or the more part of them and their successors for the time being vpon paine that euery person and persons offending in this behalfe shall forfeit and loose Ipso facto euery such ship and ships with the appurtenances and all such goods Merchandizes and things whatsoeuer as by any such person or persons shal be by any wayes or meanes directly or indirectly prouided caried conducted brought or exchanged in at to through or from any of the places prohibited as is aforesaide contrary to the true intent of this statute the one moitie of all which forfeitures to bee to our said souereigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors and the other moitie thereof to the sayde fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades and their successors to be seized and taken wheresoeuer they may be found by any person or persons to the vse of our said Souereigne Lady her heires and successors and of the said fellowship of English mercâ—hants for discouery of newe trades and of their successors or the same or the value thereof to bee demaunded or sued for by the Queenes highnesse her heires and successors or by the saide fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades or their suâ—cessors or their atturney or atturneis or by any person or persons being of the same fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades or their successors in any court of Record or in any other Court or courtes within this Realme or els where by Action of debt action of detinue bill plaint information or otherwise in which suite no essoine protection wager of lawe or iniunction shall be allowed for or on the behalfe of the partie or parties defendant Prouided alwayes that whereas diuers Subiects of this Realme being not of the fellowship aforesaid haue heretofore made aduentures to and from some of the places prohibited by the said letters patents that the said subiects their heires executors administrators and assignes or any of them shall not be impeached impleaded troubled sued nor molested for the same in their goods or persons in any maner of wise either by our saide souereigne Lady her heires or successors or the said fellowship or their successors Prouided also that it shall be lawfull for any subiect of this Realme hauing presently any shipping goods wares or ready money remayning at or in any place of or within the dominion of the said mighty prince of Russia or in any other of the places prohibited to be visited or traffiqued vnto by this statute or the said letters Patents to fetch bring and conuey the same or cause the same to be brought or conueyed from thence by sea or otherwise before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist which shal be in the yeere of our Lord God 1568. any thing conteined in this Statute or in the said letters Patents to the contraâ—y notwithstanding Prouided also that it shall be lawfull for any of the subiects of this Realme to saile to the port towne territorie or castle of Wardhouse or to any of the coastes townes hauens creekes riuers Islands and land of Norway for trade of fishing or any other trade there vsed by the subiects of this Realme any thing in this statute to the contrary notwithstanding And for the better maintenance of the Nauie and Mariners of this Realme be it prouided and inacted that it shall not be lawfull
to the saide fellowship and company nor to any of them to cary and transport or cause to be caried and transported any commodie of this Realme to their newe trade but onely in English ships and to be sailed for the most part with English Mariners nor also to bring into this Realme nor into Flanders from their saide new trade any merchandizes or other commodities but in English ships and sailed for the most part by the English Mariners on paine to forfeit for euery such offence two hundred pounds whereof the one moitie shall be to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other moitie to the head officers of any port towne hauing any hauen or harborough decayed by what name soeuer they bee incorporate to the reparation of such harborough that will sue for the same in any Court of Record by action bill plaint or information wherein no essoine protection or wager of lawe for the defendant shall be admitted or allowed Prouided also and be it enacted that no maner of person or persons shall from hence forth carrie or transport or cause to bee carried or transported out of this Realme of England any maner of clothes or karsies into any of the partes where the said fellowship and societie is priuiledged to trade by this Act before the same clothes and karsies shall be all dressed and for the most part died within this Realme vpon paine of forfeiture for euery such cloth and karsie otherwise caried and transported fiue pounds the one halfe thereof to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other halfe to the Master and Wardens of the Clothworkers in the Citie of London for the time being by what name soeuer they be incorporate that wil sue for the same Prouided also that whensoeuer the said societie or company shall willingly withdraw and discontinue wholy by the space of three yeeres in time of peace the discharging of their marchandizes at the road of S. Nicholas bay in Russia and doe not discharge their said merchandizes at some other port or roade lying on that North coast of Russia or other territorie nowe subiect to the saide mightie prince of Russia c. hitherto by the subiects of this realme not commonly frequented that then during the time of any such discontinuance and withdrawing as is aforesaid it shal be lawful to all the subiects of this realme to trade to the Narue onely in English bottoms any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding Prouided also that euery of the Queenes Maiesties Subiects inhabiting within the Citie of Yorke the townes of Newcastle vpon Tine Hull and of Boston hauing continually traded the course of merchandize by the space of ten yeeres and which before the 25. of December that shal be in Anno D. 1567. shal contribute ioyne and put in stocke to with and amongst the said company such summe summes of money as any of the said company which hath throughly continued and contributed to the saide newe trade from the yeere 1552. hath done and before the saide 25. of December 1567. shall do for the furniture of one ordinary full and intire portion or share and do in all things behaue himselfe as others of the said societie be bound to doe and hereafter shall bee bound to do by the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company shall from the same 25. day of December 1567. be and be accompted free and as one of the saide societie and company and subiect to the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company reasonably made and to be made any thing in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding A very briefe remembrance of a voyage made by M. Anthony Ienkinson from London to Moscouia sent from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour in the yeere 1566. THe fourth day of May in the yere aforesaid I imbarked my selfe at Grauesend in the good ship called the Harry of London and hauing had a prosperous voyage arriued at the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia the 10. day of Iuly following and immediatly I sent in post to the Emperor to aduertise of my comming and traueiling then thorowe the countrey I with my company came to the Mosco where the Emperour kept his court the 23. of August and foorthwith gaue the Secretarie to vâ—derstand of my arriuall who aduertised the Emperours Maiestie of it and the first day of September being a solemne feast among the Russes I came before the Emperours Maiestie sitting in his seate of honour and hauing kissed his hand and done the Queenes Maiesties commendations and deliuered her Graces letters and present he â—ad me to dinner which I accepted and had much honour done vnto me both then and all the time of my abode in Russia The Priuiledges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants of that company obteined the 22. of September Anno 1567. by M. Anthony Ienkinson ONe onely strengthener of all things and God without beginning which was before the world the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost our onely God in Trinitie and maker of all things whom we worship in all things and in all places the doer and fulfiller of all things which is the perfect knowledge giuer of the true God our Lorde Iesus Christ with the comforter the holy Spirit and thou which art the strengthener of our faith keepe vs together giue vs health to preserue our kingdome thou giuer of all good fruites and helper of all Christian beleeuers We great lord by the grace of God and great duke Iohn Vasiliwich of all Russia Volodimer Mosco Nouogrod Cazan Astracan Plesco Smolensko Tweria Yougorie Vadika Bulgar Sybier and others Emperour and great duke of Nouogrod of the lower land of Chernygo Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yereslaue Bealozera Oudoria Obdoria Condensa and lord of many other lands and of all the North parts commander and lord of Liffe-land Whereas our sister Queene Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland hath written to vs her letters that wee would graunt her merchants William Gerrard William Chester Rowland Heyward Lawrence Hussie Iohn Marsh Anthony Ienkinson William Rowly and their company of England to come in ships into this kingdome and those merchants William Gerrard and his company haue required of vs that we would graunt and licence them to come into our countrey of Dwina with all kind of wares at wil to our city of Mosco and to all our castles in our kingdomes we for our sisters sake Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland haue licenced her merchants William Gerrard and his company to passe in ships to our kingdome of Colmogro and to the land of Dwina and to all other our inheritances in the North parts with all kind of wares to our city of Mosco and to all castles and townes in our kingdome And sir William Garrard his company desired of vs that we would grant them licence to passe to
victuals and that we lacked nothing of the Emperors allowance the other to see that we should not goe out of the house nor suffer any man to come vnto vs in which they left nothing vndone that belonged to their charge But specially he that looked to our persons so straightly handled vs that we had no small cause to doubt that some euill had bene intended vnto vs. No supplication sute or request could take place for our liberty nor yet to come to his presence Hauing passed ouer 17 weeks in this sort the Emperour sendeth word that we should be ready against Tuesday the 20 of Februarie at eight a clocke in the morning The houre being come that I should goe to the Court the two gentlemen Pristaues as they call them came vnto me apparelled more princely then before I had euer scene them They presse vs to depart and mounted vpon their owne horses and the Ambassador vpon such a one as he had borrowed his men marching on foot to their great griefe The Ambassadour being my selfe was conueyed into an office where one of the chancellors doeth vse to sit being there accompanied with the â—â—o foresayd gentlemen I taried two long houres before I was sent for to the Emperor In the end message being brought that the Emperour was set I was conueyed by my gentlemen vp a paire of staires thorow a large roome where sate by my estimation 300 persons all in rich attire taken out of the Emperors wardrobe for that day vpon three ranks of benches set round about the place rather to present a maiestie then that they were either of quality or honor At the first entry into the chamber I with my cap gaue them the reuerence such as I iudged their stately sitting graue countenances and sumptuous apparell required and seeing that it was not answered againe of any of them I couered my head and so passing to a chamber where the Emperor was there receiued me at the doore from my two gentlemen or gouernors two of the Emperors counsellors and shewed me to the Emperor and brought me to the middle of the chamber where I was willed to stand still and to say that which I had to say I by my Interpretor opened my message as I receiued it from the Queene my Mistresse from whom I came at whose name the Emperor stood vp and demanded diuers questions of her health and state whereunto answere being made he gaue me his hand in token of my welcome and caused me to sit downe and further asked me diuers questions This done I deliuered her Maiesties present which was a notable great Cup of siluer curiously wrought with verses grauen in it expressing the histories workmanly set out in the same All being sayd and done as appeared to his contentment he licenced me and my whole company to depart who were all in his presence and were saluted by him with a nod of his head and sayd vnto me I dine not this day openly for great affaires I haue but I will send thee my dinner and giue leaue to thee and thine to go at liberty and augment our allowance to thee in token of our loue and fauor to our sister the Queene of England I with reuerence tooke my leaue being conueyed by two other of greater calling then those that brought me to the Emperors sight who deliuered me to the two first gentlemen who conducted me to the office where I first was where came vnto me one called the Long duke with whom I conferred a while and so returned to my lodging Within one houre after in comes to my lodging a duke richly apparelled accompanied with fiftie persons ech of them carying a siluer dish with meat and couered with siluer The duke first deliuered twenty loaues of bread of the Emperors owne eating hauing tasted the same and deliuered euery dish into my hands and tasted of euery kinde of drinke that he brought This being done the duke and his company sate downe with me and tooke part of the Emperors meat and filled themselues well of all sorts and went not away from me vnrewarded Within few nights after the Emperor had will to speake secretly with me and sent for me in the night by the Long duke The place was farre off and the night colde and I hauing changed my apparell into such as the Russes do weare found great in commoditie thereby Hauing talked with him aboue three houres towards the morning I was dismissed and so came home to my lodging where I remained aboue six weeks after before I heard againe from the Emperour who went the next day to Slouoda the house of his solace After the end of which sixe weeks which was about the beginning of April the Emperour returned from Slouoda aforesayd and sent for me againe to make repaire vnto him And being come I dealt effectually with him in the behalfe of our English merchants and found him so graciously inclined towards them that I obtained at his hands my whole demands for large priuileges in generall together with all the rest my particular requests And then he commended to my conduct into England a noble man of his called Andrew Sauin as his Ambassadour for the better confirmation of his priuileges granted and other negotiations with her Maiesty And thus being dispatched with full contentment the sayd Ambassadour and my selfe departed and imbarked at S. Nicholas about the end of Iuly and arriued safely at London in the moneth of September following A copie of the priuiledges granted by the right high and mightie Prince the Emperour of Russia c. vnto the right worshipfull fellowship of English merchants for the discouerie of new trades and hither sent by Thomas Randolfe esquire her Maiesties Ambassadour to the sayd Emperour and by Andrew Sauin his Ambassadour in the yere of our Lord God 1569. ONe God euerlasting and without and before the beginning the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost the blessed Trinitie our onely God maker and preseruer of all things and replenisher of all things euery where who by thy goodnesse doest cause all men to loue the giuer of wisedome our onely Mediatour and leader of vs all vnto blessed knowledge by the onely Sonne his word our Lord Iesus Christ holy and euerlasting Spirit and now in these our dayes teachest vs to keepe Christianitie and sufferest vs to enioy our kingdome to the happy commodity of our land and wealth of our people in despight of our enemies and to our fame with our friends We Iohn Vasiliwich by the grace of God great lord Emperour and great duke of all Russia Volodemer Moscouia Nouogrod Emperour of Cazan Tuersky Vgorsky Permisky Vadsky Bulgaria and many others lord and great duke of the Low countreys of Nouogrod Chernigosky Resansky Polotsky Rastow Yeraslaue Bealosera Owdorsky Condinsky and all Siberland great commander of all the North parts lord of Leâ—â—land and many other Northward Southward and Westward Whereas our sister
proofe cast lots who shall take his oath for the more ready triall of the cause And in no wise to take any fee or duetie of the aforesaid English merchants for the said iudgement in Lawe We wil and commaund all this to be obserued and kept in all parts of our dominions by all our subiects and authorised people by vertue of these our royal letters patents And the said letters not to be diminished in any part or parsell thereof by any persons howsoeuer they be named And whosoeuer shall withstand not regard these our gracious letters shal be in our high displeasure and shal incurre the losse of his life This our gracious letter was giuen in our kingdom and royal City of Mosco in the yere from the beginning of the world 7104. in the moneth of May. Subscribed by the Emperours Chancellour and Secretarie Vasili Shalcan The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court. FRiend Thomas Simkinson I pray you goe to Brounswik or Cassil and inquire if Master Iohn d ee be there or where he is and when you finde him certifie him howe that I haue sent you purposely to knowe where hee doeth remaine and at your returne I will come and speake with him my selfe Also you may certefie him that the Emperour of Russeland hauing certaine knowledge of his great learning and wisdome is marueilous desirous of him to come into his Countrey And hath giuen me his letter with his hand and golden seale at it for to bring him into the Countrey with mee if it be possible and for his liuing shewe him that he shall be sure of 2000. pound yeerely and also all prouision for his table out of the Emperours kitching free and if he thinke this too little I will assure him that if he aske asmuch more hee shall haue it and for his charges into the Countrey I haue sufficient of the Emperours allowance to bring him and all his royally into the Countrey And because hee may doubt of these proffers hee shall remaine at the borders vntill the Emperour be certified of him and of his requests which he would haue And I am sure he shall be conueyed through the land with fiue hundred horses and hee shal be accompted as one of the chiefest in the land next the Emperour Also shew him howe that my Lord Protectour at my comming away did take me in his armes and desired me as hee should be my friend to bring him with me and he would giue him of his owne purse yeerely 1000. rubbles besides the Emperours allowance All these foresaide grauntes and demaunds doe I Thomas Simkinson acknowledge to be spoken by Edward Garland to mee and to be sent to declare the same vnto Master Iohn Dee◠And in witnesse that this is of a trueth I haue written the same with my owne hand and thereunto set my name in Wittingaw otherwise called Trebona the 18. of September Anno 1586. By me Thomas Sinkinson of Hull A letter to the right worshipfull M. Iohn Dee Esquire conteyning the summe and effect of M. Edward Garland his message deliuered to Master Dee himselfe Letterwise for a more perfect memoriall thereof Anno 1586. RIght worshipfull it may please you to vnderstand that I was sen◠vnto you from the most mightie Prince Feodor Iuanowich Lord Emperour and great duke of Russia c. As also from the most excellent prince Boris Feodorowich Lord Protector of Russia to giue your worship to vnderstand the great good will and heartie desire they beare vnto you for that of long time they haue had great good report of your learning wisedom as also of your good counsel vnto Princes whereupon his Maiesties most earnest desire and request is vnto you that you would take the paines to come vnto his citie of Mosco to visite his Maiesties Court for that hee is desirous of your company and also of your good counsell in diuers matters that his Maiestie shall thinke needfull And for the great goodwill that his Maiestie beareth vnto you he will giue you yeerely toward your mainteinance 2000. pound starling and the Lord Protectour will giue you a thousand rubbles as also your prouision for your table you shall haue free out of his Maiesties kitchin And further whatsoeuer you shall thinke needefull or conuenient for you in any part or parts of his dominion it shall be at your worships commaundement And this is the summe and effect of my message and commandement giuen me by his Maiestie and the Lord Protectour In witnesse whereof I haue written this with my owne hand the 17. of December 1586. By me Edward Garland In Trebona Castel otherwise called Wittingaw in Boëmia to which place this M. Edward Garland came to M. d ee with two Moscouites to serue him c. He had sixe more which by M. Dees counsell were sent backe Witnesse M. Edward Kelley and M. Francis Garland brother to foresaid Edward and diuers others IT seemeth that this princely offer of the Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich and of the L. Boris Pheodorowich Protectour to his Maiestie was made vnto the learned and famous Mathematitian M. Iohn Dee partly to vse his counsell direction about certaine discoueries to the Northeast and partly for some other weighty occasions but because their conquest to Siberia was not as then fully settled for diuers other secret reasons it was for y e time with al thankfulnes refused A branch of a letter from M. Iohn Merick Agent vnto the Moscouie company in Russia closed vp in the Mosco the 14. of March Anno 1597. touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich late Emperour of all Russia c. HAuing thus farre proceeded with this my answere vnto the chiefest points of your worships letters receiued my desire was to haue sent one vnto you long since as you may perceiue by the first date but by reason I could not get leaue I haue deferred it of till this instant for that there was none suffered to passe out of the land The causes may be iudged for that it pleased God to call out of this world the Emperour his Maiestie who departed about the 7. of Ianuary and euer since hath bene a mourning time no suites for any matter could be heard But it hath bene a very dead season Yet thankes be to God through the wise gouernment of Lord Boris Pheodorowich the Lord Protector vnto the saide late Emperour since his death all things haue bene very quiet without any dissention as the like in such a great kingdome I haue not heard of And now through the prouidence of Almightie God and by surrender of the late Empresse Irenia Feodoruna and the common consent of the Patriarch Nobles Bishops and the whole Cleargie with the whole Commons besides choise is made of none other but of the said Lord Protector L. Boris Pheodorowich to be Emperour and great duke of all
that an vniuersall peace with our Christian neighbours will cut off the emploiment of the couragious increasing youth of this realme he is much deceiued For there are other most conuenient emploiments for all the superfluitie of euery profession in this realme For not to meddle with the state of Ireland nor that of Guiana there is vnder our noses the great ample countrey of Virginia the In-land whereof is found of late to bee so sweete and holesome a climate so rich and abundant in siluer mines so apt and capable of all commodities which Italy Spaine and France can affoord that the Spaniards themselues in their owne writings printed in Madrid 1586 and within few moneths afterward reprinted by me in Paris and in a secret mappe of those partes made in Mexico the yeere before for the king of Spaine which originall with many others is in the custodie of the excellent Mathematician M. Thomas Hariot as also in their intercepted letters come vnto my hand bearing date 1595. they acknowledge the In-land to be a better and richer countrey then Mexico and Nueua Spania it selfe And on the other side their chiefest writers as Peter Martyr ab Angleria and Francis Lopez de Gomara the most learned Venetian Iohn Baptista Ramusius and the French Geographers as namely Popiliniere and the rest acknowledge with one consent that all that mightie tract of land from 67. degrees Northward to the latitude almost of Florida was first discouered out of England by the commaundement of king Henry the seuenth and the South part thereof before any other Christian people of late hath bene planted with diuers English Colonies by the royal consent of her sacred Maiestie vnder the broad seale of England whereof one as yet remaineth for ought we know aliue in the countrey Which action if vpon a good godly peace obtained it shal please the Almighty to stirre vp her Maiesties heart to continue with her fauourable countenance as vpon the ceasing of the warres of Granada hee stirred vp the spirite of Isabella Queene of Castile to aduaunce the enterprise of Columbus with transporting of one or two thousand of her people and such others as vpon mine owne knowledge will most willingly at their owne charges become Aduenturers in good numbers with their bodies and goods she shall by Gods assistance in short space worke many great and vnlooked for effects increase her dominions enrich her cofers and reduce many Pagans to the faith of Christ. The neglecting hitherto of which last point our aduersaries daily in many of their bookes full bitterly lay vnto the charge of the professors of the Gospell No sooner should we set footing in that pleasant and good land and erect one or two conuenient Fortes in the Continent or in some Iland neere the maine but euery step we tread would yeeld vs new occasion of action which I wish the Gentrie of our nation rather to regard then to follow those soft vnprofitable pleasures wherein they now too much consume their time and patrimonie and hereafter will doe much more when as our neighbour warres being appeased they are like to haue lesse emploiment then nowe they haue vnlesse they bee occupied in this or some other the like expedition And to this ende and purpose giue me leaue I beseech you to impart this occurrent to your honourable and prouident cōsideration that in the yere one thousand fiue hundred eighty and seuen when I had caused the foure voyages of Ribault Laudonniere and Gourges to Florida at mine owne charges to bee printed in Paris which by the malice of some too much affectioned to the Spanish faction had bene aboue twentie yeeres suppressed assoone as that booke came to the view of that reuerend and prudent Counseller Monsieur Harlac the lord chiefe Iustice of France and certaine other of the wisest Iudges in great choler they asked who had done such intollerable wrong to their whole kingdome as to haue concealed that woorthie worke so long Protesting further that if their Kings and the Estate had throughly followed that action France had bene freed of their long ciuill warres and the variable humours of all sortes of people might haue had very ample and manifold occasions of good and honest emploiment abroad in that large and fruitfull Continent of the West Indies The application of which sentence vnto our selues I here omit hastening vnto the summarie recapitulation of other matters contained in this worke It may please your Honour therefore to vnderstand that the second part of this first Treatise containeth our auncient trade and traffique with English shipping to the Ilands of Sicilie Candie and Sio which by good warrant herein alleaged I find to haue bene begun in the yeere 1511. and to haue continued vntill the yeere 1552. and somewhat longer But shortly after as it seemeth it was intermitted or rather giuen ouer as is noted in master Gaspar Campions discreet letters to master Michael Lock and master William Winter inserted in this booke first by occasiō of the Turkes expelling of the foure and twentie Mauneses or gouernours of the Genouois out of the I le of Sio and by taking of the sayd Iland wholie into his owne hand in Aprill 1566. sending thither Piali Basha with fourescore gallies for that purpose and afterward by his growing ouer mightie and troublesome in those Seas by the cruell inuasion of Nicosia and Famagusta and the whole I le of Cyprus by his lieutenant Generall Mustapha Basha Which lamentable Tragedie I haue here againe reuiued that the posteritie may neuer forget what trust may bee giuen to the oath of a Mahumetan when hee hath aduauntage and is in his choler Lastly I haue here put downe at large the happie renuing and much increasing of our interrupted trade in all the Leuant accomplished by the great charges and speciall industrie of the worshipfull and worthy Citizens Sir Edward Osborne Knight M. Richard Staper and M. William Hareborne together with the league for traffike onely betweene her Maiestie and the Grand Signior with the great priuileges immunities and fauours obteyned of his imperiall Highnesse in that behalfe the admissions and residencies of our Ambassadours in his stately Porch and the great good and Christian offices which her Sacred Maiestie by her extraordinary fauour in that Court hath done for the king and kingdome of Poland and other Christian Princes the traffike of our Nation in all the chiefe Hauens of Africa and Egypt the searching and haunting the very bottome of the Mediterran Sea to the ports of Tripoli and Alexandretta of the Archipelagus by the Turkes now called The white sea euen to the walles of Constantinople the voyages ouer land and by riuer through Aleppo Birrha Babylon and Balsara and downe the Persian gulfe to Ormuz and thence by the Ocean sea to Goa and againe ouer-land to Bisnagar Cambaia Orixa Bengala Aracan Pegu Malacca Siam the Iangomes Quicheu and euen to the Frontiers of the Empire of China the former performed
instructed him in the faith of Christ although hee made much of all men that were learned in the Greeke and Latine tongues yet he yeelded speciall honor to those that spent their time in the studie of Diuinitie which he called Christian Philosophie so that beginning at the furthest part of the Ocean sea which then was taken to be his owne natiue soyle of Britaine and trusting in the assistance of God when the darkenes of superstition was most thicke then hee vndertooke a care of Religion stirring vp innumerable nations from the West as farre as India it selfe to the hope of eternall life Hee passed many nightes without sleepe hauing his minde occupied in diuine studies and whensoeuer his laisure from greater affaires did permit him his vacant times should be spent in the vse of writing and other good exercises assuring himselfe that his kingdomes and Empire were â—o be continued and strengthened to him by prayer and holy workes and oftentimes taking vpon him as it were the person of a notable preacher of Christian discipline he would teach his children and nobilitie that godlinesse was to be preferred before riches yea before the Monarchie of all the world He â—uerthrew the false gods of the heathens and by many lawes often reuiued he abrogated the worshipping of Images in all the countries of Greece AEgypt Persia Asia and the whole Romane Empire commanding Christ onely by his Edicts to be worshipped the sacred Gospell to be preached the Ministers thereof to be honoured and relieued and the temples of Idoles euery where to be destroyed Whithersoeuer he went hee caused the booke of the Gospell of Christ to be still caried before him that thereby it might appeare to be a forme of faith to all men and to appertaine generally to all nations He was the first that appointed an Imperiall Diademe or Crowne to the Kings of Britaine He was most beneficiall to all Churches bestowing vpon them lands and fields and vpon the poore sicke persons widowes and orphanes corne and wood being as carefull of them as if hee had bene their naturall father He vsed learned men most familiarly as Eusebius Lactantius and others and they are witnesses that this was his vsuall prayer to God O Lord we know thee to be the onely God we are sure that thou art the onely King and we call vpon thee as our helper through thee we haue gotten the victorie and by thee we haue ouerthrowen the enemie Sextus Aurelius reporteth that it was his greatest delight to imbrace the studie of learning to fauour good Arts to read write and meditate and that he composed many bookes and Epistles both in the Greeke and Latine tongues He died at Nicomedia being then 66. yeres of age in the 32. yere of his reigne and in the 339. yeere after the Incarnation of Christ and was buried at Constantinople Octauius being then King of Britaine whose life Eusebius bishop of Caesarea hath written in Greeke in 4. bookes which afterwards were translated into the Latine tongue by Iohn Porâ—es a Frenchman ¶ The life and trauailes of Pelagius borne in Wales PElagius Cambrius ex ea Britanniae parte oriun dus famati illius Collegij Bannochorensis a Cestria non procul praepositus erat in quo Christianorum pâ—ilosophorum duo millia ac centum ad plebis in Christo commoditatem militabant manuum suarum laboribus iuxta Pauli doctrinam victitantes Post quam plures exhibitos pro Christiana Repub. labores vir cruditione insignis tum Graecè tum Latinè peritus vt Tertullianus alter quorundam Clericorum la cessitus iniurijs grauatim tulit ac tandem a fide defecit Peragratis igitur deinceps Gallijs in Aegyptum Syriam aliásque orientis Regiones demum peruenit Vbi ex earum partiuÌ„ Monacho praesul ordinatus sui nominis haeresim fabricabat asserens hominem sine peccato nasci ac solo voluntaâ—is imperio sine gratia saluari posse vt ita nefarius baptismum acfidem tolleret Cum his consimilibus impostricâ—s doctrinae foecibus in patriam suam reuersus omnem illam Regionem Iuliano Caelestino Pseudoepiâ—copis fautoribus conspurcabat Verum ante lap sum suum studia tractabat honestissima vt post Gennadium Bedam Honorium alij ferunt authores composuÃtque multos libros ad Christianam vtilitatem At postquam est Hereticus publicatus multo plures edidâ—t haeresi succurrentes ex diametro cum vera pietate pugnantes vnde erat a suis Britannis in exilium pulsus vt in Epistola ad Martinum 5. Valdenus habet Claruit anno post Christum incarnatum 390. sub Maximo Britannorum Rege ¶ The same in English PElagius borne in that part of Britaine which is called Wales was head or gouernour of the famous Colledge of Bangor not farre from Chester whâ—rein liued a Societie of 2100. Diuines or Students of Christian philosophie applying themselues to the profite of the Christian people and liuing by the labours of their owne handes according to Pauls doctrine He was a man excellently learned and skilfull both in the Greeke and Latine tongues and as it were another Tertullian after his long and great trauailes for the good of the Christian common wealth seeing himselfe abused and iniuriously dealt withall by some of the Clergie of that time he tooke the matter so grieuously that at the last he relapsed from the faith Whereupon he left Wales and went into France and hauing gone through France hee went therehence into Egypt Syria ther Countries of the East and being made Priest by a certaine Monke of those partes he there hatched his heresie which according to his name was called the heresie of the Pelagians which was that man was borne without sinne and might be saued by the power of his owne will without grace that so the miserable man might take away faith and baptisme With this and the like dregges of false doctrine hee returned againe into Wales and there by the meanes of the two false Prelates Iulian and Celestine who fauoured hâ—s heresie hee infected the whole Countrey with it But before his fall and Apostasie from the faith he exercised himselfe in the best studies as Gennadius Beda Honorius and other authors doe report of him and wrote many bookes seruing not a litle to Christian vtilitie but being once fallen into his heresie hee wrote many more erroneous bookes then he did before honest and sincere whereupon at the last his owne Countreymen banished him as Walden testifieth in his Epistle to Pope Martine the fift He flourished in the yere after the Incarnation 390. Maximus being then King of Britaine ¶ Certaine Englishmen sent to Constantinople by the French King to Iustinian the Emperor about the yeere of Christ 500. out of the fourth booke of Procopius de Bello Gothico BRitanniam insulam tres numerosissimae gentes incolunt Quorum vnicuique suus Rex imperat Nominantur hae gentes Angili Frisones qui eiusdem
I was testifieth those things which I saw to be true Many other things I haue omitted because I beheld them not with mine owne eyes Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to trauell countreyes or lands in which action I dispose my selfe to die or to liue as it shall please my God Of the death of frier Odoricus IN the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney that his trauell and labour might be to greater purpose he determined to present himselfe vnto pope Iohn the two and twentieth whose benediction and obedience being receiued he with a certaine number of friers willing to beare him company might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of infidels And as he was trauelling towards the pope and not farre distant from the city of Pisa there meets him by the way a certaine olde man in the habit and attire of a pilgrime saluting him by name and saying All haile frier Odoricus And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of him he answered Whilest you were in India I knew you full well yea and I knew your holy purpose also but see that you returne immediatly vnto the couen from whence you came for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of this present world Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight presently after he had spoken them he determined to returne And so he returned in perfect health feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body And being in his rouen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua the tenth day after the foresayd vision hauing receiued the Communion and preparing himselfe vnto God yea being strong and sound of body hee happily rested in the Lord whose sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid vnder the hand of the publique notary in these words following In the yeere of our Lord 1331 the 14. day of Ianuarie Beatus Odoricus a Frier minorite deceased in Christ at whose prayers God shewed many and sundry miracles which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina sonne of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro at the commandement and direction of the honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion and one of the Councell of Vtina haue written as faithfully as I could and haue deliuered a copie thereof vnto the Friers minorites howbeit not of all because they are innumerable and too difficult for me to write The voyage of Matthew Gourney a most valiant English Knight against the Moores of Algier in Barbarie and Spaine M. Camden pag. 159. NEctacendum Matthaeum Gourney in oppido quodam vulgarilingua Stoke vnder Hamden in comitatu Somersetensi appellato sepultum esâ—e virum bellico sissimum regnante Edwardo tertio qui 96. aetatis anno diem obiuit cum vt ex inscriptione videre licuit obsidioni d'Algizer contra Saracenos praelijs Benamazin Sclusensi Cressiaco Ingenos Pictauiensi Nazarano in Hispania dimicasset The same in English IT is by no meanes to be passed ouer in silence that Matthew Gourney being a most valiant warriour in the reigne of Edward the third lyeth buried at a certaine towne in the countie of Somerset commonly called Stoke vnder Hamden who deceased in the 96. yeare of his age and that as it is manifest by the inscription of his monument after he had valiantly behaued himselfe at the siege of Algizer against the Sarazens and at the battailes of Benamazin of Sluce of Cressie of Ingenos of Poictou and of Nazaran in Spaine The comming of Lyon King of Armenia into England in the yeere 1386 and in the ninth yeere of Richard the second in trust to finde some meanes of peace or good agreement betweene the King of England and the French king Iohn Froyssart lib. 3. cap. 56. THus in abiding for the Duke of Berrie and for the â—â—â—stable who were behind then king Lyon of Armenia who was in Franâ—â— and had assigned him by the king sixe thousande frankes by the yeare to maintaine his estate tooke vpon him for a good intent to goe into England to speake with the king there and his Councell to see if he might finde any matter of peace to be had betweene the two Reaâ—mes England and France And so he departed from his lodging of Saint Albeyne beside Saint Denice alonely with his owne company and with no great apparell So he rode to Boloine and there he tooke a shippe and so sayled foorth till he came to Douer and there he found the Earle of Cambridge and the Earle of Buckingham and moe then a hundreth men of armes and a two thousand Archers who lay there to keepe that passage for the brute ran that the Frenchmen should lande there or at Sandwich and the king lay at London and part of his Councell with him and daily heard tydings from all the Portes of England When the king of Armenia was arriued at Douer he had there good cheere because he was a stranger and so he came to the kings Uncles there who sweetly receiued him and at a time conuenient they demaunded of him from whence he came and whither he would The king answered and sayd that in trust of goodnesse he was come thither to see the king of England and his Councell to treate of peace betweene England and France for he saide that he thought the warre was not meete for he sayd by reason of warre betweene these two Realmes which hath indured so long the Saracens Iewes Turkes are waxed proude for there is none that make them any warre and by occasion thereof I haue lost my land and Realme and am not like to recouer them againe without there were firme peace in all Christendome I would gladly shew the matter that toucheth all Christendome to the king of England and to his Councell as I haue done to the French king Then the kings Uncles demaunded of him if the French king sent him thither or no he answered and sayd no there is no man that sent mee but I am come hither by mine owne motion to see if the king of England his Councel would any thing leane to any treaty of peace then was he demaunded where the French king was he answered I beleeue he be at Sluce I sawe not him sithence I tooke my leaue of him at Senlize Then he was demaunded howe he could make any treatie of peace and had no charge so to doe and Sir if yee be conueyed to the King our Nephew and to his Counsell and the French king in the meane season enter with his puissance into England yee may happe thereby to receiue great blame and your person to be in great ieoperdy with them of the Countrey Then the King answered and said I am in suretie of the French king for I haue sent to him desiring him till I returne againe not to remoue from Sluce and I repute him so noble and so well aduised that he
honorable presents And a litle afterward Upon the hearing of these newes the emperor departed with great ioy out of England whom the king honoured with many precious gifts The Voiage of the bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the sixe yeere of the reigne of Henry the fift which was the yeere of our Lord 1417. Thomas Walsing VLtimo die mensis Octobris episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electioneÌ„ summi pontificis celebratam vbi tantum valuit elus facunda persuasio vâ— excitaret dominos Cardinales ad concordiam ad electionem summi pontificis se ocyâ—s praepararent The same in English THe last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of Constance which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his iourney to Ierusalem where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed that he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord and also moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the yere 1413 being the last yere of his reigne wherein he was preuented by death written by Walsingham Fabian Polydore Virgile and Holenshed IN this foureteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in the White friets in London at the which among other things order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready and all other things necessary to be prouided for a voyage which he meant to make into the Holy land there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes that were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another to the perill of their owne soules rather then to make warre against the enemies of the Christian faith as in conscience it seemed to him they were bound We finde sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle that he was taken with his last sickenesse while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine there as it were to take his leaue and so to proceede foorth on his iourney He was so suddenly and grieuously taken that such as were about him feared least he would haue died presently wherefore to relieâ—e him if it were possible they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand belonging to the Abbot of Westminster where they layd him on a pallet before the fire and vsed all remedies to reuiue him At length he recouered his speech and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not he willed to knowe if the chamber had any particular name whereunto answere was made that it was called Ierusalem Then sayde the king Laâ—des be giuen to the father of heauen for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber according to the prophesie of mee declared that I should depart this life in Ierusalem Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following POst haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse entiquius quà m ad officium iustiâ—iae quae ad hominum vellitatem perâ—inet omne suum studium conferre protinùs omisso ciuili bello quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari de republica Anglica benè gubernanda de bello in hostes communes sumendo de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat classemque iam parabat cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit subito enim morbo tentatus nulla medicina subleuari potuit Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium annum agens quadragesimum sextum qui fuit annus salutis humanae 1413. The same in English AFterward King Henry calling to minde that nothing ought to be more highly esteemed by any man then to doe the vtmost of his indâ—uour for the performance of iustice which â—endeth to the good and benefite of mankinde altogether abandoning ciuill warre wherewith he was ashamed to see how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied cutered into a more derye consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England of waging warre against the common enemie and of recouering in processe of time the citie of Ierusalem yea and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose whenas in the very midst of this his heroâ—call action and enterprise he was surprised with death for falling into a sudden disease he could not be cured by any kinde of phisicke He deceased at Westminster in the 46 yeare of his age which was in the yeere of our Lord 1413. A briefe relation of the siege and taking of the Citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reuerend Lord Thomas Dockwray great Prior of the order of Ierusalem in England in the yeere 1524. WIlling faithfully to write and reduce in veritie Historiall the great siege cruel oppugnation and piteous taking of the noble and renowmed citie of Rhodes the key of Christendome the hope of many poore Christian men withholden in Turkie to saue and keepe them in their faith the rest and yeerely solace of noble pilgrimes of the holy supulchre of Iesu Christ and other holy places the refuge and refreshing of all Christian people hauing course of marchandise in the parties of Leuant I promise to all estates that shall see this present booke that I haue left nothing for feare of any person nor preferred it for fauour And first I shall shewe the occasions that mooued this cruell bloodshedder enemie of our holy Christian faith Sultan Soliman now being great Turke to come with a great hoste by sea and by lande to besiege and assayle the space of sixe moneths night and day the noble and mightie citie of Rhodes The yere of the incarnation of our Lord Iesu Christ 1522. The occasions why the great Turke came to besiege the Citie of Rhodes THe first and principall cause was that he did consider and sawe by experience that there was none other Towne nor place in Leuant that warred against him nor kept him in doubt but this poore rocke of Rhodes And hearing the continuall complaintes of his subiectes aswell of Syria as of Turkie for the domages and prises dayly done of their bodies and goods by Christian men of warre receiued into Rhodes And also of the shippes and gallies of the religion he tooke conclusion in himselfe that if he might put the sayde Towne in his power and subiection that then he should be peaceable lord of all the parties of Leuant and that his subiects should complaine no more to him The second that he might followe the doings of his noble predecessouâ—s and shewe himselfe very heire of the mightie and victorious lord Sultan Selim his father willing to put in execution the enterprise by him left the yeere one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The which Selim the great Turke put in all
redinesse his armie to the number of three hundreth sayles purposing for to send them against Rhodes if mortalitie had not happened in his hoâ—t and he afterwarde by the will of our lorde was surprised and taken with death wherefore he being in the latter ende of his dayes as some Turkes and false christian men that were at this siege shewed me did charge by his testament or caused to charge his sonne now being great Turke that after his death hee should make his two first enterprises the one against Bellegrado in Hungarie and the other against Rhodes for to get him honour and to set his Countries and subiectes in rest and suretie The which fatherly motion easilie entered into him and was imprinted in the heart and yoong will of the sayde Solyman his sonne the which soone after the death of his father put in effect the first enterprise and raised an huge hoste both by water and by land and went himselfe in person against Bellegrado a right strong place in Hungarie And after that hee had besieged it the space of two moneths or thereabout for fault of ordinance and vitailes it was yeelded to him by composition the eight day of September in the yeere of our lord one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The sayd Solyman hauing this victory being swollen and raised in pride and vaineglory turned his heart agaynst Rhodes Neuerthelesse he not ignorant of the strength of it and considering the qualities of the people that were within it of whom he should be well receiued as his predecessours had bene aforetimes doubted much and knew not how to furnish his enterprise For his capitaines and Bashas turned him from it as much as they might by many reasons they knowing the force of it saue onely Mustofa Basha his brother in lawe the which counselled and put him in minde to goe thither Finally hee purposed entirely to haue it by treason or by force And also for the same cause and purpose his father in his dayes had sent a Iewe physician into Rhodes as a spie to haue the better knowledge of it the sayd Solyman was informed that he was there yet wherfore he sent him worde that he should abide there still for the same cause And gaue in charge to one of the chiefe men in Sio to send vnto the sayd Iewe all things needefull to maintaine him And the same Iewe wrote to him of Sio vnder priuie wordes all that was done in Rhodes to giue knowledge thereof to the great Turke and the better to hide his treason the sayde Iewe made himselfe to bee baptised And to bee the more named to be expert in Physike he did some faire cures to such as were diseased whereby he began to bee well trusted and came in fauour with many substantiall folkes of the towne Among all other things whereof hee aduertised the great Turke one was of a wall that was taken downe for to be new builded at the bulwarke of Auuergne certifying him that if hee came hastely with his hoste hee might easilie and at vnawares surprise the towne in such estate as it was at that time Many other aduertisements and warnings hee shewed the Turke which shall bee declared hereafter But beside his aduertisement the sayd great Turke stirred and prouoked by a false traitour a Portingale knight of ours that time Chanceller of the sayd holy Religion a man of great authoritie dignitie and vnderstanding and one of the principall lordes of the counsell of the same named Sir Andrew de Merall by little and little was mooued and kindled to the sayd enterprise of treason whereof was no maruell for it was a great hope and comfort to haue such a person for him that knew all the estate and rule of the religion and of the towne And for to declare the occasions of the cursed and vnhappy will of the said traitor that had bene occasion of so great losse and damage and shall be more at the length if the diuine power set not to his hand And here it is manifestly to bee vnderstood of all men that after the death of the noble and right prudent lord Fabrice of Cacetto great master of Rhodes the sayd Sir Andrew enflamed with ambition and couetousnesse to bee great master and seeing himselfe deceiued of his hope by the election made the two and twentieth day of Ianuary of the right reuerend and illustrate lord Philip de Villiers Lisleadam before him from that time hee tooke so great enuie and desperation enmitie and euill will not onely against the sayde lord but against all the holy religion that hee set all his studie and purpose to betray and sell his religion and the citie of Rhodes to the cursed misbeleeuers forgetting the great honours and goodnesse that hee hath had of the religion and hoped to receiue with many other particuler pleasures that the sayd lord master had done to him But the deuill vnkindnesse and wickednesse had so blinded the eyes of his thought that hee in no wise could refraine him but at euery purpose that was spoken afore him hee was short and might not dissemble And one day among other hee sayde before many knights that hee would that his soule were at the deuill and that Rhodes and the religion were lost And many other foolish and dishonest purposes and wordes hee vttered whereat none tooke heed nor thought that hee had the courage to doe that thing that hee hath done Howbeit obstinate as Iudas hee put in execution his cursed will for soone after that the tidings of the election was sent Westward to the sayde noble lord the sayd de Merall did send a Turke prisoner of his to Constantinople vnder shadowe to fetch his ransome By whom hee aduertised the great Turke and his counsell of the maner and degree of Rhodes and in what state and condicion the towne was in of all maner of things at that time and what might happen of it prouoking and stirring him to come with a great hoste to besiege the towne And after the comming of the sayd reuerend lord great master he gaue other aduise to the great Turke shewing him that hee could neuer haue better time to come seeing that the great master was new come and part of the wall taken downe and that all Rhodes was in trouble by occasion of some Italian knights rebels agaynst the lord great master of the which rebellion he was causer the better to bring his cursed mind to passe and also gaue the sayde great Turke knowledge that all Christian princes were busie warring each vpon other and that he should not doubt but if the rebellion lasted among them the towne should be his without faile as it is seene by experience And for lacke of succours of euery part and especially of such as might easily haue holpen vs beyng our neighbours with their gallies and men of warre wherefore it is now in the handes of the enemies of the christian faith The which
monitions and reasons of the false traitor being vnderstood and pondered by the great Turke and his counsell it was considered of them not to loose so good occasion and time Wherefore hee made most extreme diligence to rigge and apparell many ships vessels of diuers sorts as galliasses gallies pallandres fustâ—s and brigantines to the number of 350. sailes and moe When the prisoner that the sayd de Merall did send into Turkie had done his câ—mmission hee returned into Rhodes whereof euery man had maruell And many folkes deemâ—d â—uil of his comming againe as of a thing vnaccustomed but none durst say any thing seeing the sayd de Merall of so great authoritie and dignitie and he cherished the sayd prisoner more then he was woont â—o doe Therefore belike hee had well done his message and had brought good tidings to the damnable and shamefull mind of â—he sayd traitor de Merall How the great Turke caused the passages to be kept that none should beare tidings of his hoste to Rhodes THe great Turke intending with great diligence to make readie his hoste both by sea and by land the better to come to his purpose and to take the towne vnwarily as hee was aduertised thought to keepe his doings as secret as hee might and commaunded that none of his subiects should goe to Rhodes for any maner of thing And likewise he tooke all the barkes and brigantines out of the hauens and portes in those coastes because they should giue no knowledge of his armie And also hee made the passages by land to bee kept that none should passe Howbeit so great apparell of an armie could not bee long kept close for the spies which the lord great master had sent into Turkie brought tidings to the castle of saint Peter and to Rhodes of all that was sayd and done in Turkie Neuerthelesse the sayd lord gaue no great credence to all that was brought and told because that many yeeres before the predecessours of the great Turke had made great armies and alway it was sayd that they went to Rhodes the which came to none effect And it was holden for a mocke and a by-word in many places that the Turke would goe to besiege Rhodes And for this reason doubt was had of this last armie and some thought that it should haue gone into Cyprus or to Cataro a land of the lordship of Venice Howbeit the great master not willing to bee taken vnwarily but the meane while as carefull and diligent for the wealth of his towne his people vnderstanding these tidings of the Turkes armie did all his diligence to repaire and strengthen the towne Amongst all other things to build vp and raise the bulwarke of Auuergne and to cleanse and make deeper the ditches And the more to cause the workemen to haste them in their businesse they sayd lord ouersawe them twice or thrise euery day How the lord great master counselled with the lordes for prouision for the towne THen the sayd reuerend lord thought to furnish and store the towne with more vitailes for the sustenance thereof and for the same many times hee spake with the lordes that had the handling and rule of the treasurie and of the expenses thereof in his absence and since his comming That is to wit with the great Commander Gabriel de pommerolles lieutenant of the sayd lord The Turcoplier Sir Iohn Bourgh of the English nation and the Chanceller Sir Andrew de Meral of whom is spoken afore and of his vntruth agaynst his religion The which three lordes sayd that hee should take no thought for it for the towne was well stored with vitailes for a great while and that there was wheate ynough till new came in Notwithstanding it were good to haue more or the siege were laide afore the towne and therefore it were behoouefull to send for wheate and other necessaries into the West for succours of the towne and at that time to puruey for euery thing Of the prouision for vitailes and ordinance of warre AS touching the store and ordinance of warre the sayd lordes affirmed that there was ynough for a yeere and more whereof the contrary was found for it failed a moneth or the citie was yeelded It is of trueth that there was great store and to haue lasted longer then it did But it was needfull to spend largely at the first comming of the enemies to keepe them from comming neere and from bringing earth to the ditches sides as they did And moreouer you are to consider the great number of them and their power that was spred round about the towne giuing vs so many assaults and skirmishes in so many places as they did and by the space of sire whole moneths day and night assailing vs that much ordinance and store was wasted to withstand them in all points And if it failed it was no maruell Howbeit the noble lord great master prouided speedily for it and sent Brigantines to Lango to the castle of saint Peter and to the castels of his isle Feraclous and Lyndo for to bring powder and saltpeter to strength the towne but it suffised not And for to speake of the purueiance of vitailes it was aduised by the lord great master and his three lords that it was time to send some ships for wheat to places thereabout before the Turks hoste were come thither And for this purpose was appointed a ship named the Gallienge whose captaine hight Brambois otherwise called Wolfe of the Almaine nation an expert man of the sea the which made so good diligence that within a moneth he performed his voiage and brought good store of wheat from Naples and Romania which did vs great comfort How a Brigantine was sent to Candie for wine and of diuers ships that came to helpe the towne AFter this a motion was made to make prouision of wine for the towne for the men of Candie durst not saile for to bring wine to Rhodes as they were woont to doe for feare of the Turkes hoste and also they of the towne would send no ship into Candie fearing to be taken and enclosed with the sayd hoste by the way Howbeit some merchants of the towne were willing to haue aduentured themselues in a good ship of the religion named the Mary for to haue laden her with wine in Candie But they could not agree with the three lordes of the treasure and their let was but for a little thing and all the cause came of the sayd traitour de Merall faining the wealth of the treasure for he intended another thing and brake this good and profitable enterprise and will of the sayd merchants seeing that it was hurtfull to the Turke whose part the said traitour held in his diuelish heart that notwithstanding the reuerend lord great master that in all things from the beginning to the ende hath alway shewed his good will and with all diligence and right that might bee requisite to a soueraigne captaine and head of warre
till it where brought The patron as warie wise in the businesse of the sea thought in himselfe that the Turkes made such prolonging to some euil intent or to surprise his vessell being alone wherefore hee bade them giue him the letter speedily or els he would goe his way and neither tary for letter nor other thing and told them of the euill and dishonest deed that they had done the dayes afore to withhold the clarke vnder their words and fateconduct and therewith he turned his galliasse to haue gone away The Turkes seeing that gaue him the letter the which he tooke and when he was arriued at Rhodes he presented it to the lord great master which assembled the lordes of his counsell and made it to be red The tenor whereof was such as foloweth The copie of the letter that the great Turke sent to the lord great master and to the people of the Rhodes SVltan Solyman Basha by the grace of God right mightie emperor of Constantinople and of himselfe holding both the lands of Persia Arabia Syria Mecha and Ierusalem of Asia Europe AEgypt and of all the Sea lord and possessor To the reuerend father lord Philip great master of Rhodes to his counsailors and to all the other citizens great and small greeting Sending conuenient and worthy salutations to your reuerences wee giue you to weet that we haue receiued your letters sent vnto our imperiall maiestie by George your seruant the tenor whereof we doe well vnderstand and for this occasion we send vnto you this our present commaundement to the end that we will that ye know surely how by our sentence we will haue that Isle of Rhodes for many damages and euill deeds which we haue and heare from day to day of the sayd place done to vs and our subiects and ye with your good will shall hold it of vs doe vs obâ—â—sance and giue the citie to mine imperiall maiestie And we sweare by God that made heauen and earth and by 26000. of our prophets and by the 4. Misafâ— that fell from the skies and by our first prophet Mahomet that if ye doe vs homage and yeeld you wiâ—h good will vpon these othes all you that will abide in the sayd place great and small shall not need to feare perill nor damage of mine imperiall maiestie neither you your goods nor your men and who so will goe to any other place with his goods and haushold may so doe and who so will dwell and inhabite in any other places vnder mine Imperiall maiestie may râ—maine where they like best without feare of any person And if there bee any of the principals and woorthy men among you that is so disposed wee shall giue him wages and prouision greater then hee hath had And if any of you will abide in the sayd isle yee may so doe after your auncient vsages and customes and much better And therefore if that yee will accept these our othes and intreatings send vnto vs a man with your lâ—tters to mine Imperiall maiestie or els know yee that wee will come vpon you with all prouisions of warre and thereof shall come as it pleaseth God And this wee doe to the end that ye may know and that ye may not say but we haue giuen you warning And if ye doe not thus with your good will wee shall vault and vndermine your foundations in such maner that they shal be torne vpside downe and shall make you slaues and cause you to die by the grace of God as we haue done many and hereof haue ye no doubt Written in our court at Constantinople the first day of the moneth of Iune How the Turkes came to land in the Isle of Lango and were driuen to their ships againe by the Prior of S. Giles WHen the lord great master and his counsell had heard the tenor of the letter they would giue none answere to the great Turke but that he should be receiued with good strokes of artillerie So that to a foolish demaund behooued none answere And it was very like that he would haue nothing For sixe dayes after that was the 14. day of the said moneth of Iune the Brigantines that went toward Sio to know of the said armie came againe and sayd that of a trueth the said armie was comming and that nigh to Lango an Isle of the religion an 100. mile from Rhodes they had scene and told 30. sailes that were most part gallies and fustes the which vessels set men on land in y â— isle of Lango TheÌ„ the prior of S. Giles Missire pre Iohn de Bidoux commander of the sayd place taried not long from horsebacke with his knights and people of the isle and he met so well with the Turkes that he droue them to their ships and slew a certaine number of them and of the side of Pre Iohn some were hurt and his horse was slaine When the enemies were entered into their gallies they went to a place called castle Iudeo on the maine land betweene the sayd isle of Lango and the castle of S. Peter How part of the nauie and armie of the great Turke came before the citie of Rhodes THe 18. day of the said moneth of Iune these 30. gallies went from the sayd place and passed by the Cape of Crion entering the gulfe of Epimes beside Rhodes and were discouered from the shade of the hill of Salaco a castle in the isle of Rhodes On the morow they came out of the gulfe by plaine day and sailing along by the coasts they entered into a hauen on maine land called Maifata where they abode three dayes Then they went from thence and returâ—ed to the gulfe of Epimes where they abode two dayes and two nights The 24 day of the same moneth they issued out of Epimes and trauersing the chanell they came to the yle of Rhodes in a place before a castle called Faues and they went to land and they went to land and burnt a great field of corne the same day which was the feast of S. Iohn Baptist our patron The guard of a castle named Absito in the yle of Rhodes discouered and spâ—ed the great hosâ—e and in great haste brought word to the lord master and sayd that the sayd hoste that was in so great number of sailes that they might not be numbred was entred into the gulfe of Epimes The 30 sailes that lay in the yle arose in the night and went to the sayd hoste in the gulfe The 26 day of Iune the sayd great hoste arose and wâ—nt out of Epimes an houre after the sun rising trauersing the chanell they came to a place called the Fosse eight miles from the towne And the 30 first sailes turned backe toward the cape of S. Martin and other places to watch for ships of Christian men if any passed by to Rhodes The great hoste abode still till no one or one of the clocke and then arose not all but about 80 or 100
ships as gallies galliasses and fusts and passed one after another before the towne and hauen of Rhodes three miles off and came to shore in a place nigh to land called Perambolin sixe miles from the towne In the which place the sayd hoste abode from that time to the end of that vnhappy siege The number and names of the vessels that came to besiege Rhodes THe number of the ships were these 30 galliasses 103 gallies aswell bastards as subtill mahonnets 15 taffours 20 fusts 64 great ships sixe or seuen gallions 30 galleres beside the nauy that waited for Christian men if any came to succour vs. These were the vessels that came at the first to lay the siege And sith that the sayd host came out of Perambolin there came from Syria 20 other sailes aswell gallies as fusts And many other ships came sith and ioyned with the sayd army in the time of the sayd siege And it was sayd that there were 400 sailes and moe The same day that part of the host came to the sayd place the reuerend lord great master ordeined a great brigandine to send into the West to certifie our holy father the pope and the Christian princes how the Turks army was afore Rhodes And in the sayd vessell he sent two knights one a French man named Sir Claude dansoyuille called Villiers and Sir Loys de Sidonia a Spaniard and they went to the pope and to the emperour After the comming of the Turks nauy into the sayd place it was 14 or 15 dayes or they set any ordinance on land great or small or any quantity of men came on shore whereof we marueiled And it was tolde vs by some that came out of the campe and also by the spies that the lord great master had sent abroad arayed as Turks that they abode the commandement of their great lord vntill the hoste by land were come into the campe Howbeit there came some number for to view the towne but they went pâ—iuily for the ordinance of the towne shot without cease All this while the gallies and galliasses went and came to land bringing vitaile and people At the which ships passing nigh the town were shot many strokes with bombards which made some slaughter of our enemies and when the most part of them was past they began to set ordinance on the land with great diligence Then the lord great master departed from his palace and lodged him nigh a church called The victory because that place was most to be doubted and also that at the other siege the great businesse and assault was there How the lord great master made his petition before the image of S. Iohn and offered him the keyes of the towne THe day before were made many predications and sermons and the last was in the church of S. Iohn Baptist. When the sermon was done a pontificall Masse was celebrate with all solemnities and all the reliques taken downe and the lord great master and all his knights with great deuotions and reuerence heard it And when the Masse was ended the lord great master made a pitious oration or prayer before Saint Iohn Baptist his protectour and aboue all other words which were too long to tell he besought him meekly that it would please him to take the keyes of that miserable city The which keyes he presented and layed vpon the altar before the image beseeching S. Iohn to take the keeping and protection thereof and of all the religion as by his grace he had giuen to him vnworthy the gouerning vnto that day and by his holy grace to defend them from the great power of the enemies that had besieged them How the women slaues would haue set fire in the towne THe eight day of Iuly it was knowen that the Turkish women being slaues and seruaunts in many houses of the towne had appointed to set fire in their masters houses at the first assault that should be made to the end that the men should leaue their posterns defenses to go and saue their houses and goods And it was found that a woman of Marchopora being a slaue was first moouer thereof the which was taken and put to execution The same day some of our men went out for to skirmish with the Turkes and many of them were slaine with shot of our artillerie and of our men but one How the Turkes layd their artillerie about the towne and of the maner and quantitie of their pieces and gunshot THe 18. day of Iuly for the beginning and first day they set vp a mantellet vnder the which they put three or foure meane pieces as sacres wherâ—with they shot against the posterns of England and Prouence But the mantellet was soone broken and cast downe and their pieces destroyed with the shot of the wall and they that shot them were most part slaine As this first mantellet was broken by the great and innumerable people that they had they set all their ordinance on land and caried it to the places where it should be bent or nigh thereby And the 29. day of the same moneth they set vp two other mantellets One beside a church of saine Cosme and Damian and another toward the West And from these mantellets they shot great pieces as Culuerings double gunnes and great bombards agaynst the wals of England and Spaine to the which mantellets the ordinance of the towne gaue many great strokes and often brake them And the more to grieue the towne and to feare vs they set vp many other mantellets in diuers places almost round about the towne and they were reckoned foure score the which number was well lessened by the great quantitie of strokes of artillerie shot out of the towne from many places The artillerie of the Turkes was such as followeth FIrst there were sixe great gunnes cannons perriers of brasse that shot a stone of three foote and a halfe also there were 15. pieces of iron that shot stones of fiue or sixe spannes about Also there were 14. great bombards that shot stones of eleuen spans about Also there were twelue basiliskes whereof they shot but with 8. that is to weet foure shot agaynst the posterns of England and Spaine and two against the gate of Italy the other two shot sometime against Saint Nicholas tower Also there were 15. double gunnes casting bullets as basiliskes The meane shot as sacres and pasuolans were in great number The handgunshot was innumerable and incredible Also there were twelue potgunnes of brasse that shot vpward where of eight were set behind the church of S. Cosme and Damian and two at saint Iohn de la Fonâ—aine toward the port of Italy and the other two afore the gate of Auuergne the which were shot night and day and there were three sorts of them whereof the greatest were of sixe or seuen spannes about And the sayd stones were cast into the towne to make murder of people which is a thing very inhumane and fearefull which
night we drew to the East end of the Iland The 9 and 10 we sayled along with a prosperous winde and saw no land The 11 in the morning we had sight of the Iland of Cyprus and towards noone we were thwart the Cape called Ponta Malota and about foure of the clocke we were as farre as Baffo and about sunne set we passed Cauo Bianco and towards nine of the clocke at night we doubled Cauo de le garte and ankered afore Limisso but the wind blew so hard that we could not come neere the towne neither durst any man goe on land The towne is from Cauo de le garte twelue miles distant The 12. of August in the morning wee went on land to Limisso this towne is ruinated and nothing in it worth writing saue onely in the mids of the towne there hath bene a forâ—resse which is now decayed and the wals part ouerthrowen which a Turkish Rouer with certaine gallies did destroy about 10. or 12. yeeres past This day walking to see the towne we chanced to see in the market place a great quantitie of a certaine vermine called in the Italian tongue Caualette It is as I can learne both in shape and bignesse like a grassehopper for I can iudge but little difference Of these many yeeres they haue had such quantitie y t they destroy all their corne They are so plagued with them y t almost euery yeere they doe well nie loose halfe their corne whether it be the nature of the countrey or the plague of God that let them iudge that best can define But that there may no default be laied to their negligence for the destruction of theÌ„ they haue throughout the whole land a constituted order that euery Farmor or husbandman which are euen as slaues bought and sold to their lord shall euery yeere pay according to his territorie a measure full of the seede or egges of these forenamed Caualette the which they are bound to bring to the market and present to the officer appointed for the same the which officer taketh of them very straight measure and writeth the names of the presenters and putteth the sayd egges or seed into a house appointed for the same and hauing the housefull they beate them to ponder and cast them into the sea and by this palicie they doe as much as in them lieth for the destruction of them This vermine breedeth or ingendereth at the time of corne being ripe and the corne beyng had away in the clods of the same ground do the husbandmen find y e nestes or as I may rather terme them cases of the egges of the same vermine Their nests are much like to the keâ—es of a hasel-nut tree when they be dried and of the same length but somewhat bigger which case being broken you shall see the egges lie much like vnto antes egges but somewhat lesser Thus much I haue written at this time because I had no more time of knowledge but I trust at my returne to note more of this island with the commodities of the same at large The 13. day we went in the morning to the Greekes church to see the order of their ceremonies of their communion of the which to declare the whole order with the number of their ceremonious crossings it were to long Wherefore least I should offend any man I leaue it vnwritten but onely that I noted well that in all their Communion or seruice not one did euer kneele nor yet in any of their Churches could I euer see any grauen images but painted or portrayed Alâ—o they haue store of lampes alight almost for euery image one Their women are alwayes seperated from the menâ— and generally they are in the lower ende of the Church This night we went aboord the ship although the wind were contrary we did it because the patrone should not find any lacke of vsâ— as sometimes he did when as tarying vpon his owne businesse he would colour it with the delay of the pilgrimes The 14. day in the morning we set saile and lost sight of the Island of Cyprus and the 15. day we were likewise at Sea and sawe no land and the 16. day towards night we looked for land but we sawe none But because we supposed our selues to be neere our port we tooke in all our sailes except onely the foresaile and the missen and so we remained all that night The 17. day in the morning we were by report of the Mariners some sixe miles from Iaffa but it prooued contrary But because we would be sure wee came to an anker seuen mileâ— from the shore and sent the skiffe with the Pilot and the master gunner to learne the coast but they returned not hauing seen tree nor house nor spoken with any man But when they came to the sea side againe they went vp a little hill standing hard by the brinke whereon as they thought they sawe the hill of Ierusalem by the which the Pilot knew after his iudgement that wee were past our port And so this place where we rode was as the mariners sayd about 50. mile from Iaffa This coast all alongst is very lowe plaine white sandie and desert for which cause it hath fewe markes or none so that we rode here as it were in a gulfe betweene two Capes The 18. day we abode still at anker looking for a gale to returne backe but it was contrary and the 19. we set saile but the currant hauing more force then the winde we were driuen backe insomuch that the ship being vnder saile we cast the sounding lead notwithstanding the wind it remained before the shippeâ— there wee had muddie ground at fifteene fadome The same day about 4. of the clocke wee set saile againe and sayled West alongst the coast with a fresh side-winde It chanced by fortune that the shippes Cat lept into the Sea which being downe kept her selfe very valiauntly aboue water notwithstanding the great waues still swimming the which the master knowing he caused the Skiffe with halfe a dosen men to goe towards her and fetch her againe when she was almost halfe a mile from the shippe and all this while the shippe lay on staâ—es I hardly beleeue they would haue made such haste and meanes if one of the company had bene in the like perill They made the more haste because it was the patrons cat This I haâ—e written onely to note the estimation that cats are in among the Italians for generally they esteeme their cattes as in England we esteeme a good Spaniell The same night about tenne of the clocke the winde calmed and because none of the shippe knewe where we were we let fall an anker about 6 mile from the place we were at before and there wee had muddie ground at twelue fathome The 20 it was still calme and the current so strong still one way that we were not able to stemme
Almighty God and of our Princes you shall friendly fulfill this our iust demaund as it behoueth you to shew your selfe a prudent Gouernour and faithfull seruant vnto your Lord and the same may turne to your great honour and profite by the trade of marchandize which our men in time to come may vse in that gouernment of yours which generally as well those poore men as all others which you shall meete at the sea ought to be according to the commandement of the Grand Signior friendly entertained and receiued of your honourable Lordship and we will not faile in the dueties of a speciall friend whensoeuer you shal haue occasion to vse vs as we desire Almighty God grant vnto your Lordship in the fulfilling of this our iust request whereby wee may be deliuered from further trouble in this matter and your selfe from further displeasure all true felicitie and increase of honour Gâ—uen in our Pallace from Rapamat in Pera the 15. of Ianuarie 1585. The voyage of Master Henry Austell by Venice and thence to Ragusa ouer land and so to Constantinople and from thence by Moldauia Polonia Silesia and Germanie to Hamburg c. THe 9. of Iune we tooke shipping at Harewich and the next day landed at the Ramekins in the Isle of Walcheren with very stormy weather and that night went to Middleburch in the same Island The twelft we tooke shipping for Holland and the 13. we landed at Schiedam and the same day went to Delft by boat and so that night to the Hage The 17. we tooke shipping at Amsterdam and the 18. we landed at Enckhuysen The 19. we tooke shipping and by the Zuydersee we passed that day the Vlie and so into the maine sea And the next day we entred into the riuer of Hamburg called the Elbe The 21. we came to anker in the same riuer before a towne of the bishop of Brâ—me called Staden where they pay a certaine toll and specially for wine and so that night wee landed at Hamburg where we stayde three dayes The 24. wee departed from Hamburg in the company of Edward Parish Marchant and that day wee baited at Wyntson and so ouer the heathes we left Lunenburg on the lâ—fâ— hand and trauailed all that night The 25. we met with Master Sanders vpon the heathes and passed by a towne of the duke of Lunenborg called Geffherne and from thence through many waters wee lay that night within an English mile of Brunswig The 27. we lay at Halberstat which is a great towne subiect to the bishop of that towne The 28. we baâ—ted at Erinsleiben and there wee entred into the duke of Saxon his countrey and the same night we lay at a towne called Eisleben where Martine Luther was borne The 29. we passed by Mansfield where there are many Copper mines and so that night went to Neuburg vpon the riuer of Sala and at that time there was a great faire The 30. we baited at a proper towne called Iena vpon the same riuer and the same night wee lay at Cone vpon that riuer The first of Iuly we baited at Salfeld and the same day we entred first into the great woods of firre trees and that night to Greuandal The second to dinner to Neustat The 3. day to dinner at Bamberg and before wee came to the towne wee passed the riuer of Mayne that runneth towards Arnfurt and that night to Forchaim The 4. we came to Nurenberg and there stayed two dayes The 6. to bed to Blayfield The 7. we passed without Weissenburg to dinner at Monhaim and that night we passed the riuer of Danubius at Tonewertd and so to bed to Nurendof The 8. we came to Augspurg otherwise called Augusta vpon the riuer of Lech The 9. we lay at Landsberg vpon the said riuer in the duke of Bauars countrey The 10. to dinner at Suanego and that night to Hamber against the mountaines where the small toyes be made The 11. to dinner to Parcberk that night to Sefelt in the Archduke of Austria his countrey The 12. to dinner at Inspruck that night to bed at Landeck where there is a toll and it is the place where Charles the fift and his brother Ferdinand did meet And there is a table of brasse with Latine letters in memorie thereof The 13. we passed by Stizen and dined at Prisena and so that night to Clusen The 14. to dinner at Bolsan and to bed at Neumark and by the way we passed the dangerous place where so many murthers haue bene committed The 15. to dinner at Trent That day we entred the borders of Italy that night to Lenigo The 16. to dinner at Grigno where the last toll of the Emperour is and so we came by Chursa which is a streight passage And the keeper thereof is drawne vp by a cord into his holde And that night we went to Capana to bed in the countrey of the Venetians The 17. to dinner at castle Franco by the way we stayed at Taruiso and there tooke coche and that night came to Mestre to bed The 18. in the morning we came to Venice and there we stayed 15. dayes In which time the duke of Venice called Nicolas de Ponte died and we saw his burial The Senators were continually shut vp together as the maner is to chuse a newe duke which was not yet chosen when we departed from thence The 2. of August at night wee did embarke our selues vpon the Frigate of Cattaro an hauen neere Ragusa The 3. we came to a towne in Istria called Citta noua The 4. we came to Parenzo and so that night to Forcera of the bishop The 5. we passed by Rouigno and a litle beyond we met with 3. Galies of the Venetians we passed in the sight of Pola and the same day passed the gulfe that parteth Istria from Dalmatia The 6. of August we came to Zara in Dalmatia a strong towne of the Venetians and so that night to Sebenico which standeth in a marueilous goodly hauen with a strong castle at the entrie thereof The 7. we came to Lezina and went not on shoore but traueiled all night The 8. we passed by a very wel seated town called Curzola which standeth in an island of that name The 9. in the morning be times we landed at Ragusa and there stayed three daies where we found many friendly gentlemen The 11. being prouided of a Ianizarie we departed from Ragusa in the company of halfe a dosen Marchants of that towne and within 6. miles we entred into the countrey of Seruia So1 trauelling in barren and craggie mountaines for the space of foure dayes wee came by a small Towne of the Turkes called Chiernisa being the 14. of the moneth and there wee parted from the Marchants The 16. we dined in a Cauarsara in a Towne called Focea being then greatly infected with the plague The 17. we lay by a
Reichenbach The 19. we passed by Baudzen and Cannitz and that night to Rensperg The 20. we passed by Hayn by Strelen where we should haue passed the riuer of Elbe but the boate was not there so that night we lay at a towne called Mulberg The 21. we passed the said riuer wee went by Belgern by Torga by Dumitch and at night to Bretsch The 22. wee passed the Elbe againe at Wittenberg which is a very strong towne with a good Uniuersitie and that day we passed by Coswig The 23. wee passed through Zerbst in the morning and that night to Magdeburg a very strong Towne and well gouerned as wee did heare The most part of the Countrey after wee were come one dayes iourney on this side Breslawe to this place belongeth to the Duke of Saxon. The 24. wee passed by a castle of the Marques of Brandenburg called Wolmerstat and that night we lay at Garleben The 25. wee lay at Soltwedel The 26. at Berg. The 27. we baited at Lunenborg that night we lay at Winson The 28. we came to Hamborg and there stayed one weeke The 5. of December wee departed from Hamborg and passed the Elbe by boate being much frosen and from the riuer went on foote to Boxtehoede being a long Dutch mile off and there we lay and from thence passed ouer land to Emden Thence hauing passed through Friseland and Holland the 25. being Christmas day in the morning we came to Delft where wee found the right honourable the Earle of Leicester with a goodly company of Lords knights gentlemen and souldiers The 28. at night to Roterodam The 29. to the Briel and there stayed eight dayes for passage The fifth of Ianuary we tooke shipping The 7. we landed at Grauesend and so that night at London with the helpe of almightie God The Turkes passeport or safeconduct for Captaine Austell and Iacomo Manuchio KNow thou which art Voyuoda of Bogdania Valachia other our officers abiding and dwelling on the way by which men commonly passe into Bogdania and Valachia that the Embassador of England hauing two English gentlemen desirous to depart for England the one named Henry Austel and the other Iacomo de Manuchio requested our highnesse letters of Safeconduct to passe through our dominions with one seruant to attende on them Wherefore wee straightly charge you and all other our seruants by whom they shall passe that hauing receiued this our commandement you haue diligent care and regard that they may haue prouided for them in this their iourney for their money all such necessary prouision as shal be necessary for themselues and their horses in such sort as they may haue no cause hereafter to complaine of you And if by chaunce they come vnto any place where they shal stand in feare either of their persons or goods that then you carefully cause them to bee guarded with your men and to be conducted through all suspected places with sufficient company But haue great regard that they conuey not out of our countrey any of our seruiceable horses Obey our commandement and giue credite to this our Seale A Passeport of the Earle of Leicester for Thomas Forster gentleman trauailing to Constantinople RObertus Comes Leicestriae baro de Denbigh ordinum Garterij Sancti Michaelis eques auratus Serenissimae Regine Angliae a Secretioribus consilijs magister equorum dux capitaneus generalis exercitus eiusdem Regiae maiestatis in Belgio gubernator generalis Hollandiae Zelandiae prouinciarum vnitarum associatarum omnibus and quos praesentes literae petuenerint salutem Cùm lator praesentium Thomas Forster nobilis Anglus necessarijs de causis hinc Constantinopolim profecturus si◠inde ad nos quanta potest celeritate reuersurus petimus ab omnibus singulis Regibus principibus nobilibus magistratibus alijs mandent permittant dicto Thomae cum duobus famulis liberum transirum per corum ditiones territoria sine detentione aut impedimento iniusto prouideri sibi de necessarijs iustum precium reddenti ac aliter conuenienter humaniter tractari vt occasiones eius eundi redeundi requirent Sicut nos Maiestates Serenitates Celsitudines dominationes vestrae paratos inuenietis vt vestratibus in similibus casibus gratum similiter faciamus Datum in castris nostris Duisburgi decimo die Septembris anno 1586. stylo veteri A description of the yeerely voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahumitans Turkes and Moores vnto Mecca in Arabia Of the Citie of Alexandria ALexandria the most ancient citie in Africa situated by the seaside containeth seuen miles in circuite and is enuironed with two walles one neere to the other with high towers but the walles within be farre higher then those without with a great ditch round about the same yet is not this Citie very strong by reason of the great antiquitie being almost halfe destroyed and ruinated The greatnesse of this Citie is such that if it were of double habitation as it is compassed with a double wall it might be truely said that there were two Alexandrias one builded vpon another because vnder the foundations of the saide City are great habitations and incredible huge pillers True it i◠that this part vnderneath remaineth at this day inhabitable because of the corrupt aire as also for that by tune which consumeth all things it is greatly ruinated It might well be sayd that the founder hereof as he was worthy in all his enterprises so likewise in building hereof he did a worke worthy of himselfe naming it after his owne name This Citie hath one defect for it is subiect to an euill ayre which onely proceedeth of that hollownesse vnderneath out of the which issueth infinite moisture and that this is true the ayre without doth euidently testifie which is more subtile and holesome then that beneath The waters hereof be salt by reason that the soile of it selfe is likewise so And therefore the inhabitants at such time as the riuer Nilus floweth are accustomed to open a great ditch the head wherof extendeth into the said riuer and from thence they conueigh the same within halfe a mile of Alexandria and so consequently by meanes of conduct-pipes the water commeth vnto the cesternes of Alexandria which being full serue the citie from one inundation to another Within the citie is a Pyramide mentioned of in Histories but not of great importance Without the citie is La colonna di Pompeio or the pillar of Pompey being of such height and thicknesse that it is supposed there is not the like in the whole world besides Within the citie there is nothing of importance saue a litle castle which is guarded with 60 Ianizaries Alexandria hath three portes one towardes Rossetto another to the land ward the third to the sea ward which is called Babelbar without which appeareth a broad Iland called Ghesira in the Moores tongue which is not wholy an Iland
almost there is not any passage From Cao Comori to the Iland of Zeilan is 120. miles ouerthwart Zeilan ZEilan is an Iland in my iudgement a great deale bigger then Cyprus on that side towards the Indies lying Westward is the citie called Columba which is a hold of the Portugales but without walles or enimies It hath towards the Sea a free port the lawfull king of that Iland is in Columbo and is turned Christian and maintained by the king of Portugall being depriued of his kingdome The king of the Gentiles to whom this kingdome did belong was called Madoni which had two sonnes the first named Barbinas the prince and the second Ragine This king by the pollicie of his yoonger sonne was depriued of his kingdome who because hee had entised and done that which pleased the armie and souldiours in despight of his father and brother being prince vsurped the kingdome and became a great warriour First this Iland had three kings the king of Cotta with his conquered prisoners the king of Candia which is a part of that Iland and is so called by the name of Candia which had a reasonable power ◠and was a great friend to the Portugals which sayd that hee liued secretly a Christian the third was the king of Gianifampatan In thirteene yeeres that this Ragine gouerned this Iland he became a great tyrant In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom great store of Pepper great store of Nuttes and Arochoe there they make great store of Cairo to make Cordage it bringeth foorth great store of Christall Cats eyes or Ochi de Gati and they say that they finde there some Rubies but I haue sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from Pegu. I was desirous to see how they gather the Sinamom or take it from the tree that it groweth on and so much the rather because the time that I was there was the season which they gather it in which was in the moneth of Aprill at which time the Portugals were in armes and in the field with the king of the countrey yet I to satisfie my desire although in great danger tooke a guide with mee and went into a wood three miles from the Citie in which wood was great store of Sinamome trees growing together among other wilde trees and this Sinamome tree is a small tree and not very high and hath leaues like to our Baie tree In the moneth of March or Aprill when the sappe goeth vp to the toppe of the tree then they take the Sinamom from that tree in this wise They cut the barke of the tree round about in length from knot to knot or from ioint to ioint aboue and belowe and then easilie with their handes they take it away laying it in the Sunne to drie and in this wise it is gathered and yet for all this the tree dieth not but agaynst the next yeere it will haue a new barke and that which is gathered euery yeere is the best Sinamome for that which groweth two or three yeeres is great and not so good as the other is and in these woods groweth much Pepper Negapatan FRom the Iland of Zeilan men vse to goe with small shippes to Negapatan within the firme land and seuentie two miles off is a very great Citie and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the countrey and part Gentiles it is a countrey of small trade neither haue they any trade there saue a good quantitie of Rice and cloth of Bumbast which they carie into diuers partes it was a very plentifull countrey of victuals but now it hath a great deale lesse and that abundance of victuals caused many Portugales to goe thither and build houses and dwell there with small charge This Citie belongeth to a noble man of the kingdome of Bezeneger being a Gentile neuerthelesse the Portugales and other Christians are well intreated there and haue their Churches there with a monasterie of Saint Francis order with great deuotion and very well accommodated with houses round about yet for all this they are amongst tyrants which alwayes at their pleasure may doe them some harme as it happened in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and fiue for I remember very well how that the Nayer that is to say the lord of the citie sent to the citizens to demaund of them certaine Arabian horses and they hauing denied them vnto him and gainesayd his demaund it came to passe that this lord had a desire to see the Sea which when the poore citizens vnderstood they doubted some euill to heare a thing which was not woont to bee they thought that this man would come to sacke the Citie and presently they embarked themselues the best they could with their mooueables marchandize iewels money and all that they had and caused the shippes to put from the shore When this was done as their euill chance would haue it the next night following there came such a great storme that it put all the shippes on land perforce and brake them to pieces and all the goods that came on land and were saued were taken from them by the souldiours and armie of this lord which came downe with him to see the Sea and were attendant at the Sea side not thinking that any such thing would haue happened Saint Thomas or San Tome FRom Negapatan following my voyage towards the East an hundred and fiftie miles I found the house of blessed Saint Thomas which is a Church of great deuotion and greatly regarded of the Gentiles for the great miracles they haue heard to haue bene done by that blessed Apostle neere vnto this Church the Portugals haue builded them a Citie in the countrey subiect to the king of Bezeneger which citie although it bee not very great yet in my iudgement it is the fairest in all that part of the Indies and it hath very faire houses and faire gardens in vacant places very well accommodated it hath streete◠large and streight with many Churches of great deuotion their houses be set close one vn 〈◊〉 other with little doores euery house hath his defence so that by that meanes it is of force sufficient to defend y e Portugals against the people of that countrey The Portugals there haue no other possession but their gardens and houses that are within the citie the customes belong to the king of Bezeneger which are very small and easie for that it is a countrey of great riches and great trade there come euery yeere two or three great ships very rich besides many other small ships one of the two great ships goeth for Pegu and the other for Malacca laden with fine Bumbast cloth of euery sort painted which is a rare thing because those kinde of clothes shew as they were gilded with diuers colours and the more they be washed the liuelier the colours will shew Also there is other cloth of Bumbast which is wouen with
the fayres to buy my commodities with the marchants And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke of the water of the riuer Ganges yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer then the water of Nilus is From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin and from Cochin to Malacca from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred miles distant That voyage is woont to be made in fiue and twentie or thirtie dayes but we were foure moneths and at the ende of three moneths our ship was without victuals The Pilot told vs that wee were by his altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary in the kingdome of Pegu and these his words were not true but we were as it were in the middle of many Ilands and many vninhabited rockes and there were also some Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land and knewe also where the citie of Tanasari was This citie of right belongeth to the kingdome of Sion which is situate on a great riuers side which commeth out of the kingdome of Sion and where this riuer runneth into the sea there is a village called Mirgim in whose harbour euery yeere there lade some ships with Uerzina Nypa and Beniamin a few cloues nutmegs and maces which come from the coast of Sion but the greatest marchandise there is Uerzin and Nypa which is an excellent wine which is made of the floure of a tree called Nyper Whose liquour they distill and so make an excellent drinke cleare as christall good to the mouth and better to the stomake and it hath an excellent gentle vertue that if one were rotten with the french pockes drinking good store of this he shall be whole againe and I haue seene it proued because that when I was in Cochin there was a friend of mine whose nose beganne to drop away with that disease and he was counselled of the doctors of phisicke that he should goe to Tanasary at the time of the new wines and that he should drinke of the nyper wine night and day as much as he could before it was distilled which at that time is most delicate but after that it is distilled it is more strong and if you drinke much of it it will fume into the head with drunkennesse This man went thither and did so and I haue scene him after with a good colour and sound This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies and for that it is brought so farre off it is very deare in Pegu ordinarily it is good cheape because it is neerer to the place where they make it and there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof And returning to my purpose I say being amongst these rockes and farre from the land which is ouer against Tanasary with great scarcitie of victuals and that by the saying of the Pylot and two Portugales holding then firme that wee were in front of the aforesayd harbour we determined to goe thither with our boat and fetch victuals and that the shippe should stay for vs in a place assigned We were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for victuals and on a day about twelue of the clocke we went from the ship assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid port wee rowed all that day and a great part of the next night and all the next day without finding harbour or any signe of good landing and this came to passe through the euill counsell of the two Portugales that were with vs. For we had ouershot the harbour and left it behind vs in such wise that we had lost the lande inhabited together with the shippe and we eight and twentie men had no maner of victuall with vs in the boate but it was the Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a litle rice with him in the boate to barter away for some other thing and it was not so much but that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale I tooke the gouernment of this Ryce promising that by the helpe of God that Ryce should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some place that was inhabited when I slept I put the ryce into my bosome because they should not rob it from me we were nine daies rowing alongst the coast without finding any thing but countreys vninhabited desert Ilands where if we had found but grasse it would haue seemed sugar vnto vs but wee could not finde any yet we found a fewe leaues of a tree and they were so hard that we could not chewe them we had water and wood sufficient and as wee rowed we could goe but by flowing water for when it was ebbing water wee made fast our boat to the banke of one of those Ilandes and in these nine dayes that we rowed we found a caue or nest of Tortoises egges wherein were one hundred fortie and foure egges the which was a great helpe vnto vs these egges are as bigge as a hennes egge and haue no shell aboue them but a tender skinne euery day we sodde a kettle full of those egges with an handfull of rice in the broth thereof it pleased God that at the ende of nine dayes we discouered certaine fisher men a fishing with small barkes and we rowed towardes them with a good cheare for I thinke there were neuer men more glad then we were for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie that we could scarce stande on our legges Yet according to the order that we set for our ryce when we sawe those fisher men there was left sufficient for foure dayes The first village that we came to was in the gulfe of Tauay vnder the king of Pegu whereas we found great store of victuals then for two or three dayes after our arriuall there we would eate but litle meate any of vs and yet for all this we were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to Martauan in the kingdome of Pegu are seuentie two miles We laded our bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for sixe moneths from whence we departed for the port and Citie of Martauan where in short time we arriued but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her And they found her in great calamitie and neede of water being at an anker with a contrary winde which came very ill to passe because that she wanted her boat a moneth which should haue made her prouision of wood and water the shippe also by the grace of God arriued safely in the aforesaid port of Martauan The Citie of Martauan WE found in the Citie of Martauan ninetie Portugales of Merchants and other base men which had fallen at difference with the Retor or gouernour of the citie and all for this cause that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales had slaine fiue
they were come within 3. English miles of the towne and made after them in all possible haste and although they saw that they were farre out of their reach yet in a vaine fury and foolish pride they shot off their Ordinance and made a stirre in the Sea as if they had bene in the midst of them which vanitie of theirs ministred to our men notable matter of pleasure and mirth seeing men to fight with shadowes and to take so great paines to so small purpose But thus it pleased God to deride and delude all the forces of the proud Spanish king which he had prouided of purpose to distresse the English who notwithstanding passed through both his Armies in the one little hurt and in the other nothing touched to the glory of his immortall Name the honour of our Prince and Countrey and the iust commendation of ech mans seruice performed in that voyage The returne of Master VVilliam Harborne from Constantinople ouer land to London 1588. I Departed from Constantinople with 30. persons of my suit and family the 3. of August Passing through the Countries of Thracia now called Romania the great Valachia Moldauia where ariuing the 5. of September I was according to the Grand Signior his commandement very courteously interteined by Peter his positiue prince a Greeke by profession with whom was concluded that her Maiesties subiects there trafiquing should pay but three vpon the hundreth which as well his owne Subiects as all other nations answere whose letters to her Maiestie be extant Whence I proceeded into Poland where the high Chanceler sent for mee the 27. of the same moneth And after most honorable intertainment imparted with me in secret maner the late passed and present occurrents of that kingdome also he writ to her Maiestie Thence I hasted vnto Elbing where the 12. of October I was most friendly welcomed by the Senate of that City whom I finde and iudge to be faithfully deuoted to her Maiesties seruice whose letters likewise vnto the same were presented me No lesse at Dantzik the 27. of that moneth I was courteously receiued by one of the Buroughmasters accompanied with two others of the Senate a Ciuil doctor their Secretarie After going through the land of Pomer I rested one day at Stetin where for that y â— duke was absent nothing ensued At Rostoke I passed through the Citie without any stay and at Wismar receiued like friendly greeting as in the other places but at Lubeck for that I came late and departed early in the morning I was not visited At Hamburg the 19. of Nouember and at Stoad the ninth of December in like maner I was saluted by a Boroughmaster and the Secretarie and in all these places they presented mee sundry sorts of their best wine and fresh fish euery of them with a long discourse congratulating in the names of their whole Senate her Maiesties victory ouer the Spaniard and my safe returne concluding with offer of their ready seruice to her future disposing Yet the Dantziks after my departure thence caused the Marchants to pay custome for the goods they brought with them in my company which none other towne neither Infidels nor Christians on y â— way euer demanded And notwithstanding the premisses I was most certainly informed of sundry of our nation there resident that most of the Hanse-towns vpon the sea coasts especially Dantzik Lubeck and Hamborough haue laden and were shipping for Spaine great prouision of corne cables ropes powder saltpeter hargubusses armour iron leade copper and all other munition seruing for the warre Whereupon I gather their fained courtesie proceeded rather for feare then of any good affection vnto her Maiesties seruice Elbing and Stoad onely excepted which of duetie for their commoditie I esteemed well affected The priuilege of Peter the Prince of Moldauia graunted to the English Marchants PEtrus Dei gratia princeps Valachiae Moldauiae significamus praesentibus vniuersis singulis quorum interest ac intererit quòd cum magnifico domino Guilielmo Hareborne oratore Serenissimae ac potentissimae dominae dominae Elizabethae Dei gratia Angliae Franciae ac Hiberniae Reginae apud Serenissimum ac potentissimum Turcarum Imperatorem hanc constitutionem fecerimus Nimirùm vt dehinc sue Serenitatis subditis omnibusqúe mercatoribus integrum sit hìc in prouincia nostra commorandi conuersandi mercandi vendendi contrahendÃque imo omnia exercendi quae mercaturae ac vitae humanae societas vÃusqúe requirit sine vlla alicuius contradictione aut inhibitione saluo ac integro tamen iure Telonij nostri hocest vt a singulis rebus centum ducatorum pretij tres numerent Quod ratum ac fitmum constitutione nostra haberi volumus In cuius rei firmius testimonium sigillum nostrum appressum est Actum in castris nostris die 27. mensis Augusti anno Domini 1588. The same in English PEter by the grace of God prince of Valachia and Moldauia we signifie by these presents to all and singuler persons whom it doth or shall concerne that we haue made this agreement with the worthy gentleman William Hareborne Ambassador of the right high and mighty prince the Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland with the most puissant and mightie Emperour of the Turkes To witte that fromhencefoorth it shal be lawfull for her highnesse subiects and all her Marchants to remaine conuerse buy sel bargaine and exercise all such things as the trade of marchandise and humane societie and vse requireth without any hinderance or let the right of our Custome alwayes reserued That is that they pay three ducats vpon all such things as amount to the price of one hundred ducats Which by this our ordinance we command to be surely and firmely obserued For the more assured testimony whereof our seale is hereunto annexed Giuen in our Campe the 27. of the moneth of August in the yeere of our Lord 1588. A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly paiments answered quarterly in time of peace by the Grand Signior out of his Treasurie to the Officers of his Seraglio or Court successiuely in degrees collected in a yeerely totall summe as followeth FOr his owne diet euery day one thousand and one aspers according to a former custome receiued from his auncestors notwithstanding that otherwise his diurnall expence is very much and not certainly knowen which summe maketh sterling money by the yere two thousand one hundred 92. pounds three shillings eight pence The fiue and fourtie thousand Ianizaries dispersed in sundry places of his dominions at sixe aspers the day amounteth by the yeere to fiue hundreth fourescore and eleuen thousand and three hundreth pounds The Azamoglans tribute children farre surmount that number for that they are collected from among the Christians from whom betweene the yeeres of sixe and twelue they are pulled away yeerely perforce whereof I suppose those in seruice may be equall in number
lands The Lord Chancellor is called Nissangi Bassa who sealeth with a certaine proper character such licences safe conducts passeports especiall graunts c. as proceed from the Grand Signior not withstanding all letters to forreine princes so firmed be after inclosed in a bagge and sealed by the Grand Signior with a signet which he ordinarily weareth about his necke credited of them to haue bene of ancient appertayning to king Salomon the wise The Admirall giueth his voyce in the election of all Begs Captaines of Islandes to whom hee giueth their charge as also appointeth the Subbassas Bayliffes or Constables ouer Cities and Townes vpon the Sea coastes about Constantinople and in the Archipelago whereof hee reapeth great profit The Subbassi of Pera payeth him yeerely fifteene thousande ducats and so likewise either of the others according as they are placed The Ressistop serueth in office to the Uiceroy and Chancellor as Secretary and so likewise doeth the Cogie Master of the Rolls before which two passe all writings presented to or granted by the said Uiceroy and Chancellor offices of especiall credite and like profite moreouer rewarded with annuities of lands There are also two chiefe Iudges named Cadi Lesker the one ouer Europe and the other ouer Asia and Africa which in Court doe sit on the Bench at the left hand of the Bassas These sell all offices to the vnder Iudges of the land called Cadies whereof is one in euery Citie or towne before whom all matters in controuersie are by iudgement decided as also penalties and corrections for crimes ordained to be executed vpon the offenders by the Subbassi The number of Souldiers continually attending vpon the Beglerbegs the gouernours of Prouinces and Saniacks and their petie Captaines mainteined of these Prouinces The Beglerbegs Of persons GRaecia fourtie thousand Buda fifteene thousand Sclauonia fifteene thousand Natolia fifteene thousand Caramania fifteene thousand Armonia eighteene thousand Persia twentie thousand Vsdrum fifteene thousand Chirusta fifteene thousand Caraemiti thirtie thousand Giersul two and thirtie thousand The Beglerbegs Of persons BAgdat fiue and twentie thousand Balsara two and twenty thousand Lassaija seuenteene thousand Alepo fiue and twentie thousand Damasco seuenteene thousand Cayro twelue thousand Abes twelue thousand Mecca eight thousand Cyprus eighteene thousand Tunis in Barbary eight thousand Tripolis in Syria eight thousand Alger fourtie thousand Whose Sangiacks and petie Captaines be three hundred sixtie eight euery of which retaining continually in pay from fiue hundreth to two hundreth Souldiers may be one with another at the least three hundreth thousand persons Chiefe officers in his Seraglio about his person Be these CApiaga High porter Alnader Bassi Treasurer Oda Balsi Chamberlaine Killergi Bassi Steward Saraiaga Comptroller Peskerolen Groome of the chamber Edostoglan Gentleman of the Ewer Sehetaraga Armour bearer Choataraga he that carieth his riding cloake Ebietaraga Groome of the stoole There be many other maner Officers which I esteeme superfluous to write The Turkes yeerely reuenue THe Grand Signiors annual reuenue is said to be foureteene Millions and an halfe of golden ducats which is sterling fiue millions eight score thousand pounds The tribute payd by the Christians his Subiects is one gold ducat yeerely for the redemption of euery head which may amount vnto not so litle as one Million of golden ducats which is sterling three hundred threescore thousand pounds Moreouer in time of warre he exacteth manifolde summes for maintenance of his Armie and Nauie of the said Christians The Emperour payeth him yeerely tribute for Hungary threescore thousand dollers which is sterling thirteene thousand pound besides presents to the Uiceroy and Bassas which are said to surmount to twentie thousand dollers Ambassadors allowances THe Ambassadour of the Emperor is allowed one thousand Aspers the day The Ambassadour of the French king heretofore enioyed the like but of late yeeres by meanes of displeasure conceiued by Mahumet then Viceroy it was reduced to sixe crownes the day beside the prouision of his Esquier of his stable The Ambassadours of Poland and for the state of Venice are not Ligiers as these two abouesaid The said Polack is allowed 12. French crownes the day during his abode which may be for a moneth Uery seldome do the state of Venice send any Ambassador otherwise then enforced of vrgent necessity but in stead thereof keepe there their Agent president ouer other Marchants of them termed a bailife who hath none allowance of the Grand Signior although his port state is in maner as magnifical as the other aforesaid ambassadors The Spanish Ambassador was equall with others in Ianizaries but for so much as he would not according to custome folow the list of other ambassadors in making presents to y e Grand Signior he had none alowance His abode there was 3. yeres at the end wherof hauing coÌ„cluded a truce for 6. yeres taking place froÌ„ his first comming in Nouember last past 1580. he was not admitted to the presence of the Grand Signior The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellour to Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signior to the sacred Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England shewing that vpon her request and for her sake especially hee graunted peace vnto the King and kingdome of Poland GLoriosissima splendore fulgidissima foeminarum selectissima Princeps magnanimorum â—ESVM sectantium regni inclyti Angliae Regina Serenissima Elizabetha moderatrix rerum negotiorum omnium plebis familiae Nazarenorum sapientissima Origo splendoris gloriae dulcissima nubes pluuiarum gratissima heres domina beatitudinis gloriae regni inclyti Anglie ad quam omnes supplices confugiunt incrementum omnium rerum actionum Serenitatis vestrae beatissimum exitusque foelicissimos à Creatore omnipotente optantes mutuáeque perpetua familiaritate nostra digna vota laudes sempiterâ—as offerentes Significamus Ser. vestrae amicisimè Quia sunt anni aliquot à quibus annis potentissima Cesarea celsitudo bella ineffabilia cuÌ„ Casul-bas Principe nempe Persarum gessit ratione quorum bellorum in partes alias belluÌ„ mouere noluit ob eamque causam in partibus Polonie latâ—ones quidam Cosaci nuncupati alij facinorosi in partibus illis existentes subditos Cesaris potentissimi turbare infestare non desierunt Nunc autem partibus Persicis compositis absolutis in partibus Polonie alijs partibus exurgentes facinoâ—osos punire constiruens Beglerbego Greciae exercitu aliquo adiuncto Principi Tartarorum mandato Cesaris misso anno proximè preterito pars aliqua Regni Poloniae infestata turbata deuastaâ—a fuit Cosaci alijque facinorosi iuxtra merita sua puniti fuerunt Quo rex Polonie viso duos legatos ad CesareaÌ„ celsitudineÌ„ mittens quòd facinorosos exquirere poena perfecta punire ab annis multis ad portam Cesaree celsitudinis missum munus augere vellet significauiâ— Cesarea autem celsitudo cui Creator omnipotens tantam suppeditauit potentiam
Tenerif haue it standeth in twenty seuen degrees and a halfe The Iland of Yron called Hierro THis Iland standeth ten leagues distant from the Iland of Palma Westward it is but a little Iland which containeth sixe leagues in circuit and hath but small extension It appertaineth to the earle of Gomera The chiefest commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell There is no wine in all that Iland but onely one vineyard that an English man of Taunton in the West countrey planted among rocks his name was Iohn Hill This Iland hath no kind of fresh water but onely in the middle of the Iland groweth a great tree with leaues like an Oliue tree which hath a great cisterne at the foot of the sayd tree This tree continually is couered with clouds and by meanes thereof the leaues of the sayd tree continually drop water very sweet into the sayd cisterne which commeth to the sayd tree from the clouds by attraction And this water sufficeth the Iland for all necessities aswell for the cattell as for the inhabitanes It standeth in 27 degrees The Iland of Lanzarota THe Iland of Lanzarota standeth eighteene leagues distant from grand Canaria Southeastward The onely commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell It is an earledome and doth appertaine to Don Augustine de Herrera with title of earle of Fortauentura and Lanzarota But the vassals of these earledomes may in any cause of wrong appeale to the Kings Iudges which reside in Canaria as I haue sayd before because although the king hath reserued to himselfe but onely the three fruitfull Ilands called Canaria Tenerif and Palma yet he also reserued the rod of iustice to himselfe because otherwise the vassals might be euill intreated of their Lords From this Iland do weekly resort to Canaria Tenerif Palma boats laden with dried goats flesh called Tussinetta which serueth in stead of bacon and is very good meat This Iland standeth in 26 degrees and is in length twelue leagues The I le of Forteuentura THe I le of Forteuentura standeth fifty leagues from the promontory of Cabo de Guer in the firme land of Africa and foure twenty leagues distant from Canaria Estward This Iland doth appertaine to the lord of Lanzarota It is reasonable fruitfull of wheat and barley and also of kine goats and orchel this I le is fifteene leagues long and ten leagues broad On the North side it hath a little Iland about one league distant from the maine Iland betweene both of the which it is nauigable for any ships and is called Graciosa Both Forteuentura and Lanzarota haue very little wine of the growth of those Ilands It standeth in 27 degrees Thus much haue I written of these seuen Ilands by experience because I was a dweller there as I haue sayd before the space of seuen yeeres in the affaires of master Thomas Locke master Anthonie Hickman and master Edward Castelin who in those dayes were worthy merchants and of great credite in the citie of London A description of the Iland of Madera THe Iland of Madera standeth in 32 degrees distant from the equinoctinall line and seuentie leagues from the I le of Tenerif Northeastward and Southwest from Hercules pillars This Iland was first discouered by one Macham an Englishman and was after conquered and inhabited by the Portugall nationâ— It was first called the Iland of Madera by reason of the great wildernesse of sundry sortes of trees that there did growe and yet doe as Cedars Cypres Uinatico Barbuzano Pine trees and diuers others and therefore the sayd Iland continueth still with the same name Howbeit they hold opinion that betweene the fayd Iland and the I le of Palma is an Iland not yet discouered which is the true Iland Madera called saint Brandon This Iland yeeldeth a great summe of money to the king of Portugall yeerely it hath one faire citie called Fouchall which hath one faire port or harbour for shippes and a strong bulwarke and a faire Cathedrall church with a bishop and other dignities thereunto appertaining There is also iustice and gouernment according to the Portugall vse But causes of appellation are remitted to the citie of Lisbone in Portugall to the kings superior iudges there This Iland hath another towne called Machico which hath likewise a good road for ships which towne and road were so called after the name of Macham the Englishman who first discouered the same There are also sixteene sugar houses called Ingenios which make excellent good sugar There is besides the goodly timber before declared great store of diuers sortes of fruites as Peares Apples Plummes wild Dates Peaches of diuers sortes Mellons Batatas Orenges Lemmons Pomgranates Citrons Figges and all maner of garden herbes There are many Dragon trees such as grow in the Canarie Ilands but chiefly this land produceth great quantitie of singular good wines which are laden for many places On the North side of this land three leagues distant from the maine Iland standeth another litle Iland called Porto santo the people thereof liueth by husbandrie for the Iland of Madera yeeldeth but litle corne but rather is thereof prouided out of France and from the Iland of Tenerif On the East side of the I le of Madera sixe leagues distant standeth another litle Iland called the Desert which produceth onely Orchell and nourisheth a great number of Goates for the prouision of the maine Iland which may be thirtie leagues in circuit and the land is of great heigth where the foresayd trees growe It is woonder to see the conueyance of the water to the Ingenios by Mines through the mountaines In the mid way betweene Tenerif and the Iland of Madera standeth a litle solitarie Iland called the Saluages which may bee about one league in compasse which hath neither tree nor fruit but is onely food for Goates The orginall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of London whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam as appeareth by this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie to the worshipfull master Michael Locke which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first inuenter of this trade WOrshipfull Sir hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai if therein with my knowledge trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice I am readie to doe it and therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point Trueth it is that I haue bene by some men not my friends euill spoken of at London saying that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and Cosmographie and that I haue bene the inuenter of some voyages that be now growen to great effect yet say they maliciously and without iust cause that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that I haue taken in hand taking example especially of two
write that the king of Portugall sendeth him yeerely eight ships laden with marchandize His kingdom confineth with the red Sea and reacheth far into Afrike toward Aegypt and Barbarie Southward it confineth with the Sea toward the Cape de Bona Speranza and on the other side with the sea of sand called Mare de Sabione a very dangerous sea lying between y e great citie of Alcair or Cairo in Aegypt and the country of Aethiopia In the which way are many vnhabitable deserts continuing for the space of fiue dayes iourney And they affirme that if the sayd Christian Emperor were not hindered by those deserts in the which is great lacke of victuals especially of water he would or now haue inuaded the kingdom of Egypt and the citie of Alcair The chiefe city of Ethiopia where this great emperor is resident is called Amacaiz being a faire citie whose inhabitants are of the colour of an Oliue There are also many other cities as the city of Saua vpon the riuer of Nilus where the Emperour is accustomed to remaine in the Sommer season There is likewise a great city named Barbaregaf and Ascon from whence it is said that the Queene of Saba came to Hierusalem to heare the wisedom of Salomon This citie is but litle yet very faire and one of the chiefe cities in Ethiope In this prouince are many exceeding high mountains vpon the which is said to be the earthly paradise and some say that there are the trees of the Sunne and Moone whereof the antiquitie maketh mention yet that none can passe thither by reason of great deserts of an hundred daies iourney Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Bona Speranza And to haue said thus much of Afrike it may suffice The first voiage to Guinea and Benin IN the yeere of our Lord 1553. the twelfth day of August sailed from Portsmouth two goodly ships the Primerose and the Lion with a pinnas called the Moone being all well furnished aswell with men of the lustiest sort to the number of seuen score as also with ordinance and victuals requisite to such a voiage hauing also two captaines the one a stranger called Anthonie Anes Pinteado a Portugall borne in a towne named The Port of Portugall a wise discreet and sober man who for his running in sailing being as well an expert Pilot as a politike captaine was sometime in great fauour with the king of Portugall and to whom the coasts of Brasile and Guinea were committed to be kept from the Frenchmen to whom he was a terrour on the Sea in those parts and was furthermore a gentleman of the king his masters house But as fortune in maner neuer fauoureth but flattereth neuer promiseth but deceiueth neuer raiseth but casteth downe againe and as great wealth fauour haue alwaies companions emulation and enuie he was after many aduersities quarels made against him inforced to come into England where in this golden voyage he was euil matched with an vnequal companion and vnlike match of most sundry qualities conditions with vertues few or none adorned Thus departed these noble ships vnder saile on their voyage But first captaine Windam putting forth of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head marchants and shewing herein a muster of the tragicall partes hee had conceiued in his braine and with such small beginnings nourished so monstrous a birth that more happy yea and blessed was that yong man being left behind then if he had bene taken with them as some do wish he had done the like by theirs Thus sailed they on their voyage vntill they came to the Iland of Madera where they tooke in certaine wines for the store of their ships and paid for them as they agreed of the price At these Ilands they met with a great Galion of the king of Portugall full of men and ordinance yet such as could not haue preuailed if it had attempted to withstand or resist our ships for the which cause it was set foorth not onely to let and interrupt these our shippes of their purposed voiage but al other that should attempt the like yet chiefly to frustrate our voiage For the king of Portugall was smisterly informed that our ships were armed to his castle of Mina in those parties whereas nothing lesse was ment After that our ships departed from the Iland of Madera forward on their voiage began this worthy captaine Pinteados sorow as a man tormented with the cōpany of a terrible Hydra who hitherto flattred with him made him a faire countenance and shew of loue Then did he take vpō him to command all alone setting nought both by captain Pinteado and the rest of the marchants factors sometimes with opprobrious words and somtimes with threatnings most shamfully abusing them taking from Pinteado the seruice of the boies and certain mariners that were assigned him by the order and direction of the worshipful merchants and leauing him as a commō mariner which is the greatest despite and grief that can be to a Portugale or Spaniard to be diminished of their honor which they esteem aboue all riches Thus sailing forward on their voiage they came to the Ilands of Canarie continuing their course frō thence vntil they arriued at the Iland of S. Nicholas where they victualled thēselues with fresh meat of the flesh of wild goats whereof of is great plenty in that Iland in maner of nothing els From hence folowing on their course and tarying here there at the desert Ilands in the way because they would not come too timely to the countrey of Guinea for the heat and tarying somwhat too long for what can be well ministred in a commō wealth where inequalitie with tyrannie wil rule alone they came at the length to the first land of the country of Guinea where they fel with the great riuer of Sesto where they might for their marchandizes haue laden their ships with the graines of that countrey which is a very hote fruit and much like vnto a fig as it groweth on the tree For as the figs are full of small seeds so is the said fruit full of graines which are loose within the cod hauing in the mids thereof a hole on euery side This kind of spice is much vsed in cold countries may there be sold for great aduantage for exchange of other wares But our men by the perswasion or rather inforcement of this tragicall captaine not regarding and setting light by that commoditie in comparison of y e fine gold they thirsted sailed an hundred leagues further vntil they came to the golden land where not attempting to come neere the castle pertaining to the king of Portugall which was within the riuer of Mina they made sale of their ware only on this side beyond it for the gold of that coūtry to the quantitie of an hundred and fiftie pounds weight
the wings are let leape downe into the water some vnder some aboue woorth the looking vpon each one as he hath filled his bagge goeth to his owne barge and emptieth it which done he returneth to fish againe Thus hauing taken good store of fish they set the crowes at libertie and do suffer them to fish for their owne pleasure There were in that citie where I was twentie barges at the least of these aforesayd crowes I went almost euery day to see them yet could I neuer be throughly satisfied to see so strange a kind of fishing Of the Iland Iapan and other litle Iles in the East Ocean By R. Willes THe extreame part of the knowen world vnto vs in the noble Iland Giapan written otherwise Iapon and Iapan This Island standeth â—n the East Ocean beyond all Asia betwixt Cathayo and the West Indies sixe and thirtie degrees Northward from the Equinoctial line in the same clime with the South part of Spaine and Portugall distant from thence by sea sixe thousand leagues the trauaile thither both for ciuill discord great pyracie and often ship wracks is very dangerous This countrey is â—illie and pestered with snow wherefore it is neither so warme as Portugall nor yet so wealthy as far as we can learne wanting oyle butter cheese milke egges sugar honny vineger saffron cynamom and pepper Barley-branne the Ilanders doe vse in stead of salt medicinable things holsome for the bodie haue they none at all Neuerthelesse in that Iland sundry fruites doe growe not much vnlike the fruites of Spaine and great store of Siluer mynes are therein to be seene The people are tractable ciuill wittie courteous without deceit in vertue and honest conuersation exceeding all other nations lately discouered but so much standing vpon their reputation that their chiefe Idole may be thought honour The contempt thereof causeth among them much discord and debate manslaughter and murther euen for their reputation they doe honour their parents keepe their promises absteine from adulterie and robberies punishing by death the least robbery done holding for a principle that whosoeuer stealeth a trifle will if he see occasion steale a greater thing It may be theft is so seuerely punished of them for that the nation is oppressed with scarcitie of all things necessary and so poore that euen for miserie they strangle their owne children preferring death before want These fellowes doe neither eate nor kill any foule They liue chiefely by fish hearbes and fruites so healthfully that they die very old Of Rice and Wheat there is no great store No man is ashamed there of his pouertie neither be their gentlemen therefore lesse honoured of the meaner people neither will the poorest gentleman there match his childe with the baser sort for any gaine so much they do make more account of gentry then of wealth The greatest delight they haue is in armour each boy at fourteene yeeres of age be he borne gentle or otherwise hath his sword and dagger very good archers they be contemning all other nations in comparison of their manhood and prowesse putting not vp one iniurie be it neuer so small in worde or deede among themselues They feede moderately but they drinke largely The vse of vines they knowe not their drinke they make of Rice vtterly they doe abhorre dice and all games accounting nothing more vile in a man then to giue himselfe vnto those things that make vs greedy and desirous to get other mens goods If at any time they do sweare for that seldome they are wont to doe they sweare by the Sunne many of them are taught good letters wherfore they may so much the sooner be brought vnto Christianitie Each one is contented with one wife they be all desirous to learne naturally inclined vnto honesty courtesie godly talke they listen vnto willingly especially wheÌ„ they vnderstand it throughly Their gouernmeÌ„t coÌ„sisteth of 3 estates The first place is due vnto the high Priest by whose lawes decrees all publike and priuate matters appertayning to religion are decided The sects of their clergie men whom they doe call Bonzi be of no estimation or authoritie except the high Priest by letters patent doe confirme the same be confirmeth and alloweth of their Tundi who be as it were Bishops although in many places they are nominated by sundry Princes These Tundi are greatly honoured of all sorts they doe giue benefices vnto inferiour ministers and do grant licences for many things as to eate flesh vpon those dayes they goe in pilgrimage to their Idoles with such like priuileges Finally this high Priest wont to be chosen in China for his wisedome and learning made in Iapan for his gentry and birth hath so large a Dominion and reuenues so great that efâ—sones he beardeth the perie Kings and Princes there Their second principal Magistrate in their language Vo is the chiefe Herehaught made by succession and birth honoured as a God This Gentleman neuer toucheth the ground with his foote without for faâ—ing of his office he neuer goeth abroad out of his house nor is at all times to be seene At home he is either carried about in a litter or els he goeth in woodden Choppines a foote high from the ground commonly he siâ—teth in his chaire with a sword in one side and a bow and arrowes in the other next his bodie he weareth blacke his outward garments be red all shadowed ouer with Cypresse at his cappe hang certaine Lambeaur much like vnto a Bishops Miter his forehead is painted white and red he eateth his meat in earthen dishes This Herehaught determineth in all Iapan the diuerse titles of honour whereof in that Iland is great plentie each one particularly knowen by his badge commonly seene in sealing vp their letters and dayly altered according to their degrees About this Vo euery Noble man hath his Soliciter for the nation is so desirous of praise and honour that they striue among themselues who may bribe him best By these meanes the Herehaught groweth so rich that although hee haue neither land nor any reuenues otherwise yet may he be accounted the wealthiest man in all Iapan For three causes this great Magistrate may loose his office first if he touch the ground with his foote as it hath beene alreadie said next if he kill any body thirdly if he be found an enemie vnto peace and quietnesse howbeit neither of these aforesaid causes is sufficient to put him to death Their third chiefe officer is a Iudge his office is to take vp and to end matters in controuersie to determine of warres and peace that which he thinketh right to punish relâ—eâ—s wherein he may commaund the noble men to assist him vpon paine of forfeiting their goods neuerthelesse at all times he is not obeyed for that many matters are ended rather by might and armes then determined by law Other controuersies are decided either in the Temporall Court as it seemeth good vnto the Princes or in the
forme of a bruâ—e beast offring themselues vp to him Santianum is an I le neere vnto the hauen Cantan in the confines likewise of China famous for the death of that woorthy traueiler and godly professour and painfull doctor of the Indian nation in matters concerning religion Francis Xauier who after great labours many iniuries and calamities infinite suffred with much patience singular ioy and gladnesse of mind deparâ—ed in a cabben made of bowes and rushes vpon a desert mountaine no lesse voyd of all worldly commodities then endued with all spirituall blessings out of this life the 2 day of December the yeere of our Lord 1552. after that many thousand of these Easterlings were brought by him to the knowledge of Christ. Of this holy man his particular vertues and specially trauell and wonderfull works in that region of other many litle Iles yet not so litle but they may right wel be written of at laisure all the latter histories of the Indian regions are full An excellent treatise of the kingdome of China and of the estate and gouernment thereof Printed in Latine at Macao a citie of the Portugals in China An. Dom. 1590. and written Dialogue-wise The speakers are Linus Leo and Michael Linus COncerning the kingdome of China Michael which is our next neighbour we haue heard and â—aâ—ly do heare so many reports that we are to request at your hands rather a true then a large discourse and narration thereof And if there be ought in your knowledge besides that which by continual rumours is waxen staâ—e among vs we will right gladly giue diligent eare vnto it Michael Because the report of this most famous kingdome is growen so common among vs reducing diuers and maniâ—olo particulars into order I will especially aime at the trueth of things receiued from the fathers of the societie which euen now at this present are conuersant in China First of all therefore it is not vnknowen that of all parts of the maine continent this kingdom of China is situate most Easterly albeit certaine Ilands as our natiue Iapon the I le of Manilia stand more Easterly then China it selfe As touching the limites bounds of this kingdom we may appoint the first towards y e West to be a certaine I le commonly called Hainan which standeth in 19 degrees of Northerly latitude For the continent next adioining vnto this I le trendeth towardes the East and that especially where the promontorie of the citie called Nimpo or Liampo doeth extend it selfe Howbeit from that place declâ—ning Northward it stretcheth foorth an huge length insomuch that the farthest Chinian inhabitants that way doe behold the North pole eleuated at least 50 degrees and perhaps more also whereupon a man may easilie coniecture that I may speake like an Astronomer how large the latitude of this kingdom is when as it containeth about more then 540 leagues in direct extension towards the North. But as concerning the longitude which is accounted from East to West it is not so exactly found out that it may be distinguished into degrees Howbeit certaine it is that according to the Map wherein the people of China describe the forme of their kingdom the latitude thereof doeth not much exceed y e longitude This kingdom therfore is without all peraduenture of all earthly kingdoms the most large and spacious for albeit diuers other kings vnder their iurisdiction containing in dimensions more length breadth then all China do possesse very many kingdoms far distant asunder yet none of theÌ„ all enioieth any one kingdom so large and so ample as the most puissant king of China doeth Now if we shall make enquirie into his reuenues and tributes true it is that this king of all others is endued with the greatest and the richest both in regard of the fertilitie greatnes of his dominions also by reason of the seuere collection and exaction of his duties yea tributes are imposed vpon his subiects not onely for lands houses and impost of marchandise but also for euery person in each family It is likewise to be vnderstood that almost no lord or potentate in China hath authoritie to leuie vnto himselfe any peculiar reuenues or to collect any rents within the precincts of his seigniories al such power belonging onely vnto the king whereas in Europe the contrary is most commonly seen as we haue before signified In this most large kingdom are conteined 15 prouinces euery one of which were in it selfe sufficient to be made one great kingdom Six of these prouinces do border vpon the sea namely y t I may vse the names of the Chinians theÌ„selues Coantum Foquien Chequiam Nanquin Xantum Paquin the other 9 be in-land prouinces namely Quiansi Huquam Honan Xiensi Xansi Suchuon Queieheu Iâ—nan Coansi Amongst all the foresayd prouinces two are allotted for the kings court and seat roial that is to say Paquin for his court in the North and Nanquin for his court in the South For the kings of China were woont to be resident altogether at the South court but afterward by reason of the manifold and cruell warres mooued by the Tartars they were constrained to defixe their princely seate and habitation in that exâ—reme prouince of the North. Whereupon it commeth to passe that those Northren confines of the kingdom doe abound with many moe fortresses martiall engines and garrisons of souldiers Leo. I haue heard amongst those munitions a certaine strange and admirable wall reported of wherewith the people of China doe represse and driue backe the Tartars attempting to inuade their territories Michael Certes that wall which you haue heard tell of is most woorthie of admiration for it runneth alongst the borders of three Northerlie prouinces Xiensi Xansi and Paquin and is sayd to containe almost three hundred leagues in length and in such sort to bee built that it hindereth not the courses and streames of any riuers their chanels being ouer-thwarted and fortified with wonderfull bridges and other defences Yet is it not vnlikely that the sayd wall is built in such sort that onely lowe and easie passages bee therewith stopped and enuironed but the mountaines running betweene those lowe passages are by their owne naturall strength and inaccessible heigth a sufficient fortification agaynst the enemie Linus Tell vs Michael whether the kingdome of China be so frequented with inhabitants as wee haue often bene informed or no Michael It is Linus in very deed a most populous kingdom as I haue bene certified from the fathers of the societie who hauing seene sundry prouinces of Europe renoumed for the multitude of their inhabitants doe notwithstanding greatly admiâ—e the infinite swarmes of people in China Howbeit these multitudes are not pel-mel and confusiuely dispersed ouer the land but most conueniently and orderly distributed in their townes and famous cities of which assemblies there are diuers kindes among the Chinians For they haue certaine principal cities called
fortunate against them as ours haue bene in this smal time against the Spaniard The good successe whereof may encourage vs to take armes resolutely against him And I beseech God it may stirre vp all men that are particularly interested therein to bethinke themselues how small a matter will assure them of their safetie by holding the Spaniard at a Baie so farre of whereas if we giue him leaue quietly to hatch and bring foorth his preparations it will be with danger to vs all He taketh not armes against vs by any pretense of title to the crowne of this realme nor led altogether with an ambiâ—ious desire to command our countrey but with hatred towards our whole Nation and religion Her maiesties Scepter is already giuen by Bull to another the honours of our Nobilitie are bestowed for rewards vpon his attendants our Clergie our Gentlemen our Lawyers yea all men of what condition soeuer are offered for spoyle vnto the common souldier Let euery man therefore in defence of the libertie and plentie he hath of long enioyed offer a voluntarie contribution of the smallest part of their store for the assurance of the rest It were not much for euery Iustice of peace who by his blew coat protecteth the properest and most seruiceable men at euery muster from the warres to contribute the charge that one of these idle men doe put him to for one yeere nor for the Lawyer who riseth by the dissensions of his neighbours to take but one yeeres gifts which they call Fees out of his coffers What would it hinder euery officer of the Exchequer and other of her Maiesties courts who without checke doe suddenly grow to great wealth honestly to bring foorth the mysticall commoditie of one yeeres profits Or the Clergie who looke precisely for the Tenths of euery mans increase simply to bring forth the Tenth of one yeeres gathering and in thankfulnesse to her Maiestie who hath continued for all our safeties a most chargeable warre both at land sea bestow the same for her honor their owne assurance vpon an army which may make this bloody enemy so to know himselfe and her Maiesties power as he shall bethinke him what it is to mooue a stirring people Who though they haue receiued some small checke by the sicknesse of this last iourney yet doubt I not but if it were made knowen that the like voyage were to bee supported by a generalitie that might and would beare the charge of a more ample prouision but there would of all sortes most willingly put themselues into the same some caried with an honorable desire to be in action and some in loue of such would affectionately folow their fortunes some in thirsting to reuenge the death and hurts of their brethren kinred and friends and some in hope of the plentifull spoyles to be found in those countreys hauing bene there already and returned poore would desire to goe againe with an expectation to make amends for the last and all in hatred of that cowardly proud Nation and in contemplation of the true honour of our owne would with courage take armes to hazard their liues agaynst them whom euery good Englishman is in nature bound to hate as an implacable enemie to England thirsting after our blood and labouring to ruine our land with hope to bring vs vnder the yoke of perpetuall slauerie Against them is true honour to be gotten for that we shall no sooner set foot in their land but that euery step we tread will yeeld vs new occasion of action which I wish the gallantrie of our Countrey rather to regard then to folow those soft vnprofitable pleasures wherein they now consume their time and patrimonie And in two or three townes of Spaine is the welth of all Europe gathered together which are the Magasins of the fruits and profits of the East and West Indies whereunto I wish our yong able men who against the libertie they are borne vnto terme themselues Seruing men rather to bend their desires and affections then to attend their double liuerie and 40 shillings by the yeere-wages and the reuersion of the old Copy-hold for carying a dish to their masters table But let me here reprehend my selfe and craue paâ—doÌ„ for entring into a matter of such state and consequence the care whereof is already laid vpon a most graue and honorable counsell who wil in their wisdoms foresee the dangers that may be threatned agaynst vs. And why do I labour to disquiet the securitie of these happy gentlemen the trade of those honest seruing men by perswading them to the warres when I see the profession thereof so slenderly esteemed For though all our hope of peace be frustrate and our quarels determinable by the sword though our enemy hath by his owne forces and his pensionaries industry coÌ„fined the vnited Prouinces into a narow roume almost disunited the same if he be now in a good way to harbor himselfe in the principall hauens of France from whence he may front vs at pleasure yea though we are to hope for nothing but a bloodie warre nor can trust to any helpe but Armes yet how far the common sort are from reuerencing or regarding any persons of conduction was too apparant in the returne of this our iourney wherein the base and common souldier hath bene tollerated to speake against the Captaine and the souldier and Captaine against the Generals and wherein mechanicall and men of base condicion doe dare to censure the doings of them of whose acts they be not woorthy to talke The ancient graue degree of the Prelacie is vpheld though Martin raâ—le neuer so much the Lawyer is after the old maner worshipped whosoeuer inueigh against him But the ancient English honour is taken from our men of war their profession in disgrace though neuer so necessary Either we commit idolatry to Neptune and will put him alone stil to fight for vs as he did the last yeere or we be inchanted with some diuelish opinions that trauell nothing more then to diminish the reputation of them vpon whose shoulders the burden of our defence against the enemie must lie when occasion shall be offred For whensoeuer he shall set foote vpon our land it is neither the preaching of the Clergie that can turne him out againe nor the pleading of any Lawyers that can remooue him out of possâ—ssion no then they will honour them whom now they thinke not on and then must those men stand betweene them and their perils who are now thâ—ught vnwoorthie of any estimation May the burning of one towne which cost the king then being six times as much as this hath done her maiestie wherein were lost seuen times as many men as in any one seruice of this iourney and taried not the tenth part of our time in the enemies Countrey be by our elders so highly reputed and sounded out by the historie of the Realme and can our voyage be so meanly esteemed wherein we
came but once onely to parle about the ransome onely foure came and were well entertained and solemnely dismissed with sound of drumme and trumpets and a peale of Ordinance to whom my Lord deliuered his letter subscribed with his owne hand importing a request to all other Englishmen to abstaine from any further molesting them saue onely for fresh water and victuals necessary for their intended voyage During our abode here viz. the 11 of September two men came out of Pico which had beene prisoners there Also at Fayal we set at libertie a prisoner translated from S. Iago who was cousin to a seruant of Don Anthonio king of Portugall in England These prisoners we deteyned with vs. On Munday we sent our boates a shore for fresh water which by reason of the raine that fell the former night came plentifully running downe the hilles and would otherwise haue beene hard to be gotten there On Tuesday likewise hauing not yet sufficiently serued our turnes we â—ent againe for fresh water which was then not so easie to be gotten as the day before by reason of a great winde which in the afternoone increased also in such sort that we thought it not safe to ride so neere the land whereupon we weyed anker and so departed Northwest and by west alongst the coast of Fayal Island Some of the Inhabitants comming aboord to vs this day tolde vs that alwayes about that time of the yeere such windes West Southwest blew on that coast This day as we sayled neere Saint Georges Island a huge fish lying still a litle vnder water or rather euen there with appeared hard by a head of vs the sea breaking vpon his backe which was blacke coloured in such sort as deeming at the first it had beene a rocke and the ship stemming directly with him we were put in a sudden feare for the time till soone after we saw him moue out of the way The 16 of September in the night it lightened much whereupon there followed great winds and raine which continued the 17 18 19 20 and 21 of the same The 23 of September we came againe into Faial road to weigh an anker which for haste and feare of foule weather wee had left there before where we went on shore to see the towne the people as we thought hauing now setled themselues there againe but notwithstanding many of them through too much distrustfulnesse departed and prepared to depart with their packets at the first sight of vs vntill such time as they were assured by my Lord that our comming was not any way to iniury them but especially to haue fresh water and some other things needefull for vs contenting them for the same So then we viewed the Towne quietly and bought such things as we desired for our money as if we had bene in England And they helped to fill vs in fresh water receiuing for their paines such satisfaction as contented them The 25 day we were forced againe to depart from thence before we had sufficiently watered by reason of a great tempest that suddenly arose in the night in so much that my Lord himselfe soone after midnight raysed our men out of their Cabines to wey anker himselfe also together with them haling at the Capsten and after chearing them vp with wine The next day we sent our Carauell and the Sawsie-Iacke to the road of Saint Michael to see what they could espie we following after them vpon the 27 day plying to and fro came within sight of S. Michael but by contrary windes the 28 29 and 30 dayes wee were driuen to leewarde and could not get neere the Island The first of October wee sayled alongst Tercera and euen against Brasill a promontorie neere to Angra the strongest Towne in that Island wee espied some boates comming to the Towne and made out towardes them but being neere to the lande they ranne to shoare and escaped vs. In the afternoone we came neere to Graciosa whereupon my Lord foorthwith sent Captain Lister to the Ilanders to let them vnderstand that his desire was onely to haue water and wine of them and some fresh victuals and not any further to trouble them They answered they could giue no resolute answere to this demaund vntill the Gouernors of the Iland had consulted therupon and therefore desired him to send againe to them the next day Upon the second day of October early in the morning we sent forth our long boat and Pinnesse with emptie Caske and about some fiftie or sixty men together with the Margaret and Captaine Dauis his shippe for we now wanted all the rest of our consortes But when our men would haue landed the Ilanders shot at them and would not suffer them And troupes of men appeared vpon land with ensignes displayed to resist vs So our boates rowed alongst the shoare to finde some place where they might land not with too much disaduantage our shippes and they still shooting at the Ilanders but no place could be founde where they might land without great perill of loosing many of their liues and so were constrayned to retire without receiuing any answere as was promised the day before We had three men hurt in this conflict whilest our boates were together in consulting what was best to be done two of them were stroken with a great shot which the Ilanders drew from place to place with Oxen wherewith the one lost his hand and the other his life within two or three dayes after the third was shot into his necke with a small shot without any great hurt With these newes our company returned backe againe at night whereupon preparation was made to goe to them againe the next day but the day was farre spent before we could come neere them with our ship neither could we finde any good ground to anker in where we might lye to batter the Towne and further we could finde no landing place without great danger to loose many men which might turne not only to the ouerthrow of our voiage but also put the Queenes ship in great perill for want of men to bring her home Therefore my Lord thought it best to write to them to this effect That he could not a litle maruell at their inhumanitie and crueltie which they had shewed towards his men seeing they were sent by him vnto them in peaceable manner to receiue their answere which they had promised to giue the day before and that were it not for Don Antonio their lawfull king his sake he could not put vp so great iniury at their hands without iust reuengement vpon them notwithstanding for Don Antonio his sake whose friend he was he was yet content to send to them once againe for their answere At night Captaine Lister returned with this answere from them That their Gunner shot off one of their peeces which was charged with pouder onely and was stopped which our men thinking it had bin shot at them shot againe and so beganne the fight
the men in the said shippe the one of them being the Masters mate Ten other persons were hurt by meanes of splinters which the Spaniards shotte yea in the ende when their prouision was almost spent they were constrained to shoote at them hammers and the chaines from their slaues and yet God bee thanked they receiued no more domage but by spoyling and ouerwearying of the Spaniards the Englishmen constrained them to vngrapple themselues and get them going and sure if there had bene any other fresh shippe or succour to haue relieued and assisted the Centurion they had slaine suncke or taken all those Gallies and their Souldiers The Dolphin lay a loofe off and durst not come neere while the other two small shippes fledde away so that one of the Gallies went from the Centurion and set vpon the Dolphin which shippe immediatly was set on fire with their owne powder whereby both men and shippe perished but whether it was with their good wills or no that was not knowen vnto the Centurion but sure if it had come forward and bene an aide vnto the Centurion it is to bee supposed that it had not perished Fiue houres and a halfe this fight continued in which time both were glad to depart onely to breath themselues but when the Spaniards were gone they neuer durst returne to fight yet the next day sixe other Gallies came and looked at them but durst not at any hand meddle with them Thus God deliuered them from the handes of their enemies and gaue them the victory for which they heartily praised him and not long after safely arriued in London ☞ There were present at this fight Master Iohn Hawes Marchant and sundry other of good accompt A report of the trueth of the fight about the Isles of Açores the last of August 1591. betwixt the Reuenge one of her Maiesties shippes and an Armada of the king of Spaine Penned by the honourable Sir Water Ralegh knight BEcause the rumours are diuersly spred as well in England as in the Lowe countreis and elsewhere of this late encounter betweene her Maiesties ships and the Armada of Spaine and that the Spaniards according to their vsuall maner fill the world with their vaine-glorious vaunts making great appâ—rance of victories when on the contrary themselues are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured thereby hoping to possesse the ignorant multitude by anticipating forerunning false reports It is agreeable with all good reason for manifestation of the truth to ouercome falshood and vntrueth that the beginning continuance and successe of this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenuil and other her Maiesties Captaines with the Armada of Spaine should be truely set downe and published without partialitie or false imaginations And it is no marueâ—le that the Spaniard should seeke by false and slanderous pamphlets aduisoes and Letters to couer their owne losse and to derogate from others their due honors especially in this fight being performed far off seeing they were not ashamed in the yeere 1588. when they purposed the inuasion of this land to publish in sundry languages in print great victories in wordes which they pleaded to haue obteined against this Realme and spred the same in a most false sort ouer all parts of France Italy and elsewhere When shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to al Nations how their Nauy which they termed inuincible consisting of 140. saile of shippes not onely of their owne kingdome but strengthened with the greatest Argosies Portugal Caracks Florentines and huge huâ—ks of other Countreis were by 30. of her Maiesties owne ships of war and a few of our owne Marchants by the wise valiant and aduantagious conduct of the L. Charles Howard high Admirall of England beaten and shuffled together euen from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship from Portland to Cales where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the Gallias of which he was Captaine and from Cales driuen with squibs from their anchors where thased out of the sight of England round about Scotland and Ireland Where for the sympathie of their barbarous religion hoping to finde succour and assistance a great part of them were crusht against the rocks and those other that landed being very many in number were notwithstanding broken slaine and taken and so sent from village to village coupled in halters to be shipped into England Where her Maiestie of her Princely and inuincible disposition disdaining to put them to death and scorning either to retaine or entertaine them they were all sent backe againe to their countreys to witnes and recount the worthy achieuements of their inuincible and dreadfull Nauy Of which the number of Souldiers the fearefull burthen of their shippes the commanders names of euery squadron with all other their magasines of prouisions were put in print as an Army and Nauy vnresistable and disdaining preuention With all which so great and terrible an ostentation they did not in all their sailing round about England so much as sinke or take one shippe Barke Pinnesse or Cockbote of ours or euer burnt so much as one sheepecote of this land Whenas on the contrarie Sir Francis Drake with onely 800. souldiers not long before landed in their Indies and forced Sant-Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the forts of Florida And after that Sir Iohn Norris marched from Peniche in Portugall with a handfull of souldiers to the gates of Lisbone being aboue 40 English miles Where the Earle of Essex himselfe and other valiant Gentlemen braued the Citie of Lisbone encamped at the very gates from whence after many dayes abode finding neither promised partie nor prouision to batter they made retrait by land in despight of all their Garrisons both of horse foote In this sort I haue a little digressed from my first purpose onely by the necessarie comparison of theirs and our actions the one couetous of honour without vaunt of ostentation the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their owne affaires and by false rumors to resist the blasts of their owne dishonours as they will not onely not blush to spread all manner of vntruthes but euen for the least aduantage be it but for the taking of one poore aduenturer of the English will celebrate the victory with bonefires in euery towne alwayes spending more in faggots then the purchase was worth they obtained When as we neuer thought it worth the consumption of two billets when we haue taken eight or ten of their Indian shippes at one time and twentie of the Brasill fleete Such is the difference betweene true valure and ostentation and betweene honorable actions and friuolous vaine glorious vaunts But now to returne to my purpose The L. Thomas Howard with sixe of her Maiesties shippes sixe victualers of London the Barke Ralegh two or three other Pinnases riding at anker neere vnto Flores one of the Westerly Ilands of the Azores the last
the sea comming out of the Southwest and the wind very violent at North they were put all into great extremitie and then first lost the Generall of their fleete with 500 men in her and within three or foure dayes after an other storme rising there were fiue or sixe other of the biggest shippes cast away with all their men together with their Uice-Admirall And in the height of 38. degrees about the end of August grew another great storme in which all the fleâ—t sauing 48. sailes were cast away which 48. sailes kept together vntill they came in sight of the Islands of Coruo and Flores about the fift or sixt of September at which time a great storme separated them of which number fifteene or sixeteene were after seene by these Spanyards to ride at anchor vnder the Tercera and twelue or foureteene more to beare with the Island of S. Michael what became of them after that these Spaniards were taken cannot yet be certified their opinion is that very few of thee fleet are escaped but are either drowned or taken And it is otherwaies of late certified that of this whole fleete that should haue come into Spaine this yeere being one hundred twentie and three sayle there are arriued as yet but fiue and twentie This note was taken out of the examination of certaine Spaniardes that were brought into England by sixe of the ships of London which tooke sâ—uen of the aboue named Indian Fleete neere the Islands of Açores A report of Master Robert Flicke directed to Master Thomas Bromley Master Richard Staper and Master Cordall concerning the successe of a part of the London supplies sent to my Lord Thomas Howard to the Isles of the Azores 1591. WOrshipfull my heartie commendations vnto you premised By my last of the twelfth of August from this place I aduertised you particularly of the accidents of our Fleete vntill then It remayneth now to relate our endeuours in accomplishing the order receiued for the ioyning with my Lorde Thomas Howard together with the successe wee haue had Our departure from hence was the seuenteenth of August the winde not seruing before The next day following I caused a Flagge of Counsell to be put foorth whereupon the Captaines and Masters of euery shippe came aboord and I acquainted them with my Commission firmed by the Right honourable the Lordes of her Maiesties Counsell and with all the aduertisements of Sir Edward Denny of my Lordes determination to remaine threescore leagues to the West of Fayal spreading North and South betwixt thirtie seuen and a halfe or thirty eight and a halfe degrees And not finding him in this heigth to repaire to the Isles of Flores and Coruo where a Pinnesse of purpose should stay our comming vntill the last of August with intent after that day to repaire to y e coast of Spaine about the heigth of The Rocke some twentie or thirtie leagues off the shoare The which being aduisedly considered of hauing regard vnto the shortnesse of time by reason of our long abode in this place and the vncertainety of the weather to fauour vs it was generally holden for the best and securest way to meete with my Lorde to beare with the heigth of The Rocke without making any stay vpon the coast and so directly for the Islands which was accordingly fully agreed and performed The 28 day wee had sight of the Burlings and the 29 being thwart of Peniche the winde seruing vs without any stay we directed our course West for the Islands The 30 day we met with Captaine Royden in the Red-Rose sometime called the Golden Dragon separated from my Lorde of Cumberland in a storme who certified vs of 50 sayles of the Spanish kings Armadas to be gone for the Ilands but could not informe vs any newes of my Lord Thomas Howard otherwise then vpon presumption to remaine about the Islandes and so wee continued our course the winde standing with vs. The 4 of September we recouered Tercera and ranged along all the Islands both on the South and North sides the space of foure dayes during which time it was not our hap to meete with any shipping whereby either to vnderstand of my Lord or of the Indian Fleete hereupon we directed our course to the West from Fayal according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny The 11 day in the plying to the Westwards we descried a sayle out of our maine toppe and in the afternoone betweene two and three of the clocke hauing raysed her hull the weather became calme so that the ship could not fetch her I sent off my Skiffe throughly manned furnished with shot and swords The Cherubin and the Margaret and Iohn doing the like Upon this the sayle stood off againe and the night approching our boates lost her and so returned In this our pursute after the sayle the Centurion being left a sterne the next morning wee missed her and spent that day in plying vp and downe seeking her And for as much as euery of the ships had recâ—iued order that if by extremity of weather or any other mischance they should be seuered from our Fleete they should meete and ioyne at Flores we according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny proceeded to the finding of my Lord Thomas Howard being in the heigth appointed and not aâ—le to holde the same by reason of extreme tempestes which forced vs to the Isles of Flores and Coruo which we made the 14 day in the morning aud there also ioyned againe with the Centurion whose company before we had lost who declared vnto vs that the 12 day being the same day they lost vs they met with fiue and forty sailes of the Indian Fleete The same night vpon these newes we came to an anker betweene Flores and Coruo and the morow following at the breake of day a flagge of Counsell being put out the Captaines Masters came abord me where for the desire to vnderstand some tidings of my Lord as also the supplying of our want of water it was thought good to send our boats â—urnished on shore vnder the conduct of Captaine Brothus and then it was also ordered after our departure thence to range along the Southsides of the Islands to the end we might either vnderstand of my Lord or â—lse light on the Indian fleete and in the missing of our purpose to direct our course for Cape Sant Vincente The boates according to the foresayd determination being sent on shoare it chaunced that The Costely ryding vttermost in the roade did weigh to bring her selfe more neere among vs for the succour of the boates sent off and in opening the land discouered two sayles which we in the roade could not perceiue whereupon shee gaue vs a warning piece which caused vs to waue off our boates backe and before they could recouer our shippes the discryed ships appeared vnto vs towardes the which we made with all haste and in a very happie houre as it pleased God In that wee had
not so soone cleared the lande and spoken with one of them which wâ—s a Barke of Bristoll who had also sought my Lorde in the heigths appointed and could not finde him but a violent storme arose in such manner as if we had remained in the roade we had beene in daunger of perishing and the same extremely continued during the space of threescore houres In which storme I was separated from our Fleete except the Cherubin and the Costely which kept company with mâ—e And so sayling among the Ilands I viewed the roade of Fayal and finding no Roaders there went directly for the Isle Tercera The ninâ—teenth day in the morning comming vnto y â— same with intent to edge into the Road a tempest arose and scanted the winde that we could not seaze it from the which being driuen we fell among certaine of the Indian Fleete which the sayde storme dispersed and put them from the road wherâ—upon my selfe with the other two ships in companie gaue seuerall chases and thereby lost the company each of other In following our chase aboue noone we made her to strike and yeelde being a Portugall laden with hides salsa-perilla and Anile At this very instant we espied another and taking our Prize with vs followed her and somewhat before night obtayned her named the Conception Francisco Spinola being Captaine which was laden with hides Cochonillio and certaine raw sâ—lke And for that the seas were so growen as neither with boate nor shippe they were to bee boorded we kept them till fit opportunitie The same night a litle before day there happened another into our company supposing vs by our two prizes to be of their Fleete which we vntill the morning dissembled The 20 day in the morning the sayle being shot somewhat a head of vs hauing a speciall care for the safe keeping of the two former we purposed to cause our Prizes to put out more sayle thereby to keepe them neere in giuing chase to the other vnto the which the Master would not â—earken nor be peâ—swaded but that they would follow vs by the which his wilfulnâ—sse by such time as we had caused the other to yeelde and sent men aboord the Conception Francisco Spinola Captaine being brought a sterne and hauing gotten the winde of vs stood off with all her sayles bearing so as we were forced to make a new chase of her and had not the winde enlarged vpon vs we had lost her In the puâ—sute before we recouered her and brought our selues againe in company of our other Prizes the whole day was spent and by this meanes we lost the oportunitie of that day the weather fitly seruing to boord the Portugall Prize which was in great distresse and made request to take them being readie to sinke and as we well perceiued they ceased not to pumpe day and night the which ship to all our iudgements the same night perished in the sea The one and twentie day the Conception whereof Francisco Spinola was Captaine being also in a leake and the same still increasing notwithstanding the continuall pumping in such sort as not to be kept long aboue water I tooke and discharged out of her two and forty chestes of Cochonillio and silkes and so left her with 11 foote water in holde and her furniture and 4700 hides vnto the seas The other Prize which we haue brought into the harborough is named Nostra Sennâ—â—â—â—e los remedios whereof Francisco Aluares is Captaine laden with 16 chests of Cochonillio certaine fardels of raw silke and about 4000 hides Upon the discharge of the goods your worships shall be particularly aduertised thereof In the boording of the Prizes the disorder of the company was such as that they letted not presently besides the rifling of the Spaniards to breake open the chests and to purloyne such money as was in them notwithstanding that it was ordered at conuenient leasure to haue gone aboord my selfe and there in the presence of three or foure witnesses to haue taken a iust account thereof and the same to haue put in safe keeping according to the effects of articles receiued in this behalfe And whereas there wâ—re also certaine summes of money taken from the company which they had thus purloyned and embeseled and the same with some other parcels brought aboord my ship amounting vnto 2129 pezoes a halfe the company as pillage due vnto them demanded to haue the same shared which I refused openly at the maine maste read the articles firmed by my Lord Treasurer and my lord Admirall whereby we ought to be directed and that it was not in mee any way to dispose thereof vntill the same were finally determined at home Hereupon they mutined and at last grew into such furie as that they would haue it or els breake downe the cabbine which they were also readie to put in practise whereby I was forced to yeeld least the Spaniards which we had abord being many perceiuing the same might haue had fit opportunitie to rise against vs which after their brawles were appeased they sought to haue put in execution By the last aduise from Castile the Generall of the kings Armada which is lately come to sea hath receiued commaundement to ioyne his Fleete with those of the Indies and for to stay altogether at Tercera vntill the 15 of October for that 6 pataches with 7 or 8 millions of the kings treasure will come by that time or els they stay their comming from Hauana vntil Ianuary next or the kings further pleasure therein to be knowen These Pataches are said to be of 300 tuns the piece and to cary 30 pieces of brasse and also of saile reported to haue the aduantage of any shipping There perished of the Indies Fleete sunke in the sea before their comming to Flores 11 sailes whereof the General was one and not one man saued And it is by the Spaniards themselues presupposed that the stormes which we had at Flores at Tercera haue deuoured many more of them whereof in part we were eye witnesses And so what by the seas and our men of warre I presume that of 75 sailes that came from Hauana halfe of them will neuer arriue in Spaine The 11 day of October at night we came to anker in the sound of Plimouth and the next morning with our Prize came into Cattewater for which God be thanked for that a vehement storme arose and with such fury increased as that the Prize was forced to cut ouer her maine maste otherwise with the violence of the storme her ground tackle being bad she had driuen on shore which was the most cause that moued me to put in here intending now here to discharge the goods without further aduenture and haue certified thus much vnto my Lord Admirall and therewith also desired to vnderstande the direction of the Lords of the Counsell together with yours insomuch as my Lord Thomas Howard is not returned How the rest of our consorts which were
saile to be cut that they might make away but sir Rich. Greenuil threatned both him al the rest that were in the ship y t if any maÌ„ laid hand vpon it he would cause him to be hanged and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight in the end were taken He was of so hard a coÌ„plexion that as he continued among the Spanish captains while they were at dinner or supper with him he would carouse 3 or 4 glasses of wine and in a brauerie take the glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in pieces swalow them downe so that oftentimes the blood ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him The Englishmen that were left in the ship as the captaine of the souldiers the master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish ships that had taken them where there had almost a new fight arisen between the Biscains and the Portugals while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her so that there grew a great noise and quarel among them one taking the chiefe ensigne and the other the flag and the captaine and euery one held his owne The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken and many of their men hurt whereby they were compelled to come into the Island of Tercera there to repaire theÌ„selues where being arriued I and my chamber-felow to heare some newes went aboord one of the ships being a great Biscain and one of the 12 Apostles whose captaine was called Bartandono that had bin General of the Biscains in the fleet that went for England He seeing vs called vs vp into the gallery where with great curtesie he receiued vs being as then set at dinner with the English captaine that sate by him and had on a sute of blacke veluet but he could not tell vs any thing for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine which Bartandono also could a litle speake The English captaine got licence of the gouernour that he might come on land with his weapon by his side and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland being of that ship whereof the sailers got away as I said before The gouernour of Tercera bade him to dinner and shewed him great curtesie The master likewise with licence of Bartâ—ndono came on land and was in our lodging and had at the leastâ— 10 or 12 wounds as well in his head as on his body whereof after that being at sea between Lisbon the Ilands he died The captaine wrote a letter wherein he declared all the maner of the fight and left it with the English marchant that lay in our lodging to send it to the lord Admiral of England This English captaine comming vnto Lisbon was there wel receiued and not any hurt done vnto him but with good conuoy sent to Setuual and from thence sailed into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prisoners The Spanish armie staied at the Iland of Coruo til the last of September to assemble the rest of the fleet together which in the ende were to the number of 140 sailes of ships partly comming from India and partly of the army and being altogether ready to saile to Tercera in good company there suddenly rose so hard cruell a storme that those of the Ilands did affirme that in mans memorie there was neuer any such seen or heard off before for it seemed the sea would haue swalowed vp the Ilands the water mounting higher then the cliffs which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them but the sea reached aboue them and liuing fishes were throwen vpon the land This storme continued not only a day or two with one wind but 7 or 8 dayes continually the wind turning round about in al places of the compasse at the lest twise or thrise during that time and all alike with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold euen to vs that were on shore much more then to such as were at sea so that onely on the coasts and cliffes of the Iland of Tercera there were aboue 12 ships cast away and not onely vpon the one side but round about it in euery corner wherby nothing els was heard but complaining crying lamenting telling here is a ship broken in pieces against the cliffes and there another and all the men drowned so that for the space of 20 dayes after the storme they did nothing els but fish for dead men that continually came driuing on the shore Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge that was cast away vpon a cliffe neere to the Iland of Tercera where it brake in an hundred pieces sunke to the ground hauing in her 70 men Galegos Biscains and others with some of the captiue Englishmen whereof but one was saued that got vp vpon the cliffes aliue and had his body and head all wounded and he being on shore brought vs the newes desiring to be shrinen thereupon presently died The Reuenge had in her diuers faire brasse pieces that were all sunke in y e sea which they of the Iland were in good hope to waigh vp againe the next Sommer after Among these ships that were cast away about Tercera was likewise a Flie-boat one of those that had bin arrested in Portugall to serue the king called the white Doue the master of her was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland add there were in her 100 souldiers as in euery one of the rest there were He being ouer-ruled by the captaine that he could not be master of his owne sayling here and there at the mercy of God as the storme droue him in the end came within the sight of the Iland of Tercera which the Spaniards perceiuing thought all their safetie onely to consist in putting into the road compelling the Master and the Pilot to make towards the Iland although the master refused to doe it saying that they were most sure there to be cast away and vtterly spoyled but the captaine called him drunkard and Heretique and striking him with a staffe commaunded him to doe as hee would haue him The Master seeing this and being compelled to doe it sayd well then my Masters seeing it is the desire of you all to bee cast away I can but lose one life and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shore and was on that side of the Iland where there was nothing els but hard stones and rocks as high as mountaines most terriâ—le to beholdeâ— where some of the inhabitants stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof to throâ— them downe vnto the men that they might lay holde vpon them and saue their liues but few of them got so neere most of them being cast away and smitten in
calme which yeelded no breath to spread a saile Insomuch that fitly to discouer her what she was of what burthen force and countenance sir Iohn Burrough tooke his boat and rowed the space of three miles to make her exactly and being returned he consulted with the better sort of the company then present vpon the boording her in the morning But a very mighty storme arising in the night the extremity thereof forced them all to wey ankers yet their care was such in wrestling with the weather not to lose the carak that in the morning the tempest being qualified and our men bearing againe with the shore they might perceiue the carak very neere the land and the Portugals confusedly carrying on shore such things as they could any maner of way conuey out of her and seeing the haste our men made to come vpon them forsooke her but first that nothing might be left commodious to our men set fire to that which they could not cary with them intending by that meanes wholly to consume her that neither glory of victory nor benefit of shippe might remaine to ours And least the approch and industry of the English should bring meanes to extinguish the flame thereby to preserue the residue of that which the fire had not destroyed being foure hundred of them in number and well armed they intrenched themselues on land so neere to the carak that she being by their forces protected and our men kept aloofe off the fire might continue to the consumption of the whole This being noted by sir Iohn Burrough he soone prouided a present remedy for this mischiefe For landing one hundred of his men whereof many did swim and wade more then brest high to shore and easily scattering those that presented themselues to guard the coast he no sooner drew toward their new trenches but they fled immediatly leauing as much as the fire had spared to be the reward of our mens paines Here was taken among others one Vincent Fonseca a Portugall Purser of the carak with two others one an Almaine and the second a Low-dutchman canoniers who refusing to make any voluntary report of those things which were demanded of them had the torture threatened the feare whereof at the last wrested from them this intelligence that within fifteene dayes three other greater caraks then that lately fired would arriue at the same Iland and that being fiue caraks in the fleet at their departure from Goa to wit the Buen Iesus admirall the Madre de Dios the S. Bernardo the S. Christophoro and the S. Cruz whose fortune you haue already heard they had receiued speciall commandement from the king not to touch in any case at the Iland of S. Helena where the Portugall caraks in their returne from the East India were alwayes till now woont to arriue to refresh themselues with water and victuals And the kings reason was because of the English men of warre who as he was informed lay there in wait to intercept them If therefore their necessity of water should driue them to seeke supply any where he appointed them Angola in the maine of Africa with order there to stay onely the taking in of water to auoid the inconuenice of infections wherunto that hot latitude is dangerously subiect The last rendeuous for them all was the Iland of Flores where the king assured them not to misse of his armada thither sent of purpose for their wasting to Lisbon Upon this information sir Iohn drew to counsel meeting there captaine Norton captaine Dounton captaine Abraham Cocke captaines of three ships of the Earle of Cumberland M. Tomson of Harwich cap. of the Dainty of sir Iohn Haukins one of sir W. Raleghs fleet and M. Christopher Newport cap. of the Golden dragon newly returned from the West India and others These being assembled he communicated with them what he had vnderstood of the foresaid examinates and what great presumptions of trueth their relation did cary wishing that forasmuch as God good fortune had brought them together in so good a season they would shew the vttermost of their indeuors to bring these Easterlings vnder the lee of the English obedience Hereupon a present actors on all sides followed not to part company or leaue of those seas till time should present cause to put their consultatious in execution The next day her Maiesties good ship the Foresight commanded by sir Rob. Crosse came in to the rest and he like wise informed of the matter was soone drawen into this seruice Thus sir Iohn with al these ships departing thence 6 or 7 leagues to the West of Flores they spread themselues abroad from the North to the South ech ship two leagues at the least distant from another By which order of extension they were able to discouer the space of two whole degrees at sea In this sort they lay from the 29 of Iune to the third of August what time cap. Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak called the Madre de Dios one of the greatest receit belonging to the crowne of Portugall The Dainty being of excellent saile got the start of the rest of our fleet and began the conflict somewhat to her cost with the slaughter and hurt of diuers of her men Within a while after sir Iohn Burrough in the Robucke of sir W. Raleghs was at hand to second her who saluted her with shot of great ordinance and continued the fight within musket shot assisted by cap. Tomson and cap. Newport till sir R. Crosse viceadmirall of the fleet came vp being to lee ward at whose arriual sir I. Burgh demanded of him what was best to be done who answered that if the carak were not boorded she would recouer the shore and fire herselfe as the other had done Wherupon sir I. Burgh concluded to intangle her and sir R. Crosse promised also to fasten himselfe to her together at the instant which was performed but after a while sir Iohn Burgh receiuing a shot with a canon perier vnder water and ready to sinke desired sir R. C. to fall off that he might also cleere himselfe and saue his ship from sinking which with difficulty he did for both the Roebucke and the Foresight were so intangled as with much adoe could they cleere themselues The same euening sir R. Crosse finding the carak then sure drawing nere the Iland perswaded his company to boord her againe or els there was no hope to recouer her who after many excuses feares were by him incouraged and so fell athwart her foreships all alone and so hindered her sailing that the rest had time to come vp to his succour to recouer the carak yer she recouered the land and so toward the euening after he had fought with her alone three houres single my lord of Cumberlands two ships came vp with very litle losse entred with sir R. Crosse who had in that time broken their courages and
William Hawkins of Plimmouth father vnto sir Iohn Hawkins to Brasil Anno 1530. pag. 700 The second voyage of M. William Hawkins to Brasil 1532. pag. 700 The voyage of M. Robert Reniger M. Tho. Borey to Brasil in the yere 1540. p. 701 The voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil 1542. pag. 701 The voyage of M. Stephan Hare in the Minion of London to Brasil anno 1580. pag. 704 The prosperous voyage of Master Iames Lancaster to the towne of Fernambuck in Brasil 1594. pag. 708 The letters discourses instructions obseruations and ruttiers depending vpon the voyages to Brasil A Letter written to M. Richard Staper by Iohn Whithal from Santos in Brasil the 26. of Iune 1578. pag. 701 A letter of the aduenturers for Brasil sent to Iohn Whithal dwelling at Santos by the Minion of London dated the 24. of October 1580. pag. 703 An intercepted letter of Francis Suarez to his brother Diego Suarez dwelling in Lisbon written from the riuer of Ienero in Brasil in Iune 1596. concerning an exceeding rich trade newly begunne betweene that place and Peru by the way of the riuer of Plate with small barkes of 30. or 40. tunnes pag. 706 An intercepted letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualho the gouernour of Paraiua in the most Northren part of Brasil 1597. to Philip the second King of Spaine concerning the conquest of Rio grande c. pag. 716 A speciall note concerning the currents of the sea betweene the Cape of Buena Esperança and the coast of Brasilia pag. 719 An excellent ruttier describing the course to be kept from Cabo verde to the coast of Brasil and all along the said coast from Fernambuck to the riuer of Plate pag. 719 A ruttier from the riuer of Plate to the Streights of Magellan pag. 724. A note of two voyages of Englishmen into the Riuer of Plate A Voyage of two Englishmen to the riuer of Plate in the company of Sebastian Cabota 1527. pag. 726 The voyage of M. Iohn Drake after his departure from M. Fenton vp the riuer of Plate 1582. pag. 726 A Ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the yle of Santa Catelina vnto the mouth of the riuer of Plate and all along vp within the said riuer and what armes mouths it hath to enter into it as farre as it is nauigable with small barkes pag. 728. A Catalogue of diuers English voyages some intended and some performed to the Streights of Magellan the South sea along the coasts of Chili Peru Nicaragua and Nuéua Galicia to the headland of California and to the Northwest thereof as farre as 43. degrees as likewise to the yles of the Ladrones the Philippinas the Malucos and the Iauas and from thence by the Cape of Buâ—na Esperanza and the yle of Santa Helena the whole globe of the earth being circompassed home againe into England THe famous voyage of sir Francis Drake into the South sea and therehence about the globe of the whole earth begunne Anno 1577. pag. 742 The voyage of Nunno de Silua a Portugal Pilot taken by sir Francis Drake at the yles of Cabo Verde and caried along with him as farre as the hauen of Guatulco vpon the coast of New Spaine with his confession made to the Viceroy of Mexico of all matters that befell during the time that he accompanied sir Francis Drake pag. 742 The voyage of M. Iohn Winter into the South sea by the Streight of Magellan in consort with sir Francis Drake begun in the yeere 1577. he being the first Christian that euer repassed the said Streight pag. 748 The voyage of M. Edward Fenton and M. Luke Ward his viceadmirall with 4. ships intended for China but performed onely to the coast of Brasil as farre as 33. degrees of Southerly latitude begunne in the yeere 1582. pag. 757 The voyage of M. Robert Withrington and M. Christopher Lister intended for the South sea with two tal ships set forth at the charges of the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland but performed onely to the Southerly latitude of 44. degrees begun Anno 1586. pag. 762 The prosperous voyage of M. Thomas Candish esquire into the South sea and so round about the circumference of the whole earth begun in the yere 1586. and finished 1588. pag. 803 The voyage of the Delight a ship of Bristol one of the consorts of M. Iohn Chidley esquire and M. Paul Wheele made to the Streights of Magellan begun in the yere 1589. pag. 840 The last voyage of M. Thomas Candish intended for the South sea the Philippinas and the coast of China with three tall ships and two barks begun 1591. pag. 842 The principall obseruations discourses instructions letters ruttiers and intelligences belonging to the voyages immediatly going before THe names of the kings of Iaua at the time of sir Francis Drakes being there pag. 742 Certaine words of the naturall language of Iaua with the interpretation thereof pag. 742 The confession of Nunno de Silua a Portugall pilot taken by sir Francis Drake which he made to the viceroy of Mexico concerning the proceeding of sir Francis Drake c. 157â— pag. 742 A letter written in the South sea by sir Francis Drake vnto his consort M. Iohn Winter 748 Instructiâ—ns giuen by the R.H. the lords of the councell to M. Edward Fenton esquire for the order to be obserued in the voyage recommended vnto him for the East Indies and Cathay April 9. 1582. pag. 754 A discourse of the West â—ndies and the South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugall conteining diuers memorable maâ—ters not to be found in any other writers and continued vnto the yere 1587. pag. 778 Certaine rare and speciall notes most properly belonging to the voyage of M. Thomas Candish about the world concerning the latitudes soundings lying of lands distances of places the variation of the compasse and other notable obseruations diligently taken by M. Thomas Fuller of Ipswich pag. 825 A letter of M. Thomas Candish to the R. H. the olde Lord Hunsdon L. Chamberlaine one of her Maiesties most honourable priuiâ— councell touching the successe of his voyage rounde about the worlde 837 Certaine notes or references taken out of a large map of China brought home by M. Thomas Candish 1588. 837 A petition made in the streight of Magellan by certeine of the company of the Delight of Bristoll vnto Robert Burnet the Master of the sayd ship and one of the consorts of M. Chidley the 12 of February 1589. pag. 840 The testimoniall of the company of the Desire a ship of M. Canâ—ishes fleet in his last voyage touching the loosing of their generall which appeareth to haue bene vtterly against their meanings 845 The letters of the Queenes most eâ—cellent Maiestie sent in the yere 1596 to the emperour of China by M. Richard Allot and M. Thomas Bromefield merchants of London who were embarked in the fleet whereof M. Beniamin Wood was generall pag. 852 Three seuerall
for a short time to see and auoyde thereby the danger hauing bene continually darke before and presently after Manie times also by meanes of fogge and currents being driuen neere vpon the coast God lent vs euen at the very pinch one prosperous breath of winde or other whereby to double the land and auoid the perill and when that we were all without hope of helpe euery man recommending himselfe to death and crying out Lord now helpe or neuer now Lord looke downe from heauen and saue vs sinners or else our safetie commeth too late euen then the mightie maker of heauen and our mercifull God did deliuer vs so that they who haue bene partakers of these dangers doe euen in their soules confesse that God euen by miracle hath sought to saue them whose name be praysed euermore Long time now the Anne Francis had layne beating off and on all alone before the Queenes foreland not being able to recouer their Port for yce albeit many times they dangerously attempted it for yet the yce choaked vp the passage and would not suffer them to enter And hauing neuer seene any of the fleete since twenty dayes past when by reason of the thicke mistes they were seuered in the mistaken straights they did now this present 23 of Iuly ouerthwart a place in the straights called Hattons Hedland where they met with seuen ships of y e Fleete againe which good hap did not onely reioyce them for themselues in respect of the comfort which they receiued by such good companie but especially that by this meanes they were put out of doubt of their deare friends whose safeties long time they did not a little suspect and feare At their meeting they haled the Admirall after the maner of the Sea and with great ioy welcommed one another with a thundring volly of shot And now euery man declared at large the fortunes and dangers which they had passed who with much adoe sought way backe againe through the yce from out of the mistaken straights where to their great perill they prooued to recouer their Port. They brought the first newes of the Uizadmirall Captaine Yorke who many dayes with themselues and the Busse of Bridgewater was missing They reported that they left the Uizeadmirall reasonably cleare of the yce but the other ship they greatly feared whom they could not come to helpe being themselues so hardly distressed as neuer men more Also they told vs of the Gabriel who hauing got thorow from the backside and Western point of the Queenes foreland into Frobishers straights fell into their company about the cape of Good hope And vpon the seuen and twentieth of Iuly the ship of Bridgewater got out of the yce and met with the Fleete which lay off and on vnder Hattons Hedland They reported of their maruellous accidents and dangers declaring their ship to be so leake that they must of necessitie seeke harborow hauing their stem so beaten within their huddings that they had much adoe to keepe themselues aboue water They had as they say fiue hundreth strokes at the pump in lesse then halfe a watch being scarce two houres their men being so ouer-wearied therewith and with the former dangers that they desired helpe of men from the other ships Moreouer they declared that there was nothing but yce and dangâ—r where they had bene and that the straights within were frâ—zen vp and that it was the most impossible thing of the world to passe vp vnto the Countesse of Warwicks sound which was the place of our Port. The report of these dangers by these ships thus published amongst the fleete with the remembrance of the perils past and tâ—ose present before their face brought no small feare and terror into the hearts of many considerate men So that some beganne priuily to murmure against the Generall fâ—r this wilfull maner of proceeding Some desired to discouer some harborow thereabouts to refresh themselues and reforme their broken vessels for a while vntill the North and Norâ—hwest windes might disperse the yce and make the place more free to passe Other some forgetting themselues spake more vndutifully in this behalfe saying that they had as leeue be hanged when thâ—y came home as without hope of safetie to seeke to passe and so to perish amongst the yce The Generall not opening his eares to the peeuish passion of any priuate person but chiefly respecting the accomplishment of the cause he had vndertaken wherein the chiefe reputation and fame of a Generall and Captaine consisteth and calling to his remembrance the short time he had in hand to prouide so great number of ships their loading determined with this resolution to passe and recouer his Port or else there to burie himselfe with his attempt Notwithstanding somewhat to appease the feeble passions of the fearefuller sort and the better to entertaine time for a season whilest the yce might the better be dissolued he haled on the Fleete with beleefe that he would put them into harborow thereupon whilest the shippes lay off and on vnder Hattons Hedland he sought to goe in with his Pinnesses amongst the Ilandes there as though hee meant to search for harborowe where indeede he meant nothing lesse but rather sought if any Ore migâ—t be found in that place as by the sequele appeared In the meane time whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull without any certaine resolution what to do bring hard aboord the lee-shore there arose a sodaine and terrible tempest at the Southsoutheast whereby the yce began maruellously to gather about vs. Whereupon euery man as in such case of extremitie he thought best sought the wisest way for his owne safety The most part of the Fleete which were further shot vp within the straights and so farre to the leeward as that they could not double the land following the course of the Generall who led them the way tooke in their Sayles and layde it a hull amongst the yce and so passed ouer the storme and had no extremitie at all but for a short time in the same place Howbeit the other ships which plyed out to Seaward had an extreme storme for a longer season And the nature of the place is such that it is subiect diuersâ—y to diuers windes according to the sundry situation of the great Alps and mountaines there euery mountaine causing a seuerall blast and pirrie after the maner of a Leuant In this storme being the sixe and twentieth of Iuly there fell so much snow with such bitter cold aire that we could not scarce see one another for the same nor open our eyes to handle our ropes and sayles the snow being aboue halfe a foote deepe vpon the hatches of our ship which did so wet thorow our poore Mariners clothes that hee that had fiue or sixe shifts of apparell had scarce one drie threed to his backe which kind of wet and coldnesse togither with the ouerlabouring of the poore men amiddest the yce bred no small
another that hath the like propertie called a Squid these be the fishes which when â—â— please to beemeâ— iâ— with my old companions I say doe come on shore when I commaund them in the name of the 5. ports and coniure them by such like words These also bee the fishes which I may sweepe with broomes on a heape and neuer wet my foote onely pronouncing two or three wordes whatsoeuer they be appoynted by any man so they heare my voyce the vertue of the wordes be small but the nature of the fish great and strange For the Squid whose nature is to come by night as well as by day I tell them I set him a candle to see his way with which he is much delighted or els commeth to wonder at it as doe our fresh water fish the other commeth also in the night but chiefly in the day being forced by the Cod that would deuoure him and therefore for feare comming so neere the shore is driuen drie by the surge of the Sea on the pibble and sands Of these being as good as a Smelt you may take vp with a shoue-net as plentifully as you do Wheate in a shouell sufficient in three or foure houres for a whole Citie There be also other fishes which I tell â—hose that are desirours of strange newes that I take as fast as one would gather vp stones and them I take with a long pole and hooke Yea marrie say they wee beleeue so and that you catch all the rest you bring home in that sort from Portugals and Frenchmen No surely but thus I doe with three hookes stretched foorth in the ende of a pole I make as it were an Eele speare with which I pricke those Flounders as fast as you would take vp fritters with a sharpe pointed sticke and with that toole I may take vp in lesse then halfe a day Lobsters sufficient to finde three hundred men for a dayes meate This pastime ended I shewe them that for my pleasure I take a great Mastiue I haue and say no more then thus Goe fetch me this rebellious fish that obeyeth not this Gentleman that commeth from Kent and Christendome bringing them to the high water marke and when hee doubteth that any of those great Cods by reason of sheluing ground bee like to tumble into the Sea againe hee will warily take heede and carrie him vp backe to the heape of his fellowes This doeth cause my friendes to wonder and at the first hearing to iudge them notorious lies but they laugh and are merrie when they heare the meanes howe each tale is true I tolde you once I doe remember how in my trauaile into Africa and America I found trees that bare Oisters which was strange to you till I tolde you that their boughes hung in the water on which both Oisters and Muskles did sticke fast as their propertie is to stakes and timber Nowe to let these merrie tales passe and to come to earnest matters againe you shall vnderstand that Newfoundland is in a temperate Climate and not so colde as foolish Mariners doe say who finde it colde sometimes when plentie of Isles of yce lie neere the shore but vp in the land they shall finde it hotter then in England in many parts of the countrey toward the South This colde commeth by an accidentall meanes as by the yce that commeth fleeting from the North partes of the worlde and not by the situation of the countrey or nature of the Climate The countrey is full of little small riuers all the yeere long proceeding from the mountaines ingendred both of snow and raine few springs that euer I could finde or heare of except it bee towards the South in some places or rather in most places great lakes with plentie of fish the countrey most couered with woods of firre yet in many places indifferent good grasse and plentie of Beares euery where so that you may kill of them as oft as you list their flesh is as good as yong beefe and hardly you may know the one from the other if it be poudred but two dayes Of Otters we may take like store There are Sea Guls Murres Duckes wild Geele and many other kind of birdes store too long to write especially at one Island named Penguin where wee may driue them on a planke into our ship as many as shall lade her These birdes are also called Penguins and cannot flie there is more meate in one of these then in a goose the Frenchmen that fish neere the grand baie doe bring small store of flesh with them but victuall themselues alwayes with these birdes Nowe againe for Uenison plentie especially to the North about the grand baie and in the South neere Cape Race and Plesance there are many other kinds of beasts as Luzarnes and other mighty beastes like to Camels in greatnesse and thei feete clouen I did see them farre off not able to discerne them perfectly but their steps shewed that thâ—ir feete were clouen and bigger then the feete of Camels I suppose them to bee a kind of Buffes which I read to bee in the countreyes adiacent and very many in the firme land There bee also to the Northwards Hares and Foxes in all parts so plentifully thâ—â— at noone dayes they take away our flesh before our faces within lesse then halfe a paire of buts length where foure and twentie persons were turning of drie fish and two dogs in sight yet stoode they not in feare till wee gaue shot and set the dogs vpon them the Beares also be as bold which will not spare at midday to to take your fish before your face and I beleeue assuredly would not hurt any bodie vnlesse they be forced Nowe to shew you my fancie what places I suppose meetest to inhabite in those parts discouered of late by our â—â—tion There is neere about the mouth of the grand Bay an excellent harbour called of the Frenchmen Chasteaux and one Island in the very entrie of the streight called Bell Isle which places if they be peopled and well fortified as there are stones and things meete for it throughout all Newfound land wee shall bee lordes of the whole fishing in small time if it doe so please the Queenes Maiestie and from thence send wood and cole with all necessaries to Labrador lately discouered but I am of opinion and doe most stedfastly beleeue that we shall finde as rich Mines in more temperate places and Climates and more profitable for fishing then any yet we haue vsed where wee shall haue not farte from thence plentie of salt made by fire vndoubtedly and very likely by the heate of the Sunne by reason I finde salt kerned on the rockes in nine and fortie and better these places may bee found for salte in three and fortie I know more touching these two commodities last remembred then any man of our nation doeth sor that I haue some knowledge in such matters and haue most desired the finding of them by
his and their defence encounter expulse repell and resist as well by Sea as by land and by all other wayes whatsoeuer all and euery such person and persons whatsoeuer as without the speciall licence and liking of the sayd Sir Humfrey and of his heires and assignes shall attempt to inhabite within the sayd countreys or any of them or within the space of two hundreth leagues neere to the place or places within such countreys as aforesayd if they shall not bee before planted or inhabited within the limites aforesayd with the subiects of any Christian prince being in amitie with her Maiesty where the said sir Humfrey his heires or assignes or any of them or his or their or any of their associates or companies shall within sixe yeeres next ensuing make their dwellings and abidings or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter vnlawfully to annoy either by Sea or land the said sir Humfrey his heires or assignes or any of them or his or their or any of their companies giuing and graunting by these presents further power and authoritie to the sayd sir Humfrey his heires and assignes and euery of them from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter to take and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoeuer all and euery person and persons with their shippes vessels and other goods and furniture which without the licence of the sayd sir Humfrey or his heires or assignes as aforesayd shall bee found traffiquing into any harborough or harboroughs creeke or creekes within the limites aforesayde the â—ubiects of our Realmes and dominions and all other persons in amitie with vs bring driuen by force of tempest or shipwracke onely excepted and those persons and euery of them with their ships vessels goods and furniture to detaine and possesse as of good and lawfull prize according to the discretion of him the sayd sir Humfrey his heires and assignes and of euery or any of them And for vniting in more perfect league and amitie of such countreys landes and territories so to bee possessed and inhabited as aforesayde with our Realmes of England and Ireland and for the better encouragement of men to this enterprise wee doe by these presents graunt and declare that all such countreys so hereafter to bee possessed and inhabited as aforesayd from thencefoorth shall bee of the allegiance of vs our heires and successours And wee doe graunt to the sayd sir Humfrey his heires and assignes and to all and euery of them and to all and euery other person and persons being of our allegiance whose names shall be noted or entred in some of our courts of Record within this our Realme of England and that with the assent of the sayd sir Humfrey his heires or assignes shall nowe in this iourney for discouerie or in the second iourney for conquest hereafter trauel to such lands countries and territories as aforesaid and to their and euery of their heires that they and euery or any of them being either borne within our sayd Realmes of England or Ireland or within any other place within our allegiance and which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the lands countreys and territories with such licence as aforesayd shall and may haue and enioy all the priuileges of free denizens and persons natiue of England and within our allegiance any law custome or vsage to the contrary notwithstanding And forasmuch as vpon the finding out discouering and inhabiting of such remote lands countreys and territories as aforesayd it shall be necessarie for the safetie of all men that shall aduenture themselues in those iourneys or voiages to determine to liue together in Christian peace and ciuill quietnesse each with other whereby euery one may with more pleasure and profit enioy that whereunto they shall attaine with great paine and perill wee for vs our heires and successours are likewise pleased and contented and by these presents doe giue and graunt to the sayd sir Humfrey and his heires and assignes for euer that he and they and euery or any of them shall and may from time to time for euer hereafter within the sayd mentioned remote lands and countreys and in the way by the Seas thither and from thence haue full and meere power and authoritie to correct punish pardon gouerne and rule by their and euery or any of their good discretions and pollicies as well in causes capitall or criminall as ciuill both marine and other all such our subiects and others as shall from time to time hereafter aduenture themselues in the sayd iournâ—ys or voyages habitatiue or possessiue or that shall at any time hereafter inhabite any such lands countreys or territories as aforesayd or that shall abide within two hundred leagues of any the sayd place or places where the sayd sir Humfrey or his heires or assignes or any of them or any of his or their associats or companies shall inhabite within sixe yeeres next ensuing the date hereof according to such statutes lawes and ordinances as shall be by him the said sir Humfrey his heires and assignes or euery or any of them deuised or established for the better gouernement of the said people as aforesayd so alwayes that the sayd statutes lawes and ordinances may be as neere as conuâ—niently may agreeable to the forme of the lawes pollicy of England and also that they be not against the true Christian faith or religion now professed in the church of England nor in any wise to withdraw any of the subiects or people of those lands or places from the allegiance of vs our heires or successours as their immediate Soueraignes vnder God And further we doe by these presents for vs our heires and successours giue and graunt full power and authority to our trustie and welbeloued counseller sir William Cecill knight lord Burleigh our high treasurer of England and to the lord treasurer of England of vs for the time being and to the priuie counsell of vs our heires and successours or any foure of them for the time being that he they or any foure of them shall and may from time to time and at all times hereafter vnder his or their handes or seales by vertue of these presents authorize and licence the sayd sir Humfrey Gilbert his heires and assignes and euery or any of them by him and themselues or by their or any of their sufficient atturneys deputies officers ministers factors and seruants to imbarke and transport out of our Realmes of England and Ireland all or any of his or their goods and all or any the goods of his or their associates and companies and euery or any of them with such other necessaries and commodities of any our Realmes as to the said lord treasurer or foure of the priuie counsell of vs our heires or successours for the time being as aforesayd shall be from time to time by his or their wisedoms or discâ—etions thought meete and conuenient for the better reliefe and supportation of him the
pezos of gold neuer were there before that day souldiours so rich in so small a time and with so little danger And in this iourney for want of yron they did shooe their horses some with gold and some with siluer This is to bee seene in the generall historie of the West Indies where as the doings of Pizarro and the conquest of Peru is more at large setforth To this may I adde the great discoueries and conquests which the princes of Portugall haue made round about the West the South and the East parts of Africa and also at Calicut and in the East Indies and in America at Brasile and elsewhere in sundry Islands in fortifying peopling and planting all along the sayd coastes and Islands euer as they discouered which being rightly weyed and considered doth minister iust cause of incouragement to our Countreymen not to account it so hard and difficult a thing for the subiects of this noble realme of England to discouer people plant and possesse the like goodly lands and rich countreys not farre from vs but neere adioyning offring themselues vnto vs as is aforesayd which haue neuer yet heretofore bene in the actuall possession of any other Christian prince then the princes of this Realme All which as I thinke should not a little animate and encourage vs to looke out and aduenture abroad vnderstanding what large Countreys and Islands the Portugals with their small number haue within these few yeeres discouered peopled and plâ—nted some part whereof I haue thought it not amisse briefly in particular to name both the Townes Countreys Islands so neere as I could vpon the sudden call them to remembrance for the rest I doe referre the Reader to the histories where more at large the same is to be seene First they did winne and conquere from the princes of Barbary the Island of Geisera towne of Arzala not past an 140. mile distant from their Metropolitane chiefe city of Fessâ— and after that they wonne also from the said princes the townes of Tanger Ceuta Mazigam Azamor and Azaffi all alongst the Sea coasts And in the yeere of our Lord 1455. Alouis de Cadomosta a Gentleman Uenetian was hee that first discouered for their vse Cape Verd with the Islâ—nds adioyning of which he then peopled and planted those of Bonauista and Sant Iago discouering also the riuer Senega otherwise called Niger and Cape Roxo Sierra Leone and in a few yeeres after they did discouer the coast of Guinea and there peopled and built the castleof Mina then discouered they further to the countreys of Melegetres Benin and Congo with the Ilands of Principe da Nobon S. Matthewe and S. Thomas vnder the Equinoctiall line which they propled and built in the said Island of S. Thomas the hauen towne or port of Pauosan After that about the yeere of our Lord 1494. one Bartholomew Dias was sent foorth who was the first man that discouered and doubled that great and large Cape called de Bon Esperanze passing the currents that run vpon the said coast on the Southeast part of Africa between the said maine land the Island of S. Laurence otherwise called of the antients Madagascar he discouered to y e harbor named the Riuer of y e Infant After that since the yeere of our Lord God 1497. and before the ful accomplishment of the yeere of Christ 1510. through the trauailes and discoueries of Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Thomas Lopes Andrew Corsalc Iohn de Empoli Peter Sintra Sancho de Toar and that noble and worthy gentleman Alonso de Albuquerque they did discouer people and plant at Ceffala being vpon the East side of Africa in the twenty degrees of latitude of the south Pole and direct West from the Iland of S. Laurence at which port of Ceffala diuers doe affirme that king Salomon did fetch his gold as also vpon the said East side of Africa they did afterward discouer people and plant at Mozambique Quiolâ— Monbaza and Melinde two degrees of Southerly latitude and so vp to the streight of Babel-Mandell at the entring of the red sea all vpon the East coast of Africa from whence they put off at the Cape of Guarda Fu and past the great gulfe of Arabia and the Indian Sea East to Sinus Persicus and the Island of Ormus and so passing the large and great riuer Indus where he hath his fall into the maine Ocean in 23. degrees and an halfe vnder the tropike of Cancer of Septentrional latitude they made their course againe directly towards the South and began to discouer people and plant vpon the West side of the hither India at Goa Mangalor Cananor Calecut and Cochin and the Island of Zeilam And here I thinke good to remember to you that after their planting vpon this coast their forces grew so great that they were able to compell all the Moores the subiectes of the mightie Emperour of the Turkes to pay tribute vnto them euer as they passed the gulfe of Arabia from the port of Mecca in Arabia Foelix where Mahomet lieth buried or any of the other portes of the sayd land euer as they passed to and from the hauens of Cochin Calecut and Cananor and by their martiall maner of discipline practised in those partes the great and mightie prince the Sophie Emperour of the Persians and professed enemie to the Turke came to the knowledge and vse of the Caliuer shot and to enterlace and ioyne footemen with his horsemen sithence which time the Persians haue growen to that strength and force that they haue giuen many mightie and great ouerthrowes to the Turke to the great quiet of all Christendome And from the Island of Zeilam aforesayd they also discouered more East in passing the gulfe of Bengala and so pâ—ssed the notable and famous riuer of Ganges where hee hath his fall into the maine Ocean vnder the tropike of Cancer and to the Cape of Malaca and vnto the great and large Islands of Sumatra Iaua maior Iaua minor Mindanao Palobane Celebes Gilolo Tidore Mathin Borneo Machian Terenate and all other the Islands of Molucques and Spiceries and so East alongst the coasts of Cathaia to the portes of China Zaiton and Quinsay and to the Island of Zipango and Iapan siâ—uate in the East in 37. degrees of Septemerionall latitude and in 195. of longitâ—de These are their noble and worthie discoueries Here also is not to bee forgotten that in the yere of our Lord 1501. that famous and worthy gentleman Americus Vespucius did discouer people and plant to their vse the holdes and forts which they haue in Brasill of whom he being but a priuate gentleman the whole countrey or firme land of the West Indies is commonly called and knowen by the name of America I doe greatly doubt least I seeme ouer tedious in the recitall of the particular discoueries and conquests of the East and West Indies wherein I was the more bold to vrge the patience
description of the temperature of the climate the disposition of the people the nature commodities and riches of the soile and other matters of speciall moment The first relation of Iaques Carthier of S. Malo of the new land called New France newly discouered in the yere of our Lord 1534. How M. Iaques Carthier departed from the Port of S. Malo with two ships and came to Newfoundland and how he entred into the Poâ—t of Buona Vista AFter that Sir Charles of Mouy knight lord of Meylleraye Uiceadmirall of France had caused the Captaines Masters and Mariners of the shippes to be sworne to behaue themselues truely and faithfully in the seruice of the most Christian King of France vnder the charge of the sayd Carthier vpon the twentieth day of April 1534 we dearted from the Port of S. Malo with two ships of threescore tun apiece burden and 61 well appointed men in ech one and with such prosperous weather we sailed onwards that vpon the tenth day of May we came to Newfoundland where we entred into the Cape of Buona Vista which is in latitude 48 degrees and a halfe and in longitude * But because of the great store of the ice that was alongst the sayd land we were constrained to enter into an hauen called S. Katherins hauen distant from the other Port about fiue leagues toward Southsoutheast there did we stay tenne dayes looking for faire weather and in the meane while we mended and dressed our boats How we â—ame to the Island of Birds and of the greaâ— quantity of biâ—ds that there be VPon the 2â— of May the winde being in the West we hoised saiâ—e and sailed toward North and by East from the cape of Buona Vista vntil we came to the Iâ—â—and of Birds which was enuironed about with a banke of ice but broken and cracke notwithstanding the sayd banke our two boats went thither to take in some birdsâ— whereof there is such plenty that vnlesse a man did see them he would tâ—inke it an incredible thing for albeit the Island which containeth about a â—eague in circuit be so full of them that they seeme to hauâ— bene brought thither â—nd sewed for the nonâ—e yet are there an hundred folde as many houering â—bout it as within some of the which are as big as â—ayes blacke and white with beaks like vnto crowes they lie alwayes vpon the sea they cannot flie very high because their wings are so little and no bigger then halfe ones hand yet do they â—lie as swifâ—ly as any birds of the aire leuell to the water they are also exceeding fat we named them Aporathâ— In lesse then halfe an houre we filled two boats full of them as if they had bene with stones so that besides them which we did eat fresh â—uery ship did powder and salt fiue or siâ—e barrels full of them Of two soâ—ts of birds the one called Godeâ—â— the oâ—her Margaâ—â—x and how we came to Carpâ—nt BEsides these there is another kinde of birds which hoâ—â—â— in the aire and ouer the sea lesser then the others and these doe all gather themselues together in the Island and put themselues vnder the wings of other birds that are greater these we named Godetz There are also of another sort but bigger and whitâ— which bite euen as dogs those we named Margaulx And albeit the sayd Islaâ—d be 14 leagues from the maine land notwithstandingâ— eares come swimming thither to eat of the sayd birdsâ— and our men found one there as great as any cow and as white as any swan who nâ—their presence leaâ—â— into the sea and vpon Whitsuâ—â— unday following our voyage toward the land we met her by the way swimming toward land as swifâ—ly as we could saile So soone as we saw her we pursued her withouâ— boats and by maine strength tooke her wâ—ose flesh was as good to be eaten as the flesh of a calfe of tâ—o yeres olde The Wednesday following being the 27 of the moneth we came â—o the entrance of the bay of thâ— Castle but because the weather was ill and the great store of ice we found we were constrained to enter into an harborow about the sayd entrance called Carpunt where because we could not come out of it we stayed til the ninth of Iune what time we departed hoping with the helpe of God to saile further then the sayd Carpunt which is in latitude 51 degrees The description of Newfoundland from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad THe land from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad which is the point of the entrance of the bay that trendeth from head to head toward Northnortheast and Southsouthwest All this part of land is parted into Islands one so nere the other that there are but small riuers betweene them thorow the which you may passe with little boats and therefore there are certaine good harborows among which are those of Carpunt and Degrad In one of these Islands that is the highest of them all being the top of it you may plainly see the â—wo low Islands that are nere to Cape Razo from whence to the port of Carpunt they count it fiue and twenty leagues and there are two entrances theâ— eat one on the East the other on the South side of the Island But you must take heed of the side â— point of the East because that euery where there is nothing els but shelues and â—he water is very shallow you must go about the Island toward the West the length of halfe a cable or thereabout and then â—o goe toward the South to the sayd Carpunt Also you are â—o take heed of â—â—ree shelues that are in the chanell vnder the water and toward the Island on the East side in the chanell the water is of three or foure fadome deepe and cleere ground The other trendeth toward Eastnortheast and on the West you may go on shore Of the Island which â—ow is called S. Katherins island GOing from the point Degradâ— and entring into the sayd bay toward the West by North there is some doubt of two Islands that are on the right side one of the which is distant from the sayd point three leagues and the other seuen either more or lesse then the first being a low and plaine land and it seemeth to be part of the maine land I named it Saint Katherines Island in which toward the Northeast there is very dry soile but aâ—out a quarter of a lâ—â—gue from it very ill ground so that you must go a little about The sayd â— stand the Port of Casâ—â—es trend toward North northeast and South southwest and they are about 25. 〈◊〉 asunder From the said port of Castles to the port of Gutte which is in the northerne part of the said Bay that trendeth toward East northeast and West southwest there are 12. leagues and an halfe and about two leagues from the port of â—alances that is to say the third paâ—t athware the saide Bay
we were not minded to doe to the end wee might shorten our way These two lands lie Northwest and Southeast and are about fiftie leagues one from another The sayd Island is in latitude 47 degrees and a halfe Upon Thursday being the twenty sixe of the moneth and the feast of the Ascension of our Lord we coasted ouer to a land and shallow of lowe sandes which are about eight leagues Southwest from Brions Island aboue which are large Champaines full of trees and also an enclosed sea whereas we could neither see nor perceiue any gappe or way to enter there into On Friday following being the 27 of the moneth because the wind did change on the coast we came to Brions Island againe where wee stayed till the beginning of Iune and toward the Southeast of this Island wee sawe a lande seeming vnto vs as an Island we coasted it about two leagues and a halfe and by the way we had notice of three other high Islands lying toward the Sande after wee had knowen these things we returned to the Cape of the sayd land which doeth deuide itselfe into two or three very high Capes the waters there are very deepe and the flood of the sea runneth so swift that it cannot possibly be swifter That day we came to Cape Loreine which is in forty seuen degrees and a halfe toward the South on which cape there is a low land and it seemeth that there is some entrance of a riuer but there is no hauen of any worth Aboue these lands we saw another cape toward the South we named it Saint Paules Cape it is at 47 degrees and a quarter The Sonday following being the fourth of Iune and Whit sonday wee had notice of the coaste lying Eastsoutheast distant from the Newfoundland about two and twenty leagues and because the wind was against vs wee went to a Hauen which wee named S. Spiritus Porte where we stayed till Tewesday that we departed thence sayling along that coast vntill wee came to Saint Peâ—ers Islands Wee found along the sayd coast many very dangerous Islands and shelues which lye all in the way Eastsoutheast and Westnorthwestâ— about three and twenty leagues into the sea Whilest we were in the sayd Saint Peters Islands we met with many ships of France and of Britaine wee stayed there from Saint Barnabas day being the eleuenth of the moneth vntil the sixteenth that we departed thence came to Cape Rase and entred into a Port called Rognoso where wee tooke in fresh water and wood to passe the sea there wee left one of our boates Then vpon Monday being the nineteenth of Iune we went from that Port and with such good and prospâ—rous weather we sailed along the sea in such sorte that vpon the sixt of Iuly 1536 we came to the Porte of S. Malo by the grace of God to whom we pray here ending our Nauâ—gation that of his infinite mercy he will grant vs his grace and fauour and in the end bring vs to the place of euerlasting felicitie Amen Here followeth the language of the countrey and kingdomes of Hochelaga and Canada of vs called New France But first the names of their numbers Secada 1 Tigneni 2 Hische 3 Hannaion 4 Ouiscon 5 Indahir 6 Aiaga 7 Addigue 8 Madellon 9 Assâ—m 10 Here follow the names of the chiefest partes of man and other words necessary to be knowen the Head aggonzi the Browe hegueniascon the Eyes higata the Eares abontascon the Mouth esahe the Teeth esgongay the Tongue osnache the Throate agonhon the Beard hebelim the Face hegouascon the Haires aganiscon the Armes aiayascon the Flanckes atssonne the Stomacke aggruascon the Bellie eschehenda the Thighes hetnegradascon the Knees agochinegodascon the Legges agouguenehonde the Feete onchidascon the Hands aignoascon the Fingers agenoga the Nailes agedascon a Mans member aâ—moascon a Womans member eastaigne an Eele esgueny a Snaile vndeguezi a Tortois henlenxinia Woods conda leaues of Trees hoga God cudragny giue me some drink quaz â—hoaquea giue me to breakfast quaso hoa quascaboa giue me my supper quaza hâ—a quat frian let vs goe to bed casigno agnydahoâ— a Man aguehâ—m a woman agâ—uaste a Boy addegesta a Wench agniaquesta a Child exiasta a Gowne cabata a Dublet caioza Hosen hemondoha Shooes atha a Shirt amgona a Cappe castrua Corne osizi Bread carraconny Water ame Flesh quahouascon Reisins queion Damsons honnesta Figges absconda Grapes ozoba Nuttes quahoya a Hen sahomgahoa a Lamprey zisto a Salmon ondacon a Whale ainne honne a Goose sadeguenda a Streete adde Cucumber seede casconda to Morrowe achide the Heauen quenhia the Earth damga the Sunne ysmay the Moone assomaha the Starres stagnehoham the Winde cohoha good morrow aâ—gnag let vs go to play casigno caudy come speak with me assigniquaddadiâ— â—ooke vpon me quagathoma hold your peace aista let vs go with y t boat casigno casnouy giue me a knife buazahca agoheda a Hatchet adogne a Bow ahenca a Darte quahetan let vs goe a hunting Casigno donnascat a Stagge aionnesta a Sheepe asquenondo a Hare Sourbanda a Dogge agaya a Towne canada the Sea agogasy the waues of the sea coda an â—sland cohena an Hill agacha the yce honnesca Snow camsa Colde athau Hotte odazani Fier azista Smoke quea a House canoca Beanes sahe Cinnamom adhotathny my Father addathy my Mother adunahot my Brother addagrim my Sister adhoasseue They of Canada say that it is a moneths sayling to goe to a lande where Cinnamom and Cloues are gathered Here endeth the Relation of Iames Cartiers discouery and Nauigation to the Newfoundlands by him named New France The third voyage of discouery made by Captaine Iaques Cartier 1540. vnto the Countreys of Canada Hochelaga and Saguenay KIng Francis the first hauing heard the report of Captaine Cartier his Pilot generall in his two former Uoyages of discouery as wâ—ll by writing as by word of mouth touching that which hee had found and seene in the Westerne partes discouered by him in the parts of Canada and Hochelaga and hauing also seene and talked with the people which the sayd Cartier had brought out of those Countreys whereof one was king of Canada whose name was Donnacona and others which after that they had bene a long time in France and Britaine were baptized at their owne desire and request and died in the sayd countrey of Britaine And albeit his Maiestie was aduertized by the sayd Cartier of the death and decease of all the people which were brought ouer by him which were tenne in number sauing one little girle about tenne yeeres old yet he resolued to send the sayd Cartier his Pilot thither againe with Iohn Francis de la Roche Knight Lord of Roberual whome hee appointed his Lieutenant and Gouernour in the Countreys of Canada and Hochelaga and the sayd Cartier Captaine generall and leader of the shippes that they might discouer more then was done before
euery of them that he and they and euery or any of them shall and may from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter for his and their defence encounter and expulse repell and resist aswell by sea as by lande and by all other wayes whatsoeuer all and euery such person and persons whatsoeuer as without the especiall liking and license of the sayd Walter Ralegh and of his heires and assignes shall attempt to inhabite within the sayde Countryes or any of them or within the space of two hundreth leagues neere to the place or places within such Countryes as aforesayde if they shall not bee before planted or inhabited within the limits as aforesayd with the subiects of any Christian Prince being in amitie with vs where the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires or assignes or any of them or his or their or any of their associats or company shall within sixe yeeres next ensuing make their dwellings or abidings or that shall eâ—terprise or attempt at any time hereafter vnlawfully to annoy eyther by Sea or Lande the sayde Walter Ralegh his heires or assignes or any of them or his or their or any of his or their companies giuing and graunting by these presents further power and authoritie to the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery of them from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter to take and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoeuer all and euery those person or persons with their Shippes Uessels and other goods and furniture which without the licence of the sayde Walter Ralegh or his heires or assignes as aforesayd shal be found traffiquing into any Harbour or Harbours Creeke or Creekes within the limits aforesayd the subiects of our Realmes and Dominions and all other persons in amitie with vs trading to the Newfound lands for fishing as heretofore they haue commonly vsed or being driuen by force of a tempest or shipwracke onely excepted and those persons and euery of them with their shippes vessels goods and furniture to deteine and possesse as of good and lawfull prize according to the discretion of him the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery or any of them And for vniting in more perfect league and amitie of such Countryes landes and territories so to be possessed and inhabited as aforesayd with our Realmes of England and Ireland and the better incouragement of men to these enterprises we doe by these presents graunt and declare that all such Countries so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as is aforesayd from thencefoorth shall be of the allegiance of vs our heires and successours And wee doe graunt to the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and to all and euery of them and to all and euery other person and persons being of our allegiance whose names shall be noted or entred in some of our Courts of recorde within our Realme of England that with the assent of the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires or assignes shall in his iourneis for discouerie or in the iourneis for conquest hereafter trauaile to such lands countreis and territories as aforesayd and to their and to euery of their heires that they and euery or any of them being eyther borne within our sayde Realmes of England or Irelande or in any other place within our allegiance and which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the Lands Countryes and Territories with such licence as aforesayd shall and may haue all the priuiledges of free Denizens and persons natiue of England and within our allegiance in such like ample maner and forme as if they were borne and personally resident within our said Realme of Eâ—gland any law custome or vsage to the contrary notwithstanding And for asmuch as vpon the finding out discouering or iâ—habiting of such remote lands countries and territories as aforesaid it shal be necessary for the safety of all men that shall aduenture themselues in those iourneyes or voyages to determine to liue together in Christian peace and ciuill quietnesse eche with other whereby euery one may with more pleasure and profit enioy that whereunto they shall atteine with great paine and perill wee for vs our heires and successors are likewise pleased and contented and by these presents doe giue grant to the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes for euer that he and they and euery or any of them shall and may from time to time for euer hereafter within the said mentioned remote lands and countries in the way by the seas thither and from thence haue full and meere power and authoritie to correct punish pardon gouerne and rule by their and euery or any of their good discretions and policies aswell in causes capitall or criminall as ciuil both marine and other all such our subiects as shal from time to time aduenture themselues in the said iourneis or voyages or that shall at any time hereafter inhabite any such lands countreis or territories as aforesayd or that shall abide within 200. leagues of any of the sayde place or places where the sayde Walter Ralegh his heires or assignes or any of them or any of his or their associats or companies shall inhabite within 6. yeeres next ensuing the date hereof according to such statutes lawes and ordinances as shall be by him the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery or any of them deuised or established for the better gouernment of the said people as aforesaid So alwayes as the said statutes lawes and ordinances may be as nere as conueniently may bee agreeable to the forme of the lawes statutes gouernement or pollicie of England and also so as they be not against the true Christian faith nowe professed in the Church of England nor in any wise to withdrawe any of the subiectes or people of those lands or places from the alleageance of vs our heires and successours as their immediate Soueraigne vnder God And further we doe by these presents for vs our heires and successors giue and grant ful power and authoritie to our trustie and wâ—lbeloued Counsailour Sir William Cecill knight Lorde Burghleyâ— our high Treasourer of England and to the Lorde Treasourer of England for vs our heires and successors for the time beingâ— and to the priuie Cousaile of vs our heires and successors or any foure or more of them for the time being that he they or any foure or more of them shall and may from time to time and at all times hereafter vnder his or their handes or Seales by vertue of these presents authorise and licence the saide Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery or any of them by him by themselues or by their or any of their sufficient Atturneis Deputies Officers Ministers Factors and seruants to imbarke transport out of our Realme of England and Ireland and the Dominions thereof all or any of his or their goods and all or any the goods of his and their associats and companies and
8 fathoms of water whereupon I commanded them to stay till breake of day which being come and seeing my Mariners told me that they knew not this land I commanded them to approch vnto it Being neere thereunto I made them cast anker sent the boat on shore to vnderstand in what Countrey we were Word was brought me that we were in Wales a prouince of England I went incontinently on land where after I had taken the ayre a sickenesse tooke nice whereof I thought I should haue dyed In the meane while I caused the ship to be brought into the bay of a small towne called Swansey where I found merchants of S. Malo which lent me money wherewith I made certaine apparel for my selfe and part of my company that was with me and because there were no victuals in the ship I bought two Oxen and salted them and a tunne of Beâ—re which I deliuered into his hands which had charge of the shipâ— praying him to cary it into France which he promised me to doe for mine owne part I purposed with my men to passe by land and after I had taken leaue of my Mariners I departed from Swansey and came that night with my company to a place called Morgan where the Lord of the place vnderstanding what I was stayed me with him for the space of 6 or 7 dayes and at my departure moâ—ued with pitie to see me goe on foot especially being so weake as I was gaue me a litle Hackny Thus I passed on my iourney first to Bristoll then to London where I went to doe my duty to Monsieur de Foix which for the present was the kings Ambassador and holpe me with mony in my necessitie From thence I passed to Caleis afterward to Paris where I was informed that the king was gone to Molins to soiourne there incontinently with all the hast I could possibly make I gate me thither with part of my coÌ„pany Thus briefly you see the discourse of all that happened in New France since the time it pleased the kings Maiesty to send his subiects thither to discouer those parts The indifferent and vnpassionate readers may easily weigh the truth of my doings and be vpright iudges of the endeuor which I there vsed For mine owne part I wil not accuse nor excuse any it sufficeth mee to haue followed the trueth of the history whereof many arâ— able to beare witnesse which were there present I will plainly say one thing That the long delay that Captaine Iohn Ribault vsed in his embarking and the 15. daies that he spent in rouing along the coast of Florida before he came to our fort Caroline were the cause of the losse that we susteined For he discouered the coast the 14 of August and spent the time in going from riuer to riuer which had bene sufficient for him to haue discharged his ships in and for me to haue embarked my selfe to returne into France I wote well that al that he did was vpon a good intent yet in mine opinion he should haue had more regard vnto his charge then to the deuises of his owne braine which sometimes hee printed in his head so deeply that it was very hard to put them out which also turned to his vtter vndoing for hee was no sooner departed from vs but a tempest tooke him which in fine wrackt him vpon the coast where all his shippes were cast away and he with much adoe escaped drowning to fall into their hands which cruelly massacred him and all his company The fourth voyage of the Frenchmen into Florida vnder the conduct of Captaine Gourgues in the yeere 1567. CAptaine Gourgues a Gentleman borne in the Countrey neere vnto Bourdeaux incited with a desire of reuenge to repaire the honour of his nation borowed of his friends and sold part of his owne goods to set forth and furnish three ships of indifferent burthen with all things necessary hauing in them an hundred and fiftie souldiers and fourescore chosen Mariners vnder Captaine Cazenoue his lieutenant and Francis Bourdelois Master ouer the Mariners He set forth the 22 of August 1567. And hauing endured contrary winds and stormes for a season at length hee arriued and went on shore in the Isle of Cuba From thence he passed to the Cape of Saint Antony at the end of the I le of Cuba about two hundred leagues distant from Florida where the captaine disclosed vnto them his intention which hitherto he had concealed from them praying and exhorting them not to leaue him being so neere the enemie so well furnished and in such a cause which they all sware vnto him and that with such courage that they would not stay the full Moone to passe the chanell of Bahama but speedily discouered Florida where the Spanyards saluted them with two Canon shot from their fort supposing that they had beene of their nation and Gourgues saluted them againe to entertaine them in this errour that hee might surâ—rise them at more aduantage yet sailing by them making as though he went to some other place vntil he had sailed out of sight of the place so that about euening hee landed 15 leagues from the fort at the mouth of the Riuer Tacatacouru which the Frenchmen called Seine because they thought it to bee like Seine in France Afterward perceiuing the shore to bee couered with Sauages with their vowes and arrowes besides the signe of peace and amitie which he made them from his ships he sent his Trumpetâ—er to assure them that they were come thither for none other ende but to renew the amitie and ancient league of the French with them The Trumpetter did â—is message so well by reason he had bene there before vnder Laudonniere that he brought backe from king Satouriona the greatest of all the other kings a kidde and other meat to refresh vs besides the offer of his friendshâ—p and amitie Afterward they retâ—red daâ—sing in signe of ioy to aduertise all the kings Satouriouaes kinsmen to repaire thither the next day to make a league of amitie with the Frenchmen Whereupon in the meane space our generall went about to sound the chanel of the riuer to bring in his ships and the better to traffike and deale with the Sauages of whom the chiefe the next day in the morning presented themselues namely the great king Satourioua Tacatacourou Halmacanir Athore Harpaha Helmacapé Helicopilé Molloâ—a and others his kinsmen and allies with their accustomed weapons Then sent they to intreate the French general to come on shore which he caused his men to do with their swords and harquebâ—sies which he made them leaue behind them in token of mutuall assurance leauing his men but their swords only after that the Sauages complaining thereof had left and likewise sent away their weapons at the request of Gourgues This done Satourioua going to meet him caused him to sit on his right hand in a seat
thus blowing vp the store house and the other houses buylt of Pinâ—trees The rest of the Spaniards being led away prisoners with the others after that the Generall had shewed them the wrong which they had done without occasion to all the French Nation were all hanged on the boughs of the same trees whereon the French hung of which number fiue were hanged by one Spaniard which perceiuing himselfe in the like miserable estate confessed his fault and the iust iudgement which God had brought vpon him But in stead of the writing which Pedro Melendes had hanged ouer them importing these wordes in Spanish I doe not this as vnto French men but as vnto Lutherans Gourgues caused to be imprinted with a searing iron in a table of Firrewood I doe not this as vnto Spaniardes nor as vnto Mariners but as vnto Traitors Robbers and Murtherers Afterward considering he had not men inough to keepe his Forts which he had wonne much lesse to store them fearing also lest the Spaniard which hath Dominions neere adioyning should renew his forces or the Sauages should preuaile against the French men vnlesse his Maiestie would send thither hee resolued to raze them And indeede after he had assembled and in the ende perswaded all the Sauage kings so to doe they caused their subiects to runne thither with such affection that they ouerthrew all the three Forts flatte euen with the ground in one day This done by Gourgues that hee might returne to his Shippes which were left in the Riuer of Seyâ—e called Tacatacourou fifteene leagues distant from thence he sent Cazeâ—roue and the artillery by water afterward with fourescore harquebâ—siers armed with corsiâ—ts and matches light followed with fortie Mariners bearing pikes by reason of the small confidence he was to haue in so many Sauages he marched by land alwayes in battell ray finding the wayes couered with Sauages which came to honour him with presents and prayses as the deliuerer of all the countreis round about adioyning An old woman among the rest sayd vnto him that now she cared not any more to dye since she had seene the Frenchmen once againe in Florida and the Spaniards chased out Briefly being arriued and finding his ships set in order and euery thing ready to set sayle hee counselled the kings to continue in the amitie and ancient league which they had made with the king of France which would defend them against all Nations which they all promised shedding teares because of his departure Olotorara especially for appeasing of whom he promised them to returne within twelue Moones so they count the yeeres and that his king would send them an army and store of kniues for presents and all other things necessary So that after he had taken his leaue of them and assâ—mbled his menâ— he thanked God of all his successe since his seâ—ting foorth and prayed to him for an happy returne The third of May 1568. all things were made ready the Rendez-nous appoynted and the Ankers weighed to set sayle so prosperously that in seuenteene dayes they ranne eleuen hundred leagues continuing which course they arriued at Rochel the sixt of Iune the foure and thirtieth day after their departure from the Riuer of May hauing lost but a small Pinnesse and eight men in it with a few gentlemen and others which were slaine in the assaulting of the Forts After the cheere and good intertainment which he receiued of those of Rochel hee sayled to Burdeaux to informe Monsieur Monluc of the things aboue mentioned albeit hee was aduertised of eighteene Pinnesses and a great Shippe of two hundred Tunnes full of Spanyardes which being assured of the defeat in Florida and that he was at Rochel came as farre as Che-de Bois the same day that he departed thence and followed him as farre as Blay but he was gotten already to Bordeaux to make him yeeld another account of his voyage then that where with hee made many Frenchmen right glad The Catholicke king being afterward informed that Gourgues could not easily be taken offered a great summe of money to him that could bring him his head praying moreouer king Charles to doe iustice on him as of the authour of so bloody an act contrary to their alliance and good league of friendshippe In so much as comming to Paris to present himselfe vnto the King to signifie vnto him the successe of his Uoyage and the meanes which hee had to subdue this whole Countrey vnto his obedience wherein hee offered to imploy his life and all his goods hee found his entertainement and answere so contrary to his expectation that in fine hee was constrayned to hide himselfe a long space in the Court of Road about the yeere 1570 And without the assistance of President Matigâ—y in whose house he remayned certaine dayes and of the Receiuer of Vacquieulx which alwayes was his faithfull friend hee had beene in great danger Which grieued not a litle Dominique de Gourgues considering the seruices which hee had done aswell vnto him as to his predecessours kings of France Heâ— was borne in Mount Marsan in Guyenne and imployed for the seruice of the most Christian Kings in all the Armies made since these twentie fiue or thirtie yeeres at last he had the charge and honour of a Captaine which in a place neere vnto Siene with thirtie Souldyers sustayned the brunt of a part of the Spanish Armie by which beeing taken in the assault and hauing all his men cutte in pieces hee was put into a Galley in token of the good warre and singular fauour which the Spanyard is woont to shewe vs. But as the Galley was going toward Sicillie beeing taken by the Turkes ledde away to Rhodes and thence to Constantinople it was shortly afterwarde recouered by Romeguas commaunder ouer the Armie of Malta By this meane returning home hee made a Uoyage on the coast of Africa whence hee tooke his course to Bresil and to the South Sea At length beeing desirous to repayre the honour of France he set vpon Florida with such successe as you haue heard So that being become by his continuall warlike actions both by Land and Sea no lesse valiant Captaine then skilfull Mariner hee hath made himselfe feared of the Spanyard and acceptable vnto the Queene of England for the desert of his vertues To conclude he dyed in the yeere 1582. to the great griefe of such as knew him The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard which sir Francis Drake brought from Saint Augustines in Florida where he had remayned sixe yeeres touching the state of those partes taken from his mouth by Master Richard Hakluyt 1586. THree score leagues vp to the Northwest from Saint Helena are the mountaines of the golde and Chrystall Mines named Apalatci The riuer of Wateri is thirtie leagues from S. Helena Northward Wateri and Caiowa are two kings and two riuers to the North of Saint Helena Kings and Riuers to the South of
scarse a stones cast but the Indians were come vpon them to shoot at them with their arrowes and because they were vnaâ—med they would not fight with them hauing gone on shore for no other purpose but to sound the mouth and enterance of that lake On Thursday the 4 of December we set saile with a frâ—sh gale of winde and sayled some 8 or 10 leagues and came vnto certaine mouthes or inlets which seemed to all of vs as though they had beene Ilands and we entered into one of them and came into an hauen which we called Baya del Abad all inclosed and compassed with land being one of the fairest hauens that hath beene seene and about the same especially on both sides the lande was greene and goodly to behold we discryed certaine riuers on that part which seemed greene therefore we returned backe going out at that mouth wherby we came in alwayes hauing contrary wind yet the Pilots vsed their best indeuour to make way and we saw before vs certaine wooddy hils and beyond them certaine plaines this we saw from the Friday the 5 of the said moneth vntill the Tuesday which was the ninth As we drew neere to these woods they seemed very pleasant and there were goodly and large hilles and beyond them towardes the sea were certaine plaines and through all the countrey we saw these woods From the day before which was the Conception of our Lady we saw many great smokes whereat we much maruelled being of diuerse opinions among our selues whether those smokes were made by the inhabitants of the countrey or no. Ouer against these woods there fell euery night such a dew that euery morning when we rose the decke of the ship was so wet that vntill the sunne was a good height we alwaies made the decke durtie with going vpon it We rode ouer against these woods from the Tuesday morning when we set saile vntill Thursday about midnight when a cruell Northwest winde tooke vs which whither we would or no inforced vs to way our anker and it was so great that the ship Santa Agueda began to returne backe vntill her cable broke and the ship hulled and suddenly with a great gust the trinker and the mizâ—n were rent asunder the Northwest winde still growing more and more within a short while after the maine saile was rent with a mighty flaw of winde so that we were inforced both souldiers captaine and all of vs to doe our best indeuor to mend our sailes and the Trinitie was driuen to do the like for she going round vpon her anker when she came a-head of it her cable broke so that there we lost two ankers each ship one We went backe to seeke Baya del Abad for we were within 20 leagues of the same and this day we came within foure leagues of it and being not able to reach it by reason of contrary windes we rode vnder the lee of certaine mountaines and hilles which were bare and almost voide of grasse neere vnto a strand full of sandie hilles Neere vnto this road wee found a fishing-place vnder a point of land where hauing let downe our lead to see what ground was there a fish caught it in his mouth and began to draw it and he which held the sounding-lead crying and shewing his fellowes that it was caught that they might helpe him as soone as he had got it aboue the water tooke the fish and loosed the cord of the sounding-lead and threw it againe into the sea to see whether therâ— were any good depth and it was caught againe whereupon he began to cry for helpe and all of vs made a shout for ioy thus drawing the fish the rope of the sounding-lead being very great was crackt but at length we caught the fish which was very faire Here we stayed from Friday when we arriued there vntill the Munday when as it seemed good to our Captaine that we should repaire to the watering place from whence we were some sixe leagues distant to take in 12 buttes of water which wee had drunke and spent because he knew not whither we should from thencefoorth finde any water or no and though we should finde water it was doubtfull whither we should be able to take it by reason of the great tide that goeth vpon that coast We drewe neere to that place on Munday at night when as we sawe certaine fires of the Indians And on Tuesday morning our Generall commaunded that the Trinitie should come as neere our ship to the shore as it could that if we had neede they might helpe vs with their great ordinance and hauing made 3 or 4 bourds to draw neere the shore there came 4 or 5 Indians to the sea-side who stood and beheld while we put out our boat and anker marking also how our bwoy floated vpon the water and when our boat returned to the ship two of them leâ—pt into the sea and swamme vnto the bwoy and beheld it a great while then they tooke a cane of an arrow and tyed to the sayd bwoy a very faire and shining sea-oyster of pearles and then returneâ— to the shore neere to the watering-place Chap. 10 They giue vnto the Indians many trifles which stand vpon the shore to see them and seekâ— to parley with them by their interpreter which was a Chichimeco who could not vnderstand their language They go to take fresh water Francis Preciado spendeth the time with them with many signes and trucking and being afeard of their great multitude retireth himselfe wisely with his companions returning with safety to the ships WHen the Captaine and we beheld this we iudged these Indians to be peacable people whereupon the Captaine tooke the boat with 4 or 5 mariners carrying with him certain beades to truck and went to speake with them In the meane while he commanded the Indian interpreter our Châ—chimeco to be called out of the Admirall that he should parley with them And the Captaine come vnto the bâ—y and laid certaine things vpon it for exchange made siâ—nes vnto the Sauages to câ—me and take them and an Indian made signes vnto our men with his hands his armes and head that thâ—y vnderstood them not but signified that they should go aside Whereupon the Captaine deparâ—ed a smal distance from that place with his boat And they made signes againe that he should get him further whâ—reupon we departing a great way off the saide Indians leapâ— into the water came vnto the boy and tooke those beades and returnâ—d backe againe to land and â—hen came vnto the other three and all of them viâ—wing our things they gaue a bowe and certaine arrowes to an Indian and sâ—nt him awâ—y running with all haste on the shore and made signes vnto vs that they had sent word vnto their lord what things we had giuen them and that he would come thither Within a while after the said Indian returned running as he did before and
he tolde me that certaine companions of his had led him away I made him good countenance and better intertainment because he should beare me companie againe considering howe much it did importe me to haue him with me He excused himselfe because he stayed there to bring mee certaine feaâ—hers of Parrats which he gaue me I asked him what people these were and whether they had any Lord hee answered me yea and named three or foure vnto me of foure or 25 names of people which he knew and that they had houses painted within and that they had trafficke with those of Ceuola and that in two moones hee came into the countrey He told me moreouer many other names of Lords and other people which I haue written downe in a booke of mine which I will bring my selfe vnto your Lordship But I thought good to deliuer this briefe relation to Augustine Guerriero in this hauen of Colima that he might send it ouerland to your Lordshippe to whom I haue many other things to imparte But to returne to my iourney I arriued at Quicama where the Indians came forth with great ioy and gladnes to receiue me aduertizing me that their Lord waited for my comming to whom when I was come I found that he had with him fiue or sixe thousand men without weapons from whom he went aparte with some two hundred onely all which brought victuals with them and so he came towards me going before the rest with great authoritie and before him and on each side of him were certaine which made the people stande aside making him way to passe Hee ware a garment close before and behind and open on both sides fastened with buttons wrought with white and blacke checker worke it was very soft and well made being of the skinnes of certaine delicate fishes called Sea breams Assoone as he was come to the waters side his seruants tooke him vp in their armes and brought him into my boate where I embraced him and receiued him with great ioy shewing vnto him much kindnesse vpon which intertainment his people standing by and beholding the same seemed not a litle to reioyce This Lord turnning himselfe to his people wiâ—led them to consider my courtesie and that he being of his owne accord come vnto me with a strange people they might see how good a man I was and with how great loue I had entertained him and that therefore they should take me for their Lord and that all of them should become my seruants and doe whatsoeuer I would command them There I caused him to sit downe and to eat certaine conserues of sugar which I had brought with mee and willed the interpreter to thanke him in my name for the fauour which he had done me in vouchsafing to come to see mee recommending vnto him the worshipping of the crosse and all such other things as I had recommended to the rest of the Indians namely that they should liue in peace and should leaue off warres and should continue alwayes good friendes together he answered that of long time they had continued in warres with their neighbours but that from thence forward he would command his people that they should giue food to all strangers that passed through his kingdome and that they should doe them no kinde of wrong and that if any nation should come to inuade him he said he would tell them howe I had commanded that they should liue in peace and if they refused the â—ame he would defend himselfe and promised me that he would neuer goe to seeke warre if others came not to inuade him Then I gaue him certaine trifles as well of the seedes which I brought as of the hens of Castile wherâ—with he was not a litle pleased And at my departure I caâ—yed certaine of his people with me to make friendship betweene them and those other people which dwâ—lt aboue the Riuer and here the interpreter came vnto me to craue leaue to returne home and I gaue him certaine gifts wherewith he dâ—parted greatly satisfied The next day I came to Coama and many of them knew me not seeing me clad in other apartel but the old man which was there as soone as he knew me leapt into the water saying vnto me Sir lo here is the man which you left with me which came forth very ioyfull pleasant declaring vnto me the great courtesies which that people had shewed him saying that they had strouen together who should haue him to his house and that it was incredible to thinke what care they had at the rising of the Sunne to hold vp their hands and kneele before the Crosse. I gaue them of my seedes and thanked them hartily for the good entertainment which they had shewed my man and they besought me that I would leaue him with them which I granted them vntill my return and he stayed among them very willingly Thus I went forward vp the Riuer taking that olde man in my companie which told mee that two Indians came from Cumana to enquire for the Christians that he had answered them that he knew none such but that he knew one which was the sonne of the Sunne and that they had perswaded him to ioyne with thâ—m to kill mee and my companions I wished him to lend me two Indians and I would send word by them that I would come vnto them and was desirous of their friendship but if that they on the contrary would haue warre I would make such a warre with them that should displeaâ—e them And â—o I passed through all that people and some came and asked me why I had not giuen them Crosses as will as the rest and so I gaue them some Chap. 9. They goe on land and see the people woâ—ship the Crosse which they had giuen them The Captaine causeth an Indian to make a draught of the countrey hee sendeth a Crosse to the Lord of Cumana and going down the Riuer with the streame he arriueth at his ships Of the error of the Pilots of Cortez as touching the situation of this Coast. THe next day I went on land to see certaine cottages and I found many women and children holding vp their hands and kneeling before a Crosse which I had giuen them When I came thither I did the like my self and couferring with the old man he began to informe me of as many people and Prouinces as he knew And when euening was come I called the old man to come and lodge with mee in my boate hee answered that hee would not goe with mee because I would wearie him with asking him questions of so many matters I told him that I would request him nothing â—lse but that he would set me downe in a charte as much as he knew concerning that Riuer and what maner of people those were which dwelt vpon the banckes thereof on both sides which he did willingly And then he requested me that I would describe my
some arrowes are poisoned for warres which they keepe in a Cane together which Cane is of the bignesse of a mans arme other some with broad heades of iron wherewith they stricke fish in the water the experience whereof we saw not once nor twise but dayly for the time we taried there for they are so good archers that the Spaniards for feare thereof arme themselues and their horses with quilted canuas of two ynches thicke and leaue no place of their body open to their enemies sauing their eyes which they may not hide and yet oftentimes are they hit in that so small a scantling Their poyson is of such a force that a man being stricken there with dyeth within foure and twentie howers as the Spaniards do affirme in my iudgement it is like there can be no stronger poyson as they make it vsing thereunto apples which are very faire and red of colour but are a strong poyson with the which together with venemous Bats Uipers Adders and other serpents they make a medley and therewith anoint the same The Indian women delight not when they are yong in bearing of children because it maketh them haue hanging breastes which they account to bee great deforming in them and vpon that occasion while they bee yong they destroy their seede saying that it is fittest for olde women Moreouer when they are deliuered of childe they goe straight to washe themselues without making any further ceremonie for it not lying in bed as our women doe The beds which they haue are made of Gossopine cotton and wrought artificially of diuers colours which they cary about with them when they trauell and making the same fast to two trees lie therein they and their women The people be surely gentle and tractable and such as desire to liue peaceably or els had it bene vnpossible for the Spaniards to haue conquered them as they did and the more to liue now peaceably they being so many in number and the Spaniards so few From hence we departed the eight and twentie and the next day we passed betwene the maine land and the Island called Tortuga a very lowe Island in the yeere of our Lorde God one thousande fiue hundred sixtie fiue aforesaide and sayled along the coast vntill the first of Aprill at which time the Captaine sayled along in the Iesus pinnesse to discerne the coast and saw many Caribes on shore and some also in their Canoas which made tokens vnto him of friendship and shewed him golde meaning thereby that they would trafficke for wares Whereupon he stayed to see the maners of them and so for two or three trifles they gaue such things as they had about them and departed but the Caribes were very importunate to haue them come on shore which if it had not bene for want of wares to trafficke with them he would not haue denyed them because the Indians which we saw before were very gentle people and such as do no man hurt But as God would haue it hee wanted that thing which if hee had had would haue bene his confusion for these were no such kinde of people as wee tooke them to bee but more deuilish a thousand partes and are eaters and deuourers of any man they can catch as it was afterwards declared vnto vs at Burboroata by a Carauel comming out of Spaine with certaine souldiers and a Captaine generall sent by the king for those Eastward parts of the Indians who sayling along in his pinnesse as our Captaine did to descry the coast was by the Caribes called a shoore with sundry tokens made to him of friendshippe and golde shewed as though they desired trafficke with the which the Spaniard being mooued suspecting no deceite at all went ashore amongst them who was no sooner a shore but with foure or fiue more was taken the rest of his company being inuaded by them saued themselues by flight but they that were taken paied their ransome with their liues and were presently eaten And this is their practise to toll with their golde the ignorant to their snares they are bloodsuckers both of Spaniards Indians and all that light in their laps not sparing their own countreymen if they can conueniently come by them Their policie in fight with the Spaniards is marueilous for they chuse for their refuge the mountaines and woodes where the Spaniards with their horses cannot follow them and if they fortune to be met in the plaine where one horseman may ouer-runne 100. of them they haue a deuise of late practised by them to pitch stakes of wood in the ground and also small iron pikes to mischiefe their horses wherein they shew themselues politique warriers They haue more abundance of golde then all the Spaniards haue and liue vpon the mountaines where the Mines are in such number that the Spaniards haue much adoe to get any of them from them and yet sometimes by assembling a great number of them which happeneth once in two yeeres they get a piece from them which afterwards they keepe sure ynough Thus hauing escaped the danger of them wee kept our course along the coast and came the third of April to a Towne called Burboroata where his ships came to an ancker and hee himselfe went a shore to speake with the Spaniards to whom hee declared himselfe to be an Englishman and came thither to trade with them by the way of marchandize and therefore required licence for the same Unto whom they made answere that they were forbidden by the king to trafique with any forren nation vpon penaltie to forfeit their goods therfore they desired him not to molest them any further but to depart as he came for other comfort he might not looke for at their handes because they were subiects and might not goe beyond the law But hee replied that his necessitie was such as he might not so do for being in one of the Queenes Armadas of England and hauing many souldiours in them hee had neede both of some refreshing for them and of victuals and of money also without the which hee coulde not depart and with much other talke perswaded them not to feare any dishonest part of his behalfe towards them for neither would hee commit any such thing to the dishonour of his prince nor yet for his honest reputation and estimation vnlesse hee were too rigorously dealt withall which hee hoped not to finde at their handes in that it should as well redound to their profite as his owne and also hee thought they might doe it without danger because their princes were in amitie one with another and for our parts wee had free trafique in Spaine and Flanders which are in his dominions and therefore he knew no reason why he should not haue the like in all his dominions To the which the Spaniards made answere that it lay not in them to giue any licence for that they had a gouernour to whom the gouernment of those parts
full of rockes and stones and full of mountaines So from this wood there may a way be made to goe to the citie and to ioyne with that way which shall goe to Panama and this may bee done with small charges This harbour doth lie in nine degrees and one tierce and if occasion shoulde serue wee may stop vp the way which doth goe to Capiâ—a and the rest of the wayes which goe from Nombre de Dios to Venta de Cruzes according as it is certified me by the Negros called Simcrons for they told me that this way would not bee very troublesome Although in the Winter it is reported that here is good store of water in this place which in the Sommer it is all dryed vp and where these waters are there we may builde a causey to which purpose there are great quantities of stones and timber very seruiceable so this way may bee made with that treasure which your maiestie doeth receiue of the auerages and customes of Nombre de Dios and Panama which doth amount vnto twelue or foureteene thousand pezos yeerely and an order might be taken for the same that the sayd money may serue for the building and reparing of these wayes Panama PAnama is the principall citie of this Dioces it lieth 18. leagues from Nombre de Dios on the South sea and standeth in 9. degrees There are 3. Monasteries in this said city of fryers the one is of Dominicks the other is of Augustines and the third is of S. Francis fryers also thâ—re is a College of Iesuits and the royall audience or chancery is kept in this citie This citie is situated hard by the sea side on a sandy bay the one side of this citie is enuironed with the sea and on the other side it is enclosed with an arme of the sea which runneth vp into the land 1000. yards This citie hath three hundred and fiftie houses all built of timber and there are sixe hundred dwellers and eight hundred souldiers with the townesmen and foure hundred Negros of Guyney and some of them are free men and there is another towne which is called Santa Cruz la Real of Negros Simerons and most of them are imployed in your maiesties seruice and they are 100. in number and this towne is a league from this citie vpon a great riuers side which is a league from the sea right ouer against the harbour of Pericos But there is no trust nor confidence in any of these Negros and therefore we must take heede and beware of them for they are our mortall enemies There are three sundry wayes to come to this citie besides the sea where the enemy may assault vs. The one is at the bridge which is builded vpon the riuer and on the one side of this there lieth a creeke so on this side the citie is very strong because it is all soft muddie ground for in no way they cannot goe vpon it And right ouer against it there lyeth a riuer which is in maner like vnto a ditch or moate and on the other side of the Riuer there lyeth a great Lake or Pond which is full of water all the Winter and part of the Sommer so that on this side the city is very strong for with very small store of souldiers this place might bee kept verie well The greatest danger for the surprising of this citie is the way that doth come from Nombre de Dios for all this way is playne ground and no woods and 2000. yardes from this citie there lyeth a riuer called Lauanderas where the women doe vse to wash their linnen and this riuer doth goe into the creeke according as I haue certified your maiestie and being once past this riuer there is a causey which goeth directly vnto them The other way which doth go twards the citie is lower downe towards the sea at a stone bridge lying vpon the way which goeth to the harbour of Perico These two wayes cannot be kept nor resisted because it is all plaine ground and medowes Upon the East side of this citie there are your maiesties royall houses builded vpon a rocke ioyning hard to the Sea side and they doe aswell leane towards the sea as the land The royall audience or chancerie is kept here in these houses and likewise the prison And in this place all your maiesties treasure is kept There dwelleth in these houses your maiesties Treasurer the Lord President and 3. Iudges and master Atturney All these doe dwell in these houses and the rest of your maiesties officers which are sixe houses besides those of the Lord President the which are all dwelling houses and all adioyning together one by another along vpon the rockes And they are builded all of timber and bourdes as the other houses are So where the prison standeth and the great hall these two places may bee very well fortified because they serue so fâ—â—ly for the purpose by reason they are builded towardes the sea and that there lye certaine small rocks which at a lowe water are all discouered and drie and some of them are seene at a high water Right ouer these houses to the Eastwardes there lyeth an Island about fiue hundred yardes from these houses and the Island is in forme of a halfe moone and in this order it runneth all alongst very neere the maine land so ouer against these houses there lyeth the harbour where all the shippes doe vse to ride at an anker after that they haue discharged and vnladen their marchandize For when they haue their lading aboord there can come in none but small Barkes and at a lowe water the shippes are all aground and drie and so is all the space some thirtie yardes from those houses Right ouer against them standeth the citie When newes were brought to this citie of those Pirates which were come vpon this coast the Lord President and Iudges commanded that there should a sconce bee made and trenched round about made all of timber for the defence of this citie against the enemie and to keepe your maiesties treasure So your officers caused Venta de Cruzes to be fortified and likewise Chagre and Quebrada and fortified the garrison of Ballanoâ— for all these are places where the enemy may land and by this meanes spoyle all this countrey There are three sundry places where this citie may without difficulty be taken and spoyled by the Pirates The first is on the North seas in a certaine place which lyeth foureteene leagues from Nombre de Dios the place is called Aele to the Eastwards where once before certaine men of warre haue entred into those seas The other place is Nombre de Dios although this is a bad place and naughtie wayes and full of waters and a very dirtie way for three partes of the yeere the countrey people doe trauell vpon those waters and an other very badde way which is the going vp of certaine rockes and mountaines
which M. Robert Duddeley tolde me he had seene Upon this sight and for the abundance of golde which he saw in the city the images of golde in their temples the plates armours and shields of gold which they vse in the warres he called it El Dorado After the death of Ordas and Martinez and after Orellana who was imployed by Gonzalo Piçarro one Pedro de Osua a knight of Nauarre attempted Guiana taking his way from Peru and built his brigandines vpon a riuer called Oia which riseth to the Southward of Quito and is very great This riuer falleth into Amazones by which Osua with his companies descended and came out of that prouince which is called Mutylonez and it seemeth to mee that this empire is resâ—rued for her Maiesty and the English nation by reasâ—n of the hard succese which all these and other Spanyards found in attempting the same whereof I will speake briefly though impertinent in some â—ort to my purpose This Pedro de Osua had among his troups a Biscain called Agiri a man meanly borne who bare no other office then a sergeant or alferez but after câ—rteine moneths when the souldiers were grieued with trauels and consumed with famine and that no entrance could be found by the branches or body of Amazones this Agiri raised a mutiny of which hee made himselfe the head and so preuailed as he put Osua to the sword and all his followers taking on him the whole charge and commandement with a purpose not onely to make himselfe emperour of Guiana but also of Peru of all that side of the West Indies he had of his party seuen hundred souldiers and of those many promised to draw in other captaines companies to deliuer vp townes and forts in Peruâ— but neither finding by y e said riuer any passage into Guiana nor any possibility to returne towards Peru by the same Amazones by reason that y e descent of the riuer made so great a current he was inforced to disemboque at the mouth of the sayd Amazones which can not be lesse then a thousand leagues from the place where they imbarked from thence he coastâ—d the land till he arriued at Margarita to the North of Mompatar which is at this day called Puerto de Tyranno for that he there slew Don Iuan de villa Andreda gouernour of Margarita who was father to Don Iuan Sarmiento gouernor of Margarita when sir Iohn Burgh landed there and attempted the Island Agiri put to the sword all other in the Island that refused to be of his party and tooke with him certeine Simerones and other desperate companions From thence he went to Cumana and there slew the gouernour and dealt in all as at Margarita hee spoiled all the coast of Caracas and the prouince of Venezuela and of Rio de la hacha and as I remember it was the same yere that sir Iohn Hawkins sailed to Saint Iuan de Vllua in the Iesus of Lubeck for himselfe tolde me that he met with such a one vpon the coast that rebelled and had sailed downe all the riuer of Amazones Agiri from thence landed about Sancta Marta and sacked it also putting to death so many as refused to be his followers purposing to inuade Nueuo reyno de Granada and to sacke Pamplon Merida Lagrita Tunxa and the rest of the cities of Nueuo reyno and frâ—m thence againe to enter Peru but in a fight in the sayd Nueuo reyno he was ouerthrâ—wen and finding no way to escape he first put to the sword his owne children foretelling them that they should not to liue to be defamed or vpbraided by the Spanyards after his death who would haue termed them the children of a traitour or tyrant and that sithence hee could not make them princes hee would yet deliuer them from shame and reproch These were the ends and tragedies of Ordas Martinez Orellana Ozua and Agiri Also soone after Ordas followed Ieronimo Ortal de Saragosa with 130 souldiers who failing his entrance by sea was cast with the current on the coast of Paria peopled about S. Miguel de Neueri It was then attempted by Don Pedro de Silua a Portugues of the family of Ruigomes de Silua and by the fauour which Ruigomes had with the king he was set out but he also shot wide of the marke for being departed from Spaine with his fleet he entered by Marannon and Amazones where by the nations of the riuer and by the Amazones hee was vtterly ouerthrowen and himselfe and all his armie defeated onely seuen escaped and of those but two returned After him came Pedro Hernandez de Serpa and landed at Cumaná in the West Indies taking his iourney by land towards Orenoque which may be some 120 leagues but yeâ— he came to the borders of the sayd riuer hee was set vpon by a nation of the Indians called Wikiri and ouerthrowen in such sort that of 300 souldiers horsemen many Indians and Negros there returned but 18. Others affirme that he was defeated in the very entrance of Guiana at the first ciuill towne of the empire called Macureguarai Captaine Preston in taking S. Iago de Leon which was by him and his companies very resolutely performed being a great towne and farre within the land held a gentleman prisoner who died in his ship that was one of the company of Hernandez de Serpa and saued among those that escaped who witnessed what opinion is held among the Spanyards thereabouts of the great riches of Guiana and El Dorado the city of Inga Another Spanyard was brought aboord me by captaine Preston who told me in the hearing of himselfe aâ—d diuers other gentlemen that he met with Berreos campe-master at Caracas when he came â—rom the borders of Guiana and that he saw with him forty of most pure plates of golde curiously wrought and swords of Guiana decked and inlayed with gold feathers garnished with golde and diuers rarities which he caried to the Spanish king After Hernandez de Serpa it was vndertaken by the Adelantado Don Gonzales Ximenes de Casada who was one of the chiefest in the conquest of Nueuo reino whose daughter and heire Don Antonio de Berreo marâ—ed Gonzales sought the passage also by the riuer called Papamene which riseth by Quito in Peru runneth Southeast 100 leagues and then falleth into Amazones but he also failing the entrance returned with the losse of much labour and cost I tooke one captaine George a Spanyard that followed Gonzales in this enterprise Gonzales gaue his daughter to Berreo taking his oth honour to follow the enterprise to the last of his substance and life who since as he hath sworne to me hath spent 300000 ducats in the same yet neuer could enter so far into the land as my selfe with that poore troupe or rather a handfull of men being in all about 100 gentlemen souldiers rewers boat-keepers boyes of all sorts neither could any of the forepassed
then I went on with my nâ—we hired Pilot Martin the Arwacan but the next or second day after wee came aground againe with our Galley and were like to cast hâ—r away with all our victuall and prouision and so lay on the sand one whole night and were farre more in despaire at this time to free herthen before because wee had no tide of flood to helpe vs and therefore feared that all our hopes would haue ended in mishaps but we fastened an ancker vpon the lande and with maine strength drewe her off and so the fifteenth day wee discouered afarre off the mountaines of Guiana to our great ioy and towards the euening had a slent of a Northerly winde that blewe very strong which brought vs in sight of the great Riuer Orenoâ—ue out of which this Riuer discended whâ—râ—in wee were wee descried afarre off three other Canoas as farre as wee could descerne them after whom wee hastened with our barge and wherries but two of them passed out of sight and the thirde entered vp the great Riuer on the right hande to the Westward and there stayed out of sight thinking that wee meant to take the way Eastward towards the prouince of Carapana for that way the Spaniards keepe not daring to goe vpwards to Guiana the people in those parts being all their enemies and those in the Canoas thought vs to haue bâ—ne those Spaniards thaâ— were fled from Trinidad and had escaped killing and when wee came so farre downe as the opening of that branch into which they slipped being neere them with our barge and wherries wee made after them and ere they coulde land came within call and by our interpreter tolde them what wee were wherewith they came backe willingly abord vs and of such fish and Tortugas egges as they had gathered they gaue vs and promised in the morning to bring the Lord of that part with them and to do vs all other seruices they could That night we came to an ancker at the parting of the three goodly Riuers the one was the Riuer of Amana by which we came from the North and ranne athwart towards the South the other two were of Orenoque which crossed from the West and ranne to the Sea towardes the East and landed vpon a faire sand where wee found thousands of Tortugas egges which are very wholesome meate and greatly restoring so as our men were nowe well filled and highly contented both with the fare and neerenesse of the land of Guiana which appeared in sight In the morning there came downe according to promise the Lord of that border called Toparimaca with some thirtie or fourtie followers and brought vs diuers sorts of fruites and of his wine bread fish and flesh whom wee also feasted as wee could at least wee dranke good Spanish wine whereof wee had a small quantitie in bottles which aboue all things they loue I conferred with this Toparimaca of the next way to Guiana who conducted our galley and boates to his owne port and cariâ—d vs from thence some mile and a halfe to his Towne where some of our Captaines karoused of his wine till they were reasonable pleasant for it is very strong with pepper and the iuice of diuers hearbes and fruites digested and purged they keepe it in great earthen pots of tenne or twelue galons very cleane and sweete and are thâ—mselues at their meetings and feastes that greatest karousers and drunkards of the world when wee came to his towne wee found two Casiques whereof one was a stranger that had bene vp the Riuer in trade and his boates pâ—ople and wife incamped at the port where wee anckered and the other was of that countrey a follower of Toparimaca they lay each of them in a cotten Hamaca which wee call brasill beds and two women attending them with siâ—e cuppes and a little ladle to fill them out of an earthen pitcher of wine and so they dranke each of them three of those cups at a time one to the other and in this sort they drinke drunke at thâ—ir feastes and meetings That Casique that was a stranger had his wife staying at the port where wee anckered and in all my life I haue seldome seâ—ne a better fauoured woman Shee was of good stature with blacke eyes fat of body of an excellent countenance her haire almost as long as her selfe tied vp againe in pretie knots and it seemed shee stood not in that awe of her husband as the rest for shee spake and discoursed and dranke among the gentlemen and Captaines and was very pleasant knowing her owne comelinesse and taking great pride therein I haue seene a Lady in England so like to her as but for the difference of colour I would haue sworne might haue bene the same The seat of this Towne of Toparimaca was very pleasant standing on a little hill in an excellent prospect with goodly gardens a mile compasse round aboute it and two very faire and large ponds of excellent fish adioyning This towne is called Arowocai the people are of the nation called Nepoios and are followers of Carapana In that place I sawe very aged people that wee might perceiue all their sinewes and veines without any flesh and but euen as a case couered onely with skinne The Lord of this place gaue me an old man for Pilot who was of great experience and traueile and knew the Riuer most perfectly both by day and night and it shall bee requisite for any man that passeth it to haue such a Pilot for it is foure fiue and siâ—e miles ouer in many places and twentie miles in other places with wonderfull eddies and strong currents many great ylands and diuers sholds and many dangerous rockes and besides vpon any increase of winde so great a bilowe as wee were sometimes in great perill of drowning in the galley for the small boates durst not come from the shoare but when it was very faire The next day we hasted thence and hauing an Easterly winde to helpe vs we spared our armes from rowing for after wee entred Orenoque the Riuer lieth for the most part East and West euen from the Sea vnto Quito in Peru. This Riuer is nauigable with barkes liâ—le lesse then a thousand miles from the place where we entred it may be sailed vp in small pinnesses to many of the best parts of Nueuo reyno de Granada and of Popayan and from no place may the cities of these parts of the Indies be so easily taken and inuaded as from hence All that day wee sailed vp a branch of that Riuer hauing on the left hand a great yland which they call Assapana which may conteine some fiue and twentie miles in length and sixe miles in breadth the great body of the Riuer running on the other side of this yland Beyond that middle branch there is also another yland in the Riuer called Iwana which is twise as bigge as the yle of Wight
is as rich as the earth yeeldeth any of which I know there is sufficient if nothing else were to bee hoped for But besides that we were not able to tarrie and search the hils so we had neither pioners barres sledges nor wedges of yron to breake the ground without which there is no working in mines but wee saw all the hilles with stones of the colour of gold and siluer and we tried them to be no Marquesite and therefore such as the Spaniards call El madre del oro or The mother of gold which is an vnâ—oubted assurance of the generall abundance and my selfe saw the outside of many mines of the Sparre which I know to be the same that all coueâ— in this world and of those more then I will speake of Hauing learned what I could in Canuri and Aromaia and receiued a faithfull promise of the principallest of those prouinces to become seruants to her Maiestie and to resist the Spaniards if they made any attempt in our absence and that they would draw in the nations about the lake of Cassipa and those Iwarawaqueri I then parted from olde Topiawari and receiued his sonne for a pledge betweene vs and left with him two of ours as aforesayd To Francis Sparrowe I gaue instructions to trauell to Marcureguarai with such merchandizes as I left with them thereby to learne the place and if it were possible to goe on to the great citie of Manoa which being done we weyed ankor and coasted the riuer on Guiana side because wee came vpon the North side by the launes of the Saima and Wikiri There came with vs from Aromaia a Cassique called Putijma that commanded the prouince of Warapana which Putijma slewe the nine Spaniards vpon Caroli before spoken of who desired vs to rest in the Porte of his countrey promising to bring vs vnto a mountaine adioyning to his towne that had stones of the colour of golde which hee perfourmed And after wee had rested there one night I went my selfe in the morning with most of the Gentlemen of my company ouer land towards the said mountaine marching by a riuers side called Mana leauing on the right hand a towne called Tuteritona standing in the Prouince of Tarracoa of the which Wariaaremagoto is principall Beyond it lieth another towne towards the South in the valley of Amariocapana which beareth the name of the sayd valley whose plaines stretch themselues some sixtie miles in length East and West as faire ground and as beautifull fields as any man hath euer seene with diuers copsies scattered here and there by the riuers side and all as full of deere as any forrest or parke in England and in euerâ—e lake and riuer the like abundance of fish and foule of which Irraparragota is lord From the riuer of Mana we crost another riuer in the said beautiful valley called Oiana resâ—ed our selues by a cleere lake which lay in the middle of the said Oiana and one of our guides kindling vs fire with two stickes wee stayed a while to drie our shirts which with the heate hong very wette and heauie on our sholders Afterwards wee sought the ford to passe ouer towards the mountaine called Iconuri where Putijma a foretold vs of the mine In this lake we saw one of the great fishes as big as a wine pipe which they call Manati being most excellent and holsome meate But after I perceiued that to passe the said riuer would require halfe a dayes march more I was not able my selfe to indure it and therefore I sent Captaine Keymis with sixe shot to goe on and gaue him order not to returne to the port of Putijma which is called Chiparepare but to take leisure and to march downe the sayd valley as farre as a riuer called Cumaca where I promised to meete him againe Putijma himselfe promising also to bee his guide and as they marched they left the townes of Emparepana and Capurepana on the right hand and marched from Putijmas house downe the sayd valley of Amariocapana and wee returning the same day to the riuers side saw by the way many rockes like vnto gold ore and on the left hand a round mountaine which consisted of minerall stone From hence we rowed downe the streame coasting the prouince of Parino As for the branches of riuers which I ouerpasse in this discourse those shall be better expressed in the description with the mountaines of Aio Ara and the rest which are situate in the prouinces of Parino and Carricurrina When we were come as farre down as the land called Ariacoa where Orenoque diuideth it selfe into three great branches each of them being most goddly riuers I sent away captaine Henrie Thin and captaine Greeneuile with the galley the neerest way and tooke with mee captaine Gifford captaine Calfield Edward Porter and captaine Eynos with mine owne barge and the two wherries and went downe that branch of Orenoque which is called Cararoopana which leadeth towards Emeria the prouince of Carapana and towards the East sea as well to finde out captaine Keymis whome I had sent ouer land as also acquaint my selfe with Carapana who is one of the greatest of all the lords of the Orenoqueponi and when I came to the riuer of Cumaca to which Putijma promised to conduct captaine Keymis I left captaine Eynos and master Porter in the sayd riuer to expect his comming the rest of vs rowed downe the streame towards Emeria In this branch called Cararoopana were also many goodly Islands some of sixe miles long some of ten and some of twenty When it grew towards sunne-set we entred a branch of a riuer that fell into Orenoque called Winicapora where I was enformed of the mountaine of Christall to which in trueth for the length of the way and the euill season of the yeere I was not able to march nor abide any longer vpon the iourney wee saw it afarre off and it appeared like a white Curch-tower of an exceeding height There falleth ouer it a mighty riuer which toucheth no part of the side of the mountaine but rusheth ouer the toppe of it and falleth to the ground with so terrible a noyse and clamor as if a thousand great bels were knockt one against another I thinke there is not in the world so strange an ouer-fall nor so wonderfull to behold Berreo told mee that there were Diamonds and other precious stones on it and that they shined very farre off but what it hath I know not neither durst he or any of his men ascend to the top of the sayd mountaine those people adioyning being his enemies as they were and the way to it so impassable Upon this riuer of Winicapora wee rested a while and from thence marched into the countrey to a town called after the name of the riuer whereof the captaine was one Timitwara who also offered to conduce mee to the top of the sayd mountaine called Wacarima
operation very medicinable against the flire and headach These riuers as also others neerer Raleana doe all fall out of the plaines of this empire ouer rocks as tâ—e riuer Caroli dâ—eth into Raleana and in most places within the vtmost hedge of woods the land within is plaine voyd of trees and beareth short grasse like Arromaiaties countrey Next adioyning vnto these are the riuers Cunauamma Vracco Mawari Mawarparo Amonna Marawiâ— Oncowi Wiawiami Aramatappo Camaiwini Shurinama Shurama Cupanamma Inana Guâ—iuni Winitwari Berbice Wapari Maicaiwini Mahawaica Wappari Lemdrâ—re Dessekebe Câ—opui Pawrooma Moruga Waim Barima Amacur Aratcori Raleaâ— From Cape Cecyl to Raleana the coast trendeth two hundred leagues next hand Westnorthwâ—st In this varietie of goodly riuers Amonna amongst the rest powreth himselfe â—nto the sea in a large and deepe chanell his swifnesse suffereth no barre nor refuseth any shipping of what burthen soâ—uer they be within his mouth for good and hopefull respectes is port Burley placed The inhabitants that dwel Eastward doe neuer passe lower then Berbice to trade Aboue Curitinâ— in the woods they gather great quantities of hony Farther to the Eastward then Dessekebe â—o Spaniard euer trauelled In which respect and that no sea-card that I haue seene at any time doth in any sort neere a trueth describe this coast I thought the libertie of imposing English names to certaine places of note of right to belong vnto our labours the rather because occasion thereby offereth it selfe gratefully to acknowledge the honour due vnto them that haue beene and I hope will still continue fauourers of this enterprize The Indians to shew the worthinesse of Dessekebe for it is very large and full of Islands in the mouth doe call it the brother of Orenoque It lyeth Southerly into the land and from the mouth of it vnto the head they passe in twentie dayes then taking their prouision they carrie it on their shoulders one dayes iourney afterwards they returne for their Canoas and beare them likewise to the side of a lake which the Iaos call Roponowini the Charibes Paâ—ime which is of such bignesse that they know no difference between it the maine sea There be infinite numbers of Canoas in this lake and as I suppose it is no other then that whereon Manoa standeth In this riuer which we now call Deuoriâ—ia the Spaniards doe intend to build them a towne In Moruga it was that they hunted Wareo and his people about halfe a yere since Arromaiarie who wan so great credit by ouerthrowing the Tiuitiuas of Amana and making free the passage of that riuer but now againe liueth in disgrace by reason that the Charibes of Guanipa haue killed most of his followers and burnt his townes was present with them and tooke away many of the women of that place Arracurâ— another Indian of the nation of the Arwaccas inhabiting in Barima was likewise present and conducted the Spaniards to all the Indian dwellings They were not of Anthonie de Berreo his companie that followed this chase but were the Spaniards of Margarita and the Caraccas with whom Santiago forsaking his gouernour Berreo ioyned himselfe For which fact he now lyeth in fetters at Trinidad euery day expecting sentence of death The occasion hereof grew as follâ—weth When Berreo hauing lost his men was left with Fasshardo at Cumana all alone as forlorne and neuer likely to câ—mpasse his intended conquest of Guiana the gouernours of the Caâ—accas and Margarita consulting together sent with all speede into Spaine to aduertise their king that Berreo was vtterly vnable to folow this enterprise that he had giuen it ouer and did now soiorne in his old dayes at Fasshardo his house minding nothing else but his solace and recreation They farther declared of how great importance this matter was and that aâ— English gentleman of such reckoning as they named your lordship to be hauing bene in Guiana and vnderstanding so much of the state thereof and the nations thereunto adioyning as Topiawarie being both olde and wise could informe you of who also in confirmation of friendship had giuen you his onely sonne to whome the inheritance of the countrey did belong after him there was no other likelihood but that you who aduentured so farre and in such sort as you did onely to see and knowe a certainty would leaue nothing vnattempted to possesse so rich a countrey and without all doubt would returne presently That meane time you had left this aged Sire aliue to bee a blocke in their way to whom after his decease this enterprise by patent did belong and to bee a weake aduersarie against your selfe whom at all times you knew easily how to disâ—resse and that therefore it might be behoouefull fâ—r his maiestie to reuoke Berreo his grant and to vse their seruice who were readie and willing without any delay to vndertake the charge These newes being at large amâ—lified and deliuered to the king Domingo de Vera Berreo his Camp-master who was sent into Spaine fiue moneths before your arriuall at Trinidad with a sufficient quantitie of gold gotten ouâ— of Guiana to leuie and furnish 500. men hauing gotten knowledge of this practise so solicited this cause in Berreo his behalfe that present order was giuen for the victualling and manâ—ing of tenne ships to be sent to Berreo and farther this gold bore such waight that â—he king câ—mmaâ—â—ed â—ther 18. of his ships to stop at Trinidad and not to follow their other directions before 〈…〉 place secured from enemies Berreo 〈◊〉 that these gouernours in sending with such speede into Spaine meant him no gâ—od to 〈◊〉 his care and consâ—ancie and that he neuer would yeelde vnder the burthen of his aduerse 〈…〉 giuing no time or breath to his aduersaries nor himselfe returned foorthwith to Carapana his port onely with fifteene men being the scattered remnant of those whom you lateâ—y dispossessed of Trinidad These gouernours followed him and assuring themselues of prâ—sent imployment from their king preoccupating the time of their directions to bee returned from Spaine entered Guiana with their men with full deteâ—mination to murther Berreo and to dispatch all his company They indeed killed two or three but Berreo fledde towardes Caâ—oli where hee stayed hoping for succour from his sonne Antonie de Ximenes to come downe the riuer from Nueuo Reyno de Granada The Maâ—garitanes with their accomplices busied themselues some in searching the countrey others in pâ—rueying of victuals out of the riuers that doe lie Eastward of which number these were that entred into Moruga with twentie Canoas Santiago passed vp into Topiawaries countrey and there tooke Frâ—ncis Sparrowe sir George Gifford his man prisoner who with plentie of go'd ransomed his life and is now abiding in Cumana This done they all returned to Trinadad and beganne to builde their towne there when vnhappily to their small comfort the eight and twentie sayles arriued and tooke Santiago prisoner The other Actors in this
the moisture of the cloudes vnto it selfe that no raine falleth vpon the vallies of Peru. From these mountaines issue great store of riuers into the South sea with the waters whereof drawen by certaine sâ—uces and chanels they moisten their vineyardes and corne-fields and by this meanes the land is so exceeding fruitfull Betweene these mountaines and the mountaines of Chili that stretch vnto the Streits of Magellan lyeth a plaine of 60 leagues ouer being so cold that it yeeldeth no Wheat but good store of other victuals This countrey of Peru is full of people well apparelled and of ciuill behauiour It hath many mines of gold and more of siluer as also great store of copper and tâ—â—ne-mines with abundance of saltpeter and of brimstone to make gun-pouder There are likewise cattell of all sorts among which there is a beast in shape somewhat resembling a camel but no bigger then a steere of a yeere olde they serue to carry burthens their flesh being good to eate and their wooll apt for many purposes This beast is accounted the most profitable of al others for the vse of man howbeit the Spaniards since their first comming haue replenished this countrey with horses kine sheepe and goates and likewise with plentie of wheat So that in fewe words this land hath abundance of riches and victuals and is the healthfullest place in the world There were in times past kings of this land which were mightie Monarchs whose dominions stretched 1200. leagues and their lawes were very ciuill saue that they were worshippers of the Sunne At what time the Spaniards first entred this land there were two brethren of the blood royall which stroue who should haue the kingdome the one called Guascar and the other Aâ—abalipa Nowe Guascar had possession of all the mountaines and the lands within them and Atabalipa was lord of all the sea coast and of the valleys situate betweene the said mountaines and the sea The Indians seeing the Spaniards at the first arriue vpon their shore called them Vera coche which in their language signifieth The fome of the sea Also Atabalipa the Indian prince sent vnto them to know what they did in his land and what they sought for the Spaniards made answere that they were the messengers of a great lord and that they came to speake with the prince himselfe who sent them word that they should come with a very good will and so Atabalipa stayed for them at a citie called Caxamalca being thirtie leagues distant from the sea side Whither being come they found the Indian prince sitting in a chariot of gold carried vpon mens shoulders and accompanied with aboue 60000 Indians all ready armed for the warres Then the Spaniards tolde them that they were sent from an Emperour vnto whom the Pope had giuen all that land to conuert them vnto the Christian faith Whereunto Aâ—abalipa answered that hee would gladly be friends with the Emperour because he was so great a Monarch but in no â—ase with the Pope because he gaue to another that which was none of his owne Now while they were thus in talke the Spaniards discharging their two field-peeces and their caliuers set vpon the Indians crying Sant Iago The Indians hearing the noise of the ordinance and small shot and seeing the fire thought that flames of fire had bene come downe from heauen vpon them whereupon they fledde and left their prince as a booty for the Spaniards Whom they at the first intreated very gently wishing him not to feare for that their comming was onely to seeke for golde and siluer During the time of Altabalipas imprisonment his Captaines had slaine his brother Guascaâ— and had subdued all the mountaines and plaine couâ—â—reys Upon which newes Atabalipa told the Spaniards that if they would release him hâ—e would gâ—ue them all that they should demaund This communication hauing continued a whole day â—t length a souldier named Soto sayd vnto Atabalipa what wilt thou giue vs to set thee free The prince answered I will giue whatsoeuer you will demand Whereunto the souldier replied thou shalt giue vs this house full of gold and siluer thus high lifting vp his sword and making â— stroke vpon the wall And Atabalipa sayde that if they would grant him respite to send into his kingdome he would fulfill thâ—ir demand Whereat the Spaniards much marueiling gauâ— him three moneths time but he had filled the house in two moneths and an halfe a matter 〈◊〉 credible yet most tâ—â—e for I know aboue twentie men that were there at that time who all affirme that it was aboue tenne millions of gold and siluer Howbeit for all this they let not the prince goe but thought that in killing of him they should become lords of the whole land and so the Spaniards on a night strangled him But God the righteous iudge seeing this villanous act suffered none of those Spaniards to dye by the course of nature but brought them to euill and shamefull ends Upon the newes of these great riches there came store of people out of Spaine and inhabitâ—â— many places in this countrey The king in recompence of the good seruices of the two foresayd partners appoynted Diego de Almagro gouernour of halfe the land and Francisco Piçarro of the other halfe whom also hee made a Marques But these two consorts in parting of a land belonging vnto other men fell at â—ariance and sharpe warre betweene themselues and at length Piçarro hauing slaine Almagro got all the land into his owne hands Howbeit this prosperitie of Piçarro continued not long for a bastard-sonne of Diego de Almagro to bee reuenged of â—is fathers death slew Piçarro for which acte he lost his head In this controuersie betweene these two partners were slaine also two brothers of Piçarro and the third was carried prisoner into Spaine and there dyed in prison but the fourth called Gonsaluo Piçarro rebelled with the whole countrey and became a cruell tyrant vanquishing many of the Emperours Captaines in battell and possessing the countrey in peace for two yeeres howbeit being in the ende ouercome hee lost his head like a traitour And thus dyed they all an euill death that were causes of the death of that innocent king Atabalipa And yet there are mutinies raised oftentimes by the Spaniards but the Indians neuer rebelled after they had once peace granted vnto them The Indian people of this land are parted among the Spaniards some being slaues vnto the gentlemen that conquered their land other some to others and the residue to the king and these Indians pay eche man for his tribute seuen pezos of fine golde which is about tenne ducats and a halfe There are in this countrey aboue fortie cities and townes inhabited by the Spaniards also they haue here erected nine bishopricks and one archbishopricke Now after this countrey was fully conquered and brought in good order certaine Spaniards being desirous to discouer the land on the other side of the snowy
villa Antiquitas commercij inter Angliam Norwegiaâ— The antiquity of traffique betweene England and Norway Maior Communitas stapulae Charta anno regni sexto conâ—ecta A Charter made in the sixt yeere of his reigne Eâ—â—seri seatres The first war mooued against the Prussian infifidels anno â—om 1239. The Prussians abandon Christianitie A memorable stratageme 4000â— This man sent an ambassage to Richard the second The great master ouercommeth the king of Polonia The king by treason ouerthroweth the Master The ancient assistance of the kings of England against infidels Edward the 3. The arresting of the English goods and marchants 1388. An ancient custome The priuiledges of the English marchaÌ„ts in Prussia 1403. 1405. 1406. These ships were taken by the English y e 20. of Iuly 1404. Hamburgh Bremâ— Stralessund Lubec Gripeswold Campen 1403. ‡ Namely the ship of Edgard Scof at Câ—leis The ship of Tidman Dordewant and Tidman Warowen at Orwel and Zepiswich Note well 1403. The anâ—cient friendship betweene England and Prussia Margaret queen of Denmarke 1403. The coÌ„plaints of the Liuonians Note well 1400. Newcastle An English ship of 200. tunnes â—ull Hull Hull Hull Hull Yorke Yorke London London Colchester Yermouâ—h Norwich Yermouth Longsound in Norway Yermouth Yermouth Selaw in Norway Cley Cley Cley Cley Cley Cley â—â—â—eton Wiueton Wiueton Wiueton Wiueton Lenne Lenne 21. houses of English marchants burnt at Norbern in Norway The Vitalians Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Note the 〈◊〉 treasons of the Hanâ— The ancient customes of wools Pence for the towne of Cales The great charter of marchants A speciall Charter The customers of the pety custome 1405 The customers of the subsidie The Hans societie determineth the ouerthrow of English marchaÌ„ts Statutes against y e English marchants in Norway and in Suedland How many which be the Hans townes A meting at Hage the 28. of August 1407. Here relation is had vnto y e king of the Romans Septem 27. 1408. A motion for a perpâ—tuall league A ship of the burthen of 300. Tonnes ‖ 1404. ‖ Notaâ— Naues maximae Henrici quinti. Incipit liber de custodia Maris praesertiâ— arcti inter Doueram Galisiam Sigismond died 1438. He was here 1416. Videns imperator Sigismundus duas villas inter caeteras Angliç scilicet Calisiam Doueream ponens suos duos digitos super duos suoâ— oculos ait regi Frater custodite istas duas villas sicut duos vestros oculos The Noble was coined by Edward the third Anno regni 18. Quatuor considerâ—ntur in monetâ— aurea Anglicâ— quae dicitur Nobile scilicet Rex Nauis gladius Mare Quae designant potestatem Anglicoâ—um super Mare In quorum opprobrium his diebus Britones minores Flandrenses alij dicunt Anglicis Tollite de vestro Nobile nauem imponite onem Intendentes quod sicut quondam á tempore Edwardi tertij Anglici erant domini Maris modo his diebus sunt vâ—â—ordes victi ad bellâ—ndum Mare obseruandum velut oâ—es Figges â—aisins Wine Bastard Datâ—s Lycoâ—as â—iuil Oyle Graynes White Pastel Sopâ— Waxe Iron Wadmolle Gotefell â—idfell Saffron Quickesiluer Flemish cloth made of English Wooll The necessarie coniunction of Spaine and Flanders Wine Osey Waxe Graine Figs Reisens Hony Cordeweyne Dates Salt Hides Note well The Britons great Rouers and Theeues Historia oâ—â—endenâ— quam ordinationem Rex Edwardus tertius fecit contra depraedatores marinos Britanniae minoris ad debellandum eos subiugandum Britannos minores Statutum Regis Edwardi tertij pro Lombardis Anno Domini 1436. Hen. 6.14 Pitch Tarre Board Flexe Collein threed Fustian Canuas Cardes Bokeram Siluer-plate Wedges of Siluer and Metall ‖ 〈◊〉 Woad An example of deceite ‖ Or loue Note diligeÌ„tly A woful complaint of lacke of nauie if need come A storie of destruction of Denmarke for destruction of their marchants The pâ—aâ—se of Richard of Whitingdon marchant Mader Woad Garlicke Onions saltfish What our marchants bye in that coste more then all other Of Hankin lions Lombards are cause enough to hurt this land although there were none other cause False colouring of goods by Lombards Alas for bâ—ibes gift of good feasts other means that sâ—oppen our policie This is the very state of our time It to a marueilous thing that so great a sicknes and hurt of y e land may haue no remedie of so many as take heÌ„selues wise men of gouernance * Or hunting Mynes of siluer and gold in Ireland This is now to be greatly feared This Lorde was the Earle of Ormond that told to me this matter that he would vndertake iâ— nâ— pain of losse of al his liuelihood But this proffer could not be admiâ—ted Ergo malè The trade of Bristow to Island The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North. Thâ— ioy of Sigiâ—mond the Emperour that â—aleâ—s was English Harflew was loâ—t in the yere 1449 in the 27. of Henry the sixth * Dieit Chronica quod isle Edgaru cunctis praedâ— ceâ—io ibu â—uiâ— faelicâ—or nolli sâ—â—utaâ—â— inferior omnibus moâ—um 〈◊〉 are prellantior lucr◠〈◊〉 se Anglisnon minus t◠〈◊〉 quam Cyris Persia Catolin Fâ—anci Homulus verò Romanis Dicit Chronica preparauerâ—t naueâ— rob utissi nas numero â—ria millia sexcenta in quibus redeunie aellate omnem insulam ad retrorem extraneoeuÌ„ a suorum excitationem cum maximo apparatu ciâ—cumnauigate consâ—euerno Dicit Châ—onica c. vt non minus quantam ei eriam in bac vita boâ—orum operum mercolem donauerit cum aliquando ad maximâ—m cius festiuitatem reger comites mulâ—aâ—umque prouineiarum protector es conuenissent c. Caleis was yeâ—lded to y e English 1347. King Edward has 700 English ships and 14151. English mariners before Caleis The battell of Scluse by sea The great ships of Henry the fift made at Hampton Great caracks of Genua taken by the Duke of Bedford 1416. The French name thus onerâ— Hâ—owen was of fiue hundred saile The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost Exâ—ortaâ—io generalis in cuslodiam toâ—lus Angliae per diligentiam custodiae circuirus maris circa littoâ—a eiusdem quae debeâ— esse per vnanimiâ—aâ—é Consiliaâ—ioâ—um regis hominum bonae vâ—luâ—tâ—tiâ— Tâ—â—â—â—unâ— câ—uâ—ae predictae custodiae sâ—ilicet hoâ—oâ— commodum â—egni opproâ—â—â—m iâ—iâ—â—iâ—is Ephes. 4. Solliciti sius seruate vnitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis Matth. 5. Beati pacifici quoniam filij Dei vocabuntur Cum placuâ—â—ine Domino viae hominis eius inimicos ad pacem conuertet Vibs beata Ierusalem dicta pacis visio The wise lord of Hungerfords iudgement of this booke 1462 A secrete The discouery of the North. By Sebastian Cabot and sir Thomas Pere in the right yere of his reigne And this is the voyage spoken of by Gonsaluo Ouiedo that came to S. Domingo Note Nauigation vnder the Pole Tartaria China New found land discouered by y e English Doctor Leys
letters This was the fleete wherein Cabot discouered the riuer of Plate 1526 Note The Newe found Islands discouered by the English A Mappe of the world To know the latitudes To know the longitudes Now called the straight of Magelane Note Doctor Leys demand The Pope reprehended The longitudes hard to be found out New found land discouered by the Englishmen Note To saile by the Pole Or the straites of Magelane Note Benefite to England Obiection Answere A true opinioÌ„ A voyage of discouery by the Pole M. Therne and M. Eliot discouerers of New found land The cause why the West Indies were not ours which also Sebastian Gabot writeth in an Epistle to Baptista Ramusius Russia became ciuill in y e yere of our Lord 572. Kiow 1237. These ambassadours were Iohan de â— lano Carpini Frier Benedict of Polonian The citie of Mosco first made the seaâ—e of the great Duke Iuan Vasilowich The name of the Moscouites first aduanced The yoke of the Tartars shaken off Basilius â—â—an Vasilowich Theodore The commodities of traâ—â—ike and of nauigation A minister in the voyage King Edwardâ— corporation Reason voide of experience Iiar I would reade Mair that is in the Sarasen language mirt of Turkish and Aegyptian Februarie interpreted by them the moneth to see ships to the sea The first ship The second ship Iohn Stafford Minister M. William Burrough nowe comptroller of her Maiesties nauie The third ship May. Iune Iuly In this land dwellt Octher as it seemeth Rost Islands Stanfew harbor Lofootâ— August Seyman in 70 degrees Willoughbiâ— his land iâ— 72 degrees September In this hauen they died ‖ Or Ellons Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughbie his note which was written with his owne hand ‖ Duyna Note Upon what occasions and by whom this voyage was set out and of the discouerie of Moscouie by the North. 3. Ships furnished for the discouerie Prouision of victuaâ—s for 18. moneths Choise of Captaines and Pilots Sir Hugh Willoughbie Master Henry Sidney his Oration They departed from Raâ—eliffe the 20. of May 1553. They returne the next yeere not knowing what was become of the other 2. ships They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas The discouerie of Russia The Emperours courteous letters to M. Chanceler The mightie lake of Bealozera The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie Their manner of building King Edwards letters deliuered The maners of the Flemmings against our men ‖ Dr Dwina Note Aurea vetulâ— oâ— â—â—loâ—ibaba Iuan Vasiliuich that is to say Iohn the forme of Basilius ‖ That is come into our presence No coinâ—s of gold in Russia but all of siluer The weights in Russia The weight of Wardhouse The Russia measures The measure of Wardhouse in cloth is the measure of Danske The Turkes and Armenians pay custome The Emperors beame The Dutch nation lost their priuilâ—dges renued them with a great summe The commodities of Russia Vologda and the state thereof The Emperor of Moscouie is a marchant himselfe Two sorts of â—â—axe Note Inquiâ—ie for the way to Catbaya The Philip and Maâ—y Note Note Note Queene Maries letters to the Emperour of Russia The Italians counsell to our people The diuersitie of weights meaâ—ures in Russiâ— Colmogro Vologda Nouogrode The Russian secretary his name The discouerie principally intended for Gods glory Sebastian Cabota first gouernour of the Moscouie companie Sir George Barnes William Garret Anthony Husie Ioh. Suâ—hcot the first 4. Consulâ— K. Philip and Queene Mary hereby â—o disanull Pope Alexanders diuision Conquest permitted ‖ Anno 1554. The Moscotutes priuiledges vnto the English The largâ—nes of the priuiledge of the Moscouite companie Anno 1555. April 23. Note May 15. Kedelwike chappell The North cape so named by Steuen Burrowe The latitude of Cola. â— Russe Lodia Lodias hauing 24 men a pâ—â—ce From Cola to Pechora is but 7 or 8 dayes sayling The â—â—â—â—esse of one Gabriel A good necessarie note Twentie eight Lodias belonging to Cola. The latitude of Cape S. Iohn 66 degrees 50 minutes Earth swimming aboue water like wood The latitude 68 degrees and a halfe Morgiouets an harbour Drift wood A Samoed Dolgoieue an Island Pechora The variation of the Compas Ice The lat 70 degrees 11 min. S Iames Island The variation of the Compas 7 degrees and a halfe The relation of Loshak The way to the riuer of Ob. A mighty hill in Noua Zembla Loshak The Islands of Uagaits Samoeds The maners of the Samoeds The Samoeds of the Ob very hurtfull and shrewd people Naramzay The latitude The variation of the compas They land vpon Vaigats The vncerâ—entie of â—â—bing flowing They were within 15 leagues of Pechora They returne the 22 of August 1556 Norway Roste Lofoot Finmarke Wardhouse Lappia The Scricfinnes The Lappians Corelia Nouogardia The Russes Tartaria Lampas a mart or faire of the Russes Tartars and Samoeds The Samoeds countrey Or. Pechoraâ— Vaegatz Noua Zembla Store of foule White Foxes White beares The maner of the Samoeds sacrifices about the riuer of Pechere Foure ships The Edward Bonauenture arriued in Scotlandâ— in the Bay of Pettislego Nouemb 7. 1556. Rich. Chancelor drowned His departure from Scotland towards England 1557. Febr. 27. His honourable receiuing into the citie of London A league and articles of amitte concluded and confirmed vnder the great seale of England Foure goodly ships of the merchants prouided for Russia 1557. The King and Queens secoÌ„d letters to the Emperour of Russia Coia Reca Coscaynos Dogs nose The variation of the Compasse 4. degrees Foxe nose Poynt Pentecost Crosse Island Cape good fortune Cape grace Cape Race Frost in Iune Tri Ostroue Ice The variation Corpus Christi poynt Cape Gallant Iuana Creos S. Georges Islands Cape comfort S. Peters Islands S. Pauls Islands Cape Sower beere Kildina Cape Bonauenture â—egor Domshaff Wardhouse ‖ Which were the Bona Esperanza the Bona confidentia and the Philip and Marie Whereof the two first were lost ‖ Or â—rondon The Philip and Marie The bona Confidentia cast away A gainefull trade of fishing at Kegor Commodities fit for Kegor 1557. Wares sent into Russia out of England The Arshinâ— is a Russie measure 7. Ropemakers sent into Russia Cables and Ropes a principall commoditie Danske the old chiefe place for Cables Commodities not bearing the charges of long fraight Furres most vendible Steele Copper Wollen cloth of Rie and Reuel of Poland and Lettowe Russian lether Things goodâ— to die withall Ten yong men sent into Russia Henry Lane Agent The fourth voyage The olde traffike of Russia to Rei Reuel and Poland turned to Saint Nicholâ—â— The articles of their first Commission giuen 1555. Leonard Brian sent to search out Yewe in the North parts of Russia 2. Coopers sent into Russia The marchaÌ„ts letters ouer land written in cyphers The voyag of Steuen Burrowe for the discouerie of the riuer of Ob. M. Anthonie Ienkinson his first trauaile inteÌ„ded for Cathay by the Caspian sea and Boghar Good caske made in Russia 1557 Iohn
day A full reuoluâ—ion of the Monne aboue their Horizon The colleagues of the fellowship for the discouery of the Northwest passage Free Denization granted This Patent remaiâ—ed in force fiue yeeres Authoritie to proceede at Sea against mutiners 1583. Musicians They depart from Silley Iuly Great store of whales The râ—uling of the yce together made a great roaring Yce turned into water The Land of Desolation Very blacke water Floting wood Colde by â—eason of yce They saile Northwestward aboue foure dayes Land in 64 degrees 15 min. The sound where our ships did ride was called Gilberts sound Musicians The people of the countrey came and conferred with our men Thirty seuen Canoas Their musike Great familiâ—rity with the Sauagesâ— Diuers sorts oâ— wood They may make much â—rame if they had meanes how to vse itâ— Moscouie glasse A fruit like corinths August Land in 66 degrees 40 min. Foure white beares A huge whiâ—e beare Timber sawen Fowle An image Probabilities for the passage Wee neuer came into any baâ— before or after but the waters colour was altered very blackish Faulcons Their returne September They saile from The land of desolation to England in 14. dayes Land discouered in 60. degrees Gentle and louing Sauages In 100 Canoâ—â— with diuers commodities Images trane ople and Seale skins in tan tubs A plaine champion countrey A goodly riuer A graue with a crosse layd ouer The Tartars and people of Iapon are also smal eyed Their manâ—r of kindling fire like to theirs in America A fire made of turfes Great theeues Their rude diet Their weapons Strange nets These Islanders warre with the people of the maine Copper oare Their language Muscles A strange whirlewinde Great Ilands Slings One oâ— the people taken which afteâ— dyed â— huge quantitie of yce in 63. degrees of latitudâ— The nature of foggâ—s Great heat 66. degrees 19. minutes Great hopâ— oâ— a passage 64. degr 20 min. A great â—urrent to the West Ilandsâ— They râ—nne 8. dayes Southward â—rom 67 to 57. degrees vpon the coast A harborough in 56. degrees Faire woods Store of cod A perfect hope oâ—â—he passage about 54. degrâ—es and an halfe Two oâ— our men slaine by the Sauages May. M. Dauis in the latitude of 60. deg diuideth his fleete into 2. parts The 7. of Iune Island descryâ—d 66. degrees Their commodities Their dwellings Their boats M. Iohn Roydon of Ipâ—wich They departed from Island Northwest Iuly Groneland diâ—â—couered The land of Desolation Groenland coasted from â—he 7. till the last of Iuly August The houses of Gronland Our men play at footeball with the Sauages Sweete wood found A skirmish between the Sauages and our men September The pinnesse neuer reâ—urned home Land descrâ—â—â—â— Salt kerned oâ— the rockes Isles in 64. degrees Store oâ— Whales in 67. degrees 7â— deg 12. min. The great variation of the compasse London coast Betweene Gâ—onland the Noâ—th of America aboue 40. leagues A mighâ—ie banke of yeâ— lying North and South Extreme heatâ— of the Sunne They were driuen West sixe points out of their course in 67. degrees 45. minutes Mount Raleigh The Earle oâ— Cumbeâ—lands Isles The variation of the compasse 30. deg Westward The land trendeth from this place Southwest and by South My lord Lumleys Inlet Warwicks Foreland A very forciblâ— current Westward â—â—idleys cape The lord Daâ—cies Island The fishing place betweene 54 and 55 degrees of latitude Abundance of whales in 52 degrees They arriue at Dartmouth the 15 of September The 1. voyage The 2. voyage The North parts of Americâ— all Islands The 3. voyage The ship of M. N. Zeno casâ— away vpon â—risland in Annâ— 1380. A forraine prince hapning to be in Frisland with armed men when M. Zenâ— suffered shipwracke therâ— came vnto him and spakâ— Latine Zichmni princâ— of Poâ—land or Duke of Zorani â—risland the â—ing oâ— Norâ—ayeâ— N. Zeno made â—night by Zichmni Ships laden with fish at Frisland â—or Flanders Bâ—itain England Scotland Noâ—way and Denmarke But not to bâ— proued that eâ—er any came thence A letter sent by M. N. Zeno from Fâ—island to his brother M. Antonio in Venice The end of the first letter Engâ—onâ—lâ—nâ— Pâ—eaching Fryâ—rs of Saint Thomâ—â— Winter oâ— 9. moneths Trade in summer â—ime from Trondon to S. Thomas Friers in Groneland Resâ—â—t of Fryâ—rs from Norway and Sueden to the Monastery in Engroneland called S. Tho. M. Fâ—obisheâ— brought these kinde of boats from â—hese parâ—s inâ—â— England In the Monastery of Saint Thomâ—s most of them spake the Latine tongue The end of the â— letter N. Zeno dyed in Frisland The discouerie of Estoâ—iland Westward Sixe fishermen taken Fishermen of Frisland speake Latine Sixe were fiue â—â—eres in Esâ—otiland One of the fisherâ— of Frisland reporteth of Estotiland Estotiland rich abounding with all â—he commodities of the world Abundance of golde Trade from Estotilâ—nd to Engroneland â— Skins brimstone and pitch golde corne and â—eere or ale Many cities and castles A countrey called Doâ—gio The 6 fishermen of Frisland onâ—ly saued by shewing the maner to take fish The chiefest oâ— the 6 fishers specified before and his companions In the space of 13 yeeres he serued 25 lords of Drogio He returned from Estotiland to Frisland Zichmni minded to send M. Antonio Zeno with a fleete towards thâ—sâ— parts of Esâ—otiland The 4 letter The fisherman dyed that should haue bene interpreter Certaine mariners taken in his sâ—eede which came with him from Estotiland Isle Ilose Zichmni his discouerie of the Island Icaâ—ia An Island man in Icaâ—ia The kings of of Icaria called Icari after the name of the first king of that place who as they report was sonne to Dedalus king of Scots Icarian Sâ—a The people of Icaria destrous of the Italian tongue Ten men of ten sundry nations Infinite multitudes of armed men in Icaâ—iâ— Zichmni departed from Icaria Wâ—stwards 100 men sent to discrie the countreâ— The 100 souldiers returned which had bene through â—he Island report what they saw and found M. Anâ—onio Zeno made chiefâ— captaine of those ships which went back to Frâ—sland The 5 letter Estotiland first discouered The second discouerie thereof Dâ—ogio M. Aâ—migil Wade Cape Briâ—on The Island of Penguin standeth about the latitude of 30. degrees M. Dawbneys report to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Temple They beheld the Sauges â—f Newfounland Extrâ—me famine Our men â—aâ—e one another foâ— famine The Capâ—aines Oration The English surprise a French ship wherein they returned home Haâ—kes and other foules Foules supposed â—o be storkes The French royally recompencâ—d by king Henry the 8. English Spaniards Portugals French Britons The fertility of Newfoundland Seueral sortes â— of fish Called by the Spaniards Anchunas and by the Portugals Capelinas 〈◊〉 Albioâ— Hugo Willobeius eques auratus Martinus Fâ—obisherus eques â—uratuâ—â— Antonius Ienkinsonuâ— Franciscus Dracus eques 〈◊〉 Sebastianuâ— Cabotus The coasts froÌ„ Fâ—orida Northward fiâ—â— discouâ—red bâ— the English natioÌ„ A 〈◊〉 consideration Probable confectâ—â—â— y t these lands North of Florida are
recipiatis quod ipsi lanas seu pelles lanutas sub nomine ipsius cuius propriae sunt non alterius aduocabunt tunc recepta ab illo cuius lanae pelles huiusmodi erunt vel nomine suo sufficiente securitate pro qua respondere volueritis de respondendo faciendo nobis id quod ad nos pertinet de lanis pellibus lanutis per ipsum ductis seu missis ad aliquam dictarum terrarum Flandriae Brabantiae de Artoys contra formam Chartae proclamationis inhibitionis supradictarum si ipsum super hoc conuinci contingat lanas pelles illas lanutas extra portum praedictum recepta prius custuma debita de eisdem ad partes exteras transire permittatis Teste Rege apud Doueram decimo octauo die Iunij per ipsum Regem Consilium Et postmodum per breue de priuato sigillo eodem modo mandatum est collectoribus custumae praedictae in portubus subscriptis Videlicet In portu villae Southhampton In portu villae Weymouth In portu villae Sancti Botolphi In portu villae de Kingtone super Hull In portu villae de nouo Castro In portu villae de magna Iernemutha In portu villae de Lenne In portu villae de Gypwico The same in English An Ordinance of the Staple to bee holden at one certaine place THe King vnto his Collectors of custome for wooll and woollen fels in his port of London greeting Whereas we vpon the 20. of May in the sixt yeere of our reigne considering the damages and grieuances that haue diuersly happened vnto the marchants of our realme vpon occasion that the marchants both of our owneâ— of other countreis buying vp wooll and woollen fels within our kingdome and dominions haue for the better sale thereof at their pleasure conueyed theÌ„selues and trasported the said wooll fels into sundry places within the prouinces of Brabant Flanders and Artoys and being desirous also to our power to prouide a remedie against such damages and inconueniences haue ordained by our counsel that all marchants both homeborne and aliens buying vp such wools and fels within our kingdome and dominion aforesaid and being desirous to transport them into the foresaid prouinces there to bee solde may carrie the saide wools and fels or cause them to be caried to some certaine staple within any of the saide Prouinces by the Maior and Communaltie of the said marchants of our realme to be appointed and assigned and when they shall thinke it expedient to be changed and remoued and not vnto any other place within the saide Prouinces whatsoeuer and whereas also amongst other things we haue granted vnto the marchants of our foresaid realme for vs and our heires that the Maior and Councel of the saide marchants for the time being may impose vpon all marchants home-borne or aliens whatsoeuer that shall transgresse the foresaid ordination and shall thereof lawfully be conuicted certaine summes of money to be paid for their offences and that such summes must by our ministers and officers to our vse be leuied out of the goods and wares of the marchants so offending wheresoeuer they shall chance to be found within our kingdome and dominions aforesaid as in our Charter made for the same purpose it is more plainly expressed which Charter we haue caused to be published vpon the Sea-coasts throughout all the countreys of our realme and a strong prohibition to be proclaimed that no marchants neither home-borne nor strangers may in any wise transgresse the tenour of the foresaide Charter vnder the penalties therein contained and whereas afterward it beeing giuen vs to vnderstand that diuers marchants both home-borne and aliens bought vp such woolles and woollen felles within our saide Realme and dominions and conueyed themselues with the saide wools and felles for the sale thereof vnto other places within the foresaide Prouinces besides the saide Staple which was according to our graunt aforesaide appointed and ordained by the Maior and communaltie of the said marchants of our Realme in some one of those Prouinces to the contempt of our authorititie and contrary to the Charter of the ordination publication and inhibition aforesaide wee assigned certaine of our faithfull subiects in diuers parts of our Realme to make inquisition for such wools and woollen felles as were conueyed vnto any other place of the saide Prouinces then vnto the Staple so that by these meanes the penalties due vnto vs might bee leuied vnto our vse and hauing intelligence also that in a maner all marchants both home-borne and strangers bartering such wares in our kingdome are culpable of the premisses and that many being indicted thereupon and others fearing to bee indicted doe cause their wools and woollen felles to bee auouched vnder the names of persons not culpable and to be sent ouer vnto certaine strangers being also culpable and not minding perhaps to return any more into our realme that they may so escape the â—oresaid forfeitures and defraud vs of the penaltie appertaining of right vnto vs which abuses if they were suffered so to goe vnpunished woulde redound vnto our extreame hinderance and beeing likewise desirous to withstand such deceitefull dealing and so farre forth as wee can to preuent our owne losses we firmely command and streightly charge you that you doe receiue of euery particular marchant desirous to conuey any wools or woollen fels out of the foresaid port into any forrein dominions a corporal oath vpon Gods holy Euangelists that they shall auouch all those wools and woollen fels vnder his name vnto whom they doe properly belong vnder the name of none other and then taking sufficient security from the owner of those wools and fels or in his name in regard whereof you wil vndertake to warrantize and make good vnto vs those penalties and forfaitures which shal vnto vs appertaine for all wools and woollen fels conueied or sent by any of the foresaid merchants vnto any of the said prouinces of Flanders Brabant and Artoys contrary to the Charter of the Proclamation and inhibition aboue mentioned if they shal chance to be conuinced hereof that first our due custome being receiued you doe permit the said wools and woollen fels to passe out of the foresaid port into forrein countries Witnes the king at Douer the 18. day of Iune By the king himselfe and his Councell And afterwarde by a Writte vnder the Kings priuie Seale there was a like commandement giuen vnto the Collectors of the custome aforesayde in the portes vnderwritten That is to say In the port of the Towne of Weymouth Southhampton Saint Botulphs towne now called Boston Kingtone vpon Hullâ— Newcastle Iernemouth magna or Yermouth Lenne Gypwick or Ipswich A Catalogue of the great Masters of the Order of the Dutch knights commonly called the Hospitalaries of Ierusalem and what great exploites euery of the saide Masters hath atchieued either in conquering the land of Prussia or in taming