held at London within a short space though my Author writes that this never came to purpose So it seems that in those elder times a Parliament was the Subjects desire and as it were the last Refuge and means of Reconciliation to establish Peace and quietness in the Land Tuesday before Ascension-Day is the time named whereon the acceptable news of Peace were proclaimed between the King and his Barons in London and next day thither they came with the King his Brother and Son and the Two Princely Pledges were sent into safe Custody first to the Tower afterwards to Dover Castle In the time of these civil Distractions and before the Battle we find that the Wardens of the Cinqueports kept the Sea with Ships that no Stranger might enter the Land to the Kings aid against the Barons Sometime after the Battel we hear of Souldiers coming in great numbers unto Dover there to land But King Henry was induced to ride thither with a great power and force those Strangers to go back again and the Kings Brother sent Prisoner to Berkhamstead Castle till those Aliens were returned It stands upon Record in my Author that he and the Queen had sent over the Sea for them So that hence it had been manifest though the Relation of King John's Reign had not been extant that it is no late Device nor new Practice for Persons of Arbitrary Pretences to call in outlandish Souldiers when they fear they cannot raise assistance enough at home in their own Native Country to support and bring to effect their ill intended designs The Barons side stood firm for the Observation of the Parliament Acts The Kings party desired to have infringed them The Barons grew powerful and formidable the other side seem fearful that they should not be able to compass strength enough at home suitable to their Designs and desires and therefore sent abroad There being idle men enough to be had for mony in most places Soldiers were waged but there was a Sea to pass which required much time and a suitable Sail of Ships to waft them over and a considerable strength lay in the way to intercept them if they came not well provided for an attaque So that it was a day as it were after the Fair before they came and that was many hours too late whereupon they were compelled to return again without and against their first Intent This is the inconvenience some may think the great advantage others may conclude of an Island 's scituation that it cannot easily be over-run with forreign Forces as Lands upon the continent often are and with more facility If the shooing of themselves and their Horses with Cork would do the feat then they might happen more easily to pass the Sea but as things go in this Age of the World much time as well as a great Navy is requisite to transport an Army though little or no oppositioâ— be made Yet how difficult would it be to prevaâ—â— where among One Million Two Hundred Thousand One Million One Hundred and Fifty Thousand are on one side and Fifty Thousand on the other i. e. In Twenty four Twenty three parts against one part What could it avail if on some other fine neat pretence a good store of Forreigners might possibly happen to be introduced suppose Fisty Thousand Above Eleven to One would still be great odds If we should grant One Hundred Thousand could silently be let in under another Notion into how many little small Parcels must they be minutely divided at how many several Portâ— must they arrive what charge to keep and maintain them unless put upon present service And yet there 's still hazard enough in the World and to spare One Million one Hundred and Fifty Thousand against One Hundred and Fifty Thousands to every man an opposite and Ten-over Odds sufficiently at Foot-Ball if in a lesser number Were it not for the Law of the Land in how many places d'ye think the 9 Lay Sheaves would not devour the Parsons Tenth Sheaf England stands firm upon its old bottom of Freedom but France hath had Experience more than enough of the aforesaid truths 'T is well known the present French King keeps his poor enslaved Subjects under with a strong Force composed most of other Country Souldiers and by their assistance with some otherâ— connivance and the help of French Money is become the Terrour of Europe I doubt not but much of this his present greatness sprung at first from a successful attempt made in his younger days to introduce forreign forces upon his less wary Nobility and Gentry in hehalf and by the Guidance of a great Minister of State whom some of them had desired to be discarded from sitting at the Helm of Government Whereof his present Majesty I believe had no very pleasing nor desirable Experience 'T was in the time when Providence permitted our King to be injuriously kept out of his right by an Usurper that the French Nobles were urgent to have their King exile Mazarine and the better to effect it were ready to have appeared in Arms But their King in shew granting their desires and it may be through the mediation of our Gracious Prince who had too sad an Instance of his own to urge from his Fathers unfortunate Fate the Princes grew secure and laid aside their combined strength whereupon the exil'd Mazarine comes out of Germany so have I heard with a strong Army of many Thousands up to Paris and then order'd things at his own Pleasure and the Kings The deceiv'd Princes could never vindicate themselves since and our then almost friendless King shortly after thought good to leave the Country though the Place of his Mothers Original lest he should have been bid to depart and that disgusted States-man as may be suspected causes the K. to close with England's usurping Power and desert a poor distressed over-power'd Prince with no more regard to him or his till his Protestant what if I had also added Presbyterian Subjects recall'd him to possess his Fathers Throne wherein long may he live and flourish to the Nations good and his own continued Wellfare An. 48. Thomas Fiz Thomas Mayor Osbert Wynter Phil Taylor being Sheriffs The Lords of the Marches about Christmas assembled and did much harm â— the Manours of the Earls of Leicester and Glocestâ—â— the two noted Chiefs of the Barons Party thereabouts which occasioned the King to ride shortly after to Glocester where by a Council there called â—â— was enacted that such of the Lords that did not come in and yield to the King by the Octaves of Hilary should be exil'd Let the question here be whether these Lords known to have been of the K'â— Party both before and after this Transaction were guilty of Treason or Disloyalty in not coming in 〈◊〉 the King's Call yielding as the Barons party doubâ—less cordially desired with whom the K. was theâ— personally present Had they straightways obeyed and come in all
his Name to the Place Those Monkish Writers scarce thinking their Hero's Valour sufficiently Celebrated unless they make them meet with and encounter some such Gygantick Adventures where the little Knight shall be sure to over-come the great Gyant Brute having bestowed Cornwal upon Corineus after he had throughly searched the Land for the Pleasure he took in Thames he laid There as we are told the Foundation of a City about the Second Year after his Landing in this Isle and in remembrance of Old Troy named it Troynovant which Name it held till the Time of King Lud near upon One Thousand and Sixty Eight Years from whom 't was named Lud's Town afterwards London as shall be declared in Process of Story What Repute and Esteem this City was of in those Days as being Builded by the First Founder of the British Empire I shall leave to the Reader 's Consideration who may find it honoured with the Sepulture of many of their Kings as of Brute himself and his Eldest Son Locrine to whom in the Division made by his Father fell Middle England for his Share wherein Troynovant was situated To whom may be added Cunedagius and Gorbodug the Father of Ferrex and Porrex the Last of Brute's Line But now the Coast begins to clear up a little more after the Storms of Civil Wars by the Success of Mulmutius Dunwallo Son of Cloton Duke of Cornwal This Dunwallo having vanquished the other Competitors and settled the Land caused a Temple to be builded in Troynovant and named it the Temple of Peace the same according to some Men's Opinions that now is called Blackwell-Hall a Place well known to the Clothiers His Fame is much increas'd by the many good Ordinances he made which were called Mulmutius's Laws and used long after his Decease That this City of Troynovant was of Repute and Renown in this so Famous a Man's Days is hardly to be doubted of by him that considers so eminent a Circumstance as the Building of a Temple of Peace within the Circuit of this City as an Effect of that Peace he had so happily settled in the Land and it may be in Gratitude to the Citizens who probably favour'd his Cause and so might much influence his Actions and Enterprizes In the same Temple of Peace was he laid after his Death which he had been the Occasion of Building in his Life In the Time of Belinus and Brennus his Sons after their Reconcilement Accord we read of their going to Troynovant with their Lords and Friends where after many things ordered for the Common Benefit of the Land they joyntly agreed to lead both their Hosts over the Sea to subdue other Countrys the Smart of which Voyage the Romans felt sufficiently under Brennus and his Gauls By Belinus we sind that an Haven was built in the same Troynovant with a Gate over it call'd even at this Day Belings-gate on whose Pinnacle was set a Brazen Vessel which contain'd the Ashes of his Body burnt after his Death In this City we likewise find that Gurguintus was Buried and also Guintellius his Son from whose Wife Marcia came the Marcian-Law fam'd long after â—mong the Britains and Saxons These being of some Eminency in their 〈…〉 Buried in this City after their Deaths It 〈…〉 safely be concluded That they 〈…〉 therein as their Principal City and 〈…〉 of the Realm Yet we read of other 〈…〉 Note in those Times and after as of 〈…〉 one where Archigallo before depos'd by his Loâ—â—s for his ill Government was through the Intercession of Elidurus his Brother then Reigning at a Councel of the Britains by him call'd restor'd to his former Dignity When the same Elidurus had gain'd the Assent of his Barons and the good Will of the Commons However Troynovant seems in those Days to have been esteem'd a Place of Security and mention of a Tower therein we find on Occasion of the same foremention'd Elidurus's being sent thither by his unkind younger Brothers to be safely kept as a Prisoner therein The succeeding Times are so barbarous that but little considerable is left upon Record concerning any Actions then done untill we come to the Reign of Lud Eldest Son of Heli which began about Sixty Six Years before our Blessed Saviours Incarnatâ—on according to Stow. This Man is much prais'd by the Historian for his Worthy Actions and Honourable Deeds for his Valour Liberality and Hospitable House-keeping and his repairing Old Cities and Towns Especially in Troynovant he is Recorded to have caused many Buildings to be made encompassing it also round with a strong Wall of Lime and Stone In the West-Part whereof stands a Gate by him Builded and known even at this Day by the Name of Ludgate For his Love to this City he used most to abide therein Whereupon it was called Caer-Lud or Lud's Town Whence by Corruption and shortning of Words comes the present Name London whereby it shall be called for the future and the former Name Troynovant laid aside in this following Relation Lud dying after an Honourable Reign he was Buried in the aforementioned Gate of his named Port-Lud or Lud-gate where are yet standing the Statues of Him and his Sons as a lasting Monument of his Memory In Cassibellan's Reign the next Successour but whether Son or Brother to Lud is not agreed upon by all Authors we find considerable mention made of London in the Story through Occasion of Cassibellan's Victory over the Romans newly Landed under the Leading of Julius Caesar and twice repelled by the Britain's Valour London was the Place appointed by the King to Celebrate this Victory return Thanks to his Gods and Rewards to his Valourous Knights Here therefore we read of a great Assembly held of his Lords and Knights and of the King 's keeping a Noble and Solemn Feast for all Comers and the Exercise of all kind of Games in those Days used But Difference arising at the Wrestling between a couple of Young Noble Knights allied One of them to the King and the Other to Androgeus Earl or Duke of London as he is somewhere called and from Words these Hotspurs coming to Blows occasion'd such sideing and variance amongst the Company that many were wounded and the Kings Nephew slain to the great disturbance of the Court. For Disgust hence growing between the King and Androgeus to whom the King had given the City of London with the Dukedome or Earldome of Kent besides an Honourable Education suitable to his Birth he being Lud's Eldest Son and so Heir to the Kingdom according to some Writers the other being but his Brother and this Disgust producing War wherein the King was likely to be much the stronger Androgeus recalls Caesar with his Romans to his Aid and assists them in their Landing and joyning his whole Power soon turn'd the Scales bringing Victory to the Romans and an Overthrow and Loss of their ancient Freedome to Cassibellan and his Britains So considerable was the Assistance that Androgeus with
his Londoners and other Knights brought to the Enemy So difficult was it even to Caesar himself to Conquer Britain having been more than once foil'd by the Britains Caesar tells us of the Trynobants being the strongest of all those Cities by which understand London which submitted to him over whom he placed at their request one Mandubratius whose Father their chief Lord or Ruler Cassibellan had before Slain Be these two Histories the same or different yet either I believe will serve to make good my Assertion of Londons Power Fame and Esteem in those ancient Times Though Britain was hereby made Tributary yet I do not find that London lost it's Esteem For Tenancuis is said to be Buried here and also Cunobelinâ—s or Kymbeline his Son both King 's after Cassibellan In this Kymbeline's Days near about the Nineteenth Year of his Reign or Fourteenth according to Stow Our Blessed Saviour Christ Jesus was Born as is the Opinion of most Writers Henceforth therefore leaving off the Old way of accounting from the World's Creation I shall follow the Christian manner of Computation reckoning from the Birth of our Lord Christ which was in the Forty Second Year of Augustus's Empire as a surer and more certain way Except the Crowning of Arviragus in London I find but little mention of this Honourable City till the Reign of King Lucius who being esteemed by many the first Christian King in the World turn'd the Arch-flamins-See at London into an Arch-Bishoprick the Names of some of which Arch-Bishops we meet with â—ver and anon in Story as such who had a considerable Power in the Land About 226 London was of such Strength that Alectus with his Romans as Fabian relates being over-press'd by the Britains under the Leading of Asclepiodotus chose this City for his Refuge as being then it seems of greatest Security and he being afterwards slain Livius Gallus another Roman Leader manfully desended himself and his Romans in the same City then closely besieged by the Britains till in their entring he was slain near a River running thereby and thrown thereinto which occasioned it afterwards to be call'd Gallus or Wallus-Brook Some Memorial whereof we find remaining at this Day in the Street now standing where that River sometimes ran and known by the Name of Wall-brook After the Departure of the Romans out of this Land many Outrages being committed 〈◊〉 by the Picts and Scots in the Time of 〈…〉 Honorius we read of 〈…〉 by the Arch-Bishop 〈…〉 the Britains to consâ—lt of 〈…〉 many Miserie 's then haâ—ging â—ver 〈…〉 by reason of their Enemies Strength and 〈…〉 Inability to defend themselves as being 〈…〉 no certain Head The Result of which Meetâ—â—â— was to desire Aid of the King of Little Britain which they by Embassy obtain'd under the Conduct of his Brother Constantinus and after Victory by him gain'd over their Enemies Crown'd him King of the Land according to their Promise before made Here was a turn of Affairs effected by the Consult at London Another Change we find not long after through the Treachery of Vortiger and the Pict who slew Constantinus's Son Constantius then King and presented his Head to the aforenam'd Vortiger then at London Which City doubtless in those Days was of much Esteem and Regard and thereupon Vortiger who bare the Chief Rule in the Kingdom at that time though the other had the Name of King probably was much resident therein expecting it may be and waiting for the Performance of this Treasonable Act that he being on the Place might have the better Opportunity to caress the Chief of that Eminent City 'T is certain we find him afterwards endeavouring to cajole the People by the great Sorrow and Heaviness he made shew of for the Kings Death and by putting the accursed Traytors to Death for their Wicked Fact according to the Law of the Land Thus many Love the Treason well enough when successful who nevertheless hate the Traytors after their own Turns be serv'd This is that Vortiger so Infamous in the British Story for his own Vices as Incest with his own Daughter Adultery c. and the Vices of the Times under him For we read that Vice was then accounted of small or no Offence Leachery reigned amongst the Spiritualty and Temporalty Every one turned the Point of his Spear against the true and innocent Man and the Commons gave them all to Idleness and Drunkenness whence ensued Fighting Strife and much Envy After the King 's Exâ—mple the World runs a gadding is a Saying commonly too true As this Vortiger gain'd his Power by Treachery so he Reigned in a manner Precariously For he was so perplexed on the one side for fear of the Return of Constantinus's surviving Sons to claim the Kingdome and the Land on the other side so harrass'd by the In-rodes of the Picts and Scots that he was after a sort compell'd to send for the Heathen Saxons who came under their Leaders Hengist and Horsus to support him about Four Hundred and Fifty Years after Our Saviours Birth The coming in of these Strangers prov'd but as it were the beginning of Miseries For being once let in they soon began to Play their Reakes in the Land and never left till by introduceing more Colonies they had settled themselves and dispossessed the Britains of the best of the Country Neither was it any great wonder that the poor Commons endur'd such Miseries from these New-come Guests when as their Spiritual and Temporal Guides were so given up to all manner of Debauchery One of Hengist's Pranks we find to be his Treacherous slaying of the British Lords at Stonehenge on Salisbury Plains under pretence of a Treaty for Peace But the better to work out his own Ends he is said to have sav'd the King alive whom he knew to have become his Enemy in shew more out of Constraint for fear of his British Lords than for any Hatred towards him he having him sufficiently intangled in the Snares of his Daughter Rowens Beauty So common a thing is it for crafty subtle Men to serve their own Ends by working upon anothers Lusts through the Mediation of an handsome Face and Prostitute Body We read of the Saxon's having got London under their Rule but whether by their own Power or the King's Gift I find not clearly mention'd That he gave Kent and other Counties to Hengist is declar'd by the Historian It may be that he gave them also London to curb it for fear least the Citizens should joyn with Constantinus's Sons whose Return he much dreaded and assist them to regain their Fathers Kingdom Henceforward for some time we are not to expect to find London so Considerable in Power under the Saxon Heptarchy as it was before and after But when all the Seven were reduc'd into one Kingdome and the Affairs of the Land settled in a little more Peace and Quietness London began again more and more to Flourish and soon rose up to such an height
that it became the fixt Metropolis of the Nation Yet in the Time of the Saxon's Heptarchy we find mention made of this Noble City several times and on several Occasions As upon account of Mordred's choosing this City to be Crown'd in when he rebell'd against King Arthur The holding of it by Mordred's Son against Constantine Son of Cador till he was slain The Flying away of the Bishops of London and York and other Ministers with their Goods and Reliques for fear of the Saxon's Cruelty under Ethelfride Whereby the Commonalty were left without Spiritual Guides the City without Her chief Pastors The setting up an Arch-Bishoprick there by Austine the Monk and the making of Melitus Bishop of the same in Ethelbert's Days The Building of St. Pauls either by the same Ethelbert or else by Sigebert King of the East-Angles as some affirm In this Ethelbert's Time we read in Fabian of the Building the First Church of Westminster in Honour of St. Peter by a Citizen of London in the West-End of London in a Place called Thorny now Westminster which before was over-grown with Bushes and Briars But Stow affirms Sebert King of the East Saxons to have Built it In the Time of Ethelwolph Son of Egbert King of the West-Saxons London is said to be spoild by the Danes and so not likely then to be of any great Strength though we find the Danes drawing themselves thitherward in Alured or Alfred's Days after an Agreement concluded between them But now again begins this City to be often mentioned in Story and grows more Famous every Day after that King Alured having Victoriously repeal'd the Danes return'd thereunto repair'd those Places that before had been injur'd by the Danes and committed it to the Guiding of Ethelred Earl or Duke of Mercia who was his Son-in-Law by Marrying his Daughter Elfleda Hence may we date another Beginning as it were of it's Glory and Lustre from this new Resurrection out of the Ashes of its former Ruines Some of the next News we hear of this Honourable City is of the Londoner's beating away the Danes who Landing in Sussex and comeing to the Town of Lewes and thence towards London had Builded a Castle near the River of Lewes the more to annoy the Country but the Citizens Valour with the Countrys Help soon demolished it In the Reign of Edward the Eldest Son to the forenamed Alured we find London thought so considerable that the King took it under his own Rule not entrusting even his own Sister therewith thinking it probably too important a Charge to be committed to any Subject never so nearly related to him because of the Power that would accrue to the Possessor thereof and the Danger might thereby happen to him the King in those troublesome Times upon any the least Difference arising between them When Egelred or Etheldred Son of Edgar rul'd the Land we read of the Danes coming to London they being ready enough to haunt any Place that could afford them Spoil and Pillage but we find that then they were repel'd by the Citizens The City it seems was strong enough to defend their own But soon after that another sad Accident befell the City against which it was not so well able to defend it self viz. A great Fire whereby a large Part of it was destroyed So rare is it for any thing great in this World to arrive at it's Greatness from small Beginnings without being Subject to many Mischances and meeting with many Turns and Changes of Fortune before it can arrive at the height of its Grandeur Fabian tells us in his Chronicle that the City had then the most Building from Ludgate towards Westminster and little or none where the Chief or Heart of it now is except that in diverse Places there were Houses but they stood without Order This he professes to have known by an Old Book in the Guild-Hall named Domesday But where-ever the Building stood in those Days or how great Harm soever the Fire did it nevertheless it continued of such Strength and Riches that the Danes were willing to have got it into their own Power and in Order thereunto besieged it but that they took it at that season I read not Yet some Years after I find the Londoners sending Gifts and Pledges to the Danes to divert them then coming towards London 'T was in Egelred's Days that the Danes thus harrassed the Land and did almost whatever they pleased selling the English Men Peace for their Money and then breaking it again at their Pleasure to get a greater Sum. This gave the first Occasion to the Imposition of that Tax upon the Land called Danegelt And the Pride and Lordly Imperiousness of the insulting Danes gave Original to the opprobrious Name of Lurdane as now it is esteem'd though then it was Lord Dane a Term the English were for fear compell'd to give those proud lazy Danes that Rul'd and Domineer'd in many of their Houses at the right Owner's cost Neither is it much to be wondred at that this Land was brought into so great Misery by these Hectoring Strangers when as we fiâ—d Dissention amongst the Lords and such treacherous Dealing that whatsoever was devis'â— by Some for the Hurt of their common Enemies it was quickly by Others of the same Councel betraâ—'d and made known to them The King giving himself to a vicious and incontinent Life and to get Money any manner of way sticked not to 〈◊〉 Men of their Possessions for small or seigned Causes according to the History and after cause them to redeem their own for great Sums of Money In London 't was that I find this unfortunate Egelred more than once residing for his own Security it seems more than for any Aid he attempted to get of the Londoners to defend his Land Here he fell sick died and was also Buried and with him some of the English Men's Shame and Dishonour For Edmund Ironside his Son favoured by the Londoners and some other Lords was Crown'd in that City and thence departing with his Strength so hotly pursued Canutus the Danish King that he was several Times put to the worst and in fair likelihood to have been utterly over-thrown had not the false Edric who having got an Habit of Treachery in Egelreds Days could not so easily forâ—ake his Old base Conditions oft disappointed King Edmund by his Treacherous Dealing By â—his Edric's Treachery I have read That Edmund lost his Life afterwards for which Fact the â—alse Traytor expecting a great Reward at the â—ands of Canutus had his Head exalted according â—o the others Promise above all the Lords of Engâ—and it being stricken off pitch'd upon a Spear â—nd after set upon the highest Gate of London But about the King's Death and Edric's Authors are found much to vary Neither is it any marvel that Writers differ so often and so much in their Relations of Things done so many Ages since Whenas in things but as it were of yesterday we
declare the Oath for some few small minute petty fancied Inconveniences invalid and of no binding force But be it by the Power of the Sword or by whatsoever Claim else Canutus held the Crown we nevertheless find him to have Govern'd the Land honourably after that he came to be sole King and it may be to the Content of many of his Subjects for 't was the Memory doubtless of his Repute that set and kept the Crown upon the Heads of both his Sons otherwise of themselves of little Worth or Value if compar'd with their Father One remarkable worthy Act of Canutus's is recorded amongst others viz. That in the Nineth Year of his Reign he call'd a Parliament so my Author terms it at Oxford where amongst other things it was enacted That Englishmen and Danes should hold the Laws of Edgar lately King In the Transactions of these Times we may believe the City of London had no small Share aâ— being probably at length pretty well pleas'd with the Father's Reign whereupon the Citizem mav be supposed to conduce at least in some measure to the settling his Sons on his Throne For Harold Harefoot is said by some to have dyed at London after a Three Years Reign and the other of Canutus's Sons Hardicanute was joyfullâ— Receiv'd and Crown'd at the same City In Edward the Confessor's days the Land being not much troubled with intestine Broils there happ'ned but little Occasion for trying London's Strength And thereupon I find no great mention of that Honourable City unless in a Passage or two as about Edward the Outlaw's dying therein and of the King 's being there some time before with his Councill when Earl Goodwin was charg'd to come to Court and render into the King's Hands all his Knights-Fees-that he and Harold his Son held in England The Effect whereof was the Outlawing of the foremention'd Goodwin for his Disobedience and departure out of the Land with his Sons by Authority of a Parliament call'd alittle after In this King's Reign also we hear at both Ears of the evil Manners among the Bishops the Chief of the Clergy of their Voluptuousness Gluttony Leachery Covetuousness Wordly Pomp c. as also of their Endeavours to excuse their Manners by answering that they were suitable to the Times A generall Corruption among Men of a Religious Habit being the Common Forerunners of great Turns and Changes in a Land as it fell out here soonafter this King's Decease This is the King to whom according to the Annalist Stow we are indebted for the Common Law gather'd out of the Laws and Ordinances of the Mercian's West Saxons Danes and Northumbers What Spirit was in the Men of those Times is â—n part manifested in the Message sent to Harola by the Inhabitants of Northumberland when he was â—ent thither by the King to do Correction upon those who had risen against his Brother Tostus their Duke for a cruell Act by him committed taking away what he had and chasing him out of â—he Country Continuing together in a considerable Body they gave him to understand that they were freely born and freely nourish'd and might suffer no cruelness of Dukes That they had learned of their Elders and Sovereigns to maintain Freedom or to suffer Death and to live in quietness under an easy Duke Upon which Message their Pardon was procur'd them of the King and another Duke assign'd Within less then a year after Edward the Confâ—ssâ—r's Death we read of the landing of Duke Wâ—llâ—â—m with his Normans at Hâ—stings in Sussâ—x who came with a strong Army to demand the Crown of Harold who had no Title but what he claim'd by the Power of his Sword and the Dukes Claim also went but upon a limping Foot As great as the Duke's Host was enough it seems by the Event to help to win a Crown we find London so Strong as to hold him out when he and his Army came thereto till he had given good Assurance that he and his People would pass through the City without tarrying which was also observed accordingly When Harold was utterly over-thrown by these Normans and so room made for the Title of Edgaâ— Atheling to take place we find the Londoners among the chief of those who were upon Associating themselves each to other to defend his Right to thâ— utmost of their Powers This Agreement indeeâ— was afterwards broken but by the making of it we are well enough assured that the Câ—tys Strengtâ— was then esteem'd very considerable Another Argument let me produce out of Stow'â— Annalls where it is recorded that Edwin anâ— Marcar both then Powerfull Earles the One â—â— Mercia the other of Northumberland after Harold Death came to London and solicited the Citizen to erect one of them to the Kingdom Though this their enterprise was frustrated yet doubtless it may prove Londons Power otherwise 't is hard to believe these two potent Earls would have applied themselves to the Citizens that they would chuse one of them for King and upon the Failure of their Design would have quietly departed without shewing some resentment had not the City been too strong easily to be dealt with or slightly to be anger'd with Safety and Security The other more rightful Heir was the Person pitch'd upon But the other Nobles of the Realm not powerfully assisting and Edward Atheling not being it seems of Ability sufficient to manage his own Concerns himself and undertake so great a Charge 't is no wonder that this Renowned City suffering it self to be born down the Stream with the Times submitted it Self with the rest of the Land to Duke William who made some pretence to a Title Whereas Harold could shew nothing for his but his Sword And therefore it may be 't is that we read not in antient Histories that I remember of this Citys assisting him to defend himself against Duke William's Power Here now is a great Change indeed The Power and Strength of the Kingdom turned from both the Britains and Saxons and devolved upon the Normans by means of this King William the Date of whose Reign begins reckoning immediately after Harold's Death October the Fourteenth Anno Christi 1066 according to Chronology In this King who himself by the General consent of Writers was basely Born is founded the Succession for higher they care not much to go who keep such a stir about our Princes inheriting according to their Birth-right Though if this be made the fixt unalterable Rule of Twenty Six Kings and Queens reigning Successively upon recourse to the History of their Reigns we shall meet with a dozen at least of them who cannot be denied but to have come to their Crowns with Flaws in their Titles Nay if we reckon in the Number such as may have been controverted upon that Account we may safely add the other Half dozen That from the general Rules there are many exceptions we learnt almost as soon as we went to our Grammar-School This King William is
of the Realm so much by Conqueâ—â— as on Conditions accordingly here 's mentiâ—â— made of one Grant The Occasion of Stephen's coming to the Crowâ— contrary to his own former Oath swore to Kiâ—â— Henry and in prejudice to Maud's Claim is Râ—corded by one Author to have been the Oath one Hugh Bâ—got sometime King Henry's Stewarâ— who swore that the Late King in his presence little before his Death chose this Stephen for 〈◊〉 Heir by reason that he had received some discoâ—tent at his Daughters hands Whereunto the 〈◊〉 giving easy Credence admitted him King 〈◊〉 Favour of the Londoners did doubtless at thâ— time conduâ—â— not a little to his advantage in pâ—â—ferring him an able Man before a weak Womaâ— For Stow's Annals inform us That he was receivâ—â— by the Londoners when he had been repulsed at â—ther Places certainly it redounded to his 〈◊〉 Benefit afterwards as hath been related before Another Addition of Strength might be his not imposing heavy Taxes upon the People which it may be increased their Love to him and made so many side with him As indeed we find upon his first Admission that he sware among other things before the Lords at Oxford to forgive his People the Tax of Danegelt Neither do I read of any Taxes that he raised upon the Commons It is affirmed positively in the Câ—llâ—ction of Wonders and Remarkable Passages that he raised none with which Stow likewise agrees So that a King 's needless laying of many heavy and grievous Taxes upon his People occasions him to lose much of their Love and his forbearing it when he hath Power in his hands unites his Subjects Hearts the faster to him But instead of Taxes we read of this Kings permission given to his Lords to build Castles or Fortresses upon their own Grounds Many whereof we find pulled down in the next King's time they having been the occasion of many Miseries in the Land and the ready means to foment Civil Wars therein which generally brings greater Damages to the Commonâ—lty than a few Impositions and Taxes can be presumed to do This King Stephen was twice Crowned but for what cause or for what intent is not so easily known whether it was that he thought his Imprisonment had diminished somewhat of his Royalty or else thinking by a second Coronation to â—lude the Force of the Oath made at the first I find not delivered Certain it is soon after my Author tells of his taking away a Castle from the Earl of Chester who before had appeared against him on Maud's side with a very considerable Strength but had been afterwards reconciled to the King But what is much more considerable we read not long after of the King 's new danger and ill Success and of his Party being weaken'd particularly by the loss of London For Duke Henry after King coming into England with a great Army after some small Success gets up to London and wins the Tower as much by Policy and fair Promiâ—es saith my Author as by Strength Then he had Opportunity enough to caress the Câ—tizens being so near them and it may be he got not the Tower without their Consert if not by their Affistance Hereby we find that he retrieved what his Mother's Haughtiness before had lost and so having got the City's Affection and Power he was in a fair way to obtain his Desires as he did not long after For we quickly read of Mediators and Treaties of Peace between these two Competitors which took Effect at last though the Interest and Policy of some hindered it for a time In Conclusion the King was fain to consent to the adopting the Duke his Heir so that he might Reign during his Life Which justly to perform the King being sworn with his Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the next place we hear of their riding up to London as if to bind the bargain it was requisite to ask the consent of that Honourable City whose Favour seems to have been of so great weight in those unsettled Times as to turn the Scales twice once in the King's behalf and erewhile on the Dukâ—'s Such was their Influence such their Power as to pull down and set up in a manner whom the Citizens pleased Happy was this Agreement to the Land by settling peace therein as beneficial likewise was it to the Duke it being a fair Step to the Throne whereon we find him mounted within a little time For not long after this Accord we hear of the King's Death Whether the Troubles of his Mind or Diseases of his Body brought him to his End vexation for the disappointment of his Designs in being after a sort compelled to adopt his Competitor his Enemy for his Son and Heir or Grief for the loss of London's Favour which helped to effect so great a Turn in his Affairs I shall not determine It might be one it might be the other or neither or all conjoyned that became the occasional Causes so to phrase it of his Death I like not to be very positive where I am not very certain Stephen's Death making thus way for Henry to ascend the English Throne he became one of the â—reatest Kings that ever ruled this Land for the Largeness and Extent of his Territories if we reckon the Inheritance he enjoyed from his Father the Land he held by the Title of his Mother the Dowry he had with his Wife and what he obâ—ained by the Success of his Arms Yet notwithâ—tanding all this he lived not free from Troubles â—nd intestine Broils which sprung much out of his â—wn Bowels So that the Glory of his Youth beâ—an somewhat to be eclipsed by the Misfortunes of â—is elder Years He Crowned his eldest Son liâ—ing King sometime before the middle of his â—eign to the end as one Author affirms that he â—ight have full Power and Authority to rule this â—and and People while his Father was busied in â—ther Countrys where some of his Lands lay This â—ight be one Reason but the King having learnt 〈◊〉 experience to his Mother's Loss and his own â—ost how easy it was for Stephen to attempt and â—ain the Crown being present on the Spot while â—â—e right Heir was far distant in the vacancy of the â—hrone may be supposed in his intent to have designed the hinderance of such an Intrusion for the future by Crowning the next Heir King while he himself lived I read that Stephen had some such design to have Crowned his Son King in his own days as he declared at a Parliament called at London An. Reg. 17 to have fixt the Crown the surer to his Posterity But the Bâ—shops refused the Deed Which I do not find they did so much out of Conscience or in Favour to Mâ—â—d's Title as by the Command forsooth of the Pope who in those days was very apt to be clapping his Fingers into almost everâ— ones Pye where he thought any good pickinâ— might be had This King Henry got but little by Crowning
London there passed an Inquest of Twelve Knights of Middlesex sworn upon a Jury between the Abbot of Westminster and the City for certain Priviledges the Citizens of London claimed within Westminster where by the said Jury it was found before the Chief Baron of the Kings Exchequer that the Sheriffs of London at those days might lawfully enter into the Town of Westminster and all other Tenements that the Abbot had within Middlesex and unto the Gate of the said Abby and there to make Summons and distrain for lack of Appearance all and every Tenant of the said Abbot 'T is not now adays only that the Londone's stand so strong for their Priviledges whatsoever some may think of it as if out of stubbornness and opposition Their Fore-Fathers were like-minded and stood up couragiously in defence of their just Rights and Liberties against Arbitrary Encroachers above Four Hundred years ago Anno 1262. After this the former Complaint of the Aliens and others was declared before the King and his Lords in the Parliament at Westminster This is the Term Fabian gives it but whether on the same account as he did before when he expounded a Parliament by a Council of Lords in the 43d Year pag. I am not so certain as positively to determine Here the Chronicle tell us it was at last sentenced but by what means and Inducements is not there set down that the Barons should restore all such Goods as they and their Company had taken from all Persons before that day as well to Aliens as other men both Spiritual and Temporal and also that such Menial Servants as should be daily in the Kings House and about his Person should be such as the King would choose and admit himself But the dissenting Barons utterly rejected these Articles whereupon the Fire of Dissention was again kindled between the King and those his Lords In the 47th Year by procurement of the Barons we are told that the Commons of London chose unto their Mayor for that Year Thomas Fiz Thomas Robert Moumphere and Robert de Suffolk were Sheriffs and without Counsel of the Aldermen swore him at Guild-Hall upon Simon and Jude's day and made no presentment of him the morrow following to the King nor to the Barons of the Exchequer as had been the custom For which we may easily suppose the King was much discontented with the City Whereupon the King perceiving the City would take the Barons part having caused his Son to seise Windsor Castle by a Train early in a Morning a little before Christmas he rode thither from Westminster whither shortly after came also many of the Lords that were upon the King's party As fast likewise the Lords and Knights on the Earl of Leicester's side drew towards London so that on either part was much People assembled In the mean time some well disposed Mediators endeavouring a Concord between the King and his Lords it was finally agreed by both parties that all matters concerning the foresaid Articles of the Statutes and Ordinances made at Oxford and afterwards by the 12 Peers should be referred to the French King to judge which should be held and which not Upon this Agreement were Copies made of the said Statutes with Letters shewing the â—ffect of the former Agreement and sent unto Lewis the French King Over sails the King with his Sâ—n Edward and others of his Council on one side On the other were sent Sir Peter de Mountford and others as so many Sollicitors for their mutual Parties So that the Statutes were strongly argued before the French King by both sides In the end the French King Lewis calling before him both Parties on January the 24th and sitting in Judgment gave express Sentence that all and every of the said Statutes and Ordinances should be from that day forward utterly void and set at nought and all such Bonds and Promises that the King or any other had made for the maintenance of the same should be annulled and cancelled and the King and all others for any matter concerning those Statutes set at Liberty After this Sentence thus given the King returned into England and so to London February the 15th This King Lewis is named a Saint for that he was not I suppose so bad as other Princes too too commonly are or more probably for some deeds of his pleasing to the Popish Clergy as his sending to destroy the then accounted Heretical Albigenses his taking a Voyage once into the Holy Land and undertaking a second towards the same place at the Popes request For at that time the Holy War as 't is generally called was cried up in these Western parts of the World as a high piece of Devotion But whatever esteem Lewis had got in the World the Barons it seems continued not to have the same Veneration for him but were contrary wise much moved with his Sentence noting great Partiality in him thus to disannul all the foresaid Acts which were at first made in Parliament the King agreeing to them and had been variously confirmed by the Kings Grant his Oath and manifold Promises together with a solemn Curse denounced against such as would attempt in word and deed to break them It may be 't was the Fame of this King Lewis's Goodness that made the Barons consent to have him the Umpire as one concerned on neither party But what could be expected in the Case Could it be supposed that he a King would not favour his Brother King what he might rather than by confirming these Acts pretended so prejudicial to all Royal Prerogative give Example to his own Subjects to require the like at his hands or attempt to compel him thereto by force Had the Lords gotten an Umpire from among some disinterested Subjects of some other Land he perhaps would have adjusted the business wholly in their favour So hard had it been to have met with a just Arbitrator in the case who would not have declined to one or the other Party for fear nor favour King Henry having thus got a Verdict on his side and the Barons noting Partiality and therefore refusing to stand to the Judgment though the Chronicle intimates to us that they had promised assuredly to abide the French Kings Arbitration For King Lewis expresly excepting King John's Charter before granted the Barons persisted in defence of the Oxford Statutes as founded on that Charter What then remains but to commit all to the last Decision of the Sword and so the whole Arbitrement shall be cast more immediately into the hands of Providence Away from London go the Lords Westward into the Marches of Wales where drawing to them great Power they war upon the Lands and Castles of Sir Roger Mortimer to whose aid Edward the King's Son coming his People were distressed and he himself almost taken To redress these grievances a new Parliament was appointed at Oxford which Fabian says never came to effect Yet he mentions another Chronicle which affirms this Parliament
the same was also Custos of the City So that according to this Account there pass'd about seven years wherein the Londoners had not the full and free use of their Priviledges and Franchises If this be allowed for a Truth we have but little Reason to marvel that we find the Commons so ready to adhere to such as they might hope would vindicate their former Liberty and the Rulers so averse from joyning with such in diminution of that Regal Power to which they seem wholly to have ow'd theirs and not to any Interest and Favour they had among the Commons of the City Who knows if those Writers words be granted but this might be some Reason of the Earl of Glocester's stirring again againâ—â— the Court designs with a little perhaps of Jealouâ—y of the Kings Son Edwards overmuch familiarity with his Wife in a Court hinted to us by Stow but plaid by him an year later In Reg. 53. when 〈◊〉 saw the City which had formerly took part with the same side he once was of deprived of their â—â—berties and Franchises with little hopes of 〈◊〉 them much through his means by his late 〈◊〉 with Edward the Kings Son to the weakning and overthrow of the Barons Party to which the City had so firmly adher'd In this year by Mediatiâ—â— and means of the fame Edward all such difinneâ—ited Persons as kept the Isle of Ely are said to be reconciled to the King and all Fortresses and Deâ—enceâ— therein by them made plucked away and destroyed In July Octobon the Pope's Legate who had interested himself so much in the late Transactions departed towards Rome but not without a great Treasure Levi'd we hear of the Church My Author intimates That he made many good Rules therein if they were not only Rules but anâ— good Rules why should he not be well paid â—or them I don't think these kind of Men did very often Ordain such extraordinary good Rules unless you will call those good which tended to the satisfying the Pope's Avaricious Mind and exalting his and the Clergies Temporal Grandeur Other might be their Pretences but Mony doubtless was 〈◊〉 of their aim when they sent their Legates 〈◊〉 this Land or into other Countries owning the Pope's Jurisdiction and the Event proves it too 〈◊〉 Without all Peradventure it was not for nothing that England was called the Pope's Pack-horse Annals Peterpence Tenths Fâ—rst-Fruits and the like were good Pickings that were drawn hence to Rome And that the Popish Clergy know full well and therefore their fingers are Itching to be Trading here again If the Pope's Mule could once more set his Foot safely on English Ground there 〈◊〉 doubt but they would make us pay for old 〈◊〉 new it should scape them hard else 'T was about Four Years before even in 49 that the Citizens of London compounded with the King 〈◊〉 a Fine of Twenty Thousand Marks and yet in this Year 53 there is another mention made of it as it were hinting to us that it was not yet all Raised or at least that all such that were Assessed towards it had not returned in their demanded Assessment but to avoid that and other Charges had rather chosen to depart from the City with their Housholds and Goods and Inhabit in divers other places of the Land Whence we may without doubt well and truly conclude the scarcity of Coin in those Days and greatness of that Imposed Tax or elfe the Paucity of the Inhabitants of London and smalness of the City in comparison with what it is at this present time If then the City was of such Power and Esteem in those Days as the former passages seem strongly to prove how great and considerable an Influence have we reason to beleive it hath at present upon the rest of the Nation now it is grown by far more Populous and 〈◊〉 more Splendid in Riches Trading and Buildingâ— Though many of the Citizens thus fled the City thinking thereby to be acquitred of the Charge of the aforementioned Imposition yet find not that this availed them ought For the others of the City remaining made we are told Instant labour to the King and had it Granted That all such as for the aforesaid cause had carriâ—d their Goods out of the City should be Distrainâ—â— by the Sheriff of the Shire where they then dwelled and forced to pay all such Sums as they â—â—fore were Assessed at Why should not Men 〈◊〉 the Bad with the Good If they desire to enjoy the City's Priviledges in the Day of her Prosperity there is but little reason why they should not likâ—wise partake with her in the common Calamity and Adversity In September The Five Citizens viz. Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas c. spâ—ken of before in the Forty 〈◊〉 Year who had hitherto remained Prisoners in Windsor-Tower made an end with Edward the King's Son for great Sums of Mony and were delivered It would have but little availed them to haâ—â— pleaded the Kings safe Conduct before sent theâ— under his Seal T was money it seems that must bâ—y their Deliverance Mony they had doubtless and therefore 't is mony they must produce and so they were â—ain to do or at least agree to pay it before they could get quit out of Edwards Power The 54th year began according to the Chronicle with so hard a frost that the frozen Thames was passable for men and Beasts in diverse places and Merchadize was thereupon brought to London by Land This Forst was not so prejudiaial to their Trading 〈◊〉 the rising and flowing of Thames sometime after 〈◊〉 as injurious and hurtsul about London to the â—â—owning of Cellers by the waterside and spoiling 〈◊〉 much Merchandize lying in them But these are â—â—â—asters we know Commonly happening in this tranâ—â—â—ry World witness the late Inundations through â—he great Rains this Spring and the damage sustaind â—â—ereby in Fleet-ditch Hockly in the Hole and many â—â—her places In this year about the beginning of 〈◊〉 we find that the King gave the Rule of the City 〈◊〉 London to his Son Edward with all Revenues and Prâ—fits thereto belonging Whereupon he made Hugh 〈◊〉 son of Othon Constable of the Tower and Custos 〈◊〉 the City About the End of April he commanded â—he Citizens to present to him six Persons able to be â—â—â—riffs Of whom he admitted to that Office William 〈◊〉 Haddystoke and Ankeâ—yl De Alvern and sware them to be Accountants as their Predecessors were These we read presented in May following at the Gâ—ild-Hall and there charged a new At these days a new Custom or Toll us'd to be paid the King by â—he Citizens which having been let to farme to a Marâ—hant Stranger by Edward the Kings Son for 20. â—arks yearly the Citizens unwilling to be under a â—â—â—angers Rule upon great suit made to the same Edâ—ard agreed with him to buy the said Toll free for â—000 Marks In this year the King had granted towards his â—oyage into the Holy Land which
Thomas Weyland Adam Stretton and others who being by the Kings order Examined and found guilty of the Trespasses laid to their Charge were â—ither out-law'd and lost their goods or else long â—mprisoned and deeply Fin'd A large Catalogue â—f them and their Fines are to be seen in Stows 〈◊〉 whence 't is observable how suddainly vengeâ—nce over-takes Oppressors let them be never so Rich High and Mighty in Office Power or Authority as soon as ever the Kings mind is inspir'd from above to inspect their actions and punish their crimes Remarkable is the 19th Year for the Jews Banishment which we find bought of thâ— King by the Commons at the price of a Fifteen In the 21st year we hear of a Parliament held at London and of the King of Scot's coming thither with divers of his Lords The punishment inflicted on three men for rescuing a Prisoner from an Officer belonging to the Sheriffs of London by striking off their right hands at the wrist in Cheapside is noted for one of this years actions Hence let us leap to the 24th year and there among thaâ— years deeds we find mention made of a new subsidy levied by the King upon Wool going out oâ— England Fels and Hides for his War with thâ— French King of his Commanding the Mony before granted by the Clergy towards the defence oâ— the Holy Land to be brought into his Treasury upon the Report he had from Rome of Pope Boniface the 8ths manners of the grant he got of thâ— Clergy of half their Spiritual and Temporal Lands from a Benefice of 20 Marks and upwards to bâ— paid in three years And of the Tax he had also granted him by the Lay-fee viz. the Tenth penny of their movables to be paid in two years time If any one be desirous to certifie himself whaâ— Relation Scotland stood in towards England foâ— many ages before let him read through the Relation of this years actions in Fabian's Chronicle and there he may be satisfied if it will conduce to his satisfaction to find that Scotland even in Elder times in a sort depended on England and waâ— so far from giving Laws or an Example and Patern thereto that it's Nobles were fain to submit themselves to the King of England's Judgmenâ— and decree and do him Homage and Fealty in effecâ— by the submission of their King whom King Edward had appointed and set over them Memoâ—able is the six and twentieth year for that thereâ—n the Londoners obtain'd of King Edward newâ—y come from beyond Sea into England and so to Winchester a grant of their Liberties and Franchises which had in some part been kept from them by â—he term of twelve years and more so that they â—gain chose a Major of themselves whereas in â—he aforesaid time their Custos or Guardian was appointed by the King or by such as the King would assign But we are to understand by the Chronicle that this was not redeem'd without a great Sum of money Some Writers it seems fixing it at three thousand marks As this King had many Wars especially with Scotland which put him to great charges and had much money granted him by his Subjects so he ceased not to devise other ways to raise more and get what was denied him For as much as divers men â—ichly benefic'd in the Land refus'd to aid him with their Goods as others had and for that end had purchased from the Pope an Inhibition that they and their goods should be free from the King's Taxes he put them this year out of his protection a strain of State policy beyond some other Kings and seis'd their Temporalties permitting them to enjoy their Spiritualties till they agreed with him Though this was a warlike Prince and oft successful in his undertakings yet the Clergy's power so over-top't the Laity's that he chose rather to make use of his Wits than his Arms in dealing with them So have I read in William the Second's days how when his Unkle being both a Bishop and an Earl grew troublesome to him he seis'd upon the Earl and clapt him in hold whereby he caught and revenged himself on the Bishop too without openly pretending to meddle with a Clergy Man An offence esteem'd piacular in those days to such an height of Pride were the Popish Clergy grown An other practice of King Edward was his suddain Condemning certain Coines of Mony call'd Pollards Crocardes and Rosaries in his twenty seventh year and causing them to be brought to a new Coynage to his great advantage as testifies the Historian Among others may be also numbred that Inquisition he caus'd to be made throughout the Land in the twenty eighth year which was after nam'd Trailbaston This we find made upon Officers as Majors Sheriffs Bayliffs Escheators and many others who had misborn themselves in their Offices and had us'd Extortion or treated the people otherwise than was according to the order of their Offices So vigilant appeared this Prince and careful of his people that they might not be abused nor oppressed by their fellow Subjects when got into power under pretence of being his Majesties Officers a thing we know common enough in the world In the twenty eighth year we have mention made of the City of London's Splendor and Magnificence upon the account of their receiving the new Queen Margaret Sister to the French King Thus runs my Authors short Relation hereof The Citizens to the number of six hundred Rode in one Livery of Red and White with the Cognizance of divers Misteries broidered upon their sleeves and received her four Miles without the City and so conveyed her through the City which then was garnished and hanged with Tapestry and Arras and other Cloths of Silk and Riches in most goodly wise unto Westminster This is the year wherein Fabian makes the first mention of Pierce of Gaviston in his Chronicle upon Occasion of the Bishop of Chesters complaining to the King of him his Eldest Son Edward and others for breaking the Bishops Park and riotously destroying the Game therein For this was the aforesaid Edward and his Accomplices Imprisoned So that under this famous King the very next Heir apparent scap'd not the Lash of the Law when he had offended even to an actual Imprisonment so far were men in those days from asserting him to be above the Law and not Lyable to condign punishment because the next Heir Afterwards the King Banished the aforesaid Gaviston out of England for fear lest he should debauch his Son But this Banishment was after his death annulled by his Son Edward when King to the great trouble and vexation of the Land afterwards The twenty ninth may be esteemed not unworthy of remark for the Kings giving to Edward his Son the Principality of Wales whereunto he likewis'd joyn'd the Earldom of Cornwal newly Vacant and return'd to the Crown In the 33d year we read of the taking arraigning drawing hanging and quartering of William Waleys who of an unknown
into Ireland Yet thither we hear of the Kings sending him oftentimes secret Messengers and comsorting him with many rich gifts and the next year we read of his being fetch'd home again to still the grudges springing up between the King and his Nobles and continue amity amongst them which prov'd but so much the more mischievous to the Realm For this exorbitant Favourite's power more and more encreasing he having the keeping of the Kings Treasure and Jewels convey'd many of them some of great value out of the Land and brought the King by means of his wanton Conditions to manifold Vices as Adultery and others whereupon by the Lords Counsel and Resolution taken at Lincoln he was shortly after exil'd into Flanders to the Kings great displeasure In comes Gaveston again though he had before abjur'd the Realm with this condition by the Barons added that if he were found again in any Lands subject to the King's dominions he should be taken as a Common Enemy and Condemned But being recall'd by the King he ventures on his favour and afterwards demeans himself worse and worse In so much that we read that he disdain'd the Lords of England and of them had many spiteful and slanderous words so that there 's the less wonder that the Queen and the whole Court were sorrowful because they saw the King as Stow words it not very sound so great was his Joy and Jollity for his receiving him in safety Whereupon the Lords of one mind saith my Author consented to put him to death which they soon after effected by taking the Castle wherein he was and so having him in their hands smote off his Head For this was the King grievously displeas'd with those Lords and vow'd we hear to revenge his Death so that after this he sought occasion against them to grieve and displease them If the foremention'd disorders with many before express'd by Authentick Writers to have fallen out under this King If Treachery Robberies Rapes Extortions Divisions Civil discords at home slights contempts and losses abroad and much blood-shed in Battels fought and lost both at home and abroad If murrain of Beasts and scarcity of Grain dearness of Victuals sickness and mortality of Men ravages and outrages of cruel insulting Enemies and almost a general desolation in several places of the Land be glories that can eternize a Man's memory to succeeding Generations I know not whether this Kings Name and Reign may ever be forgotten as long as England stands a fixt Island in the midst of the Ocean In the midst of these troubles and crosses you are not to suppose the City of London scap't free from partaking in the Common misery of the Land In the first of this King's Reign I find that he and his new Married Bride were received joyfully by the Citizens and so conveyed to Westminster but the times afterwards grew so cloudy and full of storms that I don't think they had over much reason to rejoyce more than the rest of their poor distressed fellow Subjects Yet Providence in good time delivered the City out of these troubles and with advantage too as may be observed and remark't in the end of this and beginning of the next Kings Reign Twice more particularly in this Kings Reign do we read of a breach made on the Cities Priviledges by constraining the Citizens at their own charges to raise and maintain a certain number of Soldiers and send them whether they were appointed but the last time it seems it was conditionally that it should not be made a President which possibly was to appease them when they refused to go out of the City to fight unless they might according to their liberties as Stow says return home again the same day before Sun-set For 't is plain how great soever their respect was towards their Soveraign that they had no great kindness for some about him And therefore when aid and assistance was requested of them against the Queen who with her Son Edward was newly Landed and pretended Reformation of abuses they made this plea or excuse as favouring rather Reformers than makers of Grievances yet with profession of due obedience and Honour to the King the Queen and their Son who was after his Father the Right and Lawful Heir to the Crown At the Parliament of Whitebands held in the twefth of this King whether the Barons came in Arms the Citizens were the Keepers of the Kings peace in the City a thousand of them well Armed by the Majors order watching by day and as many by night in divers Wards and at several Gates thereof under the inspection of two Aldermen with Officers assigned to Ride about every night to oversee them and the rest of the Citizens were enjoyned to have their Arms in readiness upon a very short warning for more surety And what pray now was the effect of all this but that the peace was kept the City guarded it and no disturbance hapned that I read of notwithstanding there was so great an Army then on foot Ill men were removed several things were ordained for the good of the Realm Transactions were carried on without violence or blood-shed the Parliament was peaceably dissolved and every one returned home in quietness safety and security But on the contrary afterwards in the later end of this Kings Reign when the Courtiers were much disgusted in the City by reason of many violences committed and much harsh dealing used by some towards their fellow Subjects in the time of their power under the wings of Authority and pretence of Law and Justice the Citizens were so far from keeping the King's peace as before that they soon shew'd openly their favour good will and kindness for the Queen who under the glozing pretence of reforming the ill Government was come into the Land with a considerable force of Soldiers and had sent to the Mayor and Commonalty for their aid help and assistance in carrying on this her pretended Reformation A work generally highly acceptable to all such as think themselves oppressed and glorious in the Eyes of the people but such is the misery fate and infelicity the frailty and imperfection incident to all sublunary attempts that it very seldom if ever fully answers the expectation of every one concern'd Neither was the Citizens affection to the Queen and her Party barely shewn in words and expressions but it went much farther and was publickly brought into Act by beheading such as they took to be the Queens enemies not so much as sparing the Bishop of Exeter himself a great man among the spiritualty who had been there left by the King to have the Rule of the City in his absence The occasion is said to have sprung from his stiff and peremptory demanding of the Keys of the City Gates by vertue of his Commission which highly exasperated the Commons against him and so much the more because as was the saying he had rais'd an Army to withstand the Queen a fault
of any of the Kings Officers but only at the Kings Sute Sealed with the Great or Privy Seal except the Kings Justices according to their Charter That they shall by themselves enquire of Customs and impositions hapning or arising within the City That the Major and Chamberlain for the time being shall have the keeping of the City Orphans Lands and Goods No small advantage in those times when the Court of Wards was in being and greatly beneficial still by reason of the Deceits many poor Orphans meet with from Cheating or Insolvent Guardians and Trustees whereas the City's security is unquestionable and her Credit not in the least to be doubted of That the Interpretation of any word or Sentence touching their said Liberties which may severally be taken may be taken according to the intent and Claim of the said Citizens That the City may enjoy all such Liberties as any other Town in the Realm if they have any other than the Citizens have That no protection Royal be allowed in Debt Account or Trespass wherein a Freeman of London is ten pounds with several others By the Answers whereunto we find the Kings Will was that the Citizens of London should in no wise be restrained of any of their Liberties or ancient customs approv'd Such as were most useful and advantagious at the present time were by his Majesty granted and if any appear to have been denyed the denyal seems rather conditional than plain and direct in down right terms So cautious was the King in his Answers so careful not to displease this powerful Coporation and so well advis'd as not to shew himself Ungrateful at his first coming to the Crown to those who had so Cordially erewhile espous'd his interest and so stoutly defended his cause but a little before In the sixth of this King at the request of the Commons the Abridgment tells us it was enacted that the City of London should enjoy all such Liberties as they had in the time of King Edward the third or as were to them confirm'd by the King now and that Victuallers particularly should be â—under the Mayors Rule and have no particular liberties by themselves In the seventh we find it among the Commons Petitions enacted that the Citizens of London shall enjoy all their whole Liberties whatsoever with this Clause licet usi non fuerunt vel â—busi fuerunt notwithstanding any Statute to the Contrary Whether then 't is possible for any Corporate body endowed with so transcendent Priviledges by the publick Act and Deed of the known Legislators of the Land to forfeit and lose them all of a sudden Judge ye At the same time we read of a grant made by the same Authority that the Mayor and Aldermen should take no other Oath in the Exchequer than they did in the time of King Edward the third How careful were the Commons do we see in this Age to prevent the Citizens from being enslav'd in either their Bodies or their Souls They sha'nt be impos'd upon by their good Wills in so much as an Oath much less have Creeds Articles and Oaths by the dozens thrust upon them to Swear and subscribe to In the same year we have the Commons petitioning the King again in the Cities behalf so Sollicitous were they for her good and welfare That free choice may be made of the most able men for Aldermen as well of such as were the year before as of others yearly See we here the House of Commons pleading for a free choice an Election without disturbance threats or menaces and that particular Citizens should not be impos'd upon nor overaw'd And if they had formerly chosen good Men and found them so by experience that they should not be oblig'd next year to pass them by and choose others such as possibly might prove friends to them the backward way and over the left shoulders The Electors might pick and choose as they please which is the benefit of a free Election And as the Commons pray so the King grants as long as there is good Government in the City thereby What could be desir'd more As long as the Aldermen were lyable to be pass'd by every year as well as the Common-Council-Men 't is very unlikely that they should displease the City much less thwart and contradict the Common voice oâ— her Citizens for a few sprinklings of Court Holy Water Observe this was at the Parliament helâ— at Salisbury some scores of Miles from London yet 't was not the distance of place that could breed distance of affection Remove the national assembly to the other end of the Land to the utmost Coasts of Great Brittian yet Londons Name reaches thither 'T is not the place that makes our Westminster Conventions so mindful of her but her Merit her Power her Influence the respect and esteem they have for her Glory Honour and Renown to see her ever continue the fixt unmovable Defendress of the Protestant Religion under the Defender of the Faith In the Ninth the Commons require at the petition of the Mayor and Commonalty of London that the Patent lately made to the Constable of the Tower may be Revok'd The reason is plain 't was prejudicial to the City to have the Victuals brought to her upon her dearest and best beloved Thames made to pay Toll and Custom to another How Glorious and Gracious must we needs think that City to be in the peoples Eyes when we find their Representatives not once nor twice but so constantly almost at every 〈◊〉 pleading her Cause vindicating her Liberties and asserting her Rights And these we know are part of the Legislative power A general act of Oblivion is a Royal Grant not every day bestow'd upon the Subject and a grace not often obtain'd without much importunity and intercession We have reason therefore to believe the Londoners look't upon it as no small favour that at the Common's request the King granted a Pardon to the Citizens of London in the Eleventh of his Reign of all Treasons Felonies and other offences of loss of life For so Pardons run whether the parties were guilty of such crimes and delinquences or not and 't is a salvo that Wise men disdain not sometimes to make use of and why should they not unless a Pardon must of necessity imply a Crime We have heard how careful the House of Commons were under this King to secure the Cities Liberties ascertain her Rights defend her Priviledges and keep off encroachments that she might not be abus'd nor impos'd on Let me next have leave before I pass forwards to give a hint or two to intimate how ready the Commons were to free the City from Annoyances in order both to the Citizens health and the Cities Ornament that nothing offensive either to the Eyes or the Nostrils might be found therein 'T is to be seen Enacted among the Commons Petitions in the sixteenth of this King that all the filth upon Thames side in a certain place
commonly called the Conquerour in History which acquaints us That he came in with an Army and conquered Harold who is esteemed little less than an Vsurper But that from thence we should conclude him a Conquerour of the whole Land and look on it as a Nation totally subjected by Force of Arms it seems to me to lack a little better Proof than I have yet met with That King William after he was well fixt in the Government might reckon this Conquest amongst his other Titles and Claims whether by Harold's Oath the Pope's Gift the King's Testament and a little of Kindred I shall not deny For I have read that King Henry the Seventh had a mind to put in for this Title also but 't was after he had well and surely gained the main point Possession But upon perusal of the Histories about those Times it appears a little unlikely that this Duke William should get the Land into his own Power so wholly by Conquest as some would insinuate for secret intents possibly and purposes of their own Though Harold was Conquered by that one Battail yet I do not think the Land was For besides Londons Strength where William was forced to yield Conditions before he could pass through as afore the Earls of Mercia and Northumberland then of considerable Power are said to have withdrawn themselves and their People to that City without so much as being present at the Battel How also the Kentishmen enclosed Duke William and his Victorious Army and compelled him to grant them the continuance of their Old Laws and Customs is sufficiently manifested if only by the single Evidence of their Antient Law of Gavelkind yet continued amongst them If this be Conquest to be forced to yield Conditions What is it to be Conquered Wherefore we may better I believe from these premised Considerations conclude That the Chief of the Nation knowing him to be a Man of Strength and Ability and of great Fame chose rather to submit to him upon fitting reasonable Conditions than hazard the running into the Miseries of War by committing themselves to the Guidance of so young and weak an Head as Edgar Atheling That King William made a League with such as submitted and swore Fealty to him stands recorded in Stow's Annals True indeed after he was well fixt in the Throne he might not much mind his former promises but contrary to them might do many irregular Acts to strengthen himself as he thought and settle the Crown the surer upon his own Head Whereof we find mentioned in Story his endeavour to raise his Normans by introducing them into the chief Places in Church and State and impoverish the English by setting grievous Impositions and Taxes on them One we read of very considerable in the Nineteenth Year of his Reign when he made to be gathered Six Shillings of every Hide of Land which would rise high according to my Authors reckoning who says an Hide contains Five Yards a Yard Four Acres an Acre Forty Perch in length Four in bredth Eight of these Hides make a Knights-Fee or Ploughtill Forty Eight shillings upon Eightscore Acres was a great matter in those Days though it sounds but a small Sum with Us who have lived to hear of the Wealth of a New World brought into the Old One. To this may be added his Craft in inrolling his Baroâ—s Land their Knights-Fees Towns Number of Men and Cattle within the Realm in Dooms-day Book the better doubtless to know the Strength of the Land and be the more able to raise what Tâ—xes he pleased without being very easily deceived by concealments More instances of Arbitrary Power might possibly be observed which nevertheless are not deservedly esteemed Tokens and Markes of Conquest That great Persons in the height of their Grandeur often forget former Covenants and Promises is no such wonder it is so common so usual for some Men to promise more in half an hour when they conceive it for their present Advantage than others find performed in Seven Years If Arbitrary Acts of Rule are able to prove King William a Conquerour of this whole Land I do not know but many others may also be esteemed Conquerours who passed for good Ruling Kings in the days of their Power Though King William held the Englishmen so low that in his days there was almost no Englishman that bare an Office of Honour or Rule if Fabian may be credited for some others deny it as to some particulars This being certainly the too too common Effect of letting in a Forreign Power into a Land where those that were the Introducers of the Forreigners as Friends have hardly escaped Polyphemus's Courtesy of being devoured last Witness in this Land the introducing the Saxons by the Britains and the Normans upon them Yet the same Historian intimates that he somewhat favoured the City of London and granted to the Citizens the First Charter that ever they had written in the Saxon Tongue and sealed with Green Wax being expressed in Eight or Nine Lives This may be construed to be done either in gratitude to the City for giving place so easily to his Fortune or because he found the Citizens so pliable to his Will or rather in policy to have so considerable a Place the more at his Devotion and six it the stronger to his Interest So subtle a King as he was being in no wise ignorant I presume of the great Impression the Actions of the chief City in a Conntry usually makes upon the whole Nation So that though London changed Masters it changed not Fortune but notwithstanding it received damage by Fire which burnt a great part thereof and also of St. Pauls rather gained more Honour and esteem under the Normans Rule by becoming the Metropolis of the whole Nation and the Theatre wherein hath been acted some of the most considerable Passages that have since happened in this Land whether in Peace or War Most of our Parliaments many of the Bishop's Synods and Convocations the Kings usual Residence his Court his Council and Places of Judicature having been generally kept either in the Liberties of this City or not far distant from it at Westminster which being of a much later Date as is hinted before is nevertheless known to be a distinct City of different Rites and Customs and under another Government though the Buildings joyning both Cities in a manner together may occasion Forreigners to give the Common Appellation London to the Whole and we Natives also many times use the same General Term in private Discourse In St. Pauls in London was kept that Synod of the Clergy in William the First 's days which order'd many Bishop's Sees to be translated from small Villages and such obscure petty Places to the greater Cities For by this time the Policy of the Popes of Rome in diverse parts of Europe had introduc'd a distinct Government in the Church different from that of the State And so founded as it were one Empire within another
to have the whole the better at their Devotion So that if Kings or Rulers of States were not as submissive to their Imperious Commands as they desir'd they had the Church in the Land to overaw those who bore the Temporall Sword and lest the chief Church-men being often preferr'd by the Magistrates means through the Popes great Condescention as they would have it thought should prove a little Refractory they had the Monasteries Abbies Priories Nunneries and such like in a manner under the Popes peculiar Jurisdiction to curb them by the Power they could raise out of their Tennants Friends and Kindred Romes high and lofty Prelates thus striving to have their Spoons in every Ones Dish which Desire of theirs we do not find at all diminished though now their Wings be much clipt Nay we find them the more eager now in their pursuit after their antient Greatness under the pretence of a former Right which was first obtain'd by none of the best and honestest ways And so they might regain it Experience tells us they would not stick at the perpetration of the most Execrable Villanies the Art of Man can invent or the Hand can act Whence else come all those Wars Massacres Persecutions Plots Conspiracies Designes Intreagues Frauds Deceits raising of Publick Jealousies fomenting of Private Feares exasperating of Mens minds heightning their Animosities debauching their Moralls and Corrupting Religion it self with the rest of those Cursed Arts and Seed-Plots of Sedition where with our Ears have been so long filled that the sound is not yet gone out of them nor know we when ever it will as long as they can meet with so many foolish Bigots and prophane Debauchees among the Sons of Men The One to be gull'd with the Hopes of Heaven for the Performance of such Meritorious Acts as they will put them upon the Other to be purchased with a Bag of Money or a Plump Whore to favour their Designes falicitate their Purposes carry on their Projects and protect their Crimes if detected from Publick Justice As London was favoured by the first William so I find no great reason otherwise to believe but that it continued in favour and fame under the Second William's Reign Yet I meet with but few Passages of it excepting what may seem to tend to its disadvantage as the Harm it sustained from a Violent wind that is said to have overthrown at one time above 600 houses and much injured the roof of St. Mary Bow in Cheapside as also the hurt was done another time about it by the Inundation of Thames unless we should think it received some addition of honour from the great charges William Rufus was at about the Tower which was to adorn it I suppose for that it was builded long before hath been related above that it was of good strength in the preceding Kings dayes is enough evident in that we read it was made Marcharus the Earl of Northumberland's Prison This Tower having been before times and very often in later days the place of confinement for great Men when esteemed Offendors This is the King that built Westminster-Hall and being after displeased at it for being not big enough to his mind intended as 't is said to have built one much larger and make the other to have served for a Chamber The wicked Lives of the insulting Normans the Miseries and Vices of the depressed Englishmen with the depraved Manners of the corrupted Clergy were so notorious in this Kings dayes that Writers could not well pass them over without mention In Henry the 2d's Time we read of the founding of St. Bartholomew's Church Priory and Hospital in Smithfield which was begun 't is said by Rayer one of this Kings Minstrells but ended by some good and well disposed Citizens of London This Smithfield was then a Place for the casting out of filth where also Felons and other Transgressours were executed and not put it seems to the use that now it is Length of time commonly changes the use of Places and some times for the better There are upon Record no less than Three Councills Synods or Convocations of the Clergy which were kept in this City in this Kings Reign to reform the Church and Church-men was the usuall Pretence but it was commonly done in such away that it tended mostly to the exalting of their own Power We read in Stow of a Parliament of Prelates Nobles and Commons Assembled by this King in the Sixteenth Year of his Reign Anno Christi 1116. This King was the better beloved of the Englishmen for Marrying a Wife of the Old Saxon Line Edgar Atheling's Sisters Daughter for using Edward the Confessors Laws with Amendment at his coming to the Crown and making some good ones of his own for freeing the Church Impriâ—oning Ranulph the covetous Bishop of Durham his Brother William's Procurator and Gatherer of his Taxes in the Tower of London and also releasing â—o Englishmen the Old Tax of Danegelt lately reâ—ived by his Father and Brother and restoring â—o them the Use of Lights by Night which with â—ire had been by his Father forbidden to be used â—fter the Ringing of the Cuâ—fâ—â—-Bâ—ll at Eight of â—he Clock In the time of King Stephen we meet with an eâ—inent Instance of London's Strength Mâ—ud the â—mpress the Late Kings onâ—y Sâ—rviâ—ing Heir haâ—ing upon the Fortune of a Battail took and Imâ—risoned King Stephen and being theâ— by much â—xalted in her mind deeming her self sure of the â—ossession of the whole Realm would not make â—â—y Grant to the Citizen's Requests They thereâ—pon becoming discontented designed to have â—â—ized on her Person Whereof she having â—arning fled in haste for her own Safe guard to â—xford and her People were divided and scatterâ—â— whereas not long before she was in a fair â—ossibility of enjoying all that she claimed King â—â—ephen's Queen promising upon his Delivery that 〈◊〉 should surrender the Land into her Possession 〈◊〉 become a Religious Man or a Pilgrim to his â—â—ves end Either of which at that time was a 〈◊〉 of Spiritual Death as to what concerned â—orldly Affairs But her unfortunate diâ—obâ—iging is City soon turned the Scales The Queen's â—â—rength encreases Maud's diminishes The King a little after is delivered upon Exchange and thâ— Empress at last departs with a small Company and returns into Normandy without obtaining he Desire So considerable then was the City of Loâ—don as to be able to wrest the Power out of thiâ— Conqueresses Hands and return it back at length to the same Person whom she had once overcome and held many Months Prisoner at her own 〈◊〉 and Pleasure That for which the Citizens of London made 〈◊〉 great Labour was that they might use the Law of Edward the Confessor as they were granted bâ— William commonly called the Conquerour and 〈◊〉 the Laws of her Father which were of 〈◊〉 straitness Here in my Opinion seems to be iâ—timated that this King Wâ—lliam came not into 〈◊〉 quiet Possession
hiâ— Son in his Life-time besides Troubles Crosses and Vexation of Spirit For upon one Occasion oâ— other we find his Sons oft thwarting him anâ— some times warring upon him Famous were those days for the Contest betweeâ— the King and Thomas Beckâ—â— which brought Beckâ—â— to his end and the King to a severe Penance at thâ— last though he disowned the Fact and is noâ— plainly proved to have given any other consent tâ— it unless what may be deduced from a few angâ—â— Words uttered in his Passion The ground 〈◊〉 occasion of this Dissention between the King anâ— the Arch-Bishop is declared by the Chronicle 〈◊〉 have sprung from diverse Acts and Ordinancâ—â— which the King had procured at his Parliament 〈◊〉 Northampton to pass against the Liberties of 〈◊〉 Church which thereupon this lofty Prelate witâ— stood The Popâ—sh Clergy being then grown to thâ— height that crowned Heads were in a manner coâ—peâ—led for their own Security to veil Bonnet them and scarce durst so far presume as but endeavour to cross their Ambitious Designs They could be content by their Canons and Councels to encroach upon the Laity as they termed them but they poor Men by the Clergy's good Will must not be allowed to vindicate their Own Native Liberty from the Others unjust Usurpations This King Henry is said to have been Peerless in Chivalry in War and in Leachery This last is sufficiently notorious in his Love to the Fair Rosamond and further manifested in his deflowring as we read his Son Richard's intended Wife the French King's Daughter whom we are also told he would have Married could he have obtained a Divorce from his Queen And this he intended 't is said to have the more favour of the Frenchmen by their Aid the better to disinherit his Sons who among other things done to his Displeasure had warred upon him in Vindication of their abused and slighted Mother Three several Warnings I read of that he had to amend his Life but to little or no purpose Some of his Patience or else fear of the Imperious Clergy we find in his forbearance shewed to Heraclius Patriarch of Jerusalem who upon the King's Refusal to go into the Holy Land being discontented sharply rebuked him reflecting on him for the Death or Martyrdom as those Times were pleased to term it of Thomas Becket and upon Henry's further excusing the Voyage for fear of his Son's Rebellion in his Absence departed in great ire with these words in his Mouth saying That it was no wonder for of the Devil they come and to the Devil they shall Part of his Devotion we meet with in that Shift he found out to fulfil the Condion of building three Abbies in England enjoyned him by the Pope in the Dispensation granted him for the Voyage he hâ—d before solemnly vowed to take intâ— tâ—e Hâ—ly Land in Person Such was mucâ— of the Religion tâ—en of those Times eâ—â—ner tâ— bâ—ild 〈…〉 and the like so man◠〈◊〉 Castles or Fortrâ—ssâ—s as it were ready manâ—ed and victâ—alled at the Pâ—pâ—'s Service oâ— else to take upon them the Cross and away to th◠〈…〉 to fight for Christ'◠〈◊〉 as wert the cry Angliâ—e to subduâ— more Laâ—d to the Pâ—pe's Obedience A cunning crafty trick of the Pâ—pe's to send away packing such Princes whose Power they feared would grow too greâ—t at home that they might in the meaâ— time domineer over their Subjects Purses and Consciences and the better advance their own Worldly Pomp and Grandeur in their Absence For read not of any of the Popâ—s who went themselveâ— iâ— Persons They forsooth could not be spared fâ—om their Charge alâ—as their Preferment noâ— be absent from home out of care to the Feeding of then Flâ—â—k i. e. looking to their own Gain So that the serding Mâ—n while in their Bodies to the Hâ—ly Land was almost as beneficial a Project as long as it lasted as the â—reterce of Fetching their Souls out of â—â—â—gatory after their Death for a round Sum of 〈◊〉 and a set of Massâ—s The Triâ—k King Henry almost as Cunning though not as Fâ—rtunate as these subrle Priests fouâ—d out to fulfil the Condition enjoyned and which he put in Execution was First Putting Secular Cannons out of Waltham-House and setting Cannons Regular in their stead Secondly His thâ—â—stiâ—g the Mâ—rkâ— out of Amesbury-House and placing there another sort of Religious Persons which he had brought from beyond the Sea And for the Third His coursly renewing the Charter-House of Witham beside Salisbury The King having had so large Tryall and so much Knowledge of the City of London's Power did not very much I suppose at any time disoblige the Citizens Especially having such powerfull Enemies to deal with as the King of France abroad and at home the insulting incroaching Clergy and his own unnaturall refractory Sons though one saith that he nourished Strife amongâ—t his Children with all Diligence hoping thereby to live himself in the more rest But it seems that device avail'd him but little As we have but little reason to think that the City of London lost ground in Henry's days so under his Son and Successour King Richard we find that Foundation laid where upon was after erected that Famous and Free Way of Electing it's own yearly Governours wherein she now glories Like as William the First gave the Citizens their First Charter so this Noble Richard Cuer de Lyon was the King that ordain'd London to be ruld by Two Bailiffs whose Names were Henry of Cornhil and Richard Fitz Ryver as Fabian tells us in that worthy Chronicle which he compiled of the English and French Nation This Fabian being Sheriff of this City in Henry the Seventh's Days by that advantage may be presumed to have best known the Affairs of the City and seeming to write with a great deal of Integrity in this Relation I chiefly follow him and so intend as far as he reaches especially when I shall have occasion to Name any of the Bayliffs Mayors or Sheriffs through whose yearly Government in his Second Volume he deduces the History in form of Annals down to the beginning of King Henry the Eight's Reign In the Prolâ—gue to this Second Part he tells us That the City was antiently under the Rule oâ— Portgrieves which word Portgrieve signifies in Sax on the Guardian Ruler or Keeper of a Town Thâ—â— Book called Doomsday wherein were registred iâ— Saxon the Laws and Customs then used being lost â—â— he acquaints us also that the Remembrance oâ— those Rulers before this Richard's Days was losâ— and forgotten In the same Prologue likewise he hath left us a Copy of Verses written in praise oâ— the City wherein we are told That this City was never cast down as other Famous Ones have been that herein Divine Service was always continued in Religious Houses in such an Order that when one had done another began and that it was famed also for the Mayor and Sheriffs Noble House-keeping with much more which any
one that please may peruse at his leasure in the forecited Place We likewise find there declared the severaâ— Wards of the City as they stood in Fabian's Time together with the Parish-Churches and other Religious Houses within and without summed up to the Number of One Hundred Sixty Eight This King Richard in the Beginning of whose Reign we first hear of the Name of Bailiffs giveâ— to the Rulers of London having taken a Voyagâ— into the holy-Holy-Land according to the Religion oâ— those Times and done his Devoir for the Recovery of it according to his Strength the Clergy-men had reason to esteem well of him to humour whose designs he had undertaken so chargeable 〈◊〉 Enterprize So accordingly we find that the Ecclesiastucks stuck as close to him as any of his Subjects in his Adversity For in his Return from the Holy War as 't was term'd Richard being Shipwrack't took and imprison'd by the Duke of Austria and long detain'd by the Emperour he was compell'd to redeem himself after a Year and three Month's Imprisonment at a large Ransom An hundred thousand Pounds were either presently paid or good Pledges left behind him to ascertain the full and true Payment A vast Sum in those days when Wheat was esteem'd at a high Price being sold at fifteen Shillings the Quarter as we find it in the fifth Year of King John's Reign about half a dozen Years after So that for this Ransom were sold the Ornaments of the Church Prelate's Rings and Crosses with the Vessels and Chalices of the Churches throughout the Land Wool of White Monks and Cannons and also twenty seven Shrines scrap't and spoil'd of the Gold and Silver laid on them in former Times No Priviledge of Church then regarded no Person spar'd A costly Voyage indeed it prov'd to the Land undertaken to satisfie the Clergy-men's Ambition and therefore they might well be content to bear much of the Charges and use their utmost Endeavours in the Imprison'd King's Vindication And so the Pope did as far as Curses would go to which was imputed those Mischiefs that befel the Duke of Austria and his Country a little after as the Effects of the Pope's Indignation The Power and Esteem of this City's Favour in those Times of the King's Captivity we need but remark out of Neubrigensis who acquaints us That when the Chancellour being then Bishop of Ely and Governour of the Land dreaded the Force of the opposite Lords who strove to suppress him for his Insolency and ill Government he retir'd to London and humbly intreated the Citizens not to be wanting to him in that point of time But they being not unmindful of his former Behaviour rather favour'd the other Party whereupon the proud haughty Prelate was compell'd to resign his Office which he had so ill manag'd and depart to the no small Benefit to the Land in those troublesome Times At London likewise was it that the Lords consulted together for the ordering the Land in the King's Absence which after the late ill Governour had been discarded and after an Oath of Fideliâ—y to the absent Prince was put into another's Hands When King Richard was delivered as soon as he landed at Sandwich we find him coming straightway to London as the fittest Place it seems to receive him and assist him So accordingly we read of his Reception there with all Joy and Honour in so splendid a Pomp that the German Nobles present beholding it affirm'd That if the Emperour had known of such Riches in England he would not have dimiss'd the Ransom'd King under an Intolâ—erabâ—e Price A little afteâ— we hear of his riding thence with a convenient â—â—râ—ngth to recover the Places that stood out 〈◊〉 him After this by a Councel of Lords call'd at Winchester having deprived his Brother John of his Honours and Lands for his Rebellion he took care to have himself crown'd King of England anew As if the Force of his former Coronation was impaired by his Imprisonment or else he thought by this politick Shift to take off all Obligations that might haply lie on him for any thing done before As indeed we quickly after read of a Resumption of all Patents Annuities Fees and other Grants mâ—de before his Voyage But then it 's affirmed to be done by the Authority of a Parliament call'd after his Coronation After these Passages two State-Informers are â—oted to have riâ—en up promising the King great Matters the Scenes of whose chief Acts were either laid or to have been laid at London One of them the Abbot of Cadonence warning the King of the Fraud of his Officers by vertue of a Warrant from him called divers Officers before him at London to yield to him their Accounts This Place was made choice of by him as the fittest it seems wherein to ingratiate himself with the common People by â—o plausible an Act as bringing offending Officers to conâ—igne Punishment But Death soon cut him off and so put an end to all his Designs The other Informer call'ed William with the Long Beard reported to be born in London of a sharp Wit having shew'd the King of the Outrage of the Rich who as he said in publick Payments spar'd their own and piâ—led the Poor and being upheld by him became the Patron and Defender of poor Men's Causes and stirred up the common People to a desire and love of Freedom and Liberty by blaming Rich Men's Excess and Insolence Hereupon he was followed with such numbers of People that being called before the King's Councel upon suspicion of a Conspiracy the Lords were fain with good words to dismiss him for the present for fear of the Multitude attending him and commanded certain to seize on him in the Absence of his numerous Abettors But those thus commanded mistaking the time and so failing in their intended Design he escaped and took Sanctuary in St. Mary Bow Church where his Strength quickly grew so great by the Access of the Multitude that he was not easily taken hold of nor without shedding of Blood However being at last taken after that the Heads and Rulers of the City had diminish'â— the People he with other his Adherents waâ— arraign'd before the Judges cast condemn'd anâ— hang'd very shortly after even the following daâ— saith the Chronicle so desirous were the rich anâ— great Men to have him out of the way as sooâ— as they could But as his Plea of Freedom was â—â— acceptable to the Commons in his Life-time thâ—â— he became a Terror to the Great so after 〈◊〉 Death he ceased not for a while to be a Dread 〈◊〉 many by reason of a Rumour raised and banded about among the Commons of his Innocencâ— and favourably received of the People even to 〈◊〉 approving of him as an holy Man and Martyr anâ— making Pilgrimages to the Place of his Execution to the no small trouble of those that had a hanâ— in his Death At last the Flame of this Devâ—tion was somewhat cool'd by the
had the Sheeâ— done to be used thus Sure the Pope shewed himself hereby a Lord of Lords though he pretends tâ— call himself a Servant of Servants From such proudâ—â— haughty Servants Liberanos His Popeship woulâ— fain be esteemed a Father of Christians but here 〈◊〉 dealt very hardly with many of the Sons of the Church A sad Case indeed were we poor Christians of the Common Herd in should our Religion allow us at every turn to be sent to the Devil because the ambitious Pretences of our Governour would not suffer them to agree well together among themselves But we know already or have heard of to much of these Priest's Pride to think them thâ— most humble the most mortisied Men in thâ— World The professed and avowed Principles oâ— some of them tell us too too plainly that wâ— are not to take all they say to be either Law oâ— Gospell Neither do every one of their Action obligâ—â—â—â— always to think that they believâ— themselves in all they affirm They may indeed sometimes tell a fair smooth Tale when they are got a little higher than their Neighbours â—nto a place where they know they must not be presently contradicted but when they be come down upon plain even Ground we find them 〈◊〉 for the most part much like other men Nay some of them it may be an Ace or two worse More Proud more Ambitious more Worldly more Covetous in a word more debauch'd in Principles and Practises I could quickly name 〈◊〉 if I list among us Protestants of the Reformed Religion of the Church of England as some delight to stile themselves the Persons the Time and the Place the Diocess the Shire the Hundred the Parish where lives a double Benefic'd-man 〈◊〉 so strong an English Church man in Word and Deed as not justly to be taxed with the imputation of a Phanatick by such as know the manner of his Converse who was not many years since depriv'd both of Office and Benefice for none of the greatest Faults that ever was Surely the Parish where the Offence was not comitted deserved not so ill at the Reverend Bishop's Hands as to be deprived of the Use and Benefit of their Pastor Neither know I wherein the harmeless Parishoners of the other Place had so highly offended as to merit the loss of their Head Shepherd's over-sight unless we must fancy them accessary to his Young Curate's indiscretion in not bowing â—ow enough at the Church door to a stately Dame of the Parish So if my Memory deceive me not have I some where read it observ'd and it seems also verified in the History that though the Name of King 's was thrown quite out of Rome yet the Power some industriously strove still to retain The Conditions where on King John was 〈◊〉 concil'd to the Pope were to this purport Thâ—â— he should admit the Arch-Bishop to his See peâ—ceably to enjoy the Pâ—ofits and Fruits thereof permit the Prior his Monks and Others beforâ— exil'd for the Arch-Bishop's Cause to re-enter thâ— Land without trouble or future Molestation together with Restitution to them to be madâ— of all Goods taken from them by his Officers 〈◊〉 the time of this variance And that he should likâ— wise yield up into the Pope's Hands all his Righâ— and Title to the Crown of England with all Râ—venues Honours and Profits belonging to the samâ— as well Temporal as Spiritual to hold it ever aâ—ter both He and his Heirs from the Pope and hâ— Successors as the Pope's Feodarics These Articles thus granted and the Lord sworn to maintain them the King upon his bended Knees taking the Crown from his Head delâ—vered it to the Pope's Legate resigning it into thâ— Pope's hands both in Word and Deed and afteâ— five days resumed it of the same Hands by Virtuâ— of a Bond or Instrument made unto the Pope whicâ— I have here transcribed out of Mathew of Paris History that such as care not what Religion geâ— uppermost in the Land may know what they are 〈◊〉 expect if Popery should once get sucâ— a head as tâ— come in again JOhannes Dei Gratia Rex Angliae c. Omnibus Christi fidelibus hanc Chartam inspecturis salutem in Domino Vniversitati Vestrae per hanc Chartam sigillo nostro Munitam Volumus esse notum quod cum Deum Matrem Nostram Sanctam Ecclesiam Offenderimus in multis proinde Divina Misericordia plurimum indigeamus nec quid digne offerre possimus pro satisfactione Deo Ecclesiae debita facienda nisi nosmet ipsos bumiliemus et regna nostra Volentes nos ipsos humiliare pro illo qui se pro nobis humiliavit usque ad Mortem Gratia Sancti Spiritus inspirante non vi interdicti â—ectimore coacti sed nostra bona spontaneaque Voluntate ac communi Conciâ—io Baronum Nostrorum Conserimus libere concedimus Deâ— Sanctiâ— Apostolis ejus Petro Paulo Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Matronae Nostrae ac Domino Papae Innocentio ejusque Catholicis successoribus totum Regnum Angliae totum Regnum Hiberniae cum omnâ— Jure pertinentijs suis pro Remissione Omnium Peccatorum Nostrorum totius Generis Humaki taâ— pro vivis quam pro defunctis 〈◊〉 modo illa ab eo Ecclesia Romana tanquam secundarius recipienteâ— tenentes in praesentia Prudentiâ— Viri Pandulphi Domini Papae Subdiaconi et Familiaris Exinde praedictâ— Domino Papae Innocentio ejusque Catholicis successoribus Ecclesiae Romanae secundum subscriptam formaâ— fecimus juravimus homagiâ—m ligium in praesentia Pandulphi si coram Domino Papa esse poterimus eidem faciemus Successores nostros et Haeredes de Vxore nostra in perpetuum obligantes ut simili modo summo Pontifici qui pro tempore fuerit Ecclesiae Romanae sine contradictione debeant fidelitatem praestare homagium recognoscere Ad indicium autem hujus nostrae perpetuae Obligationis concessionis Volumus et Stabilimus ut de proprijs et specialibus redditibus nostris praedictorum regnorum pro omni servitio â—t consuetudine quae pro ipsis facere debemus salvis per omnia Denarijs Beati Petri Ecclesia Romana milâ—e marcas Esterlingorum percipiat anâ—uatim in festo scilicet Sancti Michaelis quingentas Marcas et in Pascha quingentas Septingentas scilicet pro Regno Angliae et trecentas pro Regno Hiberniae Salvis nobis et Haeredibus nostris justitijs Libertatibus et Regalibus nostris Quae omnia sicut supra scripta sunt rata esse volentes atque firma obligamus nos et successores nostros contra non venire et si nos vel aliquis successorum Nostrorum contra haec attentare praesumpserit quicunque ille fuerit nisi rite commonitus resipuerit cadaâ— a jure Regni Et haec charta Obligationis et concessionis nostrae semper firma permaneat Teste meipso apud domum Militum Templi
into his own Country there were hopes doubtless 〈◊〉 a happy peace to ensue and long to continue But seems those hopes were soon blasted For the 〈◊〉 next year viz. the 15 we read of the late agrâ—â— peace's being violated and broken by the King 〈◊〉 according to my Author persevering in his wroâ—â— would in no wise be induc'd to hold his own graâ—â— but to execute all things after pleasure nothing â—â—ter Law and Justice These violations produc'd new War between King John and his Nobles 〈◊〉 ended not till after the Kings Death So troublesâ—â— was it to the Nation so dangerous to the King 〈◊〉 he should have such ill Ministers about him 〈◊〉 were either authors or followers of no better adviâ—â— then what could not consist with the Kings keepiâ—â— his Royal Word That the Sheep were made 〈◊〉 for the Shepheard to clip shear pill and slay at own will and pleasure is a Doctrine that the 〈◊〉 quiet innocent harmless Sheep would no longer â—â—â—lingly assent to than while the Knife is held at 〈◊〉 throat how acceptable soever it may be to the 〈◊〉 Wolves and the degenerate Dogs of the 〈◊〉 When King John found himself too weak to â—â—tend with his Barons and yet it seems by the 〈◊〉 not willing enough to keep to his former 〈◊〉 he sent beyond Sea and call'd in strangers his Assistance We read that Northfolk and 〈◊〉 were the Lands promised to those strangers 〈◊〉 would come over to aid the King who had a little â—efore got the Pope to disannul the aforesaid Charter â—nd liberties granted ere while by him and excommuâ—icate the Barons We have mention made in Stow 〈◊〉 or 3 times of strangers coming over So many of â—hem were cast away at one time by Tempest who â—ere coming over Men Women and Children that â—â—'s said of 4000 not one escap'd alive So that we â—ay observe 't is an old trick to call in Foreigners â—pon the Natives when Arbitrary designs are on 〈◊〉 When the King was found to have invited â—trangers to his aid the Lords also sent into France â—or help and succour When two Women fall a scolâ—ing and pulling one anothers head-cloths whoever â—â—rst began the fray it is much but both will be in â—â—ult before it end London was the place where the â—ords kept themselves together till the expected aid â—nd succour from beyond Sea was brought to them â—nder Lewis the French Kings Son who landing 〈◊〉 England with a strong Army came afterwards to London and was there received Hence he with the Lords departing won many Castles in the Land and 〈◊〉 their return had the Tower of London given up to â—hem by appointment Tho the Tower held long for â—he King yet 't was the City it seems that bare the â—way and adhered to the Lords What a strength â—â—ey were of we may observe out of Stow where â—ing John is said to have made hast to besiege Lonâ—on but the Londoners were hereby so little daunted â—hat they set open their Gates and were ready to meet â—im ten miles off the City whereupon the King withâ—rew understanding their boldness and multitude â—hen the Major Roger Fitz. Alwyn was accused to be â—â—vourable to the Kings Party we find him quickly â—ischarg'd of his Office and one Serle Mercer chosen 〈◊〉 his place so great was the favour of the Citizens to the Barons and their Cause that they spar'd not their own head Officer and Ruler when he lay under thâ— suspicion of favouring Arbitrary designs so contrary to the mind of the Citizens The War still continuing and King John being not able to prevail tho thâ— Pope interceded by his Legaâ—e he had at last â—â— some writes all his Arbitrary designs quench'd with a Cup of Poyson at Swinstead Abby about Lincoln Tho another Author is said to affirm that he died â—â— the flux at another place Soon after this unhappy unfortunate King John death we meet with an eminent instance of Englisâ— mens Loyalty as well as of their love of liberty anâ— freedom for though the King and his Lords were 〈◊〉 so great a difference most of the latter part of hiâ— Reign and he left the Throne and his life at such 〈◊〉 time when his Barons were likely in outward appearance to be much too strong for him his his survâ—ving Heir being but then a Child of about 9 years 〈◊〉 age Yet as if all rancour and animosity against thâ— King and his Party was dead and buried with him 〈◊〉 his Grave the wheel of affairs was so turn'd as 〈◊〉 were in an instant that Lewis and his strangers weâ—â— disgusted and the young Fatherless Prince was proclaim'd and Crown'd King of the Land at an agâ— wherein he was not fit to be left to his own guidanâ—â— without a Tutor It 's plain enough by this instancâ— that English hearts were more loyal than naturallâ— to desire the ruine of their Prince and his Family 〈◊〉 at any time they appear'd in Arms against him in defence of their Lives Liberties and Freedoms hoâ— ready have they shewed themselves to accord anâ— submit as soon as those men of ill Principles and Aâ—bitrary practices were remov'd from their Princâ— who had rais'd those clouds of discontent betweeâ— him and his People The chief of those that so soon returned to their Allegiance were the powerful Earls of Pembroke and Chester who drew with them a very considerable reâ—inue They may be probably thought to hope to â—â—nfuse better Principles into their young Prince in his Nonage than appeared by former Arbitrary actions â—o have been in his Father and so model the Goâ—ernment into a better frame in the time of that powâ—r they were as the chief Nobles most likely to â—ave under the King in his younger days Neither â—o I know but somwhat might proceed from reâ—orse of Conscience The Earl of Chester in the 2d â—ear of the Kings Reign taking his journey into the holy-Holy-Land the Religion of those times having made â—hat the usual way of Expiation Some such intent of â—he Earl stands likewise upon record in one of the Chronicles saith my Author Another very probaâ—le occasion of this sudden change of Affairs in the Kingdom may be supposed to have risen from the Death-bed confession of a French Nobleman who 〈◊〉 reported to have discovered Lewis's intent to 〈◊〉 destroy and quite root out those English Lords â—hat adhered to him as if in detestation of their disâ—oyalty to their own natural English Soveraign When â—he Barons came once to find that he whom they â—ad called in to defend them against their Kings Arâ—itrariness intended to violate and break their Coâ—enants established at first between them when he â—ould come to have opportunity and so turn their â—â—plored aid into their certain destruction they â—ight well think they had reason enough to disclaim 〈◊〉 Alliance and endeavour to frustrate his privy inâ—â—ntions by returning to their former Allegiance as 〈◊〉 as a fit season presented it self Conditional
all had not faith â—â—ough to trust too much in it when fear and thick â—â—rkness had seized on them though 't was the comâ—on voice in those days that a few Masses could 〈◊〉 mens Souls out of Purgatory But you may be 〈◊〉 they were well to be paid for first Noted in 〈◊〉 14th was the Ordinance made by the Mayor 〈◊〉 Duke and the Rulers of London that no Sheriff â—ould continue in Office longer than one year the â—use related was the opportunity some of them â—ade use of to take extortions and bribes with oâ—â—er defaults by reason of the continuance of their Office The 17th is not lightly to be pass'd over that the K. therein kept his Christmas at Worcest according to Stow where he removed all his Officeâ— and Councillors Bishops Earls and Barons and 〈◊〉 for strangers viz. Pictavians retain'd them in 〈◊〉 Service and committed to them the keeping of 〈◊〉 Castles and Treasures What could hence be expectâ— but murmurings and repinings amongst the Nativeâ— Accordingly we hear some time after of Messengeâ— sent by the Barons to the King requesting the diâ—placing of those strangers and also threatning thâ— otherwise they would depose him and create a 〈◊〉 King A bold message from as bold Subjects For 〈◊〉 may read of the King's Lands being invaded the 〈◊〉 year and destroy'd by fire and sword by the Earl 〈◊〉 Pembroke and the Prince of North-Wales Whereupâ—â— we find in a little time the Pictavians expell'd 〈◊〉 made with these two great discontented men 〈◊〉 the King 's natural Subjects recalld and their Coâ—â—sel yielded to by the King The 19th is remarkable for the King's Marriage with the Royal Solemnity Justs and Tourneamenâ— kept 8 days near Westminster at the Queen's Coroâ—â—tion Yet Stow places the time a year after as 〈◊〉 doth also many other particular occurrences happeing in this King's Reign From the same Author 〈◊〉 are given to understand that to this Coronation â—â—sorted so great a number of all Estates that the Ciâ—â— of London was scarce able to receive them Great 〈◊〉 the splendour wherein the City appeared on this oâ—casion it being adorn'd with Silks and in the nigâ—â— with Lamps Cressets and other lights without nuâ—ber besides many Pageants strange devices whiâ—â— were then snewn The Citizens rode to meet 〈◊〉 King and Queen being clothed in long garments 〈◊〉 broidered with Gold and Silk of divers colours theâ—â— horses finely trapped in array to the number of 360. Every man bearing Gold or Silver Cups in their hands the King's Trumpeters before them sounding The 21th was ominous to the University of Oxford for the Scholars abusing Octoâ—oon the Pope's Legate who afterwards accursed the misdoers and so punished them that the Regents Masters were at last compelled to go barefoot through Cheapside to Pauls in London there to ask forgiveness of him which was granted it seems with difficulty enough His Master the Pope when cross'd and incens'd is wont to be sufficiently stately and backward in pardoning such as displease him not without much â—ntercession sometimes why then should not the Servant Ape it after so great an Example In the 23d year for that the Mayor and Heads of the City refus'd to obey the King's Commandment â—n Chusing Simon Fitz Marre Sheriff as the King had order'd them which they lookt upon as a derogation to their Liberties The King sent for them and after words of displeasure discharg'd the old Mayor Will. Ioynour newly Elected for the following year and charg'd the Citizens to proceed to a new Election which to content the King they did and Chusing Gerard Bat by his means and policy obtained the King's favour and frustrated the other purpose who had procur'd the aforesaid Commandment and complain'd to the King of the Citizens for their disobeying it In the 25th the Citizens having Chosen Gerard Bat anew for the year following presented him to the King according to Custom He who the â—ast year had so gain'd the King's favour in behalf of the City was now so far out of it by means of some mens Informations that he with his company was first dismist and put off till another time and at last for some offences alledged and displeasure conceived against him clearly put by the King swearing a greâ—â— Oath that he should not that year be Mayor nor 〈◊〉 any time hereafter Whereupon the Commons ceâ—tified of the King's pleasure Chose Remond Bengley 〈◊〉 his stead The Citizens having the year before 〈◊〉 prevail'd upon to alter their Election that was Prâ—sident enough it seems to occasion the like again The City having obtain'd great Priviledges of thiâ— King in his younger days we find already some eâ—deavouring to frustrate and disappoint the effect 〈◊〉 benefit of them The City had appear'd with a greâ—â— deal of success in opposition to the last King's prâ—ceedings and therefore it 's likely such as intendeâ— to attempt again for Arbitrary Power thought thâ— City too headstrong easily to permit them to suâ—ceed in their desires unless they could first bring thâ— Citizens a little under by cunningly under miniâ—â— their Liberties Whereupon we find this year a spâ—cious pretence taken to oblige the Commonalty bâ— offering to free and keep them from being oppresseâ— by the Heads and Rulers of the City How well 〈◊〉 plausible Plea took for a while will be manifested 〈◊〉 the sequel of the Story That there were great heaâ—â— and animosities in those times between the City 〈◊〉 the Court may easily be observ'd out of Stow whâ— tells us in the 25th years Annals how the Citizeâ— were threatned that the Walls and Bulwarks of thâ— Tower were builded in despight of them to the 〈◊〉 that if any of them would presume to contend 〈◊〉 the Liberties of the City they might there be imprison'd And to the intent that many might be laâ—â— in divers Prisons many Lodgings were there madâ— that no one should speak with another An occasiâ—â— was also taken sometime after to Fine the Ciâ—â— 1500 Marks for the receiving into the City a peâ—son banish'd from thence 20 years Notwithstandiâ—â— the Citizens had prov'd that before that time the said â—erson had been reconcil'd and restor'd to the King's â—avour Another device to exact Money from the Londoners was the proclaiming a Mart at Westminâ—â—er to last 15 days with a Command that all Trades â—hould cease in the City for that space of time which the Citizens were fain to redeem with 2000l â—et they still increast in Riches while the King was â—ompell'd for want to sell his Plate and Jewels much â—o his loss which being sold and boughâ— aâ— London 〈◊〉 the 33d year of his Reign occasioned this his exâ—ression upon knowledge thereof as my Author reâ—ates it I know that if Octavian 's Treasure were to be â—â—ld the City of London would sup it up and by it â—hose rustical Londoners quoth the King abound in â—ealth and call themselves Barons Noted is the 25th â—ear likewise for the first
little or no saying in this matter and fearing their Cause they went into a Canon's house of St. Paul's where at that time John Mansell and others sent from the King tarryed the Assembling of the People and shewed them that they intended not any longer to plead with the K. but were contented to put themselves fully in the King's grace and mercy saving alwaies to themselves and all other Citizens their Liberty and Franchise of the City After which Agreement John Mansell with the others came into the Court of Folk-moot whereunto the people was rehearsed a fair and pleasant Tale promising to them that their Liberties should be wholly and inviolably preserved by the King with many other things to the great comfort of the common people And lastly it was asked of them whether the Law and Custom were such as is above rehearsed or no whereunto like undiscreet and unlearned people they answered and eryed Nay nay nay notwithstanding that the said Law and Custom had before-time been used time out of mind To this was neither Mayor nor Aldermen nor other of the great of the City that might impugn or make any reason for upholding their antient Laws or Customs And no wonder continues my Author Fabian though the King were thus heady or grievous to the City for by such evil disposed and malicious people as he had about him the Land was ill ruled and much mischief was used whereof ensued much sorrow after Then John Mansell called the Mayor and Aldermen before him and charged them to be at Westminster the morrow following to give attendance upon the King Upon the morrow the Mayor and Aldermen tarrying the King's coming in the great Hall at Westminster the King came into St. Stephen's Chappel where for a season he had a Council with his Lords after went into the Exchequer-Chamber and there sate him down and his Lords about him Anon after the Mayor and Aldermen were called into the said Chamber and soon after called by name and commanded to stand near the Bar. Then Henry Baa Justice said unto the Mayor and 7 Aldermen That for so much as by form of the King's Laws they were found culpable in certain Articles touching transgression against the King therefore the Court awarded that they should make fine and ransom after the discretion of the said Court But for that they had put themselves in the King's grace and mercy the King hath commanded the Fine to be put in respite that ye be not pained so grievously as ye have deserved After which Judgment gâ—ven they kneeled down and then the Mayor with weeping Tears thanked the King for the bounty and goodness and besought him to be a good and gracious Lord to the City and unto them as his faithful Subjects Whereunto the King made no Answer but rose straight up and so went his way leaving them there Anon as the King was departed they were all arrested and kept there till they had found Surety and every Alderman of them discharg'd of his Ward and Office that they had within the City But shortly after they put in Sureties and so returned heavily to London Shortly after was William Fitz Richard by the K. Commandment made Mayor Thomas Fitz Thomas and William Grapsysgate Sheriffs After this day by day the Chamberlain was call'd to Account before John Mansell of all such Tolls as were gathered in the time of the Mayoralty of John Tâ—leshaâ— and Ralph Richard Hardell there being present to hear the said Account divers of the Commonalty of the City but none oâ— the Heads By which Account no default might be laid to any of the forenamed persons convict before the King By reason whereof divers of them were admitted to the King's favour shortly after and restor'd to their Officâ—s again but not without paying of money whereof the certainâ—y is not known saith my Author What a broil was here What endeavours us'd to find faults to set the King at difference with his Loyal Citizens and keep them from Reconciliation A Bedroll of Crimes and Ostences devised made and formed and none to own it lâ—st they themselves should at laâ—â— be punish'd for those wrong Accusâ—tions which they had laid to other mens charges and could not weâ— prove What was this but to make divisions betweeâ— the Commons and their Head Rulers To pretend tâ— oblige the one and depress the other Divide anâ— Reign was a Maxim put in use before ever Machiavâ—â— was in being What pray now was all this for Was it not to weaken the City's Power To makâ— the Rich appear Offenders and then seem to lay oblâ—gations upon them by pardoning what they were nâ—ver realâ—y and dâ—signedly guiâ—ty of Or else to 〈◊〉 Money out of their hands and yet persuade people that they were favourably dealâ— with You may heâ—â— see their actions were in a manner wire-drawn to bâ— made offences and their Accounts sâ—â—rcht to pick 〈◊〉 somewhat to lay to their charge And yet how visiblâ— were all the tricks and devices of ill men frustrated and sappointed the very saâ—e way whereby they though to have confirm'd and made good their malicious Dâ—signs when after all their searches they were in sort compelâ—'d to approve the others faultless wholâ—â— doubtlâ—s◠〈◊〉 their minds wills purposes and inâ—â—ntions How hard a matter had it been for the aâ—cured clearly to have deseated ill mens suggestions 〈◊〉 not they themselves pav'd them the way by searching into their accounts where it seems no faults were to be found to make good their accusations Let those transactions be brought into open Court which before were wont to be done privately and then all the present Auditors are made Judges of the reasonableness of the proceedings Here were large imputations and yet the accused suffered to go at freedom and not clapt up till they were frightened into submission What! Could they get none to swear roundly against them Never an outlandish Evidence for love nor mony for fear favour nor affection then clap them up in Prison not letting them see the faces of their Accusers Why did not they search their houses seize upon their Trunks and Boxes and so rake into their private Writings to ferret out some Crimes out of them or else in defect thereof privily foist in something criminal and blameworthy and afterwards openly produce it and with full cry and â—oud exclamations impose the belief thereof on their credulous Partizans as if really found upon them We need not stay for the revolution of Plato's year expecting former Transactions to be acted over again Are any of us such strangers in Jerusalem as not to know the things which have come to pass there in the latter days As the Heads of the City in this Richard Hardâ—ll's Mayoralty had their share of troubles and afflâ—ctions as hath been related above so the Commons were not without their care likewise For Wheat is said this year â—o have been so scarce that it was sold at London
much like that which I find in a modern Author thus Englished BY the Authority of God Omnipotent of the Son and of the Holy Ghâ—st and of the glorious Mother of God the Virgin Mary and of the blâ—ssed Apostles Peter and Paul and of all other Apostles and of the holy Martyr and Archbishop Thomas and of all the Martyrs and of the blessed Edward King of England and of all Confessors and Virgins and of all the Saints of God We excommunicate and Anathematize and sequester from our â—oly Mother the Church all those which henceforth knowingly and maliciously shall deprive or spoil the Church of her right and all those that shall by any Art or Wit rashly violate diminish or change secretly or openly in deed word or Counsel by crossiâ—g in part or in whole those Ecclesiastical Liberties or ancient approved Customs of the Kingdom especially the Liberties and free Customs which are contained in the Charters of the Common Liberties of England and the Forrests granted by our Lord the King to the Archbishops Bishops Prelates Earls Barons Knights and Freeholders And all those who have published or being published have observed any Statutes Ordinances thing against them or any thing therein contained which have brought in any Customs to the contrary or 〈◊〉 served them being brought in and all Writers of such Oâ—dinances or Councils or Executioners and all such as shâ— presume to judge according to such Ordinances All 〈◊〉 every such Persons as are or at any time shall be knowingly guilty of any such matters shall ipso facto incur thâ— Sentence such as are ignorantly guilty shall incur the saâ—â— if being admonished they within 15 days after amend 〈◊〉 For everlasting memory whereof we hereunto put our Seaâ— Thus far the words of the Curse Nor was the maâ—ner of pronouncing less solemn in open Parliament 〈◊〉 King with all the chief Nobility of the Realm in the Robes and the Bishops in their Vestments with buâ—â—ing Tapers in their Hands standing to hear this 〈◊〉 read and immediately as soon as the Charters and 〈◊〉 were read and signed all throwing down their Tapeâ—â— extinguished and smoaking cry out So let all 〈◊〉 who incur this Sentence and go against this Curse 〈◊〉 extinct and have no better savour than these Snuffs 〈◊〉 then the King having stood all this while with 〈◊〉 hand upon his Breast said with a loud voice So 〈◊〉 me help I will observe all these things sincerely and faitâ—fully as I am a man as I am a Christian as I am Knight and as I am a King crowned and anointed But what could any one think these so solemn 〈◊〉 would avail without a suitable Power and strength Arms to make them good per force When as 〈…〉 known that there lived in those days a Clergy-man Rome who pretended to dispense even with the Almigâ—ty's Laws whose Power was at that time openly prâ—fessed to be believed sufficient by the â—â—nerality of Eâ—rope to absolve all manner of Oaths and Covenantâ— and from whom Dispensations more than a good maâ— might be had for Money The confirmation of the foâ—mentioned Acts we may believe well paid for by the Parliament For we read of a Tax called Scutage that â—s 40 s. of every Knights Fee through England then granted to the King which extended to a large summ of Money viz. Six score Thousand Pounds or more For upon occasion of this large Tax I find the number of the Knights Fees in England at those days in possesâ—ion of Spiritualty and Temporalty summ'd up by my Author to 60000 l. and above Upon supposition that â—he Clergy paid nothing it is said that the Tax would â—ot have amounted over the summ of 64000 l. whereâ—y we may guess what a deal of the Land even almost â—ne half was then belonging to the Clergy Devotion as the times went then brought forth Riches and the Daughter since devoured the Mother Nov. the 6th we are told the King came to St. Pauls and commandâ—ng a Folk-moot to be assembled according to the forâ—er Ordinances made asked license of the Commonalâ—y of the City to pass the Sea and promised there in â—resence of a great multitude of People that he would â—e a good and gracious Lord unto the City by the â—outh of Sir Hugh Bygot Chief-Justice and to mainâ—ain their Liberties unhurt whereupon the People for â—y made an exceeding shout Observe here the turn of â—hings the Courtiers seem to have sought not long time â—â—nce to oppress the Head Rulers of the City by a Folk-â—oot of the Commons Now the King to prevent the â—ffect of ill mens advice hath bound himself to ask their â—ave before he goes out of the Land for a season E're while the Folk-moot or Common-Hall was abused to â—â—rve for a property to destroy their own Cities Liberâ—â—es Now the conservation of the whole Nations welâ—â—re is put into their hands What greater Evidence can â—e demanded to prove this Honourable Cities Power â—nd Influence than to find the Citizens entrusted by â—ing Lords and Commons with so high a charge We may presume the Reason of entrusting the Commons of the City with so large a Grant as the Kinâ— could not pass the Sea without License first obtain'â— of them was to prevent the Evil and Mischief thâ—â— might happen to the Land by advice of ill Counselloâ— who might be persuading the King at every turn to gâ— out of the Realm he having also Lands beyond the 〈◊〉 that they might have the better opportunity to 〈◊〉 out their own ends though to the Peoples oppressioâ— in his absence What trouble affliction and oppressioâ— the land suffered under this Kings Uncle Richard thâ— first 's Imprisonment at the Hands of the Kings Officeâ—â— who rak'd and pill'd what they could of Clergy 〈◊〉 Laity on pretence of raising Money for the Kings Râ—demption I had rather send the Reader back to pag. to satisfie himself where I have related somwhat of thâ— charge of the Kings Ransom than stay to repeat it ovâ—â— again A fuller description the curious may meet wiâ—â— in Neubrigensis l. 4 cap. 35. treating particularly therâ—of Some I believe may have observed in these unsettlâ—â— times that they have fared much better and more eâ—sily avoided the malitious attempts of their Fellow Suâ—jects who have liv'd as it were in the Sunshine of thâ— Kings presâ—nce than such who being many scores â—â— may be Hundreds of Miles distant have liv'd so â—â— phrase it in the shadow I know not but 〈◊〉 â—resence of the head Governour 〈◊〉 as needful always 〈…〉 as is the General in 〈◊〉 Army Certâ—in enough it is by the History that 〈◊〉 this Kinâ— Henry was thus absent from his Kingdom 〈…〉 ways in France that Dissention arose'â— Englaâ—d between the Kings Son Edward and the 〈◊〉 of Gloucestâ—r which might have immediately brougâ—â— no small trouble to the Land had not there been greâ—â— endeavours used to prevent it wherein this Honourabâ—â— City shew'd much of her
Jesuitical Wits what then remains ye trâ—â— hearted English Men but that abhorring their debauâ—â—ed Principles and Practices though not hating theâ—â— Persons you endeavour to keep your selves far enough off from men so much given to change 〈◊〉 have been thus endeavouring to change the good 〈◊〉 Religion and Doctrines by their new fangled Device and new Morals to proselite the more to Atheism 〈◊〉 Debauchery Who have plotted to change your Relâ—gion and your Laws to change Protestantism into Popery a free Government into absolute Tyranny 〈◊〉 change your Liberties into Slavery and many of youâ— Freeholds into Tenant-Lands to a vicious Clergy anâ— a Popish Church What else meant a late Papist 〈◊〉 his Tryal who hath been reported under the Liberty allowed by our Laws of excepting against Thirty Five of the Jury without Reason shewn to have â—â—cepted only against one and that as being an Impâ—â—priator alias a Possessor of Church-Lands If there 〈◊〉 not such a Report then my Memory imposes on me if the Report was not true Fame hath proved deceâ—â—ful or else I mistook her Relation So much Atheism and Irreligion having already beâ—â— introduced among us and such the Tendencies to thâ— further debauching Mens Minds and Manners whether then it would not be much better when it shall seem good to our Governours to King Lords and Commons assembled in the right Parliamentary way to casheer all needless unnecessary Oaths and reduce the too too common custom of swearing upon every trivial occasion into a far lesser compass judge ye What signifies so much swearing at every turn whenas other ways might be doubtless found out in many cases to search out the truth with as much if not more certainty Might not less swearing and severer Penalties upon lying sometimes serve the turn It is plain enough our Neighbours the Hollanders are none of the least experienced People in the World Among them have I read 't is usual for the Judges without giving Oaths to search out the truth by sudden cross questions wherein much practice hath made them very dextrous and skilful And so they do as it were trâ—pan the Trepanners if I may use the Expression without offence What esteem can any one think an Oath is with a man that counts his words but breath and his Soul Air Will that man value the swearing of an Oath before a Magistrate that prophanely can rap you out an hundred upon any occasion in common Discourse without the least Remorse or else is of the Popish Priest's Opinion that swearing upon an English Bible is no more than swearing upon Aesop's Fables i. e. a story Book containing Tales of Cocks and Bulls and the like So likely to be true is it that some men play with Oaths as Children with Rattles a saying or somewhat like to what I have heard imputed to Machiavel Let such sometimes seriously consider who have had an hand in imposing so many Oaths of late Years whether they may not one day be called to account for some of the many Perjuries others may have occasionally run into thereby The huding up of so many â—orts of Creeds and Doctrines together into one Volumn and then compelling men under great Penaltiâ—â— to make Declarations and Subscriptions to them 〈◊〉 not been the least burden needlesly laid upon 〈◊〉 Consciences in some places of the World Even 〈◊〉 Creed commonly call'd the Apostles though one 〈◊〉 the most Authentick clearest and shortest is not 〈◊〉 altogether void of Scruples witness the difference â—mongst the learned about Christs descent into Hell 〈◊〉 far shorter Creed ushered in the Aethiopian Eunuâ—â— Baptism I could name in fitting time and place soâ—â— of the most common Oaths among us and which manâ— of the most serious would not probably scruple to 〈◊〉 on good account which nevertheless are not so acâ—â—rately exactly and cautiously composed but a Coâ—science very scrupulous and tender might be liableâ—â— doubts and fears in taking and keeping them Is 〈◊〉 all this adoe so much father'd upon Religion too 〈◊〉 often really designed to turn men out of beneficial Eâ—ployments that others may be let in and sometiâ—â— proves a Snare to many tender Consciences If 〈◊〉 matter be honest and lawful a truly serious good 〈◊〉 will do it without an Oath If he esteems it otherwâ—â—â— he will not take it nay he will rather throw upâ—â— than wrong his Conscience And I think he has 〈◊〉 son besides Scripture on his side though he should â—â—pen to be in an Errour For he that for Interest 〈◊〉 or favour does any thing wittingly against his 〈◊〉 in itself erroneous and he not knowing it to 〈◊〉 so seems to me plainly to manifest that he would the same though his Conscience were in the right 〈◊〉 for an ill man a prophane man an Atheist what 〈◊〉 he how many Oaths he takes after he is once in 〈◊〉 Head and Ears over Shoes over Boots so it be his secular advantage When Oaths Covenaâ—â— Subscriptions Declarations and such like at 〈◊〉 turn and change of the times come thick and three â—ne upon another thwarting and crossing each other what shall the real honest hearted man do but refuse â—hem and so turn himself out to the letting in men â—any times of ill Principles and worse Practices into â—laces of publick Trust How then are things likely 〈◊〉 go in any Land when they fall into the Hands of â—â—ch prophane Debauchees who are too too often thus â—â—troduced over better mens Heads and sometimes it â—ay be designedly to serve turns Have we never â—eard nor read of a time when men of debauched â—ractices and Principles were sought purposely after When it was a sufficient Objection against a man's preâ—â—rment that he was serious and religious a little more â—erhaps than ordinary Thus the wicked oft plotteth â—gainst the Righteous who feareth an Oath much â—ore Oaths upon Oaths lest he should be entangled 〈◊〉 ensnared by the words of his Mouth For breaking â—â—lawful Oath solemnly taken before God and Man to 〈◊〉 English Ears sounds Perjury in whatsoever Deâ—â—ee Rank and Quality of any Nation Country â—â—ct or Faction from the King that sitteth upon his â—hrone to the Captive in the Dungeon not to vary â—â—om a Scripture Expression in another Case I doubt 〈◊〉 but an Oath is very lawfully imposed in some cases 〈◊〉 is of good avail oftentimes between Man and Man 〈◊〉 whether to find out the truth thereby is so sure 〈◊〉 safely practicable among the Men of these days I â—â—mbly propose to the better Judgment of more expeâ—â—â—nced Heads to determine How happy might the times prove were all men as 〈◊〉 servant of their Oaths as Joshua and the Princes of 〈◊〉 were of the League they solemnly made with 〈◊〉 Gibeonites And yet they were plainly â—â—apanned â—â—â—reunto with a great-deal of Guile Fraâ—d and lying 〈◊〉 What plausible pretences to have broken this 〈◊〉 Covenant might they have raised from a former Command of their God not to spare any of the Canaâ—â—ites
the City Market and have it two Pence in a Quarter within the Mayors Price and other Victuals after the â—ame rate And if he or any of his Officers would 〈◊〉 contrary to that Ordinance that then the Sheriffs â—hould make report to the Kings Council and withâ—â—and him in all that they might so that the King's â—eace were kept Here was Authority given to act â—gainst some commissionated by the King What folâ—y is it for every mean petty Officer to think to thwart â—â—is powerful City and hope to be too hard for her Citizens when their Liberties Priviledges and Franchises 〈◊〉 concerned This year silent murmurs passed up and down thâ— Land of War that was too too likely to ensue bâ—tween the King and his Lords in short process of time for the Bull of Dispensation before shewed in 〈◊〉 Realm But the mediation of good and wise men appeased and stilled those Emotions for a while that 〈◊〉 King agreed again to the maintenance of the aforesâ—â—â— Statutes and sent his Writs wherein the said Articlâ— were comprised into all the Shires of England givinâ— strict Commandment to all men to observe and keâ—â— the same and such other as were to them joined 〈◊〉 the discretion of some appointed to that end 〈◊〉 this again was shortly after revoked and denieâ— What Change in Councils what Uncertainty 〈◊〉 Fickleness of Mind was this Give and grant anâ— then recal What could be thought the end of 〈◊〉 variableness but Strife and Contention Hereupoâ— the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury a Star in that coâ—juncture of the first Magnitude in the English Firmâ—ment proves erratick For fearing what might eâ—sue like a cunning subtle worldly Politician 〈◊〉 makes an Errand to Rome and by License of boâ—â— Parties departs the Land and so keeps himself out 〈◊〉 the trouble was over He had been a main Instrument a few years ago in Cursing the Breakers of thâ— aforementioned Acts. Should he have sided with thâ— Kings Party he had openly contradicted his formeâ— Actions and in effect declared all his so solemn Cursâ—â— to signifie nought Had he sided with the Barons 〈◊〉 must have shewn himself an Assenter to their deeâ— partaken of all the Changes and Chances of War 〈◊〉 publickly slighted and contemned the Popes Dispensâ—â—tion A crime in those days of very dangerous Consequence to the offending Party Upon Midlent Sundâ—â— the Mayor and Commons being present at a Folk-Moâ—â— held at Paul's Cross before Sir Philip Basset and otheâ— of the Kings Council the Mayor was sworn to be â—rue to the King and his Heirs Kings Upon the morâ—ow at Guild-Hall every Alderman is said to have taken the same Oath in presence of the Mayor And so likewise upon the Sunday following we read that every Stripling of the Age of 12 Years and above was aâ—ew charged with the same Oath before his Alderman in his Ward Then according to my Author the Displeasure between the King and his Barons which a long while â—â—d been kept secret began to appear insomuch that diverse of them assembled in the Marches of Wales gathered unto them strong Power and sent a Letter â—nto the King under the Seal of Sir Roger Clyfford â—eseeching him to have in remembrance the Oath and manifold Promises that he had made for the observâ—ng of the Statutes made at Oxford with other Ordinances made to the Honour of God for Faith and Alâ—egiance to his Person Weal and Profit of all his Realm willing him further to withstand and defie all â—uch Persons as will be against the said Acts saving â—he Queen and her Children After this Letter thus â—ent and no Answer received we read of the said Baâ—ons going with Banners displayed against such as they â—new held against the Acts so often before mentioned The effect of their Fury at Hereford the Bishop and â—any of his Canons Aliens born soon felt to their great cost and damage Hence we hear of their going to other places where they supposed to find their Eneâ—ies keeping their course towards London this was the place it seems they desired so much to fix to â—heir Party bearing before them a Banner of the Kings Arms and encreasing with the access of much People as they held on in their Journey In this March as they found any that they knew to be against â—he Maintenance of the aforesaid Acts they imprisoned them and spoiled their Habitations were they Spiâ—â—tual or Temporal Men all the case to them at thâ— time In divers of the King's Castles they set in 〈◊〉 Persons as they pleased putting out such as were plâ—ced in by the King and gave to them an Oath thâ— they should be true and faithful to the King 〈◊〉 keep those Castles to his Use and to the Weal of 〈◊〉 Realm Here they seem to have outdid the Courtiâ—â— in their own way The Mayor Aldermen and â—thers of London were made of late to renew thâ— Oaths of Allegiance to the King and his Heirs as if 〈◊〉 weaken the Barons Party by a crafty sly insinuatiâ—â— that they went about to deprive the King and 〈◊〉 Heirs of their Right But as for those suggestions 〈◊〉 hold the Barons disappointing them by giving 〈◊〉 like Oaths to these of their own Party put into 〈◊〉 of publick Trust and thereby in effect declaring 〈◊〉 't was not against the King but against the ill Ministâ—â— of State about him whom they deemed the Authâ—â— of iil Advice that they thus took up Arms either 〈◊〉 remove them or deliver the King out of such 〈◊〉 mens hands About Midsummer when they drew near to Londâ—â— the Chronicle tells us that they sent a Letter unto 〈◊〉 Mayor and Aldermen under the Seal of Sir 〈◊〉 Mountfold willing to know of them whether thâ— would observe the Acts and Statutes made in the Pâ—â—liament called at Oxford or not or else would aid 〈◊〉 assist such persons as intended the breach of the saâ—â— and sent to them a Copy of the said Acts with a Pâ—â—viso that if any there specified were to the hurt of 〈◊〉 Realm or common-Weal of the same that they thâ— by discreet Persons of the Land should be altered 〈◊〉 amended See here the Influence the City had upâ—â— the Land the esteem the Barons had of London's 〈◊〉 and Authority and how desirous they were to 〈◊〉 it to their side and Interest The forementioned Copy was by the Mayor carried to the King then being at the Tower accompanied with his Queen his Brother Richard Edward his Son and others of his Council Then the King intending to know the Cities Mind asked the Mayor what he thought of those Acts and Ordinances who being refused time and leave to conâ—â—er with his Brethren the Aldermen and his Judgment demanded at that present season stands upon Record to have boldly answered the King that before-times he with his Brethren and the Commonalty of the City by his Commandment had been sworn to maintain all Acts made to the Honour of God to the Faith of the King
to have been there kept and that the King and his Lords parted thence all at Discord Besides the mutual Strength of People on either side The Barons had the Acts of Parliament made by the King Lords and Commons for of such I have elsewhere read these Assemblies were composed in those days to fight for which to observe the King and many others had been sworn besides a solemn Curse denounced against the Attempters to break them The King with his Party had the Popes Bull of Absolution the Sentence of the Council of Lords at Westminster and the Judgment given on the Kings side by Lewis the French King for their Incitement Such then being the cause contended for these being the mutual advantages to strengthen either side the difference is brought in the Spring into the Field to be decided All things in a manner thus tending to War the Barons drew towards London that 's their Place of Rendezvous where new Assurances by Writing indented was made between them and the Commonalty of the City without Consent of many of the Rulers thereof Whether they were swayed in their minds to the other side by Reasons they carried in their Pockets I find not or thinking they had most to lose they feared to be the greatest Sufferers if the chance of War should fall cross or else out of Envy and Emulation to the Commons who had already been entrusted with so much Power by the so often named Statutes and were in probability likely to get more if the Barons should prevail or at least keep what they had gotten Hence 't is plain that the Commons of the City were the men that stood by the Lords in defence of the Parliament Acts Many of the Rulers seem not to have appeared Wherefore the Commons as men enraged made to themselves Two Captains Thomas de Pywelden and Stephen Bukkerel whom they named Constables of the City At whose Commandment by tolling the great Bell of St. Pauls all the City should be ready in Arms to give Attendance upon the said Captains About the beginning of Lent the Constable of the Tower Sir Hugh Le Spencer came with a fair Company of men at Arms into the City and desired Assistance of the forenamed Constables who commanded the said Bell to be toll'd By means whereof the People shut their Shops and came out in Arms in great Multitudes who after Proclamation made that they should follow their Captains without knowledge what to do or whither to go followed them unto Thystleworth beyond Westminster and there spoiled the Manour of the King of the Romans Richard the King's Brother setting it on Fire and afterwards with great noise and cry returned unto London This Richard King of the Romans appears to have been a Mediator of Peace between the Two Parties but after this outrage what else could be expected but that he should become the Barons Enemy to the utmost of his Power Though 't is commonly seen that from War most come home by Weeping Cross yet there are still too too many found that desire to fish in troubled Waters Would any but such as were in Love with Blood and Wounds have counselled such a Fact as this in the midst of Civil broils thus to compel the only Mediator of Peace likely to prevail to become a man of War and which was worse an Enemy a powerful Enemy instead of a peaceable Friend In the time of these intestine Jarrs between Men of the same Country and Religion 't was much if the Jews should have escaped free who were strangers of different Rites and Customs and so odious to the Common People That they did not escape the enraged Multitudes Fury we find by mention made of Five Hundred of them said to be slain at one time in London on Palmsunday week The occasion is related to be for that a Jew would have forced a Christian to have given him more than Two Pence a Week for the use of Twenty Shillings This being the stinted Usury then permitted the Jews by the King's Grant According to which rate they might take iâ— any Summ lent greater or lesser A reasonable man would have thought this might have satisfied the greedy Minds of most ordinary griping Extortioners Eight Shillings Eight Pence by the Year in the Pound Forty three Pounds Six Shillings Eight Pence in the Hundred Usury unconscionable enough of any sense While the Land stood thus divided into Parties the Jews felt the Peoples rage in the City and the Country did not altogether scape tasting the miseries of Civil Wars King Henry by divers places came at length into Sussex with a strong Power whereof the Lords hearing made preparation to go towards him Accordingly in the end of April the Barons with many of the Citizens in the vaward departed from London taking their Journey towards the King and hearing he was at Lewes with a great power by common consent drawing up a Letter sent it in the name of all the Barons to the King But the Answers were so rough and in such a stile that it plainly shewed that the Sword could be the only decider of the Quarrel and final determiner of the Contest so much were their Minds exasperated each towards other though of the same Nation and Kindred The Barons well perceiving by these Answers that there was no other way but to decide the Quarrel by dint of Sword they went forward towards the King Wednesday May the 24th 1263. is the day that may be writ in Red Letters for the great quantity of Blood spilt thereon in the Battle fought at Lewes between the King and his Barons wherein by the Will of Providence the Victory sell to the Barons with such a total rout to the other Party that they took Prisoners the King his Brother his Son with many other Noble-Men to the number of Twenty five Barons and Banerets above Twenty Thousand being slain according to my Author's Account After this so compleat a Victory the other Prisoners being sent elsewhere the Barons kept the King his Brother and Son till they came to London This was the place wherein they had found Shelter and had had such considerable Assistance from the Londoners that there seemed a kind of Obligation lying on them and it implied somwhat of a Recompence due to the City there to shew the Trophies of their Victory Now we may easily conclude that the forenamed Statutes are to stand in full force even by the Kings Consent And so acccordingly we find a Grant made and an Agreement that if any were thought unreasonable they were to be corrected and amended by four Noble Men of the Realm Two of the Spiritualty and Two of the Temporalty And if the four accorded not the Earl of Anjou and the Duke of Brittain were to be Judges in the case To continue this accord the firmer the King's Son and his Brother were to remain the Barons Prisoners till it was compleated A Parliament was also appointed to be
of the Castle and Lodged by his Assignment except these five Persons viz. Tâ—â—mas Fizt Thomas Mayor Michael Tony Steven Bukkerâ—â— Thomas Pywellyson and John Dâ—flete These five 〈◊〉 the King given to his Son Edward at whose coâ—mandment they remained in the said Tower long â—â—ter notwithstanding the King 's safe Conduct to 〈◊〉 before made What became then of the King's worâ— But who durst oppose a waking Lyons The 〈◊〉 Hunter in the fable lik't not to deal roughly wiâ—â— him till his long Teeth were broken out and his 〈◊〉 cut off When upon the bruit of Queen Mary'◠〈◊〉 with Child King Philip of Spain her Husband 〈◊〉 to be chosen the Childs Guardian if the 〈◊〉 should Decease and offered the Parliament great â—â—surances and Bonds of Security for his redelivery 〈◊〉 the Kingdom at the appointed time that Gentlemâ—â— shew'd himself no Fool who when the assurancâ— were likely to find acceptance stood up and inqâ—â—â—ed who should 〈◊〉 the Bond And the Parliameâ—â— enough approv'd him when they immedintly theâ—â— upon rejected the King's specious offers 'T is very dâ—â—advantagious and often injurious to the Weak to 〈◊〉 making of bargains with the more Powerful who 〈◊〉 strong enough to break their Promises and Covenaâ—â— with Impunity or keep them but e'en as they pleasâ— When the tydings of the usage of the Mayor and thâ— rest at Windsor came to London whereas many 〈◊〉 fear had absented themselves before upon this newâ— many more convey'd away themselves and their good secretly into diverse parts of England so that many of them are said never to have return'd after In the 49th Year November the 6th We find thaâ— the King came to Westminster and shortly after gave to diverse of his Houshold-Servants near about sixty Houses and Housholds within the City so that the Owners were compell'd to redeem their Houses and Housholds with all the goods in them or else to depart and suffer such Persons to enter to whom thâ—â—nd Houses were given This grant is said to have â—â—â—ended likewise to all the Lands Tenements Gooâ—◠〈◊〉 Chattels which the said Citizens had in any other â—â—â—ces of England Riches have often made Persons 〈◊〉 singled out for offendors while the poor Man â—â— the mean time scapes free few envying him his Poveâ—ty After this was 〈◊〉 Constable of the Tower â—â—de Custos or Guardian of the City who chose 〈◊〉 Adrian and Walter Hervy Citizens to be Bayliffs 〈◊〉 him and to him to be accountable to the King's 〈◊〉 Then took the King pledges of the best Men's 〈◊〉 of the City that 〈◊〉 peace should be surely kept 〈◊〉 thâ— same These were put into the Tower â—nd 〈◊〉 kept at their Parents cost Shortly after 〈…〉 Labour and Sâ—it made the foresaid Londoners â—â— the keeping of the Bayliff of the Castle of Windsor 〈◊〉 deliver'd and came to London except 〈…〉 viz. Richard Bonaventure Symon De'Hadâ—stâ—k William De Kent and William De Glocester who with 〈◊〉 other five afore excepted were still kept in the Towâ—r of Windsor Then dayly Suit and Labour waâ— made to the King to have his Gracious Favour and â—o know his Pleasure what fine he would have of the City for their Transgressions and Displeasure by them â—o him done The former Transactions seem to beaâ— a Tendency hereunto The Citizens were prevail'd upon to resign up themselves their Lives and Goods into the King's hands submitting all to his Mercy that a good large fine might be the easier levied of them and the Nation the better made to beleive that the City was well dealt with for paying no more when as the King might have seiz'd upon all they having surrendred in a manner wholly upon discretion To what else tend the many preparatives before rehears'd but to make this bitter Pill go down 〈◊〉 smoother and quieter with them The Book â—â—quaiâ—ts â—â— that the King asked 40000l and 〈◊〉 stood at â—0000 Marks I But the City alledged 〈◊〉 themselves that the poor Commons of the City 〈◊〉 of many were gone away were the Trespassers 〈◊〉 that the best of the City by these riotous Persoâ— were robid and spoilâ—â— and had lost a great part oâ— their Substance in this 〈◊〉 some time by the Râ—vers of the Sea as the Wardens of the five Ports and others For these and many other considerations 〈◊〉 Citizens besought the King of his most Gracious 〈◊〉 your and Pity to take of them as they might â—ear This matter thus depending the King departâ—◠〈◊〉 Westminister to Northampton having a little 〈◊〉 his departure Ordain'd Sir John Lynd and Mâ— John 〈◊〉 Clerk to be Guardians of the City and Towâ—â— they â—eing nam'd in the King 's Writing 〈…〉 Steward 's of the City Upon the Day after thâ— King was gone these Two Stewards sent for Twâ—â—ty Four of the most notable Men of the City anâ— warned them to appear the Day following before thâ— King's Councel at Westminster At their appearaâ—â—â— it was shown unto them by Sir Roger Leyborn that tâ—â— King's mind was That they should have the Rule oâ— the City in his absence under the foresaid Seneschaâ—â— and for to see good Rule kept in the City they should be sworn there before his Councel They were there upon sworn and countermanded unto the City The City's fine was inagitation till about Christmas 〈…〉 End was made with the King by such friends aâ— the City had about him for the Sum of 20000 Marks for all transgressions and offences by them before done some Persons excepted whom the King had giv'n to his Son Edward being those afore nam'd kept in the Tower of Windsor For the payment of this Sum at Days by agreement set where Sir 〈…〉 and Mr. Robert Wareyn Clerk assign'd to take 〈…〉 After Surety by them receiv'd and sent to 〈◊〉 King at Northampton the King sent immediately 〈◊〉 to thâ— Citizens a Charter under his Broad 〈…〉 may be seen in Eabian my Author in these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 needless to make many comments 〈…〉 upon this affair Through the whole it is â—â—â—ifest that the City was of considerable Power and 〈◊〉 so that the King thought not good to exaspeâ—â—â— the Citizens too much least evil should have 〈◊〉 of it To make a Bridge of Gold for a flying 〈◊〉 is no mean Policy Doubtless it was well 〈…〉 Court that they us'd not the 〈◊〉 violence 〈…〉 Baron's Party was not wholy destroyed as yet in 〈◊〉 hand though it was very much crush'd How 〈◊〉 the whole City joyn'd therewith might haâ—e 〈…〉 pois'd if not turn'd the Scales had shâ— been 〈◊〉 â—arâ—hly dealt with I rather crave leave to 〈…〉 the Readers consideration than hastily presume 〈…〉 'T is certain enough that within less than 〈◊〉 Years the Cause was in great likelihood to have 〈◊〉 reviv'd to purpose had not convenient course 〈◊〉 taken to â—ush it a sleep again without rashly â—â—â—ceeding to the highest extremities as you may find 〈◊〉 the sequel of the History After the aforesaid 〈◊〉 was receiv'd by
the City gave the Nomination to Aleyn â—â—wch and divers of the others cryed upon Thomas 〈◊〉 Thomas at that time Prisoner in Windsor Castle â—herefore the said Sir Roger with the Assistance of â—he Mayor and others took those Persons and sent â—â—emun to divers Prisons So that what they could not â—o well get by fair means some seem resolved to obâ—ain by force And yet 't is not unlikely but they â—ould be ready enough to bear People in hand that â—uch was a free Election The Act against Disturbance 〈◊〉 Free Elections wherein the King commandeth upon Forfeiture that no man by force of Arms nor by â—alice or menacing shall disturb any to make Free â—lection was not at that time dreaded as not being 〈◊〉 yet enacted for it is plac'd in the third of Edward the First the following King wherefore the Distâ—â—bers might not then think they had such cause 〈…〉 having the Court also on their side as 〈◊〉 must have had since as soon as ever they should 〈◊〉 acted so imprudently as to bring themselves 〈◊〉 the laâ—h of that standing Law Observe we here 〈◊〉 Power and Esteem that usually accompanie◠〈◊〉 Mayoralty of this Honorable City since that 〈◊〉 Faction were for choosing one of their own 〈◊〉 Shall I further remark upon the whole of this 〈◊〉 what Party in a Nation 't is that sticks not at 〈◊〉 nor force to effect their Designs when fair 〈◊〉 is too weak to compass them But who will 〈◊〉 me that this will not be offensive Therefore to 〈◊〉 In this Year the Gentlemen who kept the 〈◊〉 Ely and liv'd there like Outlaws broke out 〈◊〉 times and did much harm in Norfolk Suffolk 〈◊〉 Cambridge Shire took Norwich and after spoiling 〈◊〉 carried away with them many of the rich men 〈◊〉 ransomed them at great sums of Mony This 〈◊〉 occasion the story says to Thieves and other 〈◊〉 dispos'd People to do many other hurts and 〈◊〉 in divers places of the Land and the blame was 〈◊〉 to those Gentlemen Then the Pope's Legate labouâ—â— with the King that those disinherited Gentlemâ—â— might purchase their Lands of him by Fine and 〈◊〉 some Whereupon it was agreed that they 〈◊〉 have their Lands again at five Years value some 〈◊〉 excepted and others of small Possessions to 〈◊〉 Fined at the discretion of the King's Councel 〈◊〉 this took no conclusion saith my Author Anno 52. Aleyn Sowch being Mayor Thomas â—â—singâ— and Robert de Cornehyll Sherists we read of anâ—ther broyl beginning which was like to have creaâ—â— no little disturbance in the Land had it not 〈◊〉 timely appeas'd and brought to an end by the inteâ—cession of wise Mediators For Gilbert de Clare Earl 〈◊〉 Glocester formerly a powerful Man among the Bâ—rons Party by reason of difference and disgust â—â—ising between him and the no less Potent Earl of 〈◊〉 of the same Party having turn'd to the King's side adding to it such considerable strength that it soon over powr'd the weakend Barons but â—â—w upon what occasion Fabian expresses not he refused the King and gathered to him a strong 〈◊〉 in the Marches of Wales To him likewise drew Sir John Eyvile and others of the disinherited 〈◊〉 So that after Christmas he comes with a â—ear Host near unto London When the Mayor and Aldermen of the City were aware of the Earls â—â—ming with so strong a Power and not knowing 〈◊〉 he were the Kings Freind they shut the 〈◊〉 against his Fore-Riders And for that neither 〈◊〉 King nor any of his Councel were then near 〈◊〉 City they went unto the Legate at that time â—â—dged in the Tower and required his Councel â—hether they should suffer the Earl to enter into the â—ay or not whereunto the Legate answered that 〈◊〉 thought not the contrary for the knew well that 〈◊〉 was the Kings true Subject and Friend Not 〈◊〉 after came a Messenger from the Earl to the â—ayor to have Licence to pass through the City 〈◊〉 Southwark where he intended to lodge with 〈◊〉 People which was granted and so the Earl â—â—ssed through the City and was lodg'd in Southâ—ark To him came shortly after by Surry-side 〈◊〉 John Eyvile with a great Company Then the â—ayor kept the Gate of the Bridge shut watchâ—â—g it dayly with armed Men and every night 〈◊〉 the Draw-Bridge to be drawn and the Waterside daily and nightly to be watched with Men in Arms. In short time after the Legate and the Earl agreed in such wise that the Earl by his advice was suffered with certain of his People to be lodged in the City By means whereof he daily drew more and more of his People into it so that finally many things were ordered by him and many of the Commons took his part against the Mayor and Aldermen The Commonalty of the City had had great Power put into their hands by the Statutes made at Oxford as appears before in the Meeting of the Folâ—moot at Pauls Cross they had been lately fin'd after the Barons overthrow for their standing in defence of those Parliament-Acts and but the last year had been disturb'd by the Mayor in their Election of a new Mayor by force of Arms and therefore now we may beleive it all remembred What shall we loose so seasonable an opportunity we may suppose they might then think if not to regain our former power yet at least to vindicate our selves against future affronts Here we may note not a little of the Earls policy After he had gathered together his People he comes away to London and getting leave to pass through it 〈◊〉 part of his Forces he settles himself as near the City as he might in Southwark and then by degrees gets himself and his Power into the City hoping doubtless to find a Party therein willing to second him which hopes we perceive by the sequel were not ill grounded Is not this a plain instance of the Cities Power Esteem and Influence in these days If any can produce plainer proof hereof let them as soon as they please I think here 〈◊〉 Mathematical Demonstration matter of Fact not of Fancy In Easter week we read that the Earl took the Keys of the Bridge and of the Gates from the officers of the City and deliver'd them to such as pleased him and received into the City many of the disinherited Perfons and gave them free liberty to pass the Bridge at all hours of the day and night Of all this the Mayor sent word to the King who then was gathering of this Power in Norfolk and made hasty speed towards London In the mean time the Earl with his Company made Bulwarks and â—â—â—bicanes between the Tower and the City casting 〈◊〉 and Trenches in some places thereof and forfâ—ited it wonderfully saith my Author Then many of the Citizens fearing a new Insurrection deparred from the City as secretly as they could whose goods the Earl seized to his own use or suffered his men to spoile them at his pleasure
Parliament holden at Westminster But in these present papers I think it may be more noted for what I am going now to relate verbatim out of Fabian In this year a Citizen of London Named Thomas Pywelysdon the which in the time of the Barons War before in the story of King Henry shew'd had been a Captain and a great stirrer of the Commons of the said City for to maintain the Baron's party against the Kings was newly accused that he with others of evil disposition should make Conventicles and Assemblies to the new disturbance of the City whereof Report was made unto the King the which remitted the inquiry thereof unto Sir Ralph Sandewych then Custos or Guardian of the City Then the said Thomas with others was put in sure keeping till the matter was duly enquired of After which Inquisition made and found report was made unto the King Then the King sent down a Writ and commanded it to be proclaimed shortly after within the bounds of the City whereof the Effect was thus that the said Thomas Pywelysdon William de Heywood Richard de Coundris Richard le Cofferre Robert de Derby Albyne de Darby William Mayo Mercer and Ivo Lyng Draper with divers others to the number of fifty Persons should be banished out of the City for ever And if any of the said fifty eight Persons were at that time of the Proclamation voided the City for fear or otherwise that they should so remain and not return unto the City upon pain of Life losing These being thus discarded and exiled the City who it may be would have stood firm to the City's old Liberties and Priviledges the rest of the Chief remaining might perchance hope the eafier to keep the Commons in aw whatsoever new Customs they should introduce for their own lucre and advantage thâ— to other men's dammage Here you may perceive â—ow jealous Governours are of all Meetings and Assemblies but what are of their own constitution and ordering The Caviliers doubtless can relate many Stories of their own experience hereof in Olivers days Neither are many of our Coffee-houses and Clâ—b meetings I believe very grateful to some persons in the World though their open business there is mostly to drink smoke talk trade and the like By the aforesaid relation we may likewise observe Once counted an Offender and ever thought so Here Thomas Pyweldon or Pywelysdon for his name I find diversly Written though the same man be meant a noted man in the Barons War for which he had suffered deeply after their overthrow by long imprisonment and the charge of redeeming his Liberty for a great Sum of money of this same King Edward then only Prince was nevertheless after about sixteen years respite banished the City for ever on an accusation of attempting a new disturbance That any thing was prov'd against him I have not read besides the mention here of making Assemblies or Meetings Had there been any thing material found against him I scarce believe he should have scap't so well with his Life seeing old Crimes seem to have been remembred though new faults were pretended An Act of Oblivion is a very good Plaister in a publique Universal Offence But whatever Offender of Note thus pardoned out-lives the greatest number of those qually reputed guilty with him and times be so much turned that the ballance of the Nation leans very much on the governing side I think that man's life hangs but by a very slender thread whose safety and security depends only upon Pen Ink and Paper and not upon the Governours natural inclination to justice and honesty in the constant keeping and observing of his word and promise When in the late Wars on this side the World Messina in Sicily was reduc'd under the Spanish government by the French's forsaking it to whom the Messineses had before subjected themselves tho a general pardon was by the Spaniards publickly granted whereupon many return'd to the Cityâ— yet if my memory deceive me not there passed no long time before the publick news told us of the accusing and I think condemning of a Principal Man of that City for a new endeavour to stir up another Rebellion and Revolt therein New accusations and new offences pretended how unlikely soever may sometimes serve to blind the unthinking vulgar Herd but a man of thought doubtless will be apt to suspect that the old grudge lies at the bottom How easy and usual it is to suborn false Witnesses against a Man Jezabelâ— practice and the endeavour of the Chief Priests Elders and Council of a much later date may inform a Protestant Reader if he hath no experience in the world to instruct him The Citizens were accustom'd before this year to make good advantage to themselves by lodging Merchant strangers and selling their Merchandize for them for which they received so much in the pound But at this time by means of those Merchant strangers it was brought to pass that they hired Houses for themselves and their Wares so that no Citizen should intermeddle with them which was to the damage of many particular private men as well as to the hindrance of the Kings Custom and prejudicial as affirms the Book to the Realm in general by many deceits and frauds used by them Here was a new Custom disadvantagious to many of the Citizens introduc'd but for what reason at first permitted whether to advance Trade by drawing more Forreigners to the City or else to weaken their power and bring down lower the Citizens high stomachs by cutting off some of their gain and parting their Trade with others I pretend not to deliver until I meet with better Information my self than hitherto I have in the point Certain it is from the story that the King much advantag'd himself by searching into their fraudulent and deceitful dealings and punishing them for those offences by a considerable fine The 15th year was chargeable to the Jews who were fain to pay great sums of mony to the King which they were assessed at saith the Chronicle but out of an other Author it is recorded that the Commons of England granted to the King the fifth part of their movables to have the Jews banished out of the Land which to prevent the Jews of their own Wills gave the King great sums of mony Here then was taking mony of both sides A subtle Court way of Trading This year there was such a plenty of Wheat that according to my Authors Computation it was sold at London for Ten Groats the Quarter five pence the Bushel But the next year through distemperature of the weather we find the price raised up to 14 d. the Bushel after to 18 d. and encreasing yearly duâ—ing this Kings Reign and his Sons so that it stands upon Record to be sold at last for 40 s. the Quarâ—er and above The 18th may be remark'd by â—s for the Kings Honourable reception at London â—nd the punishment of divers offending Justices Sir
low birth became the head Leader of the Scots against the Kings Power and had Created him no little trouble in Scotland but now in revenge was his head set upon London-Bridge and his four quarters sent into Scotland to be set upon the Gates of some Towns in that Land About this time we hear likewise of several Nobles of Scotland coming to the Kings Parliament at Westminster and there voluntarily Sworn in the Presence of the King and his Lords to be true to the King of England and to keep the said Land to his use against all other Persons Among these is named Robert le Bruce who not long after sends to the Pope for a dispensation of his Oath raises more Commotions in Scotland and gets to be Crowned King thereof at Saint Johnstons Anno Thirty four But when King Edward had overthrown the Scots Army and taken many of the Nobles he sent the Bishop of Saint Andrews and Bastoon with the Abbot of Scoon to the Pope with report of their Perjury and how they were taken Armed in the field to shed the blood of Christian men And the Temporal Lords he sent into England to the Tower of London who were afterwards Arraigned at London and put to death and their Heads set upon London-Bridge The longest Sword carries away the Bell. If the Scots had prevail'd in the like sort against King Edward it 's a question whether they would not have done much after the same manner How would they have then vaunted themselves and their Cause for the most rightful whereas being Conquer'd they suffer'd as Rebels That the weakest goes to the Wall is a known saying Yet as strong powerful and succesful as this King Edward was we find he cared not to meddle himself with the Spiritual Lords taken in the field fighting against him but rather chose publikely to send them to the Pope with an high offence laid to their charge to be punished at his pleasure Whereby we may presume he gratified the Popes Ambition in making him as it were the sole Judge of their offences and yet thereby doubtless sufficiently secur'd himself against those men of the Church his late Enemies for the future Could the Pope in Civility and Gratitude refuse to revenge the King in punishing these Clergy-men for fighting against him who had thus highly mounted the power and Authority of the Triple Crown above his own in this matter to the publick view of the world If the Popish Clergy in those times were grown so formidable that this Triumphant King in the midst of his Victorious Arms thought it safer to remit these Clergy-men's offences to the Popes Correction than punish them himself for I think it was policy more than zeal that made him act thus what weak matches were the other Puny Princes to them in those days of their worldly Prosperity Pomp and Grandeur Now their wings are pretty well clipt by the escape of so many people Nations and Countries out of this Popish House of Bondage let Crowned Heads and free States be careful that they suffer not the Popes wings to grow again or permit their Sworn Vassals the Jesuits to imp them anew with fresh Feathers lest they mount up again over their heads to their Ancient greatness or take a flight higher than ever they did Now the French King through the base connivance of some others Treachery and many great Mens careless negligence is become Europe's Terror if Popish Plots and designs should â—nce so far take effect as treacherously to deâ—rive our present King of his life and Crown and â—ntroduce a Popish Successor into the English Throne how far they might in time proceed towards the extirpation of that pestilent Northern Heresy as Mr. Coleman out of his Extraordinary â—â—ndness to the Religion from which he himself â—postaliz'd has been pleased to term the Protestant Religion oâ—t of these parts of the world I submit â—o the better Judgments of more able Politicians Hast we now hence from this Edward the first who died in the five and thirtieth year of his Reign after a charge given to his Son in divers points upon his blessing and Oaths taken of some of his chief Nobles to keep the Land for his Sons use and to Crown him King as soon as they conveniently could after his death at Burgh upon the Sands beyond Carlile in his return into England unto Edward the Second where I could find matter enough to exercise my Pen were I minded to describe all the disorders and troubles that hapned throughout the Land under his unprosperous Reign We need not wonder that this Prince met with so unhappy a fate at his End when as we find him at the very beginning immediately transgressing his dead Fathers commands by recalling Gaveston from his Banishment contrary to his Father's charge on his Death Bed he entailing his curse on him if he should presume it as Stow tells us governing himself wholly by his advice affecting him so much as to affirm that he should succeed him in the Kingdom if he could effect it If I should endeavour perfectly to delineate thâ— many Crosses Losses Battails and Bloodshed thaâ— fell out in the Land under this King and to Writâ— in a stile and manner suitable to the matter â— know not but I might well dip my Pen in Blooâ— instead of Ink such were the misfortunes of thâ— Land and unfortunate fates of many Noblemeâ— thereof For in his Reign there were Beheaded anâ— put to death by Judgment upon the number of eighâ— and twenty Barons and Knights as Fabian Coâ—putes besides the Noble men slain in Scotland The number whereof one Author expresses to â— mount to two and forty besides sixty and sevâ—â— Knights and Barronets and two and twenty 〈◊〉 over that of name taken in that one Battel of Bannocksborn Unsteadfastness of manners and vileness of Conditions the refusing the Company of Lords and men of honour and haunting the Society of Villains and vile Persons The being given to great drinking and lightly discovering therein things of great Counsel with many other disallowable Conditions related by Historians were blots in this Kings Scutcheon Scarce was old Edwards Obsequies fully finished according to my Author but the young King sends in all hast for his old Companion Piers of Gaveston receiving him with all joy and gladness and advances him to much honour gives him the Earldom of Cornwal and Lordship of Wallingford rules all by his wanton Councel and follows the appetite and pleasure of his body not guiding things by order of Law or Justice Then he Revenges himself and his favourite Gaveston on the Bishop of Chester who had before complained of them and their Outrages in his Fathers Reign by commanding him to the Tower of London and keeping him there strictly many days after When by the means motions and words of many potent Lords of the Realm Gaveston was again sent out of the Land though contrary to the King's pleasure and banish'd
Stones So great a value did this high-flown Duke set upon his grace and favour till the Citizens of this honourable City by their power and prudence had brought down his haughty spirit a Peg or two lower and that visibly too For we don't find him as ambitious as he still continued so openly aspiring to Englands Crown for the future how successfully soever his Son made a Rape thereon at the end of this Princes Reign under the pretence of I know not what hidden right accruing to him from his Mother We read indeed I confess in Cotton's Abridgment of the Records that in the seventeenth of this King the Earl of Arundel laid several things to the Dukes charge as not honourable for the King to suffer in him nor fit for him to do being a Subject as that he went Arm in Arm with the King and his Men wear the same Livery the Kings did which seems to shew much of Arrogancy and Ambition to say no more besides some other Objections but herein he was so far justified by the King himself that the Earl was ordered to crave the Dukes Pardon in full Parliament in a certain form of words appointed him In Stows Annals also we meet with an Accusation brought against him in the seventh of this Kings Reign tending to prove his intent and design suddainly to oppress the King and take upon himself the Kingdom but it seems little notice was taken of it by the King himself who was to have lost most had it been attempted Successfully and doubtless as little believ'd otherwise surely the Schedule containing the time place and other Circumstances had not been presently delivered into the Dukes hands nor the accuser committed at his request to the charge of his near Kinsman nor the occasion of his violent Death so little inquired into afterwards The Duke was not so powerful nor so great a Terror but the City was as well able still to deal with him and his whole party and make as vigorous opposition as ever in defence of their Soveraign Lord the King if occasion should have offered it self This we have reason to believe was known in those days to all the Nation much more to the Duke himself from former experience who therefore may be suppos'd not any more to have aspir'd openly whatever secret fires of Ambition lay hidden within his breast whether or no he design'd and attempted ought by unseen Plots and Conspiracies I leave to the Judicious Reader to believe or not as he pleases without speaking to or for in the case Besides the decree of an over-ruling Providence Common equity in siding with what was reputed the juster title natural humanity in defending the young and weak and a well grounded affection to the Prince for his Father and Grand-Fathers sake one the famous Black Prince the other the Glorious Edward the third their King and Sovereign we may conclude the generality of the Citizens had the greater aversion to the Duke and his faction because he was a known favourer of Wickliff and his Doctrines whether on a good account or only out of any Ambitious Design I shall not determine in this place and so look't upon perhaps as little better than another Juliâ—n the Apostate For we are to know that Londons Religion and consequently the Nations was at that time Popish and the generality of the People in Town and Country Romes Votaries who had Wickliffs Doctrine in as great detestation then under the Notion of Heresy as we Protestants have it now in esteem under the Seal and assurance of Truth As indeed for many of the ages past from our ever-blessed Saviours Birth through which I have drawn the thread of this discourse and under the succeeding Kings for above an hundred years Popery continued the National Religion under the power and prevalency of which perswasion was the body of the Citizens bred up who prov'd so famous in their Generations for their powerful influence on the grand concerns of the Nation in every considerable turn and change of the times before the Reformation And when England was made happy with this blessed alteration the Cities Power Strength and Esteem remain'd the same in effect as ever the change of her Religion introducing no change therein unless for the better she encreasing proportionably in every age in Wealth Riches and Honour as the Nation grew stronger and stronger And still continues as visibly conspicuous under Protestantism as before under the Romish Faith a thing easy to be demonstrated in due time and place How influential the Cities actions were upon the Nations affairs and her Love advantagious to the Orphan Prince in securing his Claim Right and Title to the Crown in his Grand-Fathers life time and setling him quietly on the Throne at his Death in spight of all the opposition the deep designs and daring Spirit of his Aspiring Uncle John of Gaunt and his faction could make when they had got the reigns of publick Government into their own hands through the Old Kings Connivance hath been the subject of several of the aforegoing pages The next thing of course falling under present consideration is to observe how this Honourable City of London behav'd her self after she had lent her â—ssistance to raise this Young Prince from the â—eanness of a Subject to the Royal Dignity and Grandeur of a King under the Name of Richard the Second what place she held in his affections â—nd of what esteem in the eyes of all the rest of â—he people But where shall I begin and when â—hall I end Sooner may I be wearied with readâ—ng and tir'd with writing than fail of matter â—o exercise my Pen so copious is my Subject and â—o full of Variety For in my searches into the Histories of this Kings Reign I find it plain to a â—emonstration that the City carried a great sway â—mongst all Ranks and Degrees from the Prince â—o the Subject from the King the Supream to â—is subordinate Magistrates and Ministers and was highly Honour'd Rever'd and Respected â—mong the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty â—f the Land both in the calm of peace and the â—oisterous storms of civil distractions I begin first with the Honourable House of Commons the known representative of the Commons of England and concerning them obâ—erve out of Sir Robert Cotton's exact Abridgment of the Records in the Tower revis'd by William Prynne Esq that in the first Parliament of this King in his first year among other Petitions of the Commons there is to be found one particular division under the Title of Petitions for the City of London wherein the House of Commons become express Petitioners so great was the Cities influence over their Debates and so high a respect had they for her to the King for many considerable Grants in favour of the Citizens and to them very advantagious and beneficial As that all their Liberties may be confirm'd with a Non obstante That they attend upon no Commandment
in this Case be by the advice and discretion of the Justices thereto assigned To mitigate it doubtless not inhance it at pleasure to ruin particular persons and annihilate the City's Liberties by pretending the loss of her Charter How respectful King Lords and Commons in Parliament assembl'd shew'd themselves to this honourable City hath been sufficiently declar'd prov'd and made manifest I presume already in the foregoing Relation Let us now call off our Meditations from this particular point and fix our thoughts upon an other Argument highly demonstrative of the City's power drawn from no less uncouth a Topick than tumults and disorders insurrections and Outrages of unruly people There having pass'd an Act of Parliament in the fourth of this King to impower him to Collect and Gather Poll money throughout the Land and many exactions thereupon and incivilities being committed by the new Collectors and other Officers some of the Courtiers having procur'd the Kings Commissions for a review and a more exact Collection under the notion of the Kings being cheated and defrauded through the unfaithfulness of his former Tax gatherers the Commons thought themselves so abus'd and oppress'd that in many places they took Counsel together to make resistance and in several Counties assembled themselves in great numbers to the no small disturbance of the Land Amongst these the Commons of Kent and Essex are reckon'd the greatest bodies gathered together under such heads as Wat Tyler Jack Straw and the like obscure Fellows These we find quickly coming to London where they soon obtain entrance notwithstanding the Mayors intended opposition and then quickly carry all before them behead whom they thought good do what they would burn great mens Palaces at their Pleasure the Gates of the Tower are set open to them the King rides to 'm in fear unarm'd and ill guarded at their sending for and grants them as large Charters as they desired none of his Courtiers daring to oppose or resist their Insolencies so that they seem to have had all things for a small season under their sole Power Direction and Command as remaining Masters of the Field without a stroak stricken by any opposite Party such a terrour did their numbers and boldness strike into mens minds at the first and so effectual was their success in getting within the Walls of London either through the joynt assistance of many Commons there inhabiting or else rather under the repute of having the whole City at their beck But when the first brunt was over and it was visible that the greatest best and most of the Citizens joyn'd not with the Country Commons to approve or abet them in their furious outrages and violences the tide was soon turn'd and deliverance brought both to the King and Court by the courage of this Loyal City The Mayor himself as their Head made the first open beginning was seconded by his Brethren the Aldermen and quickly followed by the worthy Citizens He being a man of great boldness by the Kings permission first arrested and afterwards grievously wounded one of the chiefest of the Rebells Jack Straw saith Fabian Wat Tyler saith Stow to the great encouragement of those about the King among whom this Arch Rebel receiv'd his death and daunting of the Rebellious Commons to which valiant Deed the City is indebted for Walworths Dagger some say inserted upon this Account in her Coat of Arms. After this Act away rides the Mayor with one Servant only the Annalist tell us into the City and crying out to the Citizens to come speedily to the Kings assistance raises a considerable strength who well arm'd under the leading of Sir Robert Knowles came in good time into the Field where the King was among the tumultuous Commons not so well attended but that the unexpected coming of the Mayor and the armed Citizens is expresly said to have caus'd rejoycing in the minds of the King and those few Knights and Esquires then about him and the Issue acquaints us with the great consequence hereof when we read of the Commons throwing down their weapons immediately falling also themselves upon the ground and beseeching pardon who but a little before gloried that they had the Kings life in their own power and so possibly might have continued boasting had not the Citizens thus rous'd up themselves to the Kings relief and timely dispers't these seditious Rioters in the midst of their insulting Pride That this was a piece of Loyalty as well as valour most timely and seasonably shewn is evident from the great influence what was but barely done at London though without London's consent had upon the Countrey For from the Annalist we are given to understand that there were the like Insurrections in Suffolk and Norfolk and in express words told that these overthrew House and Mannors of great Men and of Lawyers slew the Students of the Law c. according to the manner of them at London having for their Captain an ungracious Priest nam'd John Wraw who had been at London just before had seen what was done there and came thence with Instructions from Wat Tyler So that what 's done in the City is very likely to be imitated in the Countrey A disorderly Rout of people were got together round about and within the City and committed many unsufferable Outrages and several parts of the Country were resolv'd to follow the Fashion and do the like The Citizens courage quel'd these Tumultuous Commons in London and then they were quickly suppress'd we hear in other Places Then had the King reason to reward the Mayor and several Aldermen with the honour of Knighthood and other recompences and time to assemble an Army of his Loyal Friends and Subjects at London to guard him till the Principals of these dispersed Rebels were brought to condign Punishment by Law which was quickly done thanks to the worthy Londoners who had thus vigorously asserted the Kings Right defended his Royalty rescued his Person and regained him the exercise of his Kingly Power well near lost before through the Rebellion of his meaner Commons and cowardly Faintheartedness of his Courtiers Men it seems that could speak big at the Council-board and talk high upon the Bench under the shelter of the Kings Authority but when they were to come into the Field of War to fight for their Prince they prov'd meer Courtiers all words and no deeds The Citizens were the Men of valour They lay still the King was like to be undone and the Court ruin'd They appear'd to oppose the vaunting Enemies they fled before them and the King regain'd his own This one famous City the terror of her Enemies the joy of her Friends cooperates in the grand turns and changes of affairs in the Brittish world or else such attempts for the most part at least if not always prove vain fruitless and insignificant And where 's the wonder of this The whole City as a compact Body with Strength and Beauty fitly united may well be
esteemed most amiable and counted highly powerful since she is to be admired for the goodness and greatness under which comprehend the large Riches Power and Spirit of particular Citizens incorporated into Her For the first let me instance in the commendable diligence of her Mayor Adam Baume who upon a very great scarcity of Corn in the fifteenth of this King providently took care to have Corn brought to Lâ—â—don from forreign Parts to the relief of the whole Realm and add hereunto the Charity of the Aldermen who for the furtherance of so good a Work laid out each of them a sum of mony in those days very considerable to the same purpose and bestow'd the Corn thus procur'd in convenient places where the Poor might buy at an appointed price and such as had no ready mony upon Surety to pay the year following besides the common Act of the Mayor and Citizens in taking two thousand Marks out of the Orphans Chest in Guildhall for the same intent In Proof of the later viz. The Greatness Riches Power and Spirit of particular Citizens I challenge all the Cities in the world besides to shew me such another Example as that of John Philpot Citizen of London the Citizens Orator to this King in the beginning of his Reign who in the second year observing the young Kings inability the Nobles neglect and the oppressions of the poor Commons voluntarily hir'd Souldiers with his own mony rig'd out a Fleet at his own charge and hazarded his own Person to defend the Realm from Pirates Robbers and incursions of Enemies and therewith successfully took in a little time Mercer the Scot with all his Ships which he had before violently taken from Scarborow and fifteen Spanish Ships besides laden with much Riches which came to his Aid Can Rome her self shew me a like Parallel As for the Fabij they were a whole Family among the Patricians and Crassus himself a great Magistrate in the heigth of that Common-wealths Grandeur amidst Equals and Inferiors whereas this publick-spirited Person liv'd still a Subject under a limited Monarchy none of the greatest nor the strongest then in the World This noble Act some would have thought should have deserved great praise and commendation and so it had among the Common People but among the great Lords and Earls it met with Reproach and Detraction as being a manifest reproof of their carelesness and negligence and he himself was endanger'd thereby they speaking openly against it as done unlawfully without the Councel of the King and his Realm though his design could not be denyed to have been very honest in the general Had he suffered for that unpresidented Act because it was deficient in some formalities required by Law the Statesmen of the times therein instrumental without all peradventure had appeared as odious in the Eyes of the Commons as some of the chief Episcopal Clergy-men in a Protestant Country within the Memory of Man would have made themselves obnoxious to the Peoples Censure should they have publickly burnt Vindiciae Pietatis i. e. a Vindication of Godliness from the imputation of folly and fancy which I have heard intimated as if thought of because it wanted such an Imprimatur as the Law demanded and was writ possibly by an Author not altogether Episcopal in his declared Judgment But to pass on If such were the superemient and supererogating Acts of particular Citizens so many Ages ago to what an height of Wealth Greatness and splendor must we needs think the City to have arriv'd at this day some Centuries of years since that time If ten thousand Pounds was a Mayors Estate heretofore we may give a shrew'd guess at the Cities advancement and encrease in Riches since now that the same is made the limited sum for the Citizens to swear themselves not worth who desire to avoid the chargeable Honour and Honourable charge of the Shrievalry Nay to go a step or two further now adays we find her Sheriffs Revenue commonly reputed at double the value and others of her Citizens thought able to number their thousands by scores What if I had also added that some are esteem'd so wealthy as not to know an end of their Riches Certainly such if any must needs come under the denomination of men vastly rich in worldly goods So that this glorious and Triumphant City seems in many things able to vy with if not out-vy the Quondam Mistress of the World Rome her self She exceeds her in Antiquity as being founded in Fabian's Compute above four hundred years before her and hath this advantage of her now that whereas Rome is confest and acknowledged to be in the wane of her power and Greatness both as to her Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority London still continues on the rising hand Rome 't is visible hath suffer'd a considerable diminution as to her former extent and Jurisdiction in both capacities whether she be lookt upon as once head of the world or now pretended head of the Church but London plainly appears to be dayly getting ground both in Fame and Reputation as well as building And whereto she may come in time belongs to a Prophet not an Historian to declare She is already become the Fam'd Metropolis of this our little World and Rome was but Empress in a greater Neither was she anear so influential over the greatest part of that how much soever thereof she had under her Dominion as London is known to be at present over all ours Having thus shewn the influence this Honourable City had upon the Commons of this Land in Peace and amidst tumultuous disorders and the great respect both King and Nobles in Conjunction had for her I should now proceed to disengage my self of an obligation I presume lying on me from part of a promise before made to declare the esteem the Lords when singly consider'd had of her strength and power But before I pass on more immediately thereto I crave leave to observe the great variety and difference in Parliamentary transactions and proceedings under this King within the compass of whose Reign we find but two years on Record viz the nineteenth and twenty second wherein there was not a Parliament called and assembled in one place or other by his Authority sometimes oftner and so those Acts of Edward the third were exactly kept for eighteen years running wherein it is ordained and established that a Parliament shall be holden once every year and more often if need be which being omitted but one year in twenty one and not observed in the twenty second we may easily think it prov'd fatal to the unfortunate King that in the next Parliament he should be depos'd by his own Subjects and the Crown set upon anothers head And is it any wonder to see things so injurious and unjust sometimes done in National Assemblies when in a vein of contradiction they make Ordinances so diametrically opposite each to other as was done in this Kings time For we find parties
of England wherein we read at the latter end of the Life and Reign of King Richard the Second That after the Duke was come from Coventry to St. Albans about five or six Miles before his coming to London the Mayor and the Companies in the Liveries with great Noise of Trumpets met the Duke doing more Reverence to him than to the King Rejoycing that GOD had sent them such a Prince that had Conquer'd the Realm i. e. the Court-party within one Months space Whereupon when the Duke was come within two Miles of the City he stopt his Army as if out of Reverence and Acknowledgment and in Submission thereto and ask't Advice of the Commons thereof what they would do with the King who Answered they would He should be led to Westminster upon which to them He was delivered and they led him accordingly to Westminster and from thence by Water to the Tower Nay some of the Londoners publickly shew'd themselves so much His Enemies as to Assemble together with an intent to have met Him without the City and there to have Slain him for his former Severities But the Mayor and Rulers and best of the Commonalty upon Information hereof with some difficulty reclaim'd them therefrom After the Citizens had thus receiv'd the King into their Custody and in effect thereby made a publick Declaration of their Minds and Opinions as to the great Change succeeding the Duke we are told entred London by the chief Gate and Rode through Cheapside to St. Pauls and there Lodg'd for some time so secure was he of the Citys good Will and Affection to him and afterward in October held a Parliament in Westmimster-Hall where the old King's Deposition and the new King's Election were compleated I shall not stay to make a long Paraphrase upon the Cityes proceedings in this Affair it being Matter of Fact and undeniable that the City consented hereto from the aforesaid passages which may be likewise thought very much to have influenc'd the Nation in their Elections to that Parliament if from the Annalists Computation we may safely and truly aver that the Parliament-Men were chosen after these Transactions at London because Forty dayes at least interven'd between this time and the first Wednesday in October whereon he sayes the Parliament began If any be desirous of another Observation I leave them to their own Liberty to infer from History and the Premises that it much conduc't to facilitate the King's Deposition that he had no known and generally acknowledg'd Heir of his own Body lawfully begotten boldly to stand up for Him and strongly plead his Cause in Armour for his own particular Interest as well as out of a due sence of his Duty Neither indeed do I well see how he could have any since that he had none by his first Wife that I read of his second Queen was too young another Heir was publickly pointed out to the Nation and he himself was also loosely addicted as seems plain beyond dispute His Lascivious living being hinted to us in Burton's Historical Remarks of London among the Articles drawn up against him and we have great reason to think it was an imputation too true when we read of several Ladyes expell'd the Court in the Eleventh of his Reign by the Procurement of the contesting Lords and a little before the sitting of the Wonder-Working-Parliament and take Notice out of Cotton's Abridgment of the House of Commons Request in the Twentieth Year for the avoiding the outragious Expences of the King's house and namely of Bishops and Ladyes and the King's Answer thereto made That he would be free therein and that the Commons thereby had offended against him his Dignity and Liberty Such was his Indignation against them for desiring to controul him in this Point and so highly incens'd was he thereat that to Appease him the Exhibiter of the Bill was adjudg'd to dye as a Traytor though upon some great Ones importunity his Life was for that time spared and he himself at length restor'd in Blood and to the recovery of his Goods Livings Lands and Tennements at the next King 's comming to the Crown But how I trow come the Bishops to be complain'd of by the Commons among the Misses Were they such Courters of Ladyes as instead of rebuking to follow or rather give bad Examples to the King and Country Yet now I think on 't these were Popish not Protestant Bishops Though I scarce believe every one of them that to the view of the World gives himself a Protestant Title is able well and truly to plead not Guilty If Noli-fet-ole-chery be a Motto rightly father'd upon one of our Western Diocesans How all things in a manner concur'd to further King Richard's Deposition and that he was actually depos'd hath already been spoken of which nevertheless barely did not content the Party but they would needs have it done in a formal and solemn way First the King must make a publick Renunciation of all Right Title and Claim to the Crown then Commissioners are by the States appointed in their Names to pronounce the Stentence of his Deposition from the Throne and make to him a Resignation of their homage and fealty for their Loyalty seems plainly enough to have been gone before Neither did they think this enough but were resolv'd over and above to leave Articles against him upon Record wherein are expressed the ill things done by others in his Reign and as they say by his Authority whereby they designed to justifie what they had done towards the unhappy Kings Deposition which visibly pav'd the way to his Grave So pernicious is it for Princes to suffer their Authority to be abus'd to shelter other mens Crimes or their Names to be made use of without a Present Resentment to carry on Designs hateful to the People though they never consent thereto themselves as their own Act and Deed. For I hope we may charitably Conclude what the worshipful Knights Sir Mayor and Sir Haughty the other-ill belov'd wight did in laying a trap to catch the Contesting Lords in the 11th year of this King was without the Kings privity because he swore it as in page 〈◊〉 though possibly they shrouded themselves under the shelter of his Authority and pretended his Warrant and Command for what they design'd and endeavoured And perhaps they had as Sir Richard Bakâ—r words it a warrant Dormant to prosecute the Kings Ends without the Kings Knowledge The Articles and Objections laid against the King are to be found in Cotton's Abridgment 1. H. 4. whence I trust I may securely transcribe them without hazarding the Courteous Readers Displeasure to shew him the grievances of the age as they are there exprest in this form of words Besides the Kings Oath made at his Coronation First for wasting and bestowing of the Lands of the Crown upon unworthy Persons and over-charging the Commons with Exactions For that the King by undue means procur'd divers Justices to speak against the
slightness of their thin-spun pretences and weakness of their groundless Imputations A pretty device to make Riots and Insurrections and then accuse the contrary Party of them as if they had been so Fanatical as tumultuously to meet together vi armis without any Arms about them or Weapons in their hands to disturb the Kings Peace and with no worse design than the Warrant of annual Customs whereon some in an unheard of manner without Law or Reason and contrary to common sence intruded to deprive them of the benefit thereof Out of the forementioned Monkish Writer Stow tells us of an Army of Twenty Five Thousand that were to have met Sir John in St. Giles's Fields and yet for all this great Cry we find not One Hundred taken though he affirms Sixty Nine of them to be condemn'd of Treason upon such kind of proofs perhaps as these whereon the Composer of Sir Walter Rawleigh's Life makes him to have been found Guilty of Treason in the First of King James for which he had the honour to be Beheaded about Forty Years after upon his Return from his unsuccessful Guyana Voyage and Thirty Seven Hang'd But the Record out of the Kings-Bench the most authentick Evidence mentions only That Sir John Oldcastle and others to the number of Twenty Men call'd Lollards at St. Giles did conspire to Subvert the State of the Clergy this it seems then was the principal Offence the rest Aggravations without which the Scales could not have been well weigh'd down and to Kill the King and his Brother and other Nobles as any English Reader may see in Cottons Abridgment at the afore-cited Parliament of the Fifth of this King Where now are any good grounds for this malicious Out-cry upon the Dissenting Wicklivists for Traiterous Plotters and Conspirators And what 's become of the great Army that Fame and Report had Rais'd But perhaps the Inn-keepers in the adjacent Hamlets and neighbouring Villages were not only their familiar Friends but intimate Acquaintance as Mr. Bags ingenuity to the elevating and surprizing of our Minds hath taught us to express it how otherwise this Achilles and his dreadful Army of Mirmidons could have continued thus unseen and slipt away in Disguise seems not reconcileable to Sence and Reason And yet how such great Numbers could have lain hid within the compass of a Readmote or have been put like Homers Iliads in a Nut-shell is a thing that passeth all my understanding to conceive If ever such a thing was as doubtless it never hapned in Europe nor amongst either our antient or modern Reformers certainly then this unconceivable Wonder must have fell out in the Reign of Queen Dick King of no Lands upon the Terra incognita of some other of the Fairy Islands bordering upon Vtopia where Prince Oberon and Queen Mab liv'd in dayly dread and fear of King Arthur Sir Lancelot and Sir Tristram and the rest of the Knights of his round Table or miserably perplext themselves every hour and minute with needless Scruples Jealousies and Suspicions about the unimagin'd Designs of the Noble Duke Ogier to advance himself and his little Mervine who afterwards did such heroick Exploits upon the Souldan of Babylon and his bloody cut-throat Army of Sarazens when he turn'd to the Assistance of the famous Câ—arlemain and his Peers But laying aside these idle Stories of the Monkish Romancers I pass on from our famous win-All Henry of Monmouth to the unfortunate English lose-All Henry of Windsor a far better Man than King as being more intentive upon the Devotions of the Times than the Government of his Realm and better skill'd in his Beads than his Scepter and therefore seems rather cut out for a Priest than a Prince In this Kings Minority while such great States-men and Patriots as his most renowned Uncles Bedford and Gloucester sate at the Helm and steadily Steer'd the Ship of the Common-Wealth one by his Arms the other by his Arts Honour and Renown attended upon the English Banners in France and the Land at Home in peace and quietness Flourished under the benign Influence of their successful Councels for the most part free from civil Broils and Commotions King Henry being in actual Possession of both Crowns under the conduct of such noble and worthy Directors But when Death had snatch'd away one from his Regency in France and the other was dismist from his Protectorship in England through the course of time The King being grown in Years and come to ripeness of Age though not it seems to such a degree of understanding as might capacitate him to act the part of a King further than in Name and Shew his Affairs in forreign Parts soon went miserably to wrack and being turn'd out of almost all beyond Sea deadly Fewds and Annimosities the usual attendants of ill Success abroad encreast so fast at Home between the Nobles and great Persons of the Realm and such intestine Jars sprung up in the Nation that after many Battles fought and much Royal Blood spilt the York Party prevail'd over the Lancastrians and the poor King himself though the Miracle of Age for Devotion lost his Crown Life and All at last Whether 't was purely the ill success abroad or the ill management of the State at home the unhappy Fate attending the Kings Matching with Queen Margaret to the breach of a former Contract or the unseasonable stirring of her and her accomplices to Suppress Ruine and Root out the other Party whereby they were compell'd for their own Security to link themselves together in the strictest bonds of Confederacy and stand continually upon their own Guard Whether the weakness of the King or the restless Spirit of the Queen too Active for her Sex The much resented Death of the Duke of Glocester or the subtle Arts and Devices of the Duke of York into the particulars whereof I will not now descend as being the Subject of a distinct Treatise by it self and the Popularity of the great Earl of Warwick Whether 't was any of these single or all of them joyntly concurring or rather the over-ruling Providence of an Almighty Being that made this strange Alteration in the Face of things to the dethroning of one Prince the most devoted of his time to religious Exercises and exalting of another as much given to Women as the former to Religion whereby the White Rose overtopt the Red Certain it is the City of London had a great Influence upon these Transactions and the favour the Citizens bore to the Duke of York and his Party contributed highly to the advancing of his Interest above the King Regnants if they were not the only grand causes under Heaven that produc't such wonderful and stupendious Effects This the more clearly to demonstrate I shall not oblidge my self exactly to trace the whole Series of State affairs through the following Princes Reigns nor over-scrupulously confine my self to the Life of this or that King distinctly and apart But design to
evil May-day when we read of the King 's pardoning the many hundreds Indicted for that day's Riot and Insurrection at the three Queens intercession upon Cardinal Woolsey's Advice and perchance in Complaisance to the City Not to mention that eminent Instance of the King's Charity Love and Affection to the City when in so great a scarcity of Bread therein that many died for meer want he freely and frankly sent thither out of his own Provisions 600 Quarters of Corn which serv'd for a very seasonable Supply till more could be brought from other Parts But as to the former I dare aver it from the consequence of the Contest between the City and the Cardinal in the 17th year of this King out of Stow and thence prove beyond denial how like her self the City always continued in opposing the Arbitrary Power and Exorbitances of over grown Favourites Commissions were sent forth by Order of the Council into every Shire to Levy the Sixth Part of every Man's Substance towards the King's passage into France but this was so vehemently oppos'd by the People as contrary to ancient Laws and Customs and not granted by the Paliament that the King thought good to deny that he ever knew of that Demand and by soothing Letters sent to London and elsewhere he requested only his Subjects Benevolence This was a Term more plausible than a set Demand and a fix'd Contribution and the Cardinal forsooth would needs undertake personally to induce the City's consent thereto and therefore sent for the Mayor the Almen and the most substantial Common-Councel-Men to Westminster thinking by fair Speeches good Words and large Promises to have overperswaded them To him indeed they lent their Ears but we don't find them over hasty to part with their Purses However they sent Deputies to him Four Aldermen and Twelve Commoners to return him their thanks and every Alderman assembles his Ward and makes a Motion for a Benevolence which was openly deny'd them by the Commonalty Then the Cardinal sends again for the Mayor and his Brethren who informs him what they had done Whereupon he would have examined them apart and demands a benevolence of them in the King's Name But for Answer was told by a City Councellor that the Motion was against an Act of Parliament which could not be disprov'd though it was in part gain-said Thereupon the Mayor resolutely denies to grant any thing so that upon his coming home to London all publick endeavours were laid by and it was declar'd that every man should come to the Cardinal and grant privily what he would This was so little grateful to the Citizens and upon the Mayor's endeavours to qualifie them by promising they should be gently treated and exhorting them to go when sent for they were so highly offended thereat that in their fury they would have had several expell'd the Common-Councel and so without further answer angrily departed home Whereby we may be well assur'd of the truth of Hall's Observation that though the Mayor and Aldermen had granted the Demand the Common-Councel would never have assented For we must know this was done at the Common-Councel call'd the next day after my Lord Mayor came from Court The Result therefore of all was in the Issue that the King openly protests in a great Council call'd at York-place now White-hall that his mind was never to ask any thing of his Commons that might sound to the breach of the Laws and so this Project was rejected and laid aside by order of the Kings Letter sent into all Counties For seeing that the City refused how was it possible to perswade the Country who look upon London as their principal Guide and Directress and so generally square their Actions by the Citizens Rule Doth not then this seem a clear Example of the Londoners constant fixedness to their old Principles of Liberty And if the Reader likewise please it may pass for an Instance of the Citizens disclaiming their Mayor's Resolves and the prevalency of the Commonalty over the Magistracy when resolute in their just opposition As an Overplus I shall cast in a Passage out of Baker's Chronicles where we find it upon Record under the Title of King Henry's Taxations how that when in the Fourteenth Year a Tenth Part of all Mens Substance was required by the Cardinal towards the Charges of the King's Wars and he would havâ— had every Man sworn to tell what he was worth The Londoners thinking this very hard they were thereupon excus'd for taking the Oath and allowed to bring in their Bills upon their Honesties from whence may be argued either the Strength Greatness and Power of this honourable City whom the Court nor the Cardinal durst not displease or the great respect then shewn her in regard of those many glorious Rays of Influence she sheds all over all the Land when the Word of a Citizen went as far and was as well accepted as another Man's Oath If such then was the Honour and Respect of the City heretofore what may we think it to be now that London hath since receiv'd so considerable an Addition and Augmentation in several respects by the happy concurrence of many more Circumstances to render it eternally famous Was this City able to hold a Contest with so grand a Favourite and potent a Courtier as Cardinal Woolsey and at last to come off with flying Colours to the vindicating her own Rights and the Liberties of all the Nation besides and the forcing King Henry in the strength of his Age as stout as he was to so great a Compliance as hath been hinted before 'T is plain then she was strong and her Citizens not destitute of Spirit Did the King as cruel as he was to others of his Subjects shew himself favourable to London 'T is evident he had great cause and reason so to do unless he was desirous to be tax'd with ungratitude so un-Prince-like a Crime For we may observe the Citizens were ready enough to please him in any thing wherein their All was not concerned and in that I never yet found them ever prone to humour the Follies of any King living Witness their readiness on all Occasions for the Honour of the King to appear in the most splendid Equipage on publick Solemnities Among which the most remarkable in my Opinion were the Coronation of Queen Ann Mother of the never to be forgotten Queen Elizabeth of blessed Memory with the Preparatives thereto the Celebrity of her Attendance by Water from Greenwich to the Tower and her honourable Conveyance from thence through the City amidst the great variety of pleasing Shews and delightful Objects to Westminster particulariz'd in Stow and the glorious appearance of the Citizens at the great Muster in St. Iames's-Park May the 8th Anno 31. to the Number of Fifteen Thousand in bright shining Armour with Coats of white Silk or Cloth and Chains of Gold where the Citizens strove in such sort to exceed each other in bravery of
if some could prevent it For they that shot off his good Uncle's Head would hardly stick at attempting secretly upon his health and security who otherwise might have liv'd to avenge the Protectors Death But the chief Projector Northumberland had but little joy of his ambitious designs though King Edward was dead and he had got his two Sisters put by and the Lady Jane his Daughter in Law proclaimed Queen of the Realm by sound of Trumpet through London For when he might have thought himself most secure then was he most disappointed and he that could do so much in the City with the Magistracy either for fear or love quickly lost that branch of his Power when he was gone from the City though at the head of an Army and thereby in effect his Life The same Mayor who had before consented in appearance to secure the City for the Lady Jane a little after upon a motion from the Council going straight ways and proclaming the Lady Mary Queen And then she was quickly acknowledged for such all over the Land So that here we see two Queens proclaimed in London within a very short space of time but she who was last proclaimed and the Citizens stuck to continued Queen and the other was laid by as useless and afterwards brought to the Block as a guilty Criminal Had the City stuck to the first the other probable had still been counted the Offendor and might perhaps have suffered accordingly But the Stream was turn'd with the Tide and it was hard rowing against the Current Queen Mary at first had addressed her self by Letter to the Lord Mayor to proclaim her and the Cities affections may be thought inclinable from the beginning unto her be it only from Northumberland's expression of his thoughts to the Lord Gray in his passage through Shoreditch with his Army against her and her Forces who observed that the People pressed to see them but could not hear one that bid them Gods speed Is it so considerable to have the Voice of the Citizens how much more than their Hearts Thus came in Queen Mary and with her Popery upon the Protestants shoulders For the Suffolk men were the first that espous'd her Interest upon Condition that she would make no alteration in Religion which she then most readily promised but kept it afterwards like a Papist i. e. broke it and 't is somewhere observed that many more of that Country suffered for Religion in the Marian Persecution than of any other So sutable she acted to that avow'd Principle of her own Religion that no faith is to be kept with Hereticks a position publickly authorized by the Council of Constance and often since confirmed by many undeniable Instances and Examples But 't was well for her that the City of London whose concurrence with the rest of the Nation first mounted her up into the Throne and from whose Citizens she received so great respect the day before her Corononation by costly Pageants those dumb shews of respect and other honorary expressions of their affections continued firm in their Allegiance otherwise she might perchance have paid dear enough for the breach of her promise upon Sir Thomas Wyats insurrection For could he but have got into the City either by the Bridge or by Ludgate how much of his purpose he might have brought to effect is easier to be guessed than declared in so uncertain a matter But he was repulsed at both places and deceived in his expectations and hopes of aid from London he himself was taken his party routed and all his designs vanished into smoak to the loss of his own life and ruin of many of his principal Friends and Followers So unsuccessful is an enterprize on what grounds soever and appearing likelyhood of success at first undertaken wherein the Londoners refuse to ingage themselves whereas had but the City joyn'd her Forces to Wyats let him in within her Walls and not stood firm to the Quens Interest he might perhaps have been able to have commanded what Conditions he pleased Of this we may well believe the Queen and Court were extreamly sensible For we find the Queen her self her Lords and her Ladies came from Westminster to Guildhall where the Commons of the City were assembled in their Liveries before Wyat drew near to the City and by fair words and promises endeavour'd to confirm the Citizens minds and satisfie them of the sincerity of her own intentions and the insolent behaviour of her Enemies Which I think was no more than the case required and the necessity of her affairs obliged her to for her own security The five hundred Men which the City at the Lord Treasurers request had sent out ready Arm'd to oppose that insurrection having turn'd to the other side at the perswasion of their Captain and Leader and there being so great a Consternation at Westminster upon Wyats approach that the Serjeants at Law and other Lawyers pleaded in their harness But the Queens Speech having secur'd the generality of the Citizens affections strict Watch and Ward continued to be kept in London the Mayor and Sheriffs Commanded each Man to shut down their Shop-windows and stand ready Arm'd at their Doors they themselves being likewise in Armour the draw-bridge was cut down the Bridg-gate shut and convenient forces sent to keep it and others set in fit places of the City whereby Wyat's purpose was defeated and his expectations of assistance frustrated as he himself complain'd in the Message he sent the Londoners by Merchant Dorell upon his March out of Southwark toward Kingstone For before he came with such confidence towards London that he hoped for present entrance An eminent instance doubtless of the Cities great power and the influence it had on that bold undertaking which seems to have stood and fallen e'en as London stood affected and influenced But though the Queen prevail'd thus upon the Londoners yet death could not be brib'd nor sham'd by any promises or pretences for die she must and die she did after a short though bloody Reign of five years and somewhat better and so way was made for the famous and ever Renowned Queen Eâ—izabeth of blessed Memory in whose entrance into the Throne we find the Londoners interesting themselves notwithstanding she was publickly known to be of a quite different Religion from that at present Established she being forthwith Proclaimed in London upon knowledge and notice given of her Sister Queen Maries Death and coming from Hatfield within three or four days after Stow tells us she was very dutifully and honourably met by the Lord Mayor and the whole estate of London and so conducted to the Charter-house and some time after Rode through the City in great Majesty to Westminster to her Coronation At which Solemnity the Citizens gave her ample demonstrations of their affections by the stately Pageants and sumptuous Shews wherewith they entertain'd her Her settlement caus'd the Reduction encrease and progress of the Protestant Religion
then Prelatical In the late times 't was once the Presbyterian then the Independent Church and other Sectaries were puting in a pace for a share and then had they succeeded it might have been without much impropriety entitled to the Epithite of Fanatical King Charles brought back the Bishops and so now 't is again Episcopal Should Popery come in it would be Popish Were there any likelihood of so great an Impossibility as the prevalency of Judaism then it would be the Jewish Church If Mahomets Religion which hath been publickly profess'd in the Pulpit preferable to Presbiteriansm why might it not be allow'd the Title of Mahometan And if we should revert to the Ancient Barbarity where would the impropriety be should we term it the Heathenish Church For the Heathens heretofore had the thing though not the Name Temples instead of Churches and bloody Sacrifices to make up the greatest part of their Devotion What a fine Company then of different Epithites of different signifâ—cations would these be for an impertinent Caviller to prefix before that so much applaud'd expression the Church of England in reply to his impertinence that would perswade simple ignorant people that they know not what they say when they call themselves Protestants British Romish Monkish Popiâ—h Reformed Episcopal Prelatical Presbyterian Independent Fanatical Jewish Mahometan Heathenish and what not To such a fine pass would people once be brought when they fall to wrangling about words and terms at the same time that they know one anothers meaning well enough yet will pretend not to understand each other We may have haply reason enough to approve of and glory in the Name of Church of England men though not perhaps in such a restrained sense as some do yet our grounds without all peradventure are as good to apply to our selves the glorious Title of Protestants and we can as properly distinguish our selves thereby from Papists as if we term'd our selves only Sons of the Church of England under this consideration that Protestants at first were such Baker tells us as made a Protestation in defence of their Doctrine and now we are such as protest against Popery and Slavery But to return how contributory this Honourable City was to his Majesties Restauration and how Loyally affectionate her Citizens shew'd themselves to him before and after hath been already instanced Let us then in the next place take a short transient view of her actions and the accidents hapning to her under King Charles the second and see whither she hath not continued still the same as of old a City of high Renown Fame and Power and of great sway and influence all over the Kingdom First then let us consider her misfortunes that we may the better contemplate her glories In sixty two her Parishes lost many of their beloved Pastors in that great ejection of publick Ministers among whom were some that had declar'd in Print against the pretended high Court of Justice in the time of his Late Majesties Tryal In sixty five the great Plague swept away her Citizens by thousands tens of thousands and scores of thousands In sixty six the fire burn'd almost all the Remainder out of House and home and laid in a manner the whole City in Ashes So that if ever she feem'd then near to a very dismal Catastrophe And yet we see now Providence hath delivered her out of these her Calamities and she is become more glorious than ever in the Eyes of the Nation The number of her Citizens is so encreas'd and her streets fill'd with such multitudes of people passing to and fro that those who dyed in the sickness are neither miss'd nor wanted The fire hath made such a Reformation within her Walls and the new buildings publick and private have been rais'd up to the admiration of all in so small a space of time and in so pompous and stately a form that she may be thought like the old Phaenix burning in her nest of odoriferous Spices only to have shaken off her old decay'd feathers by the fire and out of her own Ashes Phaenix like to have risen up with more Splendor and Gallantry than ever Come we now to the late Discovery of the Grand Popish Plot and the times succeeding and therein also we meet with instances of Londons influence and Authority with the rest of the Nation She guarded her self with her own Arms and how soon was she follow'd in other places After the dissolution of some of the National Assemblies which we English men call Parliaments and firmly beleive the greatest liberty of the subject to consist therein upon a new choice when her Citizens made a publick promise to their chosen Representatives that they would stand by them with their lives and fortunes Such a Copy was set the Nation that most places strove to imitate it and the Example was as influential as when before upon the Cities Petitioning for the sitting of one of those before mention'd Parliaments Petitions of the same nature came thronging in amain from several parts of the Land in imitation Look we now upon the City and see how intent the eyes of the Nation are fixt upon her actions and the great contest about the Sheriffs How all the Land seems concern'd on one side or the other and think their own well-fare wrapt up in her security Such sollicitousness of a whole Nation for one particular City must certainly denote some what extraordinary therein And what is it can more interest the Nation in her concerns than the great Influence 't is known she has upon all their grand affairs be they more or less publick Even the very business of the Quo Warranto now depending will administer an instance of her Power and Greatness How do all now stand ready waiting the Event depending upon her success or ready to follow her fate When the Writ was brought against her Charter how great was the Expectation of the people and their longings to know what would be the Issue Some Resign'd but when London appear'd to Stand up in her own Vindication what a stop was there put to Resignations and how rare have been surrenders since Most seem now ready to defend themselves by Law Nay Oxford hath pitch'd upon the same way and method with London Whereas had this Honourable City but surrender'd calmly and quietly 't is a question whither any would have stood out or whether rather all Towns and Corporations would not have strove to have out run each other to the Throne of Majesty there to have made an intire Resignation of all their Charters Liberties Priviledges and Franchises notwithstanding the hazard they might have run by dissolving their Ancient Corporations to have lost back all the Estates given to them as Corporate bodies to the Donors Heirs sutable to the Reply said to be made to the Burgesses of a Certain Corporation when they ask'd advice in the Case Such having been the influences of the City of London all along