would be a hindrance to the Mart if preuention were not vsed 7 That the pouerty and smalnesse of Southampton would be a great impediment 8 That the Riuer Rhene was more commodious for Antwerp then any riuer was for England 1 Herevnto answere was made that at the time when the Mart should beginne at Southampton the French King and the Almans would stop entercourse to Antwerp by land so as nothing should passe that way but in great danger Againe as South ampton wanteth the commodity of accesse of merchandise by land so it hath the commodity that there can be no accesse of enimies by land and if warres should be raised then the Nauie of England is sufficient to defend them And further that trafique that cometh to Antwerp by land is almost only from the Venetians who may with greater ease and lesse danger transport their merchandises into England by sea That the ill making of cloathes was fit to be redressed by the Parliament then sitting and the matter was then reduced to some ripenesse the vpper house hauing one bill and the neither house another in good forwardnesse Neither were they so ill made but that the Flemmings did easily desire them offering rather to Pay the imposition of the Emperor then to be without them That it were necessarie that the passage of ships should be staied vntill the Mart should aduance to some ripenesse and that cloathes should be bought with the Kinges money and conueied to Southampton to be there vttered at the Mart which should helpe the inconuenience very well That merchants neuer binde themselues to any mansion which either to atchieue gaine or to auoide danger they will not readily forsake for so they remoued from Bruges to Antwerp only for the English commodities And therefore seeing they shall haue a good commodity by coming to Southampton and be rid of great feare of danger both in their liues and goods in forsaking Antwerp there is little feare that they will be curious in making the change That the Emperor was then so neerely driuen that neither was he willing to attend the impeachment of the Mart neither could he at that time doe it for the Flemmings and the Spaniards vnder him could more hardly be without the English then the English without them and therefore would hardly be brought to forbeare that trafique and besides they liued then in feare of loosing all That it were good that for the present the Stilliard meâ—… were generally answered and triall made whether by any gentle offer of some part of their liberties they might be brought to ship and their wares vnto the mart The French also might easily be drawen ouer hauing one trafique at that time but with England That these two might suffice to beginne a Mart. That the merchants would make good shift for their lodging and it is not the ability of the place that maketh a mart but the resort of Merchants as Spaniards Almans Italians Flemmings Uenetians Danes in exchanging their commodities one with another With whom also would concurre the Merchants of London Bristowe and other places of England and some of the cloaths which should be carried thither at the first might be taken vp with the Kings money and there be vttered That Bruges where the Mart was before standeth not vpon the Rheene neither doth Antwerp where the Mart was then Frankeford doth and may well serue for a faire for high Almaine but Southampton serueth better for all countries vpon the sea for few of these resort to Frankeford Herewith diuerse reasons were alleaged for the Mart and namely that the vent of English cloathes would hereby be open in all times of watre that the English merchants goods would be out of danger of strangers and without feare of danger of arresting vpon euery light cause That it would much enrich the Realme because as a Market enricheth a towne so doth a Mart enrich a Kingdome That vpon occasion great summes of money might be borrowed of them who frequent the Mart. That the King might command a great number of strangers ships to serue in his warres That warre being made all goods should be in the Kings danger that the English should buy all things at the first hand of strangers Wheras then the strangers sold their wares to the Flemings the Flemings to the English That the townes towards the sea would hereby be made more populous rich beautifull and strong That the merchants insteed of Tapistrie points glasses and other laces would then bring in bullion and other substantiall merchandizes to haue the English cloath and tinne That by this means the English should abate the power of their enimies and not be enforced to borrow of Merchants but when they list and that in no great quantity or summe The time was then esteemed most conuenient because the warres betwixt the French and the Emperor caused the Italians Genowaies Portugals and Spaniards to forbeare their trade to Antwerp The Prussians also and other East countries hauing 14 ships against the Emperor would not be very forward to aduenture thither Againe the French inuading Lorraine and menacing Flanders and the Almaines lying on the riuer of Rheene did stop the course of merchants out of Italie as well to Frankeford as to Antwerp And further the putting of souldiers into Antwerp moued the Merchants to forbeare their trafique and to looke to their safety Also the breach which a late tempest had made was like to make the channell vncertaine and the hauen naught Lastly the stop of the exchange to Lyons would make many Flemmings bankrupts And because these nations cannot liue without a vent These things decaying the Mart of Antwerp Frankeford they would most willingly vpon erecting a 〈◊〉 Mart resort to England And here the towne of Southampton was esteemed most sit because the Spaniards Brittaines Gascoins Lombards Genowaies Normans Italians the Merchants of the Eastland the Prussians Danes Swedens Norwegians might indifferently resort thither more easie than to Antwerpe And wheras the Flemmings hauing few commodities haue allured Merchants by their priuiledges to settle a Mart among them much more easily should the English doe it hauing both opportunity meanes as cloath tinne seacoale lead bellmettall and such other commodities as few christian countries haue the like Lastly the meanes to establish this mart were contriued to be these First that the English merchants should forbeare their resort for a mart or two beyond the seas vnder pretence of the impositions there charged vpon them Then that proclamation should be made in diuerse parts of this Realme where Merchants chiefly resort that there shal be a free Mart kept at Southampton to beginne presently after whitsontide and to continue fiue weekes so as it should be noe hindrance to St Iames faire at Bristow nor to Bartholomew faire in London The priuiledges of which Mart should be expressed to be these That all men should haue free libertie for resort and returne without arresting except
that K. Henry the 8 th had quietly passed the like change before I answere the example was not then to be followed the kings were not equall either in spirit or in power Euen as it is in the â—…able that albeit an Eagle did beare away a lamb in her talents with full flight yet a raven endeavouring to doe the like was hold entangled and fettered in the flecce Touching enclosures I am not ignorant what a profitable purchase is made thereby not only to particular persons but generally to the whole Commonwealth in case it bee without depopulation because a companie of lands inclosed are therby improved in worth 2 or 3 d parts at the least hereby two great commodities ensue riches and multitude of people because the more ritches are raised out of lands the more people are thereby maintained This doth plainely appeare by two shires almost equall both in greatnesse and in goodnesse of soyle Northampton much champion and Somerset altogether enclosed for if estimation may be made by musters and by subsidies tenths and fifâ—…eens enclosure hath made the one county more then double to exceed the other both in people and in wealth Notwithstanding the Lord Protector gaping after the fruitlesse breath of the multitude more desirous to please the most then the best causing a proclamation to be set forth against enclosures commanding that they who had inclosed any lands accustomed to lie open should vpon a certaine paine before a day assigned lay them open againe This Proclamation whilst fewe were forward to obey gaue occasion to the mutinous multitude instable in iudgement and intempestuous when they are stirred all carried with a headlong rashnesse and one following another as wiser then himselfe immoderatly both in desire hope to be easily drawn by others who had dâ—…per reaches then themselues to matters which at the first they least intâ—…nded And againe soone after the beginning of the young kings raigne certaine iniuncâ—…ions were set forth for remouing images out of Churches which had beene highly not onely esteemed but honoured before and for abolishing or altering some other ancient observations in the Church Herevpon commissioners were dispatched into all parts of the realme to see those iniunctions to be executed with those divers preachers were sent furnished with instructions to perswade the people from praying to Saints as for the dead for adoring Images from vse of beades ashes and processions from masse dirges praying in vnknown languages from some other like things wherevnto long custome had wrought a religious observation and for defect of preachers 〈◊〉 were appointed to be publikely read in Churches ayming to the very same end Some other offring to maintaine these ceremonies were either punished or forced to 〈◊〉 Edmund Bonner Bishop of London was committed prisoner to the Fleet for refusing to receiue these iniunctions Stephan Gardiner was likewise committed first to the Fleet afterwards to the Tower for that he had openly preached that it were well these changes in religion should be stayed vntill the King were of yeares to governe by himselfe This the people apprehending worse then it was either spoken or meant a question began to bee raised among them whether during the Kings minoritie such alterations might lawfully be made or no for the like causes Tonstall Bp of Duresme and Heath Bp of Rochester were in like committed to prison all these being then and still continuing famous for learning and iudgement were dispossessed of their Bishoppricks but no man was touched in life Herevpon a Parliament was held in the first yeare of the King and by prorogation in the second wherein diverse Colleges Chaâ—…tries free Chappell 's Fraternities Guildes c. with all their lands and goods were put into the actuall possession of the King part of the goods and lands being sold at a low value enriched many and enabled some and thereby made them firme in maintaining the change also that no mâ—… should speake against receiuing the Eucharist vnder both kindes which had beene restrained in times before and that Bishops should be placed by collation of the King vnder his Letters Patents without any precedent election or confirmation ensuing and that all processes ecclesiasticall should be made in the Kings name is in writs at the common Law and that all persons exercising Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction should haue the Kings armes in their seales of office and further the Statute of the 6 Articles and other statutes concerning punishment of Lollâ—…rds were repealed and so was another statute restreining the vse of Scriptures in the English tongue and the Kings supremacy ouer the Church of England was confirmed Herewith a booke was set forth for publike prayers by proclamation and for administration of the Sacraments other rights and offices of the Church and diuerse punishments were appointed by proclamation either for not vsing the formes prescribed in that booke or for depraving any thing therein contained I forbeare to rehearse other acts of this Parliament albeit a noble writer in our time esteemes it to be a mayme in historie that the acts of Parliament should not bee recited which I conceiue so farre to bee true as they occasion tumults or division or some remarkable alteration in state otherwise as I finde them not regarded by most imitable writers so I account the relation of them both fruitlesse improper for a true caryed history Now in this meane time the commissioners before mentioned were earnest in executing their authority And either pulled downe or defaced all images in Churches and that in such vnseasonable vnseasoned fashion as if it had beene done in hostility against them hereat many did expresse a sense of distast some for religious respects others in regard of the excellent artifice of some of their pieces affirming that albeit religious reverence migh happily haue beene either taken away or moderated yet the civill regard which all men doe not only afford but affect in maintaining the memory of those whom they honour or loue night be endured without offence Certainly albeit the religion of the Romans endured 170 yeeres according to a law of Numa Pompilius without any images albeit the Persians had neither images nor temples nor altars being of opinion that God could bee represented by no device that he had no temple but the world no Altar but the heart of man albeit Eusâ—…bius writeth that the people of Asia called Seres by expresse law forbad adoration of images albeit that images were forbidden of Lyâ—…urgus as drawing men from the true worship of that which cannot be seene Albeit the ancient Germans from the Brittaines and the Gaules had neither Images nor Temples albeit the Iewes and in imitation of them the Saracens and Turkes abhorre nothing more then Images either in their temples or in their houses because the lawe of God forbiddeth not onely to adore but to make any image Albeit the Christians continued a long time without Images in their Churches yet were they
with intent to make sedition and discorde betweene the King and his Nobles 24 That at diuers times and places he said the Lords of the counsell at London intend to kill mee but if I dye the King shall dye and if they famish mee they shall famish him 25 That of his owne head he remoued the King so sodainly from Hampton courte to Windsore without any prouision there made that he was thereby not only in great feare but cast into a dangerous disease 26 That by his letters he caused the Kings people to assemble in great numbers in Armor after the manner of warre to his aide and defence 27 That he caused his seruants and friends at Hampton court Windesore to be apparelled in the Kings armor when the Kings seruants and guarde went vnarmed 28 That he intended to fly to Iernsey and Wales and laid posthorses and men and a boat to that purpose Now albeit there is little doubt but that some of these articles were meerely deuised others enlarged or wrâ—…sted or otherwise inforced by odious interpretation yet the Duke being of base golde and fearing the touch subscribed with his owne hand that he did acknowledge his offences contained in them and humbly vpon his knees submitted himselfe to the Kings mercy That in like manner he entreated the Lords to be a meanes to the King that he would conceiue that his offences did proceede rather from negligence rashnes or other indiscretion then from any malitious thought tending to treason and also that he would take some gratious way with him his wife and children not according to extremity of lawes but after his great elemency and mercy Written with my owne hand 23 December Anno 3 o Edw. Regis To this I make no other defence but intreat the reader not to condemne him for perishing so weakly and for that he who should haue lost his life to preserue his honour cast away both his life and honour together Assuredly he was a man of a feeble stomacke vnable to concoct any great fortune prosperous or aduerse But as the iudgement of God and malice of a man concurre often in one act although it be easie to discerne betweene them so is it little to be maruailed that he who thirsted after his brothers blood should finde others to thirst after his Notwithstanding for that present his blood was respited but hee was stripped of his great offices of being Proteâ—…tor Treasurer and Marshall lost all his goods and neere 2000 lande in which estate if he had continued the longer he had liued the more punishment he should endure herewith it was sâ—…ossingly said that he had eaten the kings goose and did then regorge the feathers After this he sent letters to the Lords of the counsaile wherein he acknowledged himselfe much fâ—…oured by them in that they had brought his cause to be fineable which although it was to him impoâ—…able yet as hee did neuer intend to contend with them nor any action to iustifie himselfe as well for that he was none of the wisest and might easily erre as for that it is scarce possible for any man in great place so to beare himselfe that all his actions in the eye of iustice shall be blamelesse so hee did then submit himselfe wholly to the Kings mercy and their discretions for some moderation desiring them to conceiue that what he did amisse was rather through rudenes and for want of iudgement then from any malitious meaning and that he was therefore ready both to doe and suffer what they would appoint Finally hee did againe most humbly vpon his knees entreat pardon and fauour and they should euer finde him so lowly to their honours and obedient to their orders as hee would thereby make amends for his former follies These subiections obiections deiections of the Duke made a heauenly harmony in his enimies eares But they wrought such compassion with the King that forthwith he was released out of the Tower his fines discharged his goods and lands restored except such as had beene giuen away either the malice of the Lords being somewhat appeased or their credit not of sufficient strength to resist within a short time after he was entertained and feasted by the King with great shew of fauour and sworne againe of the priuy counsaile at which time betweene him and the Lords perfect amity was made or else a dissembling hate And that all might appeare to be knit vp in a comicall conclusion the Dukes daughter was afterwards ioined in marriage to the Lord Lâ—…sle sonne and heire to the Earle of Warwick and the Earle also was made Lord Admirall of England yet many doubted whether the Earle retained not some secret offence against the Duke which if hee did it was most cunningly suppressed doubtlesse of all his vertues he made best vice of dissimulation And as this friendship was drawen together by feare on both sides so it was not like to be more durable then was the feare And thus the second act ended of the tragedie of the Duke the third shall follow in the proper place In the meane time the Earle of Warwicke for what mischeiuous contriuance it was not certainly knowne but conceiued to be against the Duke ioined to him the Earle of Arundâ—…ll late Lord Chamberlaine and the Earle of Southhampton sometimes Lord Chancellor men of their owne nature circumspect and slow but at the time discountenanced and discontent whom therefore the Earle of Warwicke singled as fittest for his purpose Many secret conferences they had at their seuerall houses which often held the greatest part of the night But they accustomed to afford at other times either silence or shorte assent to what he did propose did then fall off and forsake him procuring thereby danger to themselues without doing good to any other For when the Earle of Warwicke could by no meanes draw them to his desires hee found means that both of them were discharged from the counsell and commanded to their houses Against the Earle of Arundell obiections were framed that he tooke away bolts and locks at Westminster and gaue away the Kings stuffe Hee was fined at 12000 l to be paid 1000 l yeerely But doubtlesse the Earle of Warwicke had good reason to suspect that they who had the honesty not to approue his purpose would not want the heart to oppose against it During these combats among the nobility many popular insurrections were assayled One Bell was put to death at Tyborne for mouing a new rebellion in Suffolke and in Essex hee was a man nittily needy and therefore aduentrous esteemed but an idle fellow vntill he found opportunity to shew his rashnesse Diuers like attempts were made in other places but the authors were not so readily followed by the people as others had done before Partly because multitudes doe not easily moue but chifly because misaduentures of others in like attempts had taught them to be more warily aduised About this time a Parliament was held at
might both discourage his peope and bring diâ—…reputation to himselfe forbad any report to be made not only of the euent but of the iourney After this the French King leuied an army by lande wherewith marching towards Bulloine he tooke Blackenesse and Newhauen two fortes of the English neere vnto Bulloine This he did effect chiefly by the treason of one Sturton a bastard sonne of Lord Sturtons and by reuolt of diuers Almaines who serued in the garrisons who being meerely mercenarie did easily encline to the strongest From whence the French King marched towardes Bullaine vpon whose approach S t Nicholas Arnault captaine of Bullingberge holding the place not of strength to be held withdrew all the ordinance matters of worth into high Boullaine and with gunpowder blew vp the Forte So the French Kinge brought his armie before Boulline but because the plague raged amongst his souldiers the weather was vnseasonable by reason of much fall of raine he departed from his army and left Chastilion gouernor in his steed Chastilion bent his siege against the Pierre which was erected in Boulline haven and after batterie of 20000 shot or more the breach was thought reasonable and therevpon the assault was giuen But the same was so well encountred by the valour of the defendants helped with advantage of place that the obstinacy of the assailaÌ„ts did nothing but increase their losse so as the first fury being broken and spent The French resolued to attempt the peice no more by assault notwithstanding they continued the seige presented diuers skermishes false attempts but they spent both their labour shot without putting the defendants in any feare Then they planted their artillery against the mouth of the hauen to impeach supply of victualls to the towne Yet the English victualers surceased not at the Kings adventure to bring all things necessary vntill the end the souldiers of the towne set vpon the French suddainly by night slue many of them and dismounted their pieces Then the French applied their batterie againe wherein they sometimes spent 1500 shot in one day But finding this to be a fruitlesse fury they afterwards vsed it more sparingly and rather vpon a shew of hostility then vpon any hope thereby to prevaile In the meane season they charged a galley with grauel and stones and prepared to sinke it in the middest of the hauen But the English tooke the galley before it sunke and drew it to the shoare and vsed the stones to reenforce the Pierre After this they made faggots of light matter mixed with pitch tarre tallow rosin powder and wildfire with intention to fire the ships in the hauen but that enterprise was defeated by the Bullenois and their fagots taken from the French During these enterfeits diverse skirmishes passed betweene the English and the French about the frontires of Calleis which as they were but light so most of them ended with disadvantage to the French And now if all these troubles had not beene sufficient to trauaile the realme of England at once a great diuision fell among the nobility so much the more dangerous by how much the spirits were more actiue and high And albeit the heat thereof was much appeased for a timâ—… by the great iudgement and moderation of the King yeâ—… did it breake forth in the end to tragicall euents not vpon particular persons only but did much ouerslow and 〈◊〉 ouerwhelme the whole realme with disquiet and here of the most apparent originall was this The King had two vnkles brothers to Queene Iaue his deceased mother Edward D. of Somerset Lord Protector Thomas Lord Seymer Baron of Sudley high Admirall of England as the Duke was elder in yeares so was hee more staied in behauiour The Lord Sudley was fierce in courage courtly in fashion in personage stately in voice magnificent but somewhat empty of matter both were so faithfully affected to the King that the one might well bee termed his sword the other his target The Duke was greatest in fauour with the people the Lord Sudley most respected by the nobility both highly esteemed by the King both fortunate alike in their advancements both ruined alike by their owne vanity and folly whilest these two brothers held in amity they were like two armes the one defending the other and both of them the King but many things did moue together to dissolue their loue and bring them to ruine First their contrary disposition the one being tractable and milde the other stiffe and impatient of a superior whereby they liued but in cunning concord as brothers glued together but not vnited in graine then much secret enuy was borne against them for that their new lustre did dimme the light of men honoured with ancient nobility Lastly they where openly minded as hasty and soone moued so vncircumspect and easy to be minded By these the knot not only of loue but of nature between them was dissolued so much the more pitty for that the first cause proceeded from the pride the haughty hate the vnquiet vanity of a mannish or rather of a diuelish woman For the Lord Sudley had taken to wife Katharine Parre Queene Dowager last wife to King Henry the 8 th A woman beautified with many excellent vertues especially with humility the beauty of all other vertues The Duke had taken to wife Anne Stanhope a woman for many imperfections intollerable but for pride monstrous she was exceeding both subtle and violent in accomplishing her ends for which she spurned ouer all respects both of conscience and of shame This woman did beare such invincible hate first against the Q. Dowager for light causes and womans quarrells especially for that she had precedency of place before her being wife to the greatest Peere in the land then to the Lord Sudley for her sake That albeit the Q. Dowager dyed by childbirth yet would not her malice either dye or decrease But continually she rubbed into the Dukes dull capacity that the Lord Sudley dissenting from him in opinion of religion sought nothing more then to take away his life as well in regard of the common cause of Religion as thereby happely to attaine his place Many other things she boldly fained being assured of easie beliefe in her heedlesse hearer alwaies fearfull and suspitious as of feeble spirit but then more then euer by reason of some late opposition against him Her perswasions she cunningly intermixed with teares affirming that she would depart from him as willing rather to heare both of his disgraces and dangers then either to see the one or participate of the other The Duke embracing this womans counsaile a womans counsaile indeede and nothing the better yeelded himselfe both to aduise and deuise for destruction of his brother The Earle of Warwicke had his finger in the businesse and drew others also to giue either furtherance or way to her violent desires Being well content she should haue her minde so as the Duke might thereby incurre infamy
Somerset for hereafter he must be no otherwise called was committed into their power and committed to custody in Beâ—…uchampe tower within the castle The next day he was brought to London as if he had bin a captaine caried in triumph He rode through Holborne betweene the Earles of Southhampton and of Huntington and was followed with Lords and Gentlemen to the number of 300 mounted on horsebacke At Holborne bridge certaine Aldermen attended on horsebacke and the cittisâ—…ns housholders stood with halberds on all sides of the streets through which he passed At Sopherlane he was receiued by the Maior Shâ—…riffes Recorder and diuers Knights of especiall note who with a great traine of officers and attendants bearing halbeards carryed him forthwith to the Tower all this was to beare in shew both that the Duke was a dangerous man and that the common both aide and applause concurred in his restraint Forthwith the King was brought to Hampton courte where all things being borne as done well because nothing was ill taken seauen of the Lords of the counsaile and 4 Knights were appointed by turnes to attend the Kings person The Lords were the Marquis of Northhampton the Earles of Warwicke and Arundell the Lordes Russell S t Iohn and Wentworth the knights were these S r Andrew Dudley S r Edward Rogers S r Thomas Darcy and S r Thomas Worth As for affaires of state the gouernment of them was referred to the whole body of the counsaile Soone after the King rode to his house in Southwarke then called Suffolke place there dined all-After dinner he rode in great estate through the citty to Westminster as if the people should be giuen to vnderstand that nothing was dâ—…minished either from the safety or glory of the King by imprisonment of the Duke And now when the Duke had breathed a small time in the tower certaine Lords of the counsaile were sent vnto him who after a shorte preface in such termes as hate and dissimulation could temper together remembring how great the amity had beene betweene them and of what continuance Then acknowledging what offices seruices he had done for the commonwealth yet enterlacing some errors defects wherewith they seemed to reproach him Lastly they presented him certaine articles as from the residue of the priuy counsaile desiring his present answere whether hee would acknowledge them to be true or else stand vpon his iustification The articles obiected against him were these 1 That he tooke vpon him the office of Protector vpon expresse condition that he should doe nothing in the Kings affaires but by assent of the late Kings executors or the greatest part of them 2 That contrary to this condition he did hinder iustice subuert Lawes of his owne Authority aswell by letters as by other commande 3 That he caused diuers persons arrested and imprisoned for treason murther manslaughter and felloâ—…y to be discharged against the lawes and statutes of the realme 4 That he appointed Lâ—…euetenants for Armies and other officers for the weighty affaires of the king vnder his own writing and seale 5 That he communed with Embassadors of other realmes alone of the weighty matters of the realme 6 That he would taunt and reproue diuers of the kings most honourable counsailors for declaring their aduice in the Kings weighty affaires against his opinion sometimes telling them that they were not worthy to sit in counsaile and sometimes that he needed not to open weighty matters to them and that if they were not agreeable to his opinion he would discharge them 7 That against law he held a court of request in his house and did enforce diuers to answere there for their freeholde goods and did determine of the same 8 That being no officer without the aduice of the counsaile or most part of them he did dispose offices of the Kings guift for money grant leases and wards and presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King gaue Bishoprickes and made sales of the Kings lands 9 That he commanded Alchimie and multiplication to be practised thereby to abase the Kings coine 10 That diuers times he openly said that the nobility and gentry were the only cause of dearth Whereupon the people rose to reforme matters of themselues 11 That against the minde of the whole counsaile he caused proclamation to be made concerning enclosures wherevpon the people made diuers insurrections and destroied many of the Kings subiects 12 That he sent forth a commission with Articles annexed concerning enclosures commons highwaâ—…es cottages and such like matters giuing the commishioners authority to heare 〈◊〉 determine those causes whereby the lawes and statutes of the realme were subuerted and much rebellion raised 13 That he suffered rebells to assemble and lie armed in campe against the nobility and gentry of the realme without speedie repressing of them 14 That he did comfort and encourage diuers rebells by giuing them money and by promising them fees rewards and seruices 15 That he caused a proclamation to be made against law and in fauour of the rebells that none of them should be vexed or sued by any for their offences in their rebellion 16 That in time of rebellion he said that he liked well the actions of the rebells and that the auarice of gentlemen gaue occasion for the people to rise and that it was better for them to dye then to porish for want 17 That he said the Lords of the Parliament were loath to reforme enclosures and other things therefore the people had a good cause to reforme them themselues 18 That after declaration of the defaults of Bouline and the pieces there by such as did surview them he would neuer amend the same 19 That he would not suffer the Kings pieces of Newhauen and Blacknesse to be furnished with men and prouision albeit he was 〈◊〉 of the defaults and aduised thereto by the Kings 〈◊〉 whereby the French King was emboldned to attempt vpon them 20 That he would neither giue authority nor suffer noble men and gentlemen to suppresse rebells in time conuenient but wrote to them to speake the rebells â—…aire and vse them gently 21 That vpon the fifth of October the present vâ—…ere 〈◊〉 Hampton courte for defence of his owne priuate causes hee procured seditious bills to be written in counterfeit hands and secretly to be dispersed into diuerse parts of the realme beginning thus Good people intending thereby to raise the Kings subiects to rebellion and open warre 22 That the Kings priuy counsaile did consult at London to come to him and moue him to reforme his gouernment but he hearing of their assembly declared by his letters in diuers places that they were high traitors to the King 23 That he declared vntruly aswell to the King as to other yong Lords attending his person that the Lords at London intended to destroy the King desired the King neuer to forget but to reuenge it and required the yong Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof
heare matters of greatest moment debated because in these high passages nothing was thought to be done truly with maiesty nothing agreeable to the dignity of the state but in the presence of the King Generally all the counsaile agreed that none of them should make suit to the King for land or forfeitures aboue xx l or for reuersion of leases or any other extraordinary matter vntill the state of his Reuenewes should be further knowen Besides these commissions another went forth to ouersee and order the Kinges reuenewes and to cut off superfluous charges to ouersee all courts especially those of new erection as the court of augmentation and of first fruits and tenths and to prouide that the reuenewes were answered euery halfe yeare another went forth for debts owing to the King and to take accompt of paiments since the 35 of K. Henry the 8 th and in what manner the King had beene deceiued either by not accompting or accompting falsely Another also for taking away needlesse Bâ—…ulwarkes by vertue whereof diuerse were dimolished vpon the sea coasts in peace chargeable and little seruiceable in warre And further for more orderly and speedy dispatch of causes the King deliuered to his counsaile these Articles following 1 That all suits ' petitions and common warrants deliuered to the priuy counsell be considered by them on mundaies in the afternoone and answered oâ—… saturdaies in the afternoone and that those daies and no other be assigned to that purpose 2 That such suits and petitions as pertaine to any courts of law be referred to those courts where properly they are triable others to be determined with expedition 3 That in making warrants for money it be forseene that they be not for such matters as may be dispatched by warrants dormant least by such meanes accompts should be vncertaine 4 That vpon Sundaies they intend publique affaires of the Realme dispatch answeres to letters for good order of the state and make full dispatches of all things concluded the wâ—…cke before Prouided that they be present at common praier 5 That on Sunday night the Secretaries or one of them deliuer to the King a memoriall of such things as are to be debated by the priuy counsaile and he to appoint certaine of them to be debated vpon seuerall daies viz. Munday afternoone Tuesday wensday Thursday and Friday beforenoone 6 That on friday afternoone they shall make a collection of such things as haue beene done the fower daies before what they haue concluded and what the time suffered not to peruse Also the principall reasons which moued them to conclude of such matters as seemed doubtfull 7 That on Saturday before noone they present this collection of the King and enquire his pleasure vpon all things which they haue concluded and also vpon all priuate suits 8 That none of the priuy counsell depart the court for longer time then two daies vnlesse eight of the counsell remaine behind and vnlesse the King haue notice thereof 9 That they make no assembly in counsell vnlesse they be to the number of foure at the least 10 That if they assemble to the number of fower and vnder the number of sixe then they may reason or examine the commodities or inconueniences of matters proposed and make things plaine which seeme diffused at the first opening and if they agree then at the next full assembly of sixe a perfect conclusion thereof shall be made 11 That if there be vnder fower and a matter arriseth requiring expedition they shall declare it to the King but not giue answere vnlesse it requires extraordinary hast 12 That if such matters shall arise as it shall please the King to heare the same debated warning shall be giuen that the more may be present 13 That if such matter arise as cannot be ended without long debating the counsaile shall not intermeddle with other causes vntill they haue concluded the same 14 That no priuate suit be entermedled with great affaires but shall be heard on Mundaies only 15 That when matters for scantnesse of time be only discussed and not brought to an end then it shall be noted to what point the businesse is brought and what haue beene the principall reasons that when it shall be treated againe it may the sooner come to conclusion 16 That in tedious or difficult matters two or three or more may be appointed to prepare and report the same that being lesse cumbrous and defuse they may the more easily be dispatched 17 That no warrant for reward aboue 40 l or businesse or affaires aboue 100 l passe but vnder the Kings signet 18 That if vpon aduertisements or other occasions matters of great importance appeare which require hast such matters shall be considered and determined notwithstanding those Articles which appoint businesse for seuerall daies so as this order be not generally or commonly broken Assuredly albeit the King declared both his iudgment and his diligence and care of affaires of the realme Yet is there one rule more and not by him neglected for all great officers which if it be not sufficient in itselfe to hold matters in order yet are no rules sufficient without it And this is to choose persons both for ability and integrity well reputed albeit happily they be not alwaies vsed For besides that these will be a rule to themselues it is a great satisfaction to the people and keepeth them both from murmuring and curious enquiring into counsailes of State which is neuer good and often dangerous when they know or at least suppose matters to passe vnder such mens iudgements In theese times it was conceiued by many that by erecting of a Mart in England the realme would be much enriched and made more famous and lesse obnoxious to other countries The time was then esteemed fit by reason of the warres betweene the Emperor and the French King The places deemed most meete were Hull for the east countries and Southampton for the South London was thought no ill place but Southampton was iudged most conuenient for the first beginning This matter detained the Lords of the counsell in a deliberation both serious and long with great strength and variety of reasons on both sides which because they may giue some light to the like question which in times ensuing may happily againe be set on foot I will here declare them in the same manner as they were collected by the King Against the Mart these octiections were made 1 That strangers could haue no accesse into England by land which they had at Antwerp where the Mart then was 2 That the ill working of English cloaths made them lesse esteemed abroad 3 That the great quantity of English cloathes in Flanders would make them lesse desired from hence 4 That the Merchants had then established their dwelling places at Antwerp 5 That other Nations would forbeare their resort into England for a while vpon commandement of the Emperor 6 That the deniall of the requests of the Merchants of the Stilliard
in cases of treason murther or selony That for the time of the Mart all men should pay but halfe the custome due in other places of the Realme That during the time noe shipping should be made from any place betweene Southwales Essex but only to South-hampton That in Hampshire Wiltshire Sussex Surry Kent Dorseâ—…shire and no bargaine should be made for wares during that time but only at that Mart. That a court should be erected to punish offendors with liberties of good condition That some one commodity as happily some one kind of cloath should be assigned as proper to the Mart. That some liberties must be giuen to the inhabitants of South-hampton and some monies lent to them if it might be spared to beginne their Trafique That ships should attend the safegard of Merchants so well as they could and that if this Mart tooke good effect another might be erected at Hull for the Northeast countries to beginne presently after Sturbridge faire so as they might returne before the great Ices stopped their seas Thus it was concluded but the execution was for a time delaied because the wooll fleete of 60 saile was lately before departed for Antwerp could not possibly be called backe But to make the first preparation because a Mart could not subsist without exchang liberty was granted to the English Merchants to exchang and rechange money for money As vpon this occasion this profitable purpose was first delaied so afterwards it was altogether dashed first by the Kinges sicknesse after by his death Now albeit the King was both deepely in debt and had many extraordinary occasions yet in regard of the troublesome times he did forbeare to charge his subiects with such loanes and impositions as vsually in peace breed discontent and in turbulent times disquiet but he chose rather to deale with the Foulker in the low Countries for moneys vpon loane at a very high rate And hereupon letters were directed from the Lords of the counsell to the Foulker at Antwerp that he had receiued from the King 63000 punds Flemmish in Februarie and 24000 in Aprill next before which amounted to 87000 pounds Flemmish A faire summe to be paid in one year especially in that busy world when it was necessarie for Princes not to be without money Hereupon and for that they vnderstood that at that time he was well able to forbeare money they aduised the King to pay to him only 5000 pounds of the 45000 l which then remained vnpaid and to continue the rest at the vsuall yearly interest of 14 l for euery hundred wherewith they desired him to retaine good patience Hereto the Foulker answered that as he had found faire dealings before so he would rest content to deferre paâ—…ment of 30000 l so as 20000 l thereof might be well assured to be paid within some conuenient time All this was presently agreed and no lesse faithfully performed afterwards And assuredly as God is the word and cannot but make good his word so a Prince so much looseth of his dignity as hee declineth from his word About this time a garrison pay of 10000 l was sent to the Frontires of Scotland and the like to Calais and in the same yeere 5000 l into Ireland hereto if we adde the Kings great charges in fortification vpon both the frontires of Scotland and France the particulars wherof I omit as matters now altogether of no vse it may easily be be discerned that the hostility with Scotland and France and the inciuility of Ireland were a great part of the cause which held this frugall King thus diued in debt And for another means of raising of mony commissions went forth for selling chantry lands and houses for paiment of the Kings debt giuen forth to be 251000 pounds sterling at the least Also to enquire of all Church goods either remaining in Cathedrall or parish Churches or embesâ—…ed away namely of Iewels of gold siluer or siluer crosses candiâ—…sticks censors challicies ready mony coapes and other vestiments and reseruing to euery Church one Challice and couering for the Communion â—…able the residue to be applied to the benefit of the King â—…y their sales and enquiries the Kings wants were 〈◊〉 what relieued And many persons uery meane both for birth and ability of minde and of no lâ—…sse place of emploiment found means to aduance themselues to so great estate as they left their posterity ranged among the nobility of this realme Of these church purchasers I haue seene many melt to nothing and the residue shall be obserued either by riot or by improuidence to consume At the same time for more assured strength of the Borders vpon Scotland order was setled that no man in those parts should beare two offices at once which not well obserued in later years hath much derogated both from the dignity and discharge of offices aswell in state as in some inferior places Another means for raising mony was practised no lesse pleasing to the people then profitable to the common-wealth And that was by enquiring after offences of officers in great place who as by vniust dealing they became most odious so by iustice in their punishments the Prince acquireth both loue and applause And so one Beamont M â— of the Rolles was conuinced that in his office of wardes he had purchased lands with the Kinges mony also that he had lent aboue 700 l of the Kinges mony and forborne 11000 of the Kinges debts for his owne profit Also that being M r of the Rolles he dealt corruptly in a case betweene the Duke of Suffolke and the Lady Powes For he bought the Ladies Tithe and caused an indenture to be forged from Charles Brandon the Duke a little before deceased purposing a grant of the lands in question from Duke Charles to the Lady Powes Also that he had concealed the felony of his seruant who hauing stolne from him 200 l he tooke the mony to himselfe againe Hereupon he surrendred to the King all his offices lands goods in satisfaction as well for the monies due by him to the King as of the fines which his offences had merited he was a man of a dull and heauy spirit and therefore the more senslesly deuoted in his sensuall auarice One Whalie receiuer of Yorkeshire acknowledged how he had lent the Kinges mony for gaine how he euer paid one yeares reuenue with the arrerages of the yeare before how he had bought the Kinges land with the Kinges mony how he had made diuerse false accompts how vpon fall of mony he borrowed diuerse summes whereby he gained 500 l at one crying downe For these misdemeanors he surrendred his office and submitted himselfe to pay such fines as the King or his counsell should charge vpon him The Lord Paget Chancellor of the ' Duchie was conuinced that he had sould the Kings landes and timber woods without commission that he had taken great fines for the Kings lands and applied them to his proper vse and
that he had made leases in reuersion for more then xxi years for these offences he surrendred his office and submitted himselfe to be fined at the pleasure of the King So his fine was gessed at 6000 l whereof 2000 were remitted vpon condition that the other 4000 should be paid within the compasse of that yeare This he endured with a manly patience as knowing right well that he held all the residue of his estate vpon curtesie of those who hated him at the heart It was at the first suspected and afterwards expected by all that among other matters obiected against the Lord Paget the chiefe or at least one should haue beene for contriuing to Banquet the Lords at his house and vnder pretence thereof to take off their heads which was the only cause for which the Duke of Somerset lost his head But because no mention was made thereof because about the same time the Lord Gray of Wilton Bannister and Crane and a little after the Earle of Arundell were freely discharged hauing beene imprisoned for this conspiracy the conceit was taken that the Dukes head was the only aime and that the residue were vsed but as a countenance of state to dazle the people Letters were sent to the gouernor of Gernesey that divine seruice should there be vsed according to the forme of the Church of England A King of Armes named Vlster was newly instituted for Ireland his prouince was all Ireland and he was the first 4 th King of Armes the first herald appointed for Ireland Whilest these matters were in action the Emperors Embassador in England deliuered letters to the King from the Regent in the low Countries importing that whereas the King was bound by a treaty betweene the Emperor and the Kinges Father at Lutrect in the yeare 1542 that if the low Countries should be inuaded the King should aide him with 5000 foote or 70 crownes a day during 4 moneths and that this aide should be performed within one moneth after request For so much as the French King inuaded Luxembourg the Emperor required aide of the King of England according to the effect of that treaty Herevpon order was giuen that if the Embassador did moue for answere to this letter he should be told by two of the counsell that during the Kinges progresse his counsell was dispersed whose aduice he was desirous to heare And further that the K. had committed the same treaty to be perused by men whose iudgments as he did much respect so would he expect a time vntill their opinions might be heard And in case that after this the Embassador should againe require an answere then they should say that the King hauing lately wrestled out of most dangerous warres wherewith his yong years were ouerburthened he hoped well that the Emperor would not desire to thrust him into the like againe That he had sworne amity with the French King which he could not with his honour breake therefore if the Emperor should deeme it so meete he would mediate a peace as a friend to both which he should best effect by forbearing to vse hostility against either And in case the Embassador should still perseuere to vrge the treaty they were lastly directed to answere that the King did not hold himselfe bound by that treaty as both made by his Father and euidently preiudiciall to his real◅ for albeit agreements of peace are perpetuall bind the successor yet it is not so in agreements of society cōsederation And this the Emperor did right well vnderstand for whē the King in his last warres desired to enter a new treaty with the Emperor he returned answere that it should not need for albeit the King were discharged by his Fathers death yet the Emperor was still bound And againe the Emperor had not for his part performed the treaty as well in hindring the carriage of horses armor and munition which the King had prouided for his warres as also in neglecting to send aide when the low Country of Calais was forraged and therefore he did not iustly demand performance thereof from the King I know it hath beene often in like sort answered that treaties dissolue by death of those who made them for so the Fidenates held themselues discharged of the league which they had made with Romulus after his death And the Latines did the like after the death of Tullus and likewise after the death of Ancus The Etrurians affirmed the like after the death of Priscus And the Sabines after the death of Seruius And againe after that Tarquinius was cast out of state I know also that the difference is great betweene a league of peace and a league of society confederation But I will not touch euery string of this question which Hottoman calleth a noble question and much tossed and debated partly because it consisteth of many knotty and thorny distinctions wherein approued authors doe not well agree but chiefely because at this time it fell not to be a difference betweene the Emperor and the King For when the Embassador first came for answere to this letter M r Wotton and M r Hobbie answered according to the first branch of their instructions wherewith he departed well satisfied for the present and before he called for answere againe one Stukely arriued out of France and declared to the counsell how the French King being persuaded that Stukely would neuer returne into England because he departed without leaue vpon apprehension of the Duke of Somerset his master bewraied to him that if he could procure peace with the Emperor he intended to besiege Calais and was in hope to carry the towne by way of the sand hills and that from thence winning rice banke he might both famish the Towne and beate the market place how he further said that he intended to land in some angle of Scotland about Falmouth because boulewarkes there might easily be wonne and the people were for the most part Catholiques And further how at the same time Mounsier de Guise should enter England by the way of Scotland not only with good leaue but with aide and conduct from the Scots Vpon this discouery the King assembled his counsell at Windesor entred with them into deliberation whether it were either safe from him or to no disaduantage to rely so securely either vpon the strength or faith of France as either to refuse or neglect to afford aide vnto the Emperor and thereby happily incurre his hostility Many were of opinion that the King should condescend to aide the Emperor First for that if the King were desirous to hold the Emperor bound by the treaty made with the Kinges father he must also be obliged thereby Otherwise it was a lame halting league and could not possibly goe vpright Then for that if the Emperor should not be aided the house of Burgundie was like to be deuoured by the French whereby their greatnesse might grow dreadfull especi◅lly to England Then for that againe
being present affirmed to be true well said they what our King told Guidolti we know not but to vs hee hath giuen no other commission then you haue heard which in no case wee must exceede As for the pension whereof you speake thinke you that a King of France will be tributary to any No No assure you he will not and touching the debt because the K. of England gaue occasion to the warres wasted the French Kings countrey thereby caused him to expend such summes of mony as exceeded the debt he tooke himselfe to be acquitted thereof Hereto the English answered that the French King might take matters as he pleased but in honour iustice and conscience no debt was more due and the warres being made for deniall thereof he could not be for that cause acquitted That the pension was also granted vpon diuers causes both weighty and iust and amongst other by reason of the King of Englands vncontrouleable title to Normandie Gascoine and other parts of France Here they were interrupted by M r Rotchpot who brake forth into warme words and was againe as warmely answered but the French would nothing moue from their owne ouertures which they stood vpon by way of conclusions At the last the English said that they might doe well to report these differences to their Masters on both sides that their pleasures might therein be knowne Hereto the French answered that they knew their Kings pleasures so well that if they should send to him againe he would and might thinke them of small discretion and herewith they offered to breake The English told them that if they would breake they might but they intended to conclude nothing vntill they had further instructions from England which they would procure as soone as they could To this the French did easily incline These matters aduertised into England much troubled the counsaile and the rather for that the Earle of Warwicke was at that time retired pretending much infirmity in his health Hereupon many sinister surmises began to spring vp among some of the counsaile partly probable parte happely deuised for as they knew not whether hee were more dangerous present or away so as the nature of all feare is they suspected that which happened to be the worst From hence diuerse of the counsaile began in this manner to murmure against him What said they is he neuer sicke but when affaires of greatest weight are in debating Or wherefore else doth hee withdraw himselfe from the company of those who are not well assured of his loue Wherefore doth he not now come forth and openly ouerrule as in other matters hee is accustomed Would he haue vs imagine by his absence that he acteth nothing Or knowing that all moueth from him shall wee not thinke that he seeketh to enioy his owne ends which bearing blame for any euent Goe to then let him come forth and declare himselfe for it is better that should finde fault with all things whilest they are doing then condemne all things when they are done with those and the like speeches he came to counsaile more ordinary then before and at last partly by his reasons and partly by his authority peace with France was esteemed so necessarie that new instructions were sent to the English Embassadors according whereto peace was concluded vpon these articles 1 That all titles and climes on the one side and defences on the other should remaine to either party as they were before 2 That the fautle of one man except he were vnpunished should not breake the peace 3 That prisoners should be deliuered on both sides 4 That Bouline and other pieces of the new conquest with all the ordinance except such as had beene brought in the English should be deliuered to the French within 6 moneths after the peace proclaimed 5 That ships of merchandise might safely passe and ships of warre be called in 6 That the French should pay for the same 200000 crownes of the summe euery crowne valued at six shillings 8d within three daies after the deliuery of the towne 200000 like crownes more vpon the fifth day of August then next ensuing 7 That the English should make no new warres vpon Scotland vnlesse new occasions should be giuen 8 That if the Scots rased Lords and Dunglasse the English should rase Roxborough and Aymouth and no fortification to be afterwards made in any of those places To these articles the French King was sworne at Amiens the King of England at London Commissioners being especially appointed to take their oaths and for further assurance 6 Hostages were deliuered for the French at Ards and 6 for the English at Guisnes and it was agreed that at the deliuery of Bulloine the English hostages should be discharged that vpon the paiment of the first 200000 crownes 3 of the French hostages should be discharged and other 3 vpon paiment of the last 200000 crownes In the peace the Emperor was comprised in case he would consent and further to cut off future contentions commissioners were appointed both by the English and French to make certaine the limits betweene both territories Other commissioners were appointed summarily to expedite and determine all matters of piracie and depredations betweene the subiects of both kingdoms whereby many had not only liued but thriued many years before So the Lord Clinton gouernor of Bulloine hauing receiued his warrant discharged all his men except 1800 and with them issued out of the towne and deliuered it to M r Chastilion hauing first receiued of him the 6 English hostages and an acquittance for deliuery of the towne and safe conduct for his passage to Calais These 18000 men were afterwards placed vpon the frontires betweene the Emperor and the English Soone after the first paiment of money was made by the French to certaine English commissioners wherevpon 3 of their hostages were discharged the other three namely Count de Anguien next heire to the crowne of France after the Kings children the Marquis de Meaux brother to the Scottish Queene and Montmorencie the constables sonne who at that time chiefly guided the affaires of France came into England They were honourably accompanied and with great estate brought to London where euery of them kept house by himselfe Of the monies of the first paiment 10000 l was appointed for Calais 8000 l for Ireland 10000 l for the North and 2000 l for the Nauie the residue was earefully laid vp in the Tower Likewise of the second paiment wherevpon the hostages aforenamed returned into France 8000 l was appointed for Calais 5000 l for the North 10000 l was emploied for enerease towards outward paiments certaine persons vndertaking that the mony should bee doubled euery moneth the residue was safely lodged in the tower And now it remained that the chiefe actors in this peaee whatsoeuer their aimes were must be both honoured enriched with great rewards first Guidolti the first mouer of the treaty was recompenced
with knighthood 1000 crownes rewards 1000 crownes pension 250 c pensiō to his sonne The Earle of Warwicke was made generall warden of the North had 1000 markes land granted to him and 100 horsemen of the Kings charge M r Herbert his chiefe instrument was made president of Wales and had a grant of 500 l land and thus whether immoderate fauours breed first vnthankfulnesse and afterwards hate and therewith ambitious desires or whether God so punisheth immoderate affections it often happeneth that men are prone to raise those most who worke their ruine in the end Also the Lord Clinton who had beene deputie of Bulloine was made Lord Admirall of England The captains and officers were rewarded with lands leases offices and annuities the ordinary souldiers hauing all their pay and a moneths pay ouer were sent into their countries and great charge giuen that they should be well obserued vntill they were quietly setled at home The light horsemen men at armes were put vnder the Marquis of Northhampton captaine of the Pensioners All the guarde of Bulloine were committed to the Lord Admirall The chiefe captaines with 600 ordinaries were sent to strengthen the Frontires of Scotland Lastly strangers were dispatched out of the realme who after some idle expence of their monies time were likest to be forward either in beginning or in maintaining disorders Presently after this agreement of peace The Duke of Brunswicke sent to the King of England to offer his seruice in the Kings warres with 10000 men of his bande and to entreat a marriage with the Lady Mary the Kings eldest sister Answere was made touching his offer of aide that the Kings warres were ended And touching marriage with the Lady Mary that the King was in speech for her marriage with the Infanta of Portugall which being determined without effect he should fauourably be heard Vpon this also the Emperors Embassadors did expostulate with the King that he had brokē his league with the Emperor To this the King answered that because the Emperor failed in his performances the King was enforced to prouide for himselfe The Embassador desirous as it seemed to make a breach demanded boldly that the Lady Mary should haue the free exercise of the masse This did the King not only constantly deny but herevpon sermons were encreased at court and order taken that no man should haue any benefice from the King but first he should preach before him and in short time after vnder pretence of preparing for sea matters 5000 l were sent to relieue Protestants beyond the seas and further because the Emperor made diuers streight lawes against those of the religion Merchants were charged to forbeare their trade into Flanders so much as they could So as it appeares had some of the English nobility beene either lesse powerfull or more faithfull then they were the King had eares enough and hands enough aswell at home as among good friends abroad either to haue maintained warres against the French or to haue reduced them to a more honourable peace Warres being thus at good appointment peaceable busines was more seriously regarded and whereas an Embassador arriued from Gostaue King of Sweden to knit amity with the King for entercourse of merchants At last these articles were concluded 1 That if the King of Sweden sent Bullion into England he might carry away English commodities without custome 2 That he should carry Bullion to no other Prince 3 That if he sent Ozimus steele copper c. he should pay custome for English commodities as an English man 4 That if he sent other merchandise he should haue free entercourse paying custome as a stranger The mint was set to worke so as it gained 24000 l yearly to the King which should beare his charges in Ireland and bring 10000 l to the treasure 400 men were sent into Ireland and charge giuen that the lawes of England should there be administred the mutinous be seuerely suppressed Verily it may seene strange that among all the horrible hurries in England Ireland was then almost quiet But besides that the King drew much people from thence for seruice in his warres who happely would not haue remained quiet at home the gouernors at that time were men of such choice that neither the nobility disdained to endure their commande nor the inferior sort were suppressed to supply their wants Further 20000 l weight was appointed to be made so much baser as the King might gaine thereby 160000 l. Agreement was also made with Yorke M r of one of the mints that he should receiue the profit of all the Bullion which himselfe should bring and pay the Kings debts to the value of 120000 l and remaine accountable for the rest paying six shillings 8d the ounce vntill the exchange were equall in Flanders and afterwards six shillings 8d and further that he should declare his bargaine to any that should be appointed to ouersee him and leaue off when the King should please that for this the King should giue him 15000 l in prest and license to transport 8000 l beyond the seas to abase the exchange Herewith the base monies formerly coined were cried downe Now it is certaine that by reason of the long hostility which England held against Scotland and France peace was not so hardly concluded as kept But albeit occasions of breach were often offered yet the iudgement moderation of both parts sufficed either to auoide or apease them The Bishop of Glasco comming into England without safe conduct was taken prisoner The French Embassador made means to the King for his discharge but answere was made that the Scots had no such peace with the English that they might passe without safe conduct This was not denied by the M r of Erskine whereupon the Archbishop was retained prisoner but after a short time remitted to his liberty After this the Queene Dowag◅r of Scotland going from France to her countrey passed through England but the French Embassador first obtained her safe conduct she arriued at Portsmouth and was there encountered by diuers of the English nobility of highest quality and estimation as well for doing her honour as for that hauing such pledges she neede not feare at London she soiourned 4 daies being lodged in the Bishops pallace and defraied at the charge of the Citty in which time she was roially feasted by the King at Whitehall At her departure she was attended out of the Citty with all ceremonies pretending to state the Sheriffes of euery shire through which she passed receiued her accompanied with the chiefe gentlemen of the countrey as also they conveied her from one shire to another making alwaies prouision for her entertainment vntill shee came into the borders of Scotland The Earle of Maxwell came with a strong hand to the borders of England against certaine families of Scots who had yeelded to the King of England and the Lord Dacre brought his forces to their aide in which seruice his valour