which being minted in the Tower was no small benefit to the King by the Coynage of it and no lesse benefit to the City and the Kingdome generally in regard the greatest part thereof was stil kept amongst us in lieu of such manufactures and native commodities of this Land as were returned into Flanders for the use of that Army And yet this was not all the service which they did this Summer The French and Hollanders had â—…tred this year into a Confederacy to rout the King of Spaine out of all the Netherlands in which it was agreed amongst other things that the French should invest Dunkirk and the other parts of Flanders with their Forces by Land whilst the Hollanders did besiege them with a Fleet at Sea that so all passages into the Countrey being thus locked up they might the more easily subdue all the Inland parts And in all probability the designe had took effâ—…ct in this very year the King of Spaine noâ—… being able to bring 8000 men into the field and leave his Garrisons provided the people of the other side being so practisâ—…d on by the Holland Faction that few or none of them would Arm to repulse those Enemies But first the formidable appearance of the English Fleet which 〈◊〉 the Hollanders before Dunkirk and then the insolencies of the French at Diest and Tillemont did so incourage and iâ—…flame the hearts of the people that the Armies both of the French and Hollanders returned back again without doing any thing more than the wasting of the Countrey And was not this think we a considerable piece of service also Lastly I am to tell our Author that it was not the Earle of Northumberland as he tells us some lines before but the Earle of Lyndsey which did command the Fleet this Summer Anno 1635. The Earle of Northumberland not being in Commission for this service till the year next following when all the Counties of the Realm were engaged in the charge So as the Kings discretion was called in to part the fray by the committing the Staffe of that Office into the hands of William Juxton Lord Bishop of London March the 6th who though he was none of the greatest scholars yet was withall none of the worst Bishops Our Author still fails in his intelligence both of men and matter For first the occasion of giving the Office of Lord Treasurer to the Bishop of London was not to part a fray between the Archbishop and the Lord Cottington who never came to such immoderate heats as our Author speaks of but upon very good considerations and reasons of State â—…or whereas most of the Lord Treasurers of these latter times had rather served themselves by that Office than the King in it and raising themselves to the Estates and Titles of Earles but leaving the two Kings more incumbred with debts and wants than any of their Predecessors had been known to be it was thought fit to put the Staffe of that Officâ—… into the hands of a Church-man who having no Family to raise no Wife and Chilâ—…ren to provide for might better managâ—… the Incomes of the Treasury to the Kings advantage than they had been formerly and who more fit for that employment among all the Clergie than the Bâ—…shop of London a man of so well tempered a disposition as gave exceeding great content both to Prince and people and being a dear friend of the Archbishops who had served the whole year as Commissioner in that Publick trust was sure to be instructed by him in all particulars which concerned the managing thereof But whereas our Author tells us of him that he was none of the greatest scholars I would faine learn in what particular parts either of Divine or Humane Learning our Author reckons him defective or when our Author sate so long in the Examiners Office as to bring the poor Bishop unto this discovery I know the man and I know also his abilities as well in Publick Exercises as Private Conferences to be as farre above the censure of our Aristarchus as he conceives himself to be above such an ignorant and obscure School-Master as Theophilus Brabaurne It is true he sets him off with some commendation of a calm and moderate spirit and so doth the Lord Faulkland too in a bitter Speech of his against the Bishops Anno 1641 where he saith of him That in an unexpected place and power he expressed an equall moderation and humility being neither ambitious before nor proud after either of the Crozier or white Staffe But there are some whom Tacitus calls Pessimum inimicorum genus the worst kinde of Enemies who under colour of commending expose a man to all the disadvantages of contempt or danger The Communion Table which formerly stood in the midst of the Church or Chancel he enjoyned to be placed at the East end upon a graduated advance of ground with the ends inverted and a wooden traverse of â—…ailes before it Of placing the Communiou Table with the ends inverted we are told before Anno 1628 and if it were then introduced and so farre in practise that notice could be taken of it by the Committee for Religion no reason it should now be charged on the Archbishop as an Act of his But granting it to be his Act not to repeat any thing of that which was said before in justification of those Bishops who were there said to have done the like we doubt not but he had sufficient authority for what he did in the transposing of the Table to the Eastern wall The King by the advice of his Metropolitan hath a power by the Statute 1 Eliz. c. 2. on the hapning of any irreverence to be used by the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church by misusing the Orders appointed in this Book namely the Book of Common Prayers to ordain and publish such further Rites and Ceremonies as may be most for the advancement of Gods glory the edifying of his Church and the due reverence of Christs holy Mysteries and Sacraments And certainly there had been so much irreverence done to the Communion Table standing unfenced as then it did in the middle of the Chancell not onely by scribling and sitting on it as before was noted but also by Dogs pissing against it as of common course and sometimes snatching away the Bread which was provided for the use of the blessed Sacrament that it was more than time to transpose the Communion Table to a place more eminent and to fence it also with a raile to keep it from the like prophanation for the time to come Nor did the Archbishop by so doing outrun authority the King having given authority and 〈◊〉 to it a year before the Metropoliticall Visitation which our Author speaks of The Deane and Chapter of S. Pauls as being Ordinaries of the place had transposed the Communion Table in Saint Gregoryes to the upper end of the Chancel and caused it to be placed Altar-wise which being disliked
Protestant It is true the Covenanters called it the Bishops warre and gave it out that it was raised onely to maintaine the Hirarchy but there was little or no truth in their mouthes the while for the truth is that though Liturgy and Episcopacy were made the occasions yet they were noâ—… the causes of this Warre Religion being but the vizard to disguise that businesse which Covetousnesse Sacriledge and Rapine had the greatest hand in The Reader therefore is to know that the King being engaged in a Warre with Spaine and yet deserted by those men who engaged him in it was faine to have recourse to such other waies of assistance as were offâ—… to him And amongst others he was minded of a purpose which his Father had of revoking all such grants of abbey-Abbey-Lands the Lands of Bâ—…shopricks and Chapters and other Religious Corporations which having been vested in the Crown by Act of Parl. were by that Kings Protectors in the time of his minority conferred on many of the Nobility and Gentry to make them sure unto the side or else by a strong hand of power â—…xtorted from him Being resolved upon this course he intends a Parliament in that Kiâ—…gdome appoints the Eâ—…rl of Niddisdâ—…ale to preside therein and arms hâ—…m with Instructions for 〈◊〉 of an Act of Revocation accordâ—…gly who bâ—…ing on hâ—…s way as farre as Barwick was there informed that all was in a Tumult at Edenbobrough that a rich Coach which he had sent before to Dalkeith was cut in pieces the poor Horses killed the people seeming onely sorry that they could not doâ—… the like to the Earle himselfe Things being brought unto this stand and the Parlâ—…ament put off with a sine die the King was put to a necessity of some second Councels amongst which none seemed so plausible and expedient to him as that of Mr. Archibald Achison then Procuâ—…ator or sollicitor generall in that kingdome who having first told the King that such as were estated in the lands in question had served themselves so well by the bare naming of an Act of Revocation as to possesse the people whom they found apt to be inflâ—…med on such suggestions that the true intendment of that Act was to revoke all former Acts for suppressing of Popâ—…ry and setling the reformed Religion in the Kirk of Scotland and therefore that it would be very unsafe for his Majesty to proceed that way Next he advised that instead of such a general Revocation as that Act imported he should implead them one by one beginning first with those whom he thought least able to stand out or else most willing to conform to his Mâ—…jesties pleasure assuring him that having the Lawes upon his side the Courts of Justice must and would pasâ—…e judgement for him The King resolved upon this course sends home the Gentleman not onely with thâ—…nkes and Knighthood which he had most worthily deserved but with instructions and power to proceed therein and he proceeded in it so effectually to the Kings advantage that some of the impleaded parties being lost in the suite and the rest seeing that though they could raise the people against the King they could not â—…aise them against the Lawes it was thought the best and safest way to compound the businesse Hereupon in the yeare 1631. Commissioners are sent to the Court of England and amongst others the Learned and right Noble Lord of Marcheston from whose mouth I had this whole relation who after a long treaty with the King did agree at last that all such as held hereditary Sheriffdomes or had the power of life and death over such as lived within their jurisdiction should quit those royalties to the King that they should make unto their Tenants in their severall Lands some permanent Estates either for three lives or one and twenty yeares or somâ—… such like Terme that so the Tenants might be incouraged to build and plant and improve the Patrimony of that Kingdome that they should double the yearly rents which were reserved unto the Crown by their former grants and finally that these conditions being performed on their parts the King should settle their Estates by Act of Parliament Home went the Commissioners with joy for their good successe expecting to be entertained with Bells and Bonefires but they found the contrary the proud Scots being resolved rather to put all to hazard than quit that power and Tyranny which they had over their poor vassalls by which name after the manner of the French they called their Tenants And hereunto they were encouâ—…aged under-hand by a party in England who feared that by this agreement the King would be so absolute in those Northern Regions that no aide could be hoped from thence when the necessity of their designes might most require it Just as the Castilions were displeased with the conquest of Portugall by King Philip the second because thereby they had no place left to retire unto when either the Kings displeasure or their disobedience should make their owne Countrey too hot for them From hence proceeded that ill bloud which the King found amongst them when he went for that unlucky Crowne from hence proceeded the seditious Libell of the Lord Ballmerino which our Author speakes of the greatest part of whose Estate was in abby-Abby-Lands From hence proceeded all the practises of the great ones on that busie Faction principled onely for the â—…uine and destruction of Monarchies and finally from hence proceeded the designe of making use of discontented and seditioâ—…s spirits under colour of the Canons and Common-Prayer Book to embroyle that Kingdome that so they might both keep their Lands and not lose their Power the Kings Ministers all this while looking mildely on or acting onely by such influences as they had from Hamilton without either care or course taken to prevent those mischiefes which afterwards ensued upon it But from the Ground proceed we to the Prosecution of the Warre intended concerning which our Author telleth us that The King had amast together considederable power whereof the Earle of Arundel had the chiâ—…fe conduct And so he had as to the command of all the Forces which went by Land the Earl of Essex being Lieutenant Generall of the Foot the E. of Holland of the Horse But then there were some other forces embarqued in a considerable part of the Royall Navy with plenty of Coine and Ammunition which were put under the command of Hamilton the King still going on in his fatall over sights who anchoring with his Fleet in the Frith of Edenborough and laâ—…ding some of his spent men in a little Ifland to give them breath and some refreshments received a visit from his Mother a most rigid Covenanter The Scots upon the shore saying with no small laughter that they knew the Son of so good a Mother could not doe them hurt And so it proved for having loytered thereabouts to no purpose till he heard that the Treaty for the Pacification was begun
opinion of most knowing men that this Cardinal had a very great hand in animating the Scots to such a height of disobedience as we finde them in And this may evidently appeare first by a passage in our Author Fol. 176. in which we finde from the intelligence of Andreas ab Habernefield that the Cardinall sent his Chaplaine and Almoner Mâ—… Thomas Chamberlain a Scot by Nation to assist the confederates in advancing the businesse and to attempt all waies for exasperating the first heat with order not to depart from them till things succeeding as he wished he might returne with good newes Secondly from the Letter writ by the Lord Loudon and the rest of the â—…ovenanters to the French King first published in his Majesties lesser Declaration against the Scots and since exemplified in our Author Fol. 168. of which Letter they could hope for no good effect but as the Cardinall should make way and provide meanes for it Thirdly by the report of a Gentleman from whose mouth I have it who being took Prisoner and brought unto the Scotish Camp immediatly after the fight neer Nuborne found there the Cardinalls Sâ—…cretary in close consultation with the heads of the Covenanters which after his restoring to liberty by the Treaty at Rippon he declared to the King and offered to make it good upon his Oath Fourthly by the impossibility which the Cardinall found in his designes of driving the Spaniard out of Flanders and the rest of the Netherlands unlesse the King was so disturbed and embroyled at home that he could not help them it being heretofore the great master-piece of the Kings of England to keep the Scale even between France and Spaine that neither of them being too strong for the other the affaires of Christendome might be poized in the evener ballance Fiftly by the free accesse and secret conferences which Hamiltons Chaplain had with Con the Popes agent here during such time as Chamberlain the Cardinalls Chaplain laboured to promote the businessâ—… Sixthly Adde hereunto the great displeasure which the Cardinall had conceived against the King for invading the Isle of Rhe and attempting the relief of Rochell and we shall finde what little reason the King had to be perswaded to any beliefe in Cardinall Richelieu though the Embassador might use all his eloquence to perswade him to it And had this presumptuous attempt of the Hollanders met with a King or in times of another temper it would not it 's like have been so silently connived at Most truly spoken this action of the Hollanders being one of the greatest and unsufferablest affronts which ever was puâ—… by any Nation on a King of England I have been told that complaint being made of King James of the barbarous Butchery at Amboyna he fell into a terrible rage throwing his Hat into the fire and then stamping on it and using all the signes of outragious Passion but when Time Sleep had taken off the edge of his Fury he told the Merchants who attended his answer That it was then no time to quarrell with the Hollanders of whom he hoped to make some use for restoring the Palsgrave to his lawfull Patrimony King Charles might make the same answer on this new occasion he had his head and his hands too so full of the Scots that he had no time to quarrell with the Hollanders though certainly if he had then presently turned his Fleet upon the Hollanders wherein no question but the Spaniard would have sided with him he had not onely rectified his honour in the eye of the world but might thereby have taught the Scots a better lessen of Obedience then he had brought them to by the great preparations which he made against them But this I look on in the Hollanders as one of the Consequents or effâ—…cts of the Scottish darings for if the Scots who were his Subjects durst be so bold as to baffle with him why might not they presume a little on his patience who were his confederates and Allies in husbanding an advantage of so great a concernment and having vailed his Crown to the Scots and English why might he not vaile it to them his good friends and neighbours At this close and secret Councell December 5. it was agreed that his Majesty should call a Parliament to assemble April the 13th This secret Councell did consist of no more then three that is the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and who must needs be at the end of every businesse the Marquesse of Hamilton By these it was agreed that the King should be moved to call a Parliament the intimation of it to be presently made but the Parliament it selfe not to be assembled till the middle of April In giving which long intervall it was chiefly aimed at that by the reputation of a Parliament so neer approaching the King might be in credit to take up Money wherewith to put himselfe into a posture of Warre in case the Parliament should faile him but then the inconvenience was as great on the other side that intervall of four Moneths time giving the discontented party opportunity to unite themselves to practice on the Shires and Burroughs to elect such members as they should recommend unto them and finally not onely to consult but to conclude on such particulars which they intended to insist on when they were assembled And though it be extreame ridiculous for me to shoot my Fooles-bable in so great a businesse in which such wise men did concurre yet give me leave to speak those thoughts which I had of that advice from the first beginning reckoning it alwaies both unsafe and unseasonable as the times then were I looked upon it as unsafe in regard that the last Parliament being dissolved in so strange a rupture the Closets of some Members searched many of them Imprisoned and some Fâ—…ned it was not to be hoped but that they would come thither with revengefull thoughts and should a breach happen between them and the King and the Parliament be dissolved upon it as it after was the breach would be irreparable as indeed it proved I looked upon it as unseasonable also in regard that Parliaments had been so long discontinued and the people lived so happily without them that very few took thought who should see the next and 〈◊〉 that the neighbouring Kings and States beheld the King with greater veneration then they had done â—…ormerly as one that could stand on his own leggs and had scrued up himselfe to so great power both by Sea and Land without such discontents and brabbles as his Parliaments gave him But whatsoever it was in it selfe either safe or seasonable I am sure it proved neither to the men who advâ—…sed the calling of it unlesse it were to Hamilton onely of which more hereafter Yet the King was willing to allow them all the faire dealing he in honour could hoping to gaine upon them by the sweetnesse of his carriage but
which followed viz Since with this yeare thy name doth so agree Then shall this yeare to thâ—… most fatall bee And in the upshot were fined as was reported six thousand pounds And this is all the City suffered for Lambs death not that they payed six thousand pounds or â—…t any such Fine was imposed upon them but that they were abused with this false Report But to say truth I hope my Masters of the City will excuse me for it a fine of 60000 li. had been little enough to expiate such a dangerous Riot and so viâ—…e muâ—…r in which both Mayor and Magistrates had contracted a double guilt Fiâ—…t in not taking care to suppresse the Râ—…ot which in a discontented and uâ—…quiet City might have gathered strength and put the whole Kingdom into blood before its time And â—…econdly in not taking order to prevent the murder or bring the Malefactors to the Bâ—…rre of Justice The punâ—…shment of the principall Actors in this barbarous Tragedy mighâ—… possibly have preserved the life of the Duke of Buckingham and had the City smarted for not doing their duty it might in probability have prevented the like Riot at Edinburgh Non ibi consistunt exempla ubi coeperunt saith the Court-Historian Examples seldome â—…nd where they take beginning but eiâ—…her first or last will finde many followers And though Lamb might deserve a farre greater punishment than the fury of an ungovâ—…rned Multitude could 〈◊〉 upon him yet suffering without Form of Law it may very well be said that he suffered unjuftly and that it was no small peece of injustice that there was no more justice done in revâ—…nge thereof Connivance at great crimes adds authority to them and makes a Prince lose more in strength than it gets in love For howsoever maâ—…ers of Grace and Favour may oblige some particular persons yet it is justice impartiall and equall justice that gives satisfaction unto all and is the chief supporter of the Royall Throne God hath not put the sword into the hands of the supreme powers that they should bear the same in vain or use it only for a shew or a signe of soverâ—…ignty for then a scabbard with a pair of hilts would have served the turn In his Will he bequeathed to his Dutchess the fourth part of his Lands for her Joyntâ—… And that was no grâ—…t Joynture for so great a Lady I never heard that the whole estate in lands which the Duke died dâ—…d of of his own purchasing or procuring under two great Princes came to Foure thousand pounds per annum which is a very strong Argument that he was not covetous or did abuse his Masters favours to his own enriching And though hee had Three hundred thousand pounds in Jewels as our Authour tells us yet taking back the sixty thousand pounds which he owed at his death two hundred forty thousand pounds is the whole remainder a pretty Aldâ—…ans Estate and but hardly that Compare this poor pittance of the Dukes with the vast Estate of Cardinall Ricâ—… the favourite and great Minister of the late French King and it will seem no greater than the Widows mitâ—… in respect of the large and cost y Offerings of the Scribes and Phaâ—… The Cardinals Estate being valued at the time of his death at sixty millions of Franks in rents and monies which amount unto six millions of pounds in our English estimate whereas the Dukes amounted not to a full third part of one million onely Such was the end of this great Duke not known to me either in his Fâ—…owns or his Favours nec beneficio nec injuria notus in the words of Tacitus and therefore whatsoever I have written in relation to him will be imputed as I hope to my love to truth not my affections to his person His body was from thence conveyed to Portsmouth and there hung in chains but by some stole and conveyed away Gibbet and all Our Authour is deceived in this for I both saw the whole Gibbet standing and some part of the body hanging on it about three years after the people being so well satisfied with the death of the Duke that though they liked the murder they had no such care of the Wretch that did it That which might possibly 〈◊〉 him was the lâ—…ke injury done by some Puritanicall Zealots to the publick Justice in taking down by stealth the body of Enoch ap Evans that furious Welch-man who killed his Mother and his Brother for kneeling at the blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper and for those 〈◊〉 factâ—… was hangâ—…d in chains not farre from Shrewsbury The Narrative whereof was published in print by one Mr. Studly and to him I refâ—… the Reader if he desire any farther satisfaction in it After this Mr. Montague ' s Booke called Appello Caesarem was called in by Proclamation This Proclamation beareth date the 17th day of January In which it was to be observed that the Book is not charged with any false Doctrine but for being the first cause of those disputes and differences which have since much troubled the quiet of the Church His Majesty hoping that the occasion being taken away mâ—… would no longer trouble themselves with such unnecessary disputations Whether His Hiâ—… did well in doing no more if the Book contained any false Doctâ—… in it or in doing so much if it were done only to please the Parliament as our Authour telâ—… us I take not upon me to determine Buâ—… certainly it never falleth out well with Christian Princes when they make Religion bend to Policy and so it hapned to this King the calling in of Montague's Book and the advancing of Dr. Barnaby Potter a thorow-paced Calvinian unto the 〈◊〉 of Carlâ—…sle at the same time also could not get him any love in the hearts of His people who looked upon those Acts no otherwise than as tricks of King craft So true is that of the wise Historian whom I named last inviso sâ—…mel Principe 〈◊〉 bene facta ceu male facta premunt that is to say when Pâ—…inces once are in discredit with their Subjects as well their good actions as their bad are all counted grievances For 〈◊〉 informations were very pregnant that notwithstanding the Resolution of the Archbishop of Canterbury and other reverend Bishops and Divines assembled at 〈◊〉 Anno 1595. c. Our Authour in this Folio gives me work enough by setting out the large spreading of Arminianisme and the great growth of Popery in the Church of England First for Arminianisme hee telleth us that the proofs thereof were very pregnant How so Because the nine Articles made at Lambeth had not of late been so much set by as he and the Committee for Religion did desire they should Why mâ—…n The Articles of Lambeth were never looked on as the Doctrine of the Church of England nor intended to be so looked on by the men that made them though our Authour please to tell us in following words
Armes by meanes whereof the subject of the following Ages might be very much burdened and the Noble Order of Knighthood no lesse dishonoured without any remedy And besides this in case the letter of the Statute in French or Latine had been onely to bear Armes not to take the order of Knighthood the late long Parliament would rather have questioned the Kings Ministers for their acting by it then troubled themselves with Repealing it as they after did For such was the misery of this King that all the advantages he had to help himselfe must be condemned as done against the old Lawes of the Land or else some new Law shall be made to deprive him of them that wanting all other meanes to support himselfe he might be forced to live on the Almes of his Parliament This Winter the Marquesse of Hamilton was very active in mustering up his forces for the King of Swedens assistance c. That so it was in the Kings intention I shall easily grant but that the Marquesse had no other end in it than the King of Swedens assistance hath been very much doubted the rather in regard that he raised all or the greatest part of his Forces out of Scotland where he was grown very popular and of high esteem For being gotten into the head of an Army of his own Nation he had so courted the common Souldiers and obliged most of the Commanders that a health was openly began by DavidRamsey a boisterous Ruffian of the Court to King James the seventh and so much of the designe discovered by him unto Donald Mackay Baron of Reâ—… then being in the Marquesses Camp that the Loyall Gentleman thought himselfe bound in duty to make it known unto the King Ramsey denying the whole matter and the Lord having no proof thereof as in such secret practises it could hardly be more than a confident asseveration and the engagement of his honour the King thought good to referre the Controversie to the Earle of Lindsey whom he made Lord high Constable to that end and purpose many daies were spent accordingly in pursuance of it But when most men expected that the matter would be tried by battell as had been accustomed in such cases the businesse was hushed up at Court the Lord Ree dismissed to his employments in the warres and to the minds of all good men the Marquesse did not onely continue in the Kings great favour but Ramsey was permitted to hold the place of a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber which had been formerly procured for him As for the Army of Scots which the Marquesse had carried into Germany they mouldred away by little and little without doing any thing which put the Marquess on new Councils of getting that by practise when it was lesse thought of which he could not get by force of Armes as the case then stood Tilly conducted a numerous Army for the relief of Rostock then besieged by the King of Sweden the King alarmed at his coming drew out of his Trenches c. In this relation of the great â—…out which the King of Sweden gave to Tilly there are many mistakes For neither was that great Battail sought neer Rostock a Hanse town in the Dukedome of Mecklenbourg but neer Lipsian a chief Town in the Province of Misnia some hundreds of miles higher into the Countrey nor did the King of Sweden after this great Victory returne back with his Army towards Rostock but in pursuance of his blow marched forward and made himself master of all those parts of the Country into which he came nor was this Battail fought in the yeare 1630 where our Authour placeth it so much doth he mistake himselfe both in place and time but in the year next following For many had no fancy to the work meerly because he was the promoter of it Our Author speakes here of the repairing of Saint Pauls and telleth us that it suffered great diminution for the Bishop of London's sake who was the chief promoter of it in which he is very much mistaken The worke had been twice or thrice before attempted without any effect but by his diligence and power wâ—…s brought in shore time to so great forwardnesse that had not his impeachment by the House of Commons in the late long Parliament put a period unto his indeavours it had been within a very few yeares the most goodly pile of building in the Christian world And whereas our Author tells us that many had no fancy to the worke because he promoted it it was plainly contrary his care in the promoting it being one great reason why so many had a fancie to it most of the Clergy contributing very largely unto it partly in reference to the merit of the worke it selfe and partly in regard of those preferments which they either had received or expected from him The like did most of the Nobility and Gentry in most pâ—…rts of the Land knowing the great power and favour which he had wiâ—…h the King and the many good offices he might doe them as occasion served If any had no fancy to it as indeed some had not it was rather in reference to the worke it sâ—…lfe then in relation to the man it being more in their desires that all the Cathedrals should be ruined then that any one should be repaired witnesse that base and irrâ—…rent expression of that known Schismatick Doctor Bastwick in the second part of his Letany where grudging at the great summâ—…s of money which had been gathered for the repairing of this Church al'â—…ding to the name of Cathedrall he concludes â—…t last pardon me Reader for defiâ—…g my pen with such immodesties that all the mighty masse of money must be spent in making a seat for a Priests arse to sit in And doubt we not but many more of that Faction were of his opinion though they had not so much violence and so little wit as to make Declaration of iâ—… But should he long deferre that duty they â—…ight perhaps be inclined to make choice of another King I do not think that any of the Scots ever told him so whatsoever they thoughâ—… or if they did the King might very well have seen that there was more truth in the Lord of Roes information then he was willing to believe and might accordingly have taken course to prevent the practice But who can save him who neglects the meanes of his preservation So true is that of the Historian Profecto in eluctabilis fatorum vis cujus fortunam mentare constituit ejus corrumpit consilia Assuredly â—…th he when the unresistable powers of Fâ—…te determine on a mans destruction they either overthrow or corrupt those Councels by which he might otherwise avoide it A maxâ—…me verified in the whole course and carriage of this Kings affaires neglecting wilfully to keep up the credit of an old principle which he had embraced all such advertisements as tended to his preservation It was a saying of
King James that suspition was the sicknesse and disease of a Tyrant which laid him open to all the subtill practises of malitious cunning and it was a maxime of King Charles that it was better to be deceived then to distrust which proved a plaine and 〈◊〉 way unto those calamities which afterwards were brought upon him as may be plainly seen by the course of this History But the entertainment most of all august and Royal was that of the Earl of Newcastle at Welbâ—…ck which was estimated to stand the Earl in at least six thousand pounds I have shewed our Author some mistakes already in his Temporalities as he calls them and now I shall shew him one or two besides his misplacing of the battaile of Tisfique spoken of before in his Localities also to give him a fine word of his owne complection That the Earl of Newcastle entertained the King at Welbâ—…k in his passage towards Scotland is a truth unquestioned But the magnificent entertainment so much talked of which cost the Earl the summe of six thousand pounds as our Author telleth us was neither made in the time or place which are herein mentioned that in the time of the Kings going toward Scotland or returning thence Anno 1633 but on the last of July in the yeare next following nor was it made at Welbeck but at Boalsover Castle in Derby shire about five miles thence nor for the entertainment of the King onely but of the King and Queen and their severall Courts The like mistake in matter of Locality that I may not trouble my selfe with it at another time occurreth Fol. 129. where he telleth us thâ—… both their Majesties with their train of Court Granâ—…s and Gentlemen Revellers were solemnly invited to a most sumptuous banquet at Guildhall where that â—…lendent shew was iterated and re-exhibited whereas indeed the entertainment which the City gave at that time to the King was at the house of Alderman Freeman then Lord Major scituâ—…e in Cornhill nâ—… the Royall Exchange and the entertainment which the King gave unto the City by shewing them that glorious Maske was at the Merchant Taylers Hall in Thredneedle-street on the backside of the Lord Majors House an open passage being made from the one to the other which as it was the first Act of Popularity which the King did in all his Râ—…ign so it begâ—… a high degree of affection towards him in the hearts of the Citizens though it proved only like a Widows joy as the saying is as soon lost as founâ—… Soon after the Coronation followed an Assembly of Parliament c. In this Parlmany Acts were passed one for sâ—…ling a câ—…rtain maintenance on the Scotish Clergy who being robbed of their Tithes by the Lords and Gentry in the beginning of the Reformation were kept to arbitrary Stipends which rendred them obnoxious to the power of the great ones on whose bounty they depended to remedy this K. James endevour'd a seâ—…led maintâ—…nance on them after He came to the English Crown but effâ—…cted by the great care and industry of K. Charles and confirmed this Parliament How these ungratefull men did requite Him afterwards our Author will inform us in the course of his History This done he hastened home that is unto the Embraces of his deare consort where he ended his progresse July the 20. The Queen was then at Greenwich when the King came to her and to which place he came both suddenly and privately by Post-horses crossing the water at Black Wall without making his entrance into London or his passage by it Whereas Queen Elizabeth did very seldome end any of her Summer progresses but she would wheele about to some end of London and make her passage to White-Hall through some part of the City not onely requiring the Lord Major and Aldermen in their Scarlet robes and Chaines of Gold to come forth to meet her but the severall Companies of the City to attend soleâ—…nly in â—…hcir Formalities as she passed along By â—…anes whereof she did not onely preâ—…erve the Majestie which did of right beâ—…ong to a Queen of England but kept the Citizens and consequently all the Subjects in a reverent estimation and opinion of her She used the like Arts also in keeping up the Majesty of the Crown and service of the City in the reception and bringing in of Forreign Embassadors who if they came to London by Water were met at Gravesend by the Lord Major the Aldermen and Companies in their severall Barges and in that solemn sort conducted unto White Hall staires but if they were to â—…ome by Land they were met in the like sort at Shooters Hill by thâ—… Major Aldermen and thence conducted to their lodgings the Companies waiting in the streets in their severall habits The like she used also in celebrating the Obsequies of all Christian Kings whether Popish or Protestant with whom she was in correspondence performed in such a solemn and magnificent manner that it preserved Her in the estimation of all forreign Princes though differing in Religion from Her besides the great contentmâ—…nt which the people took in those Royal actions Some other Arts she had of preserving Majestie and keeping distance with Her people yet was so popular withall when she saw Her time that never Majestie and Popularity were so matched togâ—…ther But these being layed aside by K. James who brooked neither of them and not resumed by King Charles who had in this point too much of the Father in him there followed first a neglect of their Persons which Majesty would have made more sacred and afterward a mislike of their Government which a little Popularity would have made more gratefull A very learned man he was his erudition all of the old stamp stiâ—…y principled in the Doctrine of S. Augustine which they who understand it not call Calvianisme Of the Lâ—…arning of Archbishop Abbot and how farre it was of the old stamp I shall say nothing at the present But whereas our Authour makes Calvianisme and the Doctrine of S. Augustine to be one and the same I think he is very much out in that â—… there being some things maintained by S. Augustine not allowed by Calvin and many things maintained by Calvin which were never taught him in S. Augustine S. Augustine was a great maintainer of Episcopacy which the Calvinians have ejecteâ—… out of all their Churches and was so strict in defence of the necessity of Baptisme that he doomed all Infants dying without it to the Pains of Hell and thereby got the name of Infant damastiques whereas many of the Calvinists make Baptisme a thing so indifferent si habeaâ—… recte si careas nihil damni as one telleth us of them that it is no great matter whether it be used or not And on the other side the Calvinists maintain a Parity of Ministers in the Church of Christ conditional obedience to the Civil Magistrate the suffering of the Pains of Hell in
by some few ordinary Parishioners and an Appeale made from the Ordinary to the Deane of the Arches the Cause was brought before the King then sitting in his Privie Council Anno 1633. who on the hearing of all parties and the Reasons alledged on both sides having first testified His dislike of all Innovations He concludes at last That hâ—… did well approve and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinary and also gave commandemâ—…nt that if those few Parishioners before 〈◊〉 did proceed in their said Appeal then the Dâ—…an of the Arches should confirm the said Order of the aforesaid Deane and Chapter Here was authority enough as good authority for the Archbishop to proceed upon in his Visitation as the Prevogative Royall the new Statute of the Queen and the old Lawes of the Land could give him This then was no Anomalous Innovation as our Author calls it The King it seems thought otherwise of it and so did all men studied in the Rules of this Church and the practice of approved Antiquity who looked upon it as a Renovation of a Rite disused not as an Innovation or Introduction of a new Ceremonie never used before But sure our Author had forgotten when these words fell from him what he said before of the Remisse Government of Archbishop Abbot the titular Archbishop as he calls him there but Titular in nothing so much as not doing the duties of his Office of whom hâ—… tells us Fol. 127. that by his extraordinary remisnesse in not exacting strict conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremonie he led in such an habit of Inconformity as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation But the Controversie is not onely managed betwixt our Author and himself but as he telleth us afterward between Bishops and Bishops for as he saith The Bishop of Lincolne published a Tract under a concealed name positively asserting therein that the holy Table antiently did in the Primitive times and ought so in ours according to the Dictates of our Church stand in Gremio and Nave of the Quire The Tract here meant was called The Holy Table name and thing in which the Bishop hath said much but asserted little Affirmations are no Proofs in Law and multitudes of allegations falsified in themselves and wrested to a contrary seâ—…ce make not one good Evidence yet this is all we are to look for in the Bishops Book It being not untruly said in the Answerers Preface that he came armed into the field with no other weapons than impudence ignorance and falshoods And to say truth it can be no otherwise when a man writes both against his science and his conscience as we have very good cause to think this Bishop did Look on him in the point of practise and we shall finde the Communion Table placed Altar-wise in the Cathedral Church of Lincolne whereof he was Bishop and in the Collegiate Church of Westminster of which he was Dean and in the private Chappel of his House at Bugdon in which last it was not only placed Altar-wise but garnisht with rich Plate and other costly Utensils one of his own words in more than ordinary manner Look on him in his letter to the Vicar of Grantham and he tells him thus that your Communion Table is to stand Altar-wise if you meane in that place of the Chancell where the Altar stood I thinke somewhat may be said for that because the injunctions 1559. diâ—… so place it and I conceive it to be the most decent scituation when it is not used and for use too where the quire is mounted up by steps and open so that he that officiates may be seene and heard of all the Congregation Nor writes he thus onely to that Vâ—…ar but he allowes it in that Tract which my Author speakes of both in Cathedrall Churches and in the Kings Chappels and in the Chappels of great men which certainly have no more Law for it then what the Archbishop had for placing it in the Parish Churches which as the Bishop telleth the Vicar are to be presidented by the formes in his Majesties Chappels and in the Quires of their Cathedralls If it be asked what moved the Bishop to stickle so stoutly in this businesse it may be answered that he loved to fiâ—…sh in a troubled water that being a man which considered only his own ends he went such wayes as most conduced to the â—…ccomplishing of the ends he aimed at Being in Power and place at Court in the time of K. James he made himself the head of the Popish Faction because he thought the match with Spaine which was then in treaty would bring not only a connivance to that Religion but also a Toleration of it And who more like to be in favour if that match went on then such as were most zealous in doing good offices to the Catholick cause But being by King Charles deprived first of the Great Seale and afterwards commanded to retire from Westminster he gave himselfe to be the head of the Puritane party opposing all the Kings proceedings both in Church and State and amongst others this of placing the Communion Table to make himselfe gracious with that Sect who by their shy practises and insinuations and by the Remisse Government and connivance of Archbishop Aâ—…ot had gained much ground upon the people If it be asked what authority I have for this I answer that I have as good as can be wished for even our Author himselfe who telleth us of this Bishop Fol. 145. That being malevolently inclined by the Kings disfavours he thought he could not gratifie beloved revenge better then to endeavour the supplanting of his Soveraigne To which end finding him declining in the affections of his people he made his Apostraphe and applications to them fomenting popular discourses tending to the Kings dishonour c. And being set upon this pinne no mervaile if he entertained the present occasion of making the Archbishop odiouâ—… and the King himselfe lesse pleasing in the eyes of the Subjects But of this Bishop we may perhaps have some occasion to speak more hereafter In the meane time we must follow our Author who having done with the Archbishop goes on to his Instruments for so he calls them in which he saith he was most unhappy Why so because saith he They were not blamelesse in their lives some being vitious even to scandall Our Author needed not have told us in his Preface by the way of prevention that he should be thought no friend to the Clergy we should have found that here in such Capitall Letters as any man that runs might read them Vitious even to scandall that goes high indeed and it had well become our Author to have named the men that so the rest of the Clergy might have been discharged of that â—…oule reproach For my part I have took some paines to inquire after such instruments and subordinate
neer Barwick he left those shores and came in great Post-haste as it was pretended to disturb that businesse which was to be concluded before he came thither But this vile dealing makes me Sea-sick I returne to Land where I finde that All the preparation both of one side and the other proved onely an interview of two Armies nothing being acted considerable in way of Engagement That so it was is a truth undoubted but how it came to passe that it should be so would be worth a knowing For never did so many of the Lords and Gentry attend a King of England in an expedition against that people nor never did they carry with them a greater stock of Animosities and indignation then they did at this present But first I have been told by some wise and understanding men about the King that he never did intend to fight as they afterwards found but onely by the terrour of so great on Army to draw the Scots to doe him reason And this the Covenanters knew as well as he there being nothing which he said did or thought so farre as thoughts might be discovered by signes and gestures but what was forthwith posted to them by the Scots about him And this I am the more apt to credit because when a notable and well experienced Commander offered the King then in Camp neer Barwick that with two thousand Horse which the King mighâ—… very well have spared he would so waste and destroy the Countrey that the Scots should come upon their knees to implore his mercy He would by no meanes hearken to the Pâ—…oposition Nor were the Lords and pâ—…rsons of most note about him more forward at the last then he For having given way that the Eâ—…rles of Roxborough and Traquair and other Nobâ—…e mâ—…n of that Nation might repair to Yorke for mediating some atonement between the King and his people they plyed their busineâ—…s so well that by representing to the Lords of the English Nation the dangers they would bring themselves into if the Scots were totally subdued they mitigated the displeasures of some and so took off the edge of others that they did not go from Yorke the same men they came thither on the discovery of which practice and some intelligence which they had with the Covenanters the Earls of Traquair and Roxborough were confined to their Chambers the first at Yorke and the second at New Castle but presently dismissed againe and sent back to Scotland But they had first done the worke they came for for never were men so sodainly cooled as the Lords of England never did men make clearer shewes of an alteration by their words and 〈◊〉 in so much that the Scottish Army beginning to advance and the Earl of Holland being sent with a great body of Horse to attend upon them he presently sent word unto the King in what danger he was and how he stood in feare of being under-ridden as I take it by the Galloway Naggs and thereupon received order to retire Againâ—… No marvell if things standing in this condition the King did cheerfully embrace any overture which rended to a Pacification or did make choice of such persons to negotiate in it who were more like to take such termes as they could get then to fight it out Amongst which termes that which was most insisted on by the Scotch Commissioners because it was most to their advantage and the Kings disabling was That he recall all his Forces by Land or Sea Which he did accordingly and thereby lost all those notable advantâ—…ges which the gallantry of his Army the greatness of his preparations both by Sea and Land and the weaknesse of an inconsiderable Enemy might assure him of But he had done thus once before that is to say at the returning of his Forces and Fleet from Rochel Anno 1628. at what time He was in no good termes with His Subjects and in worse with His Neighbours having provoked the Spaniard by the invading of the Isle of Gadas and the French by invading the Isle of Rhe which might have given Him ground enough to have kept his Army and His authority withall and when an Army once is up it will keep it self necessity of State ruling and over-ruling those Concessions and Acts of Grace to which the Subjects may pretend in more setled times But His errour at this time was worse than that the Combustions of Scotland being raised so high that the oyle of Graces rather tended to increase than to quench their flâ—…me Had He recalled his Forces onely from the Shores and Borders of that Kingdome which is the most that He was bound to by the Pacification till He had seen the Scots disbanded their Officers cashiered their Forts and Castles garrisoned with English Souldiers and some good issue of the Assembly and Parliament to be held at Edinborough He had preserved His honour among Forreigne Princes and crushed those practices at home which afterwards undermined His peace and destroyed His glories But doing it in this form and manner without effecting any thing which He seemed to Arme for He animated the Scots to commit new insolencies the Dutch to affront Him on Hiâ—… own shoares and which was worst of all gave no small discontentment to thâ—… English Gentry who having with great charge engaged themselves in this expedition oâ—… of hope of getting Honour to the King their Countrey and themselves by their faithfull service were suddenly dismissed not onely without that honour which they aimed at but without any acknowledgment of their love and loyalty A matter so unpleasing to them that few of them appeared in the next years Army many of them turned against Him in the following troubles the greatest part looking on His successes with a carelesse eye as unconcerned in His affaires whether good or evil But from miscarriages in this Warre I might passe next to a mistake which I finde in our Author concerning the antient way of constituting the Scotish Parliaments of which he telleth us that The King first named eight Bishops then those Bishops chose eight Noble men those Noble men chose so many Barons and those the like number of Burgesses c. Not altogether so as our Author hath it for the King having first named 8. Bishops and the Bishops named 8. Noble men the Bishops and Noble men together chose 8. Commissioners for the Sheriffdomes and as many for the Boroughs or Corporations which two and thirty had the Names of the Lords of the Arricles and had the canvassing and correcting of all the Bills which were offered to the Parliament before they were put to the Vote And perswaded His Majesty that the Cardinall of Richelieu would be glad to serve His Majesty or his Nephew c. That the French Ambassadour did indeavour to perswade the King to that belief I shall easily grant but am not willing to believe that the King should be so easily perswaded to it it being the