at London to whome the King made faith for the safetie of their persons and indemnitie of their goods and that nothing should be attempted without their priuitie and aduise all this was as rashly belieued as it was craftely giuen out whereupon the Dukes dissembled their feares and dissolued their forces and remained in expectancie what would ensue A little before the feast of Saint Michael the Parliament began at London wherein Sir Iohn Bushie Sir William Bagot and Sir Heâ—rie Greene were principall agents for the Kings purpose These were then in all the credite and authoritie with the King and his chiefest Schoole-masters both of crueltie and deceite they were proude arrogant and ambitious and vppon confidence of the Kings fauour professed enemies to men of auncient Nobilitie to the ende that being lately start vp they might become more famous by maintaining contention with great persons And first by their importunate trauaile all the Charters of pardon graunted by the King were in this Perliament annulled and reuoked Then the prelates did constitute Sir Henrie Percie their procurator and departed the house because they might not be present in iudgement of bloud Lastly the Earle of Arundell and the Earle of Warwicke were arraigned and for the same offences for which they had bene pardoned namely for encroaching to themselues royall power in iudging to death Simon Burlye Iohn Berneis and others without the Kings consent were condemned to be hanged drawne and quarterâ—d but the King so moderated the seueritie of this sentence that the Earle of Arundell was onely he headed and the Earle of Warwicke committed to perpetuall imprisonment in the Ile of Man The Duke of Gloucester was so greatly fauoured that it was thought a point both of policie and peace notto bring him to his open answere but to put him to death secreately so he was strangled vnder a fether bedde at Calice by the Earle of Notingham being then Earle Marshall which death howsoeuer he deserued yet dying as he did not called not heard he died as guiltlesse In this same Parliament Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterburie was also accused for executing the commision against Michaell Delapoole Earle of Suffolke for which cause his temporalties were seazed his lands and goods forfeited as well in vse as in possession and himselfe was adiudged to exile charged to depart the realme within sixe weekes then next ensuing So hee went into Fraunce where afterwardes he became a principall meane of the reuolt which followed Also the Lord Cobham was exiled into the Ile of Gernsey and Sir Reinolde Cobham was condemned to death not for entring into any attempt against the King but because he was appointed by the Lords to be one of his gouernours and of his counsaile in the 11. yeare of his raigne Now the King falsely supposing that he was free from all daungers and that the humour against him was cleane purged and spent conceiued more secreate contentment then he would openly bewraye as more able to dissemble his ioy then conceale his feare being so blinded and bewitched with continuall custome of flatteries that hee perceiued not that the state of a Prince is neuer stablished by cruelty and crafce On the other side the common people were much dismayed hauing nowe lost those whome they accompted their onely helpes and their onely hopes both for their priuate affaires and for supporting the state and because these mishapes hapned vnto them for maintaining a cause of common dislike the peoples stomacke was stirred thereby to much hate and hearte-burning against the King And to make their deathes the more odious the Earle of Arundell was reputed a martyr and pilgrimages were dayly made to the place of his buriall the rumour also was current but without either authour or grounde that this his head was miraculously fastened againe to his body this whilest all men affirmed and no man knewe the King caused the corpes to bee taken vp and viewed ten daies after it was interred and finding the cause to be fabulous hee caused the ground to be paued where the Earle was layde and all mention of his buriall to be taken away forbidding publickly and such speaches of him afterwardes to bee vsed but this restrainte raysed the more and they who if it had beene lawefull woulde haue saide nothing beeing once forbidden coulde not forbeare to talke It was also constantly reported that the King was much disquieted in his dreames with the Earle who did often seeme to appeare vnto him in so terrible and truculent manner that breaking his fearefull sleepe he would curse the time that euer he knew him In the one and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard Henry Earle of Darby was created Duke of Herforde at which time the King created foure other Dukes to wit Duke of Aumerle who was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Excester who was before Earle of Huntington and Duke of Norfolke who was before Earle of Notingham This degree of honour long time after the conquest of the Noâ—mans whose chiefest rulers had no higher title was accompted too great for a subiect to beare the fourme of the common-wealth beeing framed by the victors farre from equallity of all and yet the King excepted without eminencie of any At the length King Edward the third created his eldest Sonne Edward Duke of Cornewale and made this honour hereditary conferring it vnto many since which time diuerse princes of this lande haue bene either put or kept or hazarded from their estate by men of that quallity and degree The King likewise created the Countesse of Norfolke Duchesse of Norfolke the Earle of Sommerset Marquesse of Sommerset the Lorde Spencer Earle of Gloucester the Lorde Neuill Earle of Westmerland the Lorde Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Thomas Darcy his steward Earle of Worcester Among these hee made diuision of a great parte of the landes of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and warwicke supposing by this double liberality of honour and possessions to haue purchased to himselfe most firme friendships but bought friendes for the most parte are seldome either satisfied or sure and like certaine Rauens in Arabia so long as they are ful doe yeeld a pleasant voyce but being empty doe make a horrible crie Now the Duke of Hereford raysed his desires together with his dignities and either vpon disdaine at the vndeserued fauour and aduancement of some persons about the Kingâ— or vpon dislike that the King was so dishonourably both abused and abased by them or else perhaps vppon desire to manifest his owne sufficiencie in matters of controwlement and direction being in familiar discourse with Thomas Mowbraye Duke of Norfolke he brake into complaint how the King regarded not the noble princes of his bloud and Peeres of the Realme and by extreamities vsed to some discouraged the rest from entermedling in any publique affaires how in steade of these hee was
to the noble Prince Henrie the seuenth Henrie Plantagenet Earle of Derby was likwise by his mother Blaâ—ch extracted from the bloud of Kngs being discended from Edmund the second sonne of King Henrie the third by which line the Dâ—chie of Lancaster did â—â—creâ—e vnto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agilitie of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch ioyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and aduised in all his actions Hee was quicke and present in conceite forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in euent There was no great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glorie then refuse either for peril or for paines and in seruice hee often prooued himselfe not onely a skilfull commaunder by giuing directions but also a good Souldier in vsing his weapon aduenturing further in person sometimes then policie would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receiptes he was verie courteous and familiar respectiuely towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regarde especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by vnprofitable curtesies then by 〈◊〉 benefits In all the changes of his estate he was almost one and the same man in aduersitie neuer daunted in prosperitie neuer secure reteining still his maiestie in the one and his mildnes in the other neither did the continuance of his Raigne bring him to a proude port and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares he remained so gentle faire in cariage that therby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard He could not lightly be drawne into any cause was stiffe constant in a good Yet more easie to be either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to be terrified by threats To some men he seemed too greedie of glorie making small difference of the meanes whereby he attained it and indeede this humour in noble minds is most hardly ouer-ruled and oftentimes it draweth euen the 〈…〉 But before I proceede any further in describing either the qualities or actes of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his cosin germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either caâ—fer or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the thirde Crowned King ouer this Realme of England in the eleuenth yeare of his age at which yeares the minde of man is like to the poâ—â—teis earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way so euer it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the gouernaunce of the King at the first was comitted to certaine Bishops Earles 〈◊〉 and Iustices But either vppon 〈…〉 the King or negligence to discharge their dutie 〈…〉 was more ready with pleasant 〈◊〉 to delight 〈◊〉 then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speaches neede small endeauour and alwaies findeth fauour whereas to aduise that which is meete is a point of some paines and many timesâ— thanklesse office Herrâ— vpon two daungerous euils did 〈…〉 In and priuate respects did passe vnder publike 〈◊〉 In the thirde yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should be committed to one man to auoide thereby the vnnecessarie wast of the treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend vnto many So by the whole consent of the nobilitie and commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwicke and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Eschequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did iâ—â—â—deratly bend himselfe to the fauouring and aduansing of certaine persons which were both reproueable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconueniences for many yong noble-men and braue Courtiers hauing a nimble eye to the 〈…〉 and dislikes of the King gave ouer themselues to a dissolute and dishonestlise which findeth some followers when it findeth deth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thriue the King also by fauouring these was himselfe little fauoured and loued of many for it is oftentimes a daungerous to a Prince to haue euil and odious adherents as to bee euill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Neâ—ill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veâ—â—â— Earle of Oxford Michael 〈◊〉 afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Triâ—iliane Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminencie either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwaies next vnto him both in companie and counsell by these he ordered his priuate actions by these he managed his affaires of state he spared neither the dignitie nor death of any man whose aucthoâ—â—ie and life withstoode their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his Raigne he remooued Sir Richard Seroopâ— from being Lord Chauncellor of England to which office he was by aucthoritie of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the graunt of certaine lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his denial the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties vpon whome the King might cast away and confirme but spend in good order he could not aduertising him also to haue respect that ryote did not deceiue him vnder the tearme and shewe of liberalitie and that gifts well ordered procure not so much loue as placed without descretion they stirre 〈◊〉 This Chancellor was a man of notable integritâ— and diligence in his office not scornfully turning away from the ragged coat of a poore suppliant or pale face of a fickely feeble 〈…〉 holding vp their simple soiled billes of complaint not yet smothering 〈…〉 with partiall 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 mighty but being alike to all he was 〈◊〉 disliked of 〈…〉 In the eight yeere of this 〈◊〉 the destruction of the duke of Lancaster was extended likewise vpon the like dislike the plot was layed by Iustice 〈◊〉 offences were deuised appelloâ—s appointed and peâ—res named â—e should haue bene put vnder 〈◊〉 and foorthwith â—â—â—â—igned condemned and executed But the duke vpon 〈◊〉 intelligence of these continuances fled to his castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the king So this matter began to grow to a head of diuision which the common people at that time very busily desired and sought but the kings mother trauelling 〈◊〉 betweene the king and the duke notwithstanding shee was both 〈…〉 〈◊〉 them both to are conâ—â—lement
the king with regard of the dangerous and discontend times the duke with respect of his duty and faith and so partly by her entreaty and aduise partly by their inclination bending to the 〈◊〉 course all apparancy of displeasure on the one part and a 〈◊〉 on the other was for that time layed aside The same yere Michael Dâ—lapoole was made Clancellour of England and created earle of Suffolke and Robert Veerâ— earle of Oxford was created Marquesse of Dubline being the first man within this realme that was eâ—obled with that 〈◊〉 But 〈◊〉 they grew in honour sordid they 〈◊〉 hate for many noble men did infinitely stomacke their vndeserued aduancements and with these the fauour of the people generally went but the kings intemperate affection was peremptory 〈…〉 not regarding 〈…〉 could not resist it The yeere next following Robert Veere the new Marques was created duke of Ireland This yere the Knights and burgesses of 〈◊〉 put vp many complaints against the Earle of suffolke vpon which they 〈…〉 his 〈…〉 triall namely 〈◊〉 he 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 in taking of him to farme all the profits 〈…〉 crowne thow wantonly he wasted the treasure of the land in 〈◊〉 liberalitie and vnnecessary charges how deepe he had diued into the kings debt how carelesse and 〈…〉 in his office how greatly he had 〈◊〉 deceived and 〈◊〉 the king in 〈◊〉 dealing and 〈◊〉 particularly 〈◊〉 with diuers other 〈…〉 dishonor and dishonesty both in priuate actions and in office This 〈◊〉 was a merchants sonne in London and growing mighty on the sudden he could not gouerne himselfe in the change but 〈◊〉 lay 〈…〉 of his minde which were suppressed and 〈…〉 rulleâ—â—ng 〈◊〉 with 〈…〉 he made 〈◊〉 of his 〈…〉 Yet the king was willing either secretly to dissemble or openly to 〈◊〉 these 〈◊〉 and so passed them ouer with a short audience as his maner was in matters of 〈◊〉 weight 〈…〉 with the complaint Afterwards a 〈…〉 but answere was made that this needed not since the kings wants might be furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancellour neither was it to any purpose so long as the 〈…〉 ordered by such 〈◊〉 as before it had beene 〈…〉 was like 〈…〉 the matter against the 〈…〉 and the king perswaded 〈…〉 honourable not safe to beare him out that to priuate men it was sufficient if themselues abstaine from wrong but a prince must prouide that none do wrong vnder him for by mainteining or wincking at the vices of his officers he maketh them his owne and shal surely be charged therewith when first occasion doth serue against him At the last vpon instant importunity of both houses the king did consent that a commission should goe forth to certaine noble men giuing them authority to heare and determine all matters which were obiected against the L. Chancellour and then was a Subsidie graunted with exceptiâ—n that the money should be expended by the Lords to the benefit and behalfe of the realme The king did further demaund that the heires of Charles Blâ—ys who made claime to the duchy of Britaine should be sold to the French men for thirty thousand marks and the money granted to the duke of Ireland for recouery of those possessions which the king had giuen him in Ireland this was likewise assented vnto vpon condition that before Easter then next ensuing the duke should depart into Ireland and there remaine at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the realme The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Richard earle of Arundell Commissioners for the earle of Suffolke were appointed Thomas duke of Glocester the kings vncle and the sayd earle of Arundell but during the time of their proceeding the king kept all off in places farre distant either to manifest thereby the dissent of his minde or to auoid the griefe which his neerenesse would increase And now was the Chancellour left vnto himselfe to answere to those demeanures wherein he made the kings blinde fauour his priuiledge and protection supposing neuer to see the same either altered or ouer-ruled In the end being conuict of many crimes and abuses he was deposed from his office his goods were confiscated to the kings Exchequer himselfe was adiudged woorthy of death Yet was execution submitted to the kings pleasure and vnder sureties he was permitted to goe at large At the same time Iohn Fâ—â—rdâ— Bishop of Duresme another of the Kings dainties was remoued also from being Lord Treasorer of England he was a man of little depth either in learning or wisedome but one that had the Arte of seeming in making the best shewe of whatsoeuer he spake or did and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour hee exercised the more excessiuely his ryote auarice and ambition not able to moderate the lustes and desires which former want had kindled When this businesse was blowne ouer the King â—â—turned againe to London and did presently receiue the Earle of Suffolke with the Duke of Ireland and the Archbishop of Yorke to greater grace and familiaritie then at any time before These Triumuirs did not cease to stirre vp the Kings stomake against those Noble men whose speciall excellencie had made matter of fame and regarde partly for the disgraces which they had receiued partly vpon malicious emulation to see the other so fauoured and themselues so odious and that their priuate choller and ambition might beare some shewe of publike respect they suggested vnto the King that he was but halfe yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme but rather the shadow and picture of a King for if we respect sayd they matters of state you beare the sword but they sway it you haue the shewe but they the authority of a Prince vsing your name as a colour and countenance to their proceedings and your person as a cypher to make them great and be your selfe nothing Looke to the dutie of your subiectes and it is at their deuotion so that you can neither commaunde nor demaunde any thing but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to impose come now to your priuate actions your liberalitie the greatest vertue in a prince is restrained your expences measured and your affections confined to frowne and fauour as they doe prescribe What Ward is so much vnder gouernment of his Gardian Wherein will they next or can they more abridge you Except they should take from you the place as they haue done the power of a Prince and in this we thinke they may iusty be feared hauing so great might ioyned with so great aspiring mindes For power is neuer safe when it doth exceede ambition is like the Crocodile which groweth so long as he liueth or like the Iuie which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower by small yet continuall rising at length will climbe aboue the toppe it is already growne from a sparke to a flame from a twigge to a tree and high
among those of the contrarie part hauing caused the death of no man but onely in the fielde Then was an oath exacted of the King to stand to the gouernment of the Lordes and also an oath was taken of all the Subiects within the Realme to be true and faithfull vnto the King The king in taking this oath of the Lordes bewrayed his inward conceite by his open countenance looking pleasantly on those he fauoured and angerly on those whome hee hated by which vntimely discouery hee made them more heedefull and himselfe more hatefull which were occasions afterwarde both to preuente the reuenge which he much desired and to procure the mischiefs which hee little feared Lastly a subsidie was graunted and to the King comming as it were to a capitulation with the lordes hee to haue the name of a King and they the authority and maiesty the contention for that time ceased All this was done in the xj yeere of the kings reigne he being yet vnder age and in gouernement of others But the yeere following he beganne to take vpon him more liberty and rule and vpon extreame disdaine that both his pleasure and his power were by the Lords thus restrained he did euer after beare a hard minde against them And first he assembled them in the Councell chamber and there demanded of what yeeres they tooke him to be they answered that he was somewhat aboue one and twenty then sayd he I am of lawfull age to haue the regiment in mine owne hand and therefore you doe me wrong to holde me still vnder gouernement as though the condition of a king were harder then of a subiect This the Lords were neither willing to grant nor able to denie and therefore they either kept silence or spake little to the purpose Well sayd the king since I am no longer an Infant I heere renounce your rule and take vpon me such free administration of the Realme as the Kings thereof my predecessours heeretofore haue lawfully vsed Then presently he began his Phaetons flourish and commaunded the Bishop of Elie being L. Chancellour to resigne his seale which the king receiued and put vp and therewith departed out of the chamber but soone after he returned againe and deliuered the same to William Wickham bishop of Winchester constituting him L. Chancellour thereby Many other officers he likewise deposed and placed new in their roome partly to manifest his authority and partly to satisfie his displeasure Also he remooued the Duke of Gloucester the Earle of Warwicke and many others from his Priuy councell and tooke those in their places which more regarded the humour of the King but lesse his honour Soone after it was suggested to the King that the Duke of Gloucester was gathering of forces against him but vpon examination there was found not onely no trueth but no shew or colour of any such matter The Duke would not quietly haue disgested the raysing of these reportes but the King whether vpon a generall delight to be tickled in the eares with such tales or vpon particular desire to haue some quarell against the Duke charged him to silence In the 13. yeare of the Raigne of King Richard the Citizens of Genua desired his ayde against the Barbarians of Afrike who with dayly incursions infested and spoyled all the Sea coasts Ilands of Italy and Fraunce which fronted vppon theÌ„ The King sent a choyse companie of Souldiers ynder the coÌ„duct of Henrie Earle of Derby who behaued himselfe in this charge with great integritie courage inciting his men the good by prayse the bad by example rather then reproofe as more ready to commend the vertues of the one then to vpbraide the vices of the other And first hee passed into Fraunce and there ioyned himselfe to certaine French forces appointed likewise for this seruice then with might and minds vnited they sayled together into Afrike At their arriuall the Barbarians were ready in armes to keepe them from landing but the Earle commaunded his Archers to breake through and make passage dispising the enemie whome he knew to be weake and vnskilfull in seruice and not to haue that aduantage in place which hee had in men the Frenchmen also sharply set in seconded the English and so whilest both companies contended the one to be accompted a helpe the other to seeme to neede no help the enemies were forced to flie and leaue the shoare vnto the Christians In this conflict three Dukes of the Barbarians and aboue three hundred Souldiers were slaine and in the flight fower Dukes were taken and a great yet vncertaine number of common people Then the Christians marched directly towards Tunis the head Cittie of that Countrie this they besieged in short time tooke chiefely by the prowes of the English souldiers who first scaled the Wals and reared thereon the Earles banner When they were entred the Towne the Englishmen bent their endeuour to the housing of their enemies and beating downe of such as made resistance but the Frenchmen straight waies turned to their lasciuious pleasures so that there was presented a spectacle both pitiful and shamelesse in one place butchering of men in another ryoting with women here streames of bloud heapes of slaughtered bodies hard by dissolute and licentious wantonnesses in some all the miseries of a cruell warre and the loosenesse of a secure peace Here were slaine and taken aboue fower thousand Barbarians the Kings brother also was slaine but the King himselfe fled into the Castle which was strongly scited and well fortified and furnished with men The Christians laide siege to this Castle the space of fiue weekes during which time they lost many of their men yet not by sword but by sickenesse the Barbarians also were distressed with want of victuall hauing but litle prouision and many vnprofitable mouthes to consume it herevpon they sent vnto the Christians to desire peace offering them a great summe of money to depart out of their countrie this the Christians accepted vpon condition that they might also freely carry with them all their pray and prisoners and that the Barbarians should from thenceforth surcease from making spoyle vpon any of the coastes of Italy or Fraunce Thus had this voyage a prosperous and speedie end the onely seruice as I suppose which the English and Frenchmen performed together without iotte of iarre And yet the Earle abused not the fortune of this successe to vaine vaunting or brauing in words but moderately imâ—arted to the rest the honour of the exployt so by valyanâ—y performing his charge and sparingly speaking thereof his glorie encreased without bit of enuie In the fifteenth and sixteenth yeres of the reigne of King Richard certaine causes of discontentment did grow betweene the King and the Londoners which set the fauour of the one and the faith of the other at great separation and distance One was for that the King would haue borrowed of them a thousand poundes which they feeling much
King Richard entred the field with great pomp both in brauery and traine he had in his company the Earle of S. Paule who came purposely out of Fraunce to see this combat tried he was attended with all the noble Peeres of the Realme and guarded with tenne thousand men in armes for feare of any sudden or intended tumult When hee was placed on his stage which was verie curiously and richly set forth a King at armes made proclamation in the name of the King and of the high Constable and of the Marshall that no man except such as were appointed to order and Marshall the fielde shoulde touch any parte of the listes vpon paine of death This proclamation beeing eâ—ded another herrald cryed Behold her Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant who is entred into the listes royall to doe this deuoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant vpon paine to be accompted false and recreant The Duke of Norfolke was houering on horsebacke at the entry of the listes his horse being barbed with crimson veluet embroadered â—itchly with lions of siluer and mulberie trees and when he had made his oath before the Constable and Marshall that his quarrell was iust and true he entred the fielde boldly crying aloud God aide him that hath the right then hee lighted from his horse and satte downe in a chaire of Crimson veluet curtained aboute with red and white damaske and placed at the other ende of the listes The Lord Marshall viewed both their speares to see that they were of equall length the one speare he caried himselfe to the Duke of Hereford and sent the other to the Duke of Norfolke by a Knight This done a Herrald proclaimed that the trauerses and chaires of the combatants should be remoued commaunding them in the Kings name to mount on horsebacke and adresse themselues to the encounter the Dukes were quickly horsed and closed their beauiers and cast their speares into the restes Then the trumpetes sounded and the Duke of Hereforde set forth towards his enimy about fixe or seauen paces but before the Duke of Norfolke began to put forewarde the King cast downe his warder and the Herralds cried ho then the King caused the Dukes speares to be taken from them and commaunded them to forsake their horses and returne againe to their chaires where they remained aboue two long houres whilst the King deliberated with his counsaile what was fittest to be done At last the Herralds cryed silence and Sir Iohn Borcy a secretary of state with a loude voice read the sentence and determination of the King and his counsaile out of a long roule wherein was contained that Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant and Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant had honourably appeared that day within the lists royall and declared themselues valiant and hardy champions being not onely ready but forward and desirous to darrein the battel but because this was a matter of great consequence import the King with the aduise of his Councell thought it meet to take the same into his owne hands and thereupon had decreed that Hâ—nrie Duke of Hereford because he had displeased the King and for diuers other considerations should within 15. dayes next following depart out of the Realme and not to returne during the terme often yeeres without the Kings especiall licence vpon paine of death When this iudgement was heard a confused noyse was raysed among the people some lamenting eyther the deserte or the iniurie of the Duke of Hereforde whom they exceedingly fauoured others laughing at the conceite of the King first in causing and afterwardes in frustrating so great an expectation wherein he seemed to doe not much vnlike Caligula who lying in Fraunce with a great armie nere the sea shoare gaue the signe of battell set his men in aray marched foorth as if it had bene to some great piece of seruice suddenly commanded them all together cockles Then the Herralds cryed againe ô yes and the secretarie did reade on how the King had likewise otdayned that Thomas Moubraie Duke of Northfolke because he had sowen sedition by words whereof he could make no proofe should auoide the realme of England and neuer returne againe vpon paine of death and that the King would take the profites and reuenues of his landes vntill he had receiued such summes of money as the Duke had taken vp for wages of the garison of Calice which was still vnpaide and that the King prohibited vpon paine of his grieuous displeasure that any man should make suite or entreatie to him on the behalfe of eyther of these two Dukes These sentences being in this sort pronounced the King called the two exiles before him and tooke of them an oth that they should not conuerse together in foraine regions nor one willingly come in place where the other was fearing as it was like least their common discontentment should draw them first to reconcilement and afterward to reuenge But this policie was ouer weake for this purpose for oathes are commonly spurned aside when they lye in the way either to honour or â—euenge and if their vnited forces was much to be regarded theâ— seperate are powers was not altogether to bee conâ—â—â—ed Therefore the later plinâ—â—â— of this Realme haue with more 〈◊〉 wholy abolished the vse of abiuration and 〈◊〉 and doe either by death extinguish the power or by pardon alter the will of great offenders from entring into desperite and daungerous attempts which men in 〈◊〉 and disgrace haue more vehemencie to begin and more 〈◊〉 to continue When the 〈◊〉 had once so enclosed the Romaine legions within certaine streigâ— that they left them neither space to fight nor way to flie but without force enforced them to yeelde they sent to Hreâ—â—â—us Pontius an aged ruler of their state for his aduise what were best for them to doe his answere was that the Romaines should be permitted to depart without any 〈◊〉 losse orscorne This pleased not such as 〈◊〉 â—â—â—her couetous for spoyâ—e 〈…〉 for blood â— and therefore they sent vnto him the second time who then returned answere that the Romanes should bee put to the sworde and not one man suffered to escape The contrarietie of these two counsailes brought the olde man into suspition of dotage but he comming in person to the campe maintained both to be good the first whereof which hee thought best would by vnexspected fauour prouoke the Romanes to a perpetuall friendship the second would deferre the warres for many yeares wherein the enemies should hardly recouer strength third counsaile there was none that safely might be followes Yes said the Samnites to graunt them their liues yet with such conditions of spoyle and shame as the lawes of victorie doe lay vpon them This is the way answered Herenâ—ius which neither winneth friends nor weakeneth enemies but will much encrease the fury against vs nothing diminish the force And euen so in matters of more particularity than
deuised by his counsaile or done by his consent At this time the whole frame of the state was much shaken and matters of great weight and moment did hang by a very slender thred The King was plunged in pleasure and sloath after whose example others also as men doe commonly conforme their mindes according to the princes disposition gaue ouer themselues to dilicacie and ease whereby cowardise crepte in and shipwracke was made both of manhood and glorie The chiefest affaires of state had bene ordered for a long time according to priuate respects wherby the common-wealth lost both the fatte and the fauour and seemed not at seasons and by degrees but with a maine course and at once to ruinate and fall The north parts were many times canuased and by small yet often losses almost consumed by the Scots who had there taken many townes and castles and defaced all the countrey with slaughter and spoile Likewise the south partes were often-times wasted by the Frenchmen and in Fraunce many strong holds were lost It was also constantly affirmed that the King made agreement to deliuer vnto the King of Fraunce the possossion of Callice and of other townes which hee helde in those parts but the performance there of was resisted by the lords whether this were true or surmised probably as agreeable to the Kings loose gouernment I cannot certainely affirme As for Ireland which in the time of K. Edward the third was kept in order and awe by acquainting the people with religion and ciuility and drawing them to delight in the plenty and pleasures of well reclaymed countries whereby it yeelded to the kings coffers thirty thousand pounds euery yeare it was then suffered to runne into waste and the people by rudenesse became intractible so that the houlding thereof charged the King with the yearely dispence of thirty thousand markes Many succours had bene sent into these seuerall countries but scatteringly and dropping and neuer so many at once as to furnish the warres fully The King made some expeditions in his owne person with greate preparation and charge but beeing once out of credite whatsoeuer fell out well was attributed to others misfortunes were inputed onely to him If any thing were happily atchieued by some of the nobility it was by the Kings base hearted parasites to whom millitary vertue was altogether vnpleasant so extinuated or depraued or enuied that it was seldome rewarded so much as with countenance and thankes yea sometimes it procured suspicion and danger the King being informed by a cunning kinde of enemies commenders that to be a discreet and valiant commander in the fielde was a vertue peculiar to a Prince and that it was a perillous point to haue the name of a man of priuate estate famous for the same in euery mans mouth Hereupon fewe sought to rise by vertue and valâ—e the readier way was to please the pleasant humour of the Prince Likewise matters of peace were managed byâ—men of weakest sufficiency by whose counsell either ignorant or corrupt the destruction of the best harted nobility was many times attempted at the last wrought The profits and reuenues of the crowne were said to bee let to farme the King making himselfe landlord of this realme and challenged no great priuiledge by his reigne but onely a dissolute and vncontrouled life Great summes of mony were yearly rather exacted from the subiects then by them voluntarily graunted whereof no good did ensue but the maintenance of the Kings priuate delightes the aduancement of his hatefull fauorites To these he was somewhat aboue his power liberall for which cause he was faine to borrow begge and extort in other places but he purchased not so much loue by the one as hate by the other Besides the ordinary tearmes of tenthes and fiftenthes which were mâ—â—ny times paid double in one yeare diuers newe impositionâ— were by him deuised put in vse sometimes exacting xii d. of euery person throughout the realme sometimes of euery religious man and woman vi s. viii d. and of euery secular priest asmuch and of euerie lay person maried or sole xii d. Vnder the fauourable tearme of beneuolence hee wiped away from the people such heapes of money as were litle answerable to that free and friendly name He borrowed in all places of the realme great summes of money vpon his priuy seales so that no man of worth could escape his loane but he seldome and to few returned payment againe This present yeare he sent certaine Bishops and other personages of honour to all the shires corporations within the realme to declare vnto the people the Kings heauie displeasure against them for that they had bin abetters and complices of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke and that the King was minded to make a roade vppon them as common enemies excepte they would acknowledge their offence and submit themselues to his mercie and grace Hereupon all the men of worth in euery shire and Towne corporate made their acknowledgment submission in writing vnder their scales afterwardes were faine to graunt vnto the King such importable summes of money to purchase againe his fauour as the land being already greatly impouerished they were hardly able to endure Then were exacted of theÌ„ strange vnaccustomed oathes which were put likewise in writing vnder their seales They were also coÌ„pelled to set their hands and scales to blancke chartes wherein the King might afterwardes cause to be written what he would so that all the wealth of the realme was in a manner at his deuotion and pleasure These and such like violences were far wide from the moderate gouernement of K. Henrie the second whoe maintaining great warres and obteyning a larger dominion then perteyned at any other time to this realme of England neuer demaunded subsidie of his subiectes and yet his treasure after his death was founde to be nine hundred thousand poundes besides his Iewels and his plate In this sort the King bearing a heauie hand vpon his subiects and they againe a heauie hart against him and being withall a Prince weake in action and not of valure sufficient to beare out his vices by might the people at length resolued to reuolt and rather to runne into the hazard of a ruinous rebellion then to endure safetie ioyned with slauerie so they attended occasion which shortly after was thus offered The King receiued letters of aduertisement out of Ireland which being priueledged from other venimous beasts hath alwaies beene pestered with traytors how the Barbarous Irish had cut in pieces his garrison and slaine Roger Mortimer Earle of Marsh who had beene declared heire apparent to the Crowne exercising all the crueltie in wasting of the country which wrath and rage of victorie could incite a Barbarous people to practise This losse being great in it selfe the hard affection of the people did much augmeÌ„t by report wherupon the King deliberated whether it were requisite that
hee should vnder-take the warre in person or commit it to coÌ„manders of lower degree Some perswaded him that wholly to subdue Ireland stoode neither with pollicie nor yet almost with possibilitie for if it were fully and quietly possessed some gouernour might hap to growe to that greatnesse as to make himselfe absolute Lord thereof and therfore it was better to hold it certaine by weake enemies then suspected by mightie friendes and yet by what meanes should those bogges those woods bee ouercome which are more impregnable then the walled Townes of other countries Then if the purpose were onely to represse the sauage people the war was of no such weight as should draw the King to stand in the fielde and therefore he might stay in the west partes of England and from thence make shew of the princely puissance and state neither venturing his person without cause and ready at hand if neede should require Others were of opinion that to subdue and replenish Ireland was a matter neither of difficultie nor daunger but both profitable and honourable to the King and to God very acceptable For if credite might bee giuen to auncient histories this realme of England was once as insuperable with bogs and woods as Ireland was then but the Romane conquerors kept not their presidiarie Souldiers in idle garrison whereby many times the minde grew mutinous and the body diseased and both vnable for the labour and hardnesse of the field but they held as well them as the subdued Britaines continually exercised either in building of townes in places of best aduantage or in making of high waies else in drayning and pauing of bogs by which meanes the countrie was made fruitfull and habitable and the people learned the good maners not rudely to repulse the flattering assaults of pleasure preferring subiection with plentie before beggerly and miserable libertie That the same Romaines also kept many larger countries in quiet obedience so long as they were quiet among themselues without either feare or danger of any gouernours first by deuiding them into smal prouinces Secondly by constituting in euery prouince diuers officers as Lieutenants and procurators whereof one was able to restraine the other the first hauing power ouer the bodies of the subiects the second ouer their goods thirdly by changing these officers euery yeare which was too short a time to establish a soueraigntie Lastly by retaining at Rome their wiues and children and whole priuate estate as pledges for their true demeanure That the daunger was rather to bee feared least a weake enemie whilest hee was cuntemned should gather strength and be able to stand vppon termes of withstandiâ—g example hereof happened wheÌ„ the Romaines ouercame this Iland for many Britanes who vpon no coÌ„ditious would abide boÌ„dage withdrew theÌ„selues into the Northparts of the land by maintaining their auncient custome of painting their bodies were called of the Romanes Picti these were neglected along time and held in scorne as neither of force nor of number to bee thought worthy the name of enimies but afterwardes they confederated themselues with other people and so sharply assaulted the subdued Britaines that being vnable to resist the Romanes shrincking from theÌ„ they were constrained to desire helpe of the Saxons and so betweene their enimies their aides being set as it were betwixt the beetle and the block they lost the possession of the best part of their land That it was a pittifull pollicy for assurance of peace to lay all waste as a wildernes and to haue dominion ouer trees and beasts and not ouer men That hereby the King did loose the reuenue of a fruitfull countrie the benefit of wealthy subiects which are the surest treasure that a Prince can haue That hereby also the maiesty of his estate was much impaired for as SalomoÌ„ saith The honour of a king coÌ„sisteth in the multitude of subiectes That the country being vnfurnished of people was open to al opportunity of forraine enimies That if none of these respectes would moue yet the King was bounde in duty to reduce those sauages to the true worshippe of God who did then either prophanely contemne him or superstitiâ—usly serue him These reasons so weighed with the King that he gathered a mighty armie determining to goe in person into Ireland to pacifie the country before his returne but al his prouision was at the charge of the subiâ—cts and wheras in time of sedition a wise Prince will least grieue his people As seeming to stand in some sort at their curtesie hauing to imploy their bodies beside the King in peace no stoarer for war was forced to offend when hee should haue bene most carefull to win fauour So about Whitsontide he set forth on his voyage with many men and fewe soldiours being a dissolute and vntrained company and out of all compasse of obedience hee caried with him his whole treasure and all the goods and auncient Iewels appertaining to the crowne In his company went the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Exceter and diuers other noble men and many Bishops and the Abbot of Westminster He also tooke with him the sonnes of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Duke of Hereford whose fauourours he chiefly feared When hee came to Bristowe hee was put into suspicion whether vpon some liklyhood or meere mallice that Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland and certaine others entended some disloyall enterprise against him and for that cause did not folow him into Ireland but had fastned friendship with the king of Scots vpon purpose to retire theÌ„selues into his country if their attempts should faile Hereupon the king sent message that the earle should forthwith come vnto him with all the power that he could conueniently make The earle returned answere that it was vnnecessary in respect of that seruice to draw men from such distant places for the Irish rebels were neither so many nor so mighty but the King had strength at hand sufficient to suppresse them that it was also daungerous to disfurnish the North-parts of their forces and to offer opportunity to the Scottish borderers who were alwayes vncertaine friends in their extremities and assured enemies vpon aduantage The King seeing his commaundement in these termes both contemned and controulled would not stand to reason the matter with the Earle neither had he the reason to defer reuenge vntill hee had full power to worke it but presently in the violence of his fury caused the Earle and his confederates to be proclaimed traitors and all their lands and goods to be seized to his vse The Earle tooke grieuously this disgrace and determined to cure close vp his harme with the disturbance of the common state And thus the King hauing feathered these arrowes against his owne brest passed foorth in his iourney into Ireland This expedition at the first proceeded and succeeded exceedingly well and the king obtained many victories euen without battell as leading his men to a slaughter
rather then to a fight for the sauage Irish were not vnder one gouernement but were deuided into many partialities and factions and seldome did two or three parts ioyne their common strenth and study together so whilest one by one did fight all of them were either subdued or slaine But these newes little reioyced the common people they lusted not to listen thereto their common talke was to recount their common grieuances to lay them together aggrauate them by construction euery man more abounding in complaints then he did in miseries Also the noblemen the principall obiect of cruelty began to discourse both their priuate dangers the deformities of the state and vpon opportunity of the Kings absence some of them did conspire to cut off that authority which would not be confined to cast it vpon some other who was most like to repaire that which K. Richard had ruined or if sayde they our power shall come short of so good a purpose yet will we sell him both our liues lands with glory in the field which with certainty in peace we can not enioy The onely man vpon whom all men resolued was Henry duke of Hereford whom since the death of his father they called duke of Lancaster not at his own motion or desire but because he was generally esteemed meet as being of the royall bloud and next by discent froÌ„ males to the succession of the crowne one that had made honorable proofe of his vertues and valure the onely man of note that remained aliue of those that before had stood in armes against the King for the behoofe of the Common-wealth for which cause he was deeply touched at that time both in honor and in state This attempt pleased as possible to proue and of necessity to be followed whereupon they secretly dispatched their letters to the Duke solliciting his speedy returne into England declaring that aswel for the benefit of the realm as for their owne particular safety they were forced to vse force against King Richard that if it would please him to make the head they would furnish him the body of an able army to expell the King from his vnfortunate gouernment and to settle the possession of the Crowne in him who was more apt and able to sustaine the same that they would not prouide him a base multitude only they themselues helpe in bare wishes aduise but would also adioyne their hands and theiâ— liues so that the peril should be common to all the glory only his if fortune fauored the enterprise These letters were conueyed by men crafty and bolde yet of sure credit and inward in trust with the Duke who passing into France first associated vnto theÌ„ Thomas Arundell late Archbishop of Canterburie at that time whether deseruedly or without cause an exile in France then they trauailed by seuerall waies and in counterfeit attire to Parris where all met at the house of one Clugney where the Duke theÌ„ soiourned After some courtesies of course with welcome on the one side thankes on the other and ioy of both the Archbishop of Canterburie hauing obtained of the Duke priuacie and silence made vnto him a solemne oration in these words or to this sence following We are sent vnto you right high and noble Prince from the chiefe Lords and states of our land not to seeke reuenge against our King vpon priuate iniury and displeasure nor vpon a desperate discontentment to set the state on fire nor to procure the ambitious aduancement of any perticular person but to open vnto you the deformities and decaies of our broken estate and to desire your aide in staying the ruinous downfall of the same The remembrance of the honourable reputation that our countrie hath borne and the noble actes which it hath atchiued doth nothing els but make the basenes more bitter vnto vs wherinto it is new fallen Our victorious armes haue heretofore bene famous and memorable not onely within the bownds of our Ocean sea and in the Ilands adioyning vnto vs but also in France in Spaine and in other parts of Europe yea in Asia and in Affricke against the infidels and Barbarians so that all Christian Princes haue bene either glad to imbrace our friendship or loath to prouoke vs to hostility But nowe the rude Scots whose spirits we haue so many times broken and brought on their knees doe scornfully insult vppon vs the naked and fugitiue Irish haue shaken of our shackles and glutted themselues vppon vs with massachres spoiles with these we dayly fight not for glory but to liue insomuch as we are become a pitty to our friends and a verie ieast to our most base and contemptible enemies In deed the King hath both sent and led great armies into these countries but in such sort that they haue much wasted the realme with their maintenance but neither reuenged nor relieued it with their armes and no meruaile for all our diligent and discreete leaders the verie sinewes of the field are either put to death or banished or els lie buried in obscurity and disgrace and the marshalling of all affaires is committed without any respect of sufficiency or desert to the counsaile conduct of those who can best apply themselues to the Kings youthfull delightes Among these auncient nobility is accompted a vaine ieast wealth and vertue are the ready meanes to bring to destruction It grieues me to speake but it helpeth not to hide that which euery man seeth our auncestors liued in the highest pitch and perfection of libertie but we of seruilitie being in the nature not of subiectes but of abiectes and flat slaues not to one intractable Prince onely but to many proude disdainefull fauorites not alwaies the same but euer new no sooner haue we satisfied some but fresh hungrie masters are straight waies set vpon vs who haue more endamaged vs by extortion and bribes then the enemy hath done by the sword What vnusuall kindes of exactioâ—are dayly put in practise without either measure or end and oftentimes with out neede or if any be it proceedeth rather vpon ryotus expenses then any necessary or honourable charge and great summes of money are pulled and pilled from good subiects to be throwne away amongst vnprofitable vnthriftes And if any man openeth his mouth against these extorted taxations then either by feined imputation of capital crimes or by smal matters aggrauated or else by open crueltie and force his life or libertie is forthwith hazarded I were too tedious too odious too friuolus to put you in mind of particular examples as though your owne estate the lamentable losse of your vncle other noble friends could be forgotten yea I suppose that there is no man of qualitie within the Realme who either in his owne person or in his neere friends doeth not plainly perceiue that no man enioyeth the safegard of his goods and suerty of his body but rich men in the one great
in death and find the weaknesse and fault of the counsell which you are about to follow Many like speeches were with great vehemeÌ„cy often repeated but the kings eares were stopped against all impression of manhood and as he was vnable to gouerne himselfe in his prosperous estate so was he much lesse sufficient to wind out of these intricate troubles Therfore perceiuing himselfe so straitly beset that he could hardly either escape away or shift any longer he desired speech with Tho. Arundel archbish of Cant. L. Hen. Percy earle of Northumb. of whom the one he had banished the other he had proclaimed traitor not long before These two came vnto him the king vpon short coÌ„ference vnderstanding what stiffe stomacks they bare against him was coÌ„tent not to demand that which he saw he could not obtaine thereupon agreed that he would relinquish his estate vpoÌ„ condition that an honorable liuing might be assigned him life promised to 8. such persons as he would name the greatest number whom aduersity did not alter This was then both readily faithfully promised by the Archbish. and the earle afterward solemnly ratified by the duke The king ceased not to intreat submisly promise largely and as the nature is of men perplexed with feare aboue his ability without measure the earle incouraged him and declared that the Duke before he had obtained any aide secured by his oath the safety of the kings person Then the king desired to talke with the duke which was likewise promised so the archbish the earle departed the king remoued to the castle of Flint about 8. miles distant from Chester to which place the Duke came to him Here the coutenances words of both were noted by them that were present the king seemed abiect base the duke neither iusulting nor relenting but comforting and promising friendly The king repeated many benefits kindnesses that he had shewed how in former time he had spared the dukes owne life lately his sonnes in regard where of he desired him with such submisnes as was agreeable rather with his necessity then his honour that he would shew some pitie where he had receiued such pleasure and permit him to enioy his life with such priuate maintenance as was coÌ„uenient for his estate The duke put hâ—m in good comfort promising him assuredly that he would prouide for his safety for which he suffered himselfe to be solemnly thanked thought it not much to haue it accounted a great benefit Indeed from that time the king was kept safe and sure enough from hindring any of the dukes purposes neither could it so easily haue bene discerned what had beue best for him to do as that this which he did was the very worst for the same night he was brought by the duke and his army to Chester and from thence secretly conueyed to the Tower of London there to be kept safe vntill the Parliament which was appointed shortly after to be holden Thus the King yeal ded himselfe the 20. day of August being the 47. day after the Dukes arriuall so that his iournyes considered from Houldernesse in the North to London from thence to Bristowe so into Wales backe againe to Chesten a man shal not easily trauaile ouer the land in shorter time then he conquered it So frienly was fortune vnto him that hee eyther found or made a readie passage through al hinderances and lets it seemed that he needed onely to open his armes to meete and receiue her as she offered her selfe vnto him All the Kings treasure Iewels with his horses and all his fardage came to the Dukes hands and many that were in his companie were afterwards also despoyled by the souldiours of Northumberland and Wales Some writers affirme that the King did not yeald himselfe but was forelaied taken as he was secretly passing froÌ„ Flint to Chester but the authoritie of others who liued in that time eyther in the plaine viewe or certaine intelligence of these affaires who for their place could not but knowe and for their professioÌ„ would not but deliuer the very truth hath drawne me to follow their report which I find also receiued by some late wrighters of as great deapth in iudgement and choice as any without exception that this age hath brought forth As the King was carried towards London certaine citizens conspired to lay themselues in a wait by the way and sodainly to slay him partly for priuate grieuances partly for the cruelty that he had vsed towards the whole citty but the Maior vpon intelligence preuented the practise and rode forth in person with a coÌ„uenient company to conduct him safely vnto the tower Shortly after the duke came to LondoÌ„ in solemn estate and sent forth summons in the Kings name for a Parlament to be holden at Westminster the last day of SepteÌ„ber in the same yeare in the meane time he deliberated with his kindred and kind friends coÌ„cerning the order of his proceedings The duke of Yorke who a litle before had bene gouernour of the realm for the king theÌ„ was the chiefest directer of the duke thoght it best that K. Richard should both voluntarily resigne also solemnly be deposed by consent of all the states of the realme for resignation only would be imputed to feare and depriuatiâ—â— to force whereof the one is alwaies pitied and the other enuied but if both concurre and his desire be combined with his desart being willing to forsake that which he is adiudged worthy to forgo then shall it appeare that he neither is expelled his kingdom by meere constraint nor leaueth it without iust cause This aduice pleased the rest and for executing therof vpon the day of S. Michaeil which was the day before the parlament should begin there assembled at the Tower Thomas Arundell archbish of Canturbury Richard Scroupe archbish of Yorke Iohn bishop of Hereford Henry duke of Lancaster Henry earle of Northumberland Radulph Earle of Westmerland L. Hugh Burnell L. Thomas Berkley L. Rose L. Willoughby L. Abergeiny the Abbat of Westminster the Prior of Canterbury Willam Thirminges and Iohn Makeham Chiefe Iustices Thomas Stâ—ke and Iohn Burbacke Doctours of Law T. Herpingham and T. Gray knights W. Ferby and Dionise Lophane publike Notaries and diuers others either not noted or not remembred When all were set in their places King Richard was brought foorth apparelled in his royall to be the diademe on his head and the scepter in his hand and was placed amongst them in a chaire of estate Neuer was prince so gorgeous with lesse glory and greater griefe to whom it was not disgrace sufficient to lose both the honour and ornaments of a king but he must openly to his greater scorne renounce the one and deliuer the other After a little pause and expectation the king arose from his seat and spake to the assembly these words or the very like in effect I assure my selfe that
any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away all doubt they make expresse mention of the euill For the power and authoritie of wicked princes is the ordinance of god and therfore Christ told Pilate that the power which he had was giuen him from aboue and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus being a prophane and heaâ—â—en Prince the Lords anoynted For God stirreth vp the spirit euen of wicked Princes to doe his will and as Iehoshaphat sayd to his rulers they execute not the iudgement of man but of the Lord in regard whereof Dauid calleth them Gods because they haue their rule and authority immedyatly from God which if they abuse they are not to bee adiudged by theyr subiects for no power within theyr dominionis superior to theirs but God reserueth them to the sorest tryall Horribly and sodainly saith the Wiseman will the Lord appeare vnto them and a hard iudgement shall they haue The law of God commaundeth that the Childe should be put to death for any contumely done vnto the parents but what if the Father be a robber if a murtherer if for all excesse of villanyes odious and execrable both to God and man surely he deserueth the highest degree of punishment and yet must not the Sonne lift vp his hand against him for no offence is so great as to be punished by parricide but our country is dearer vnto vs then our parentes and the Prince is pater patriae the Father of our Country and therefore more sacred and deere vnto vs then our parentes by nature and must not be violated how imperious how impious soeuer hee bee doth he commaund or demaund our persons or our purses we must not shunne for the one nor shrinke for the other for as Nehemiah saith Kinges haue dominion ouer the bodyes and ouer the cattle of their subiectes at their pleasure Doth he enioyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God we must neyther wholy obey nor violently resist but with a constant courage submit our selues to all manner of punishment and shewe our subiection by enduring and not performing yea the Church hath declared it to bee an heresie to holde that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his subiectes for any disorder or default eyther in life or else in gouernment there will be faultes so long as there are men and as wee endure with patience a barren yeere if it happen and vnseasonable weather and such other defectes of nature so must wee tollerate the imperfections of rulers and quietlye expecte eyther reformation or else a change But alas good king Richard what such cruelty what such impiety hath he euer committed examine rightly those imputations which are layde against him without any false circumstance of aggrauation and you shall finde nothing obiected eyther of any truth or of great moment It may bee that many errours and ouersightes haue escaped him yet none so grieuous to be termed tyranny as proceeding rather from vnexperienced ignorance or corrupt counsaile then from any naturall and wilfull mallice Oh howe shall the world bee pestered with tirantes if subiectes may rebell vppon euery pretence of tyranny howe many good Princes shall daylye bee suppressed by those by whome they ought to bee supported if they leauy a subsedy or any other texation it shall be claymed oppression if they put any to death for trayterous attemptes against theyr persons it shall be exclaymed cruelty if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people it shall bee proclaymed tyrannie But let it be that without authority in vs or desert in him king Richard must be deposed yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne or what reason haue wee without his right to giue it to him if hee make title as heyre vnto king Richard then must he yet stay vntill king Richards death for no man can succeed as heyre to one that liueth But it is well knowne to all men who are not eyther wilfully blinde or grosely ignorant that there are some now aliue lineally descended from Lionell Duke of Clarence whose ofspring was by iudgement of the high Court of Parlament holden the viii yeere of the raigne of King Richard declared next successour to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue Concerning the tytle from Edmund Crouchbacke I will passe it ouer seeing the authors thereof are become ashamed of so absurde abuse both of theyr owne knowledge and our credulity and therefore all the clayme is now made by right of conquest by the cession and graunt of King Richard and by the generall consent of all the people It is a bad wooll that can take no colour but what conquest can a subiecte pretend against his Soueraigne where the warre is insurrection and the victory high and heynous treason as for the resignation which king Richard made being a pent prisoner for the same cause it is an acte exacted by force and therefore of no force and validity to binde him and seeing that by the lawes of this land the king alone cannot alienate the auncient iewels and ornaments pertaining to the Crowne surely hee cannot giue away the Crowne it selfe and therewithall the kingdome Neyther haue we any custome that the people at pleasure should electe theyr king but they are alwayes bound vnto him who by right of bloud is next successour much lesse can they confirme and make good that title which is before by violence vsurped for nothing can then be freely doone when liberty is once restrained by feare So did Scilla by terrour of his legions obtayne the lawe of Velleia to bee made whereby hee was created dictator for fourescore yeeres and by like impression of feare Caesar caused the law Seruia to be promulged by which he was made perpetuall dictator but both these lawes were afterwardes adiudged void As for the deposing of king Edward the 2. is no more to be vrged then the poysoning of King Iohn or the murdering of any other good and lawfull Prince we must liue according to lawes and not to examples and yet the kingdome was not then taken from the lawfull successour But if we looke backe to times lately past we shall finde that these titles were more stronge in King Stephen then they are in the Duke of Lancaster for king Henry the first being at large liberty neyther restrained in body nor constrained in minde had appointed him to succeed as it was vppon good credite certainly affirmed The people assented to this designement and thereupon without feare and without force he was anoynted King and obtained full possession of the realme Yet Henry Sonne of the Earle of Aniowe hauing a neerer right by his mother to the Crowne notwithstanding his father was a stranger himselfe borne beyond the seas raysed such rough warres vppon King Stephen that there was noe end of
spoyling the goods and spilling the bloud of the vnhappy people besides the ruynes and deformities of many Citties and holdes vntill his lawful inheritance was to him assured It terrifieth me to remember how many florishing Empires and Kingdomes haue bin by meanes of such contentions eyther torne in peeces with detestiue diuision or subdued to forren Princes vnder pretence of assistaunce and ayde and I neede not repeate howe sore this realme hath heertofore beene shaken with these seuerall mischieues and yet neyther the examples of other countries nor the miseries of our own are sufficient to make vs to beware O English men worse bewitched then the foolish Galathians our vnstayed mindes and restlesse resolutions doe nothing els but hunt after our owne harmes no people haue more hatred abroad and none lesse quiet at home in other countries the swoord of inuasion hath been shaken against vs in our owne land the fire of insurrection hath bin kindled amongs vs what are these innouasions but whetstones to sharpen the one and bellowes to blowe vp the other Certainely I feare that the same will happen vnto vs which Aesope fableth to haue been fallen vnto the Frogges who beeing desirous to haue a King a beame was giuen vnto them the first fall whereof did put them in some feare but when they saw it lye still in the streame they insulted thereon with great contempt and desired a king of quicker courage then was sent vnto them a Storke which stalking among them with stately steps continually deuoured them The mildenesse of king Richard hath bred in vs this scorne interpreting it to be cowardise and dulnes of nature the next heyre is likewise reiected I will not say that wyth greater courage we shall finde greater cruelty but if eyther of these shall heerafter be able to set vp theyr side and bring the matter to tryall by armes I do assuredly say that which part soeuer shall carry the fortune of the field the people both wayes must goe to wracke And thus haue I declared my minde concerning this question in more wordes then your wisedome yet fewer then the weight of the cause doth require and doe boldly conclude that wee haue neyther power nor policy eyther to depose king Richard or to elect Duke Henrie in his place that king Richard remaineth still our Soueraigne Prince and therefore it is not lawfull for vs to giue iudgement vpon him that the Duke whom you call king hath more offended against the king and the relame then the king hath done eyther against him or vs for being banished the realme for ten yeeres by the king and his counsaile amongst whome his owne Father was chiefe and sworne not to returne againe without speciall lycense he hath not onely violated his oath but with impious armes disturbed the quiet of the land and dispossessed the Kyng from his royall estate and now demaundeth iudgement against his person without offence proued or defence heard if this iniury and this periury doth nothing moue vs yet let both our priuate and common dangers somwhat withdraw vs from these violent proceedings This speach was diuerslie taken as men were diuersly affected betweene feare hope and shame yet the most parte did make shew for king Henrie and therevpon the Bishop was presently attached by the Earle Marshall and committed to prison in the Abbey of S. Albones Whose counsaile and coniecture then contemned was afterwardes better thought vpon partly in the life time of king Henrie during whose raigne almost no yeare passed without great slaughters and executions but more especially in the times succeeding when within the space of xxxvi yeares twelue set battailes vpon this quarrell were fought within the realme by English men only and more then foure score Princes of the royall bloud slaine one by another Then it was concluded that king Richard should be kept in a large prison with all manner of Princely maintenance and if any persons should conspire to reare warre for his deliuerance that he should be the first man who should suffer death for that attempt Then the Actes of the Parlament holden at Westminster in the xi yeare of King Richard were reuiued and the Parlament houlden the xxi yeare of king Richard was wholy repealed and they who were attainted by that Parlament were restored againe to their fame and honour and to their landes without suing lyuerie and to such goods whereof the King was not answered except the rents and issues which had beene receiued out of their lands in the meane time Herevpon Richard Earle of Warwicke was deliuered out of prison and the Earle of Arundelles sonne recouered his inheritance many others also that were banished or imprisoned by King Richard were then fullye restored againe to their Countrie libertie and estate It was further prouided that none of those which came in ayde of King Henrie against King Richard should for that cause be impeached or troubled Also the King gaue to the Earle of Westmerland the Countie of Richmond and to the Earle of Northumberland he gaue the Ile of Man to be houlden of him by the seruice of bearing the sworde wherewith he entred into England Diuers other of his followers he aduaunced to offices of highest place and charge some vpon iudgement and for desert but most part to win fauour and perhappes proiecting a plot for friends if times should change for in many actions men take more care to preuent reuenge then to leade an innocent and harmlesse life It was further agreed that the procurers of the death and murther of Thomas late Duke of Gloucester should be searched out and seuerelie punished And iudgement was giuen against the appellants of the Earle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundell that the Dukes of Aumerle Sussex and Exceter the Marquesse of Dorset and the Earle of Gloucester who were present should loose their degree of honour for them and their heyres that they should likewise loose all the Castles Mannors Lordshippes c. then in their hands which sometimes apperteined to those whom they did appeale and that all the letters patents and charters which they had concerning the same should be surrendred into the ChaÌ„cerie and there be cancelled that for all other their Castles Mannors Lordships possessions and liberties they should be at the grace and mercie of the King that they should giue no liueries nor keepe any retinue of men but onely such officers as were meerelie necessarie for their degree that if any of them should adhere to Richard the deposed King in giuing him ayde or encouragement against the iudgement of his deposition then he should incurre the paines and forfeitures of high treason And because it was a clamorous complaint among the common people that many officers had committed greeuoâ—s extoruons and wrongs eyther by the open maintenance or secret conâ—itiuence of these Lords First those officers were remoâ—ued and that corruption taken away with integritie which briberie hâ—d wrought in placing for money men of bâ—d
bee sufficient to blotte out this blemish What other action could they haue doone more ioyfull to theyr enemyes more woefull to theyr friendes and more shamefull to themselues Oh corruption of times Oh conditions of men The Frenchmen were nothing discontented at this discontentment of the Aquitanes supposing that opportunitie was then offered to get into theyr possession the Duchie of Guian if eyther power or pollicie were thereto applyed Herevpon Lawe Duke of Burbea came downe to Angiers who from thence sent many messengers to the chiefe cities of Guian and by faire speeches and large promises solicited the people to change alleageance on the contrarie side sir Robert Knowles Lieutenant of Guian endeuoured with all diligence to represse the 〈◊〉 to staye the doubtfull to confirme the good and to 〈◊〉 all in order and obedience but he profited very little whether by the weakenesse of his owne arme or stiffe necke of the people it is not certainely assured Neither did the Duke of Burbone much preuaile when it was considered 〈…〉 the yoake of Fraunce was aboue the English subiection for all men were well acquainted with what tributes and 〈◊〉 the Frenchmen were charged hauing in euerye countrie Lieutenants and Treasurours assigned the one to drawe the bloud the other the substance of the slauish subiects whose crueltie and couetousnesse laide holde without exception vppon all the 〈…〉 other vndooing by lawe Thus stood the 〈…〉 which the winde driueth one way and the 〈◊〉 another desirous they were to displease the English but 〈◊〉 to endanger and vndoe themselues Vppon aduertisment whereof King 〈◊〉 sent into Guian the Lord Thomas Percie Earle of Worcester whom he knew to bee faithfull vnto him and expert in matters of charge hauing in his companie a strong and seruiceable band of Souldiers who not by vnseasonable exprobating their fault but by reason conuincing it 〈◊〉 with his wisdome and credite so perswaded and partlye with his authoritie and forces so terrified the wauering people that he wanne them to his opinion and confirmed them in their alleageance the grauer sorte with respect of dutie and faith the rest with regarde and 〈◊〉 of daunger Them hee receiued oathes of obedience vnto King 〈◊〉 and planted 〈◊〉 strong garison in plaâ—es of chiefe import without molestation if they remained quiet and yet of force to represse them if they should rebell This done he returned againe into England where he shewed an excellent example of moderation in seeming rather to haue found then to haue made the Aquitanes duetifull subiectes No sooner could this stir be stinted but another more daungerous and desperate did foorthwith arise for diuerse noble men who eyther had dissembled or did repent the furtherance that they vsed to the aduauncement of King Henrie did conspire together to compasse his destruction the hystories of that time doe vary concerning the causes of this conspiracy whether it were for fauour to King Richard as the nature of man is inclinable to beholde sodaine misfortune with a pittifull eye or for enuy to King Henrie as commonly wee can 〈◊〉 excessiue forrâ—â—e no where so little as in those that haue beene in equall degree with our 〈◊〉 or whether vpon dishonours receiued in the late 〈◊〉 or vpon 〈◊〉 to see others goe before them in the Princes fauour many sought to reuenge theyr vniust anger with lewde disloyaltye likewise it is not assuredly knowne by what meanes the workers thereof were drawne together and the secret deuises of some 〈◊〉 to the rest whether one of them did perswade another to enter into the action or whether all were induced by the same vnconstant disposition and light account of faith which being once falsed to King Richard was afterwardes vppon euery light discontentment lyttle respected to any but concerning these matters the most current report is this There was at that time an Abbot of Westminster one that applyed his studies not as the most part to cloake idlenesse and slouth vnder the glorious tytle of religion but to enable himselfe for counsaile and direction in publique affayres who for the generall opinion of his wisedome and integritie was in good fauour and credit with King Richard and did accompany him in his last voyage into Ireland This Abbot called to his remembrance a speach which hee heard once fall from King Henrie when hee was but Earle of Derbie and not yet come to any great stayednesse eyther in yeares or iudgement that Princes had too little and religious men too much At that time the riches of the church were growne so great that many began to looke vpon them with an enuious eye but least couetousnesse should shew it selfe with open face policie was pretended and the excesse thought daungerous both to the King and also to the 〈◊〉 as verie like to cause want to the one and 〈◊〉 in the other Heerevpon many billes had beene put vppe in the parlaments houlden in the reigne of King Richard that 〈◊〉 might be made to represse the increase of religious possessions namely that inquisition and redresse might be had against such religious persons as vnder the licence to purchase ten pounds yearlie did purchase foure score or a hundred pounds and also against such religious persons as caused their villaines to take to their wiues free women inheritable whereby the landes came to those religious mens hands yea it was mooued in open Parlament that the king should seaze into his hands all the temporall liuings of religious houses as beeing rather a burthen then a benefite vnto religion Vppon these and the like petitions the Archbishop of Canterburie and the Archbishop of Yorke for themselues and the Cleargie of their Prouinces were oftentimes compelled to make their solemne protestations in open Parlament that if any thing were attempted in restraint of the libertie of the Church they would in no wise assent but vtterlie withstand the same the which their protestations they required to be enrouled So partly vpon loue to King Richard and partly vpon feare least King Henry would bee as ready to inuade as hee was to enueigh against the richesse of religious houses this Abbot was the first man that blew the coales and put fewell to the fire of this confederacy And first hee obserued a farre off then hee searched more neerely and narrowly and yet warely too howe the myndes of certaine Noble men were affected or rather infected agaynst King Henrie tempering his speeches in such sorte that if matters sorted to his minde hee myght take them vpon him if his coâ—â—ses were crossed he might cleerely disclayme them at last hee inuited to his house vppon a daye in Michaelmas terme those whome hee had sounded to bee moste sound for his purpose the chiefe of whome were such as in the Parlament before had in some sorte beene touched in reputation although by pardon and reconcilement the harme did seeme to bee closed vp theyr names were Iohn Holland Duke of Exceter of whome mention hath beene made before Thomas