Selected quad for the lemma: land_n

Word A Word B Word C Word D Occurrence Frequency Band MI MI Band Prominent
land_n find_v great_a king_n 3,579 5 3.5272 3 true
View all documents for the selected quad

Text snippets containing the quad

ID Title Author Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication) STC Words Pages
B20451 Justice vindicated from the false fucus [i.e. focus] put upon it, by [brace] Thomas White gent., Mr. Thomas Hobbs, and Hugo Grotius as also elements of power & subjection, wherein is demonstrated the cause of all humane, Christian, and legal society : and as a previous introduction to these, is shewed, the method by which men must necessarily attain arts & sciences / by Roger Coke.; Reports. Part 10. French Coke, Roger, fl. 1696. 1660 (1660) Wing C4979 450,561 399

There are 27 snippets containing the selected quad. | View lemmatised text

those that are Deciners elswhere to enquire of the offences personal and of all the circumstances of offences done in those Hundreds of the wrong done by the Kings or Queens ministers and of the wrong done to the King and the Commonalty But this ought not to be done by Bondmen or Women but by the Oath of Twelve Freemen The County-Court which the Sheriffs hold from moneth to moneth County-court sec 9. or from five weeks to five weeks according to the greatness or largeness of the County Of Court-Barons and Hundred Courts Court-Baron c. sec 10. The other mean Courts are the Courts of every Lord of the Fee c. Pipowders sec 11. Courts of Pipowders And that from day to day speedy Justice be done to Strangers in Fairs and Markets as of Pipowders according to the Law of Merchants Court of Admiralty The King hath soveraign jurisdiction upon Admiralty sec 12. the Sea Courts of the Forrest The Kings Ministers of his Forrests have Courts-Forest see 13. power by authority of their office to swear men without the Kings Writ for safeguard of the peace and the Kings right and the common good c. He treats of the Professors of the Law as Counters who are Serjeants and Pleaders Of Attornies Of Ministers of Justice as Viscounts Coroners Escheators Bailiffs of Hundreds c. And also by the antient Kings Coroners were ordained in every County and Sheriffs to keep the Peace when the Earls were absent from their charges and Bailiff in lieu of the Hundredors c. Of the Prerogatives of the King as of Deodands Alienation to Aliens Teeasure found Wreck Waif Estray Chattels of Felons and Fugitives Honors Hundreds Soakes Gaoles Forrests chief Cities chief Ports of the Sea great Manors These held the first Kings as their right and of the residue of the Land did enfeoff the Earls Barons Knights Serjeants and others to hold of the King by Services provided and ordained for defence of the Realm It was ordained that the Knights Fee should come to the eldest by succession of heritage and that Socage Fee should be partable between the Male-children and that the Liege-Lords should have the Marriage He treateth in the first Chapter of Crimes and their divisions of the crime of Majesty of Fausonnery of Treason of Burning of Homicide of Felony of Burglary of Rape c. In the second of Actions of Judges of Actors c. In the third of Exceptions dilatory and peremptory that is Pleas to the Writ and in Bar c. of Trial by Juries and by Battel of Attaints of Challenges of Fines c. In the fourth of Judgments and therein of Jurisdiction of Process in criminal causes and in Actions real personal and mixt So as in this Mirror you may perfectly and truly discern the whole Body of the Common Laws of England Thus far Sir Edward Coke Mr. Lambert in his unfolding the difficult things and words in his translation of the Saxon Laws says King Alured when he had made a League with Guthrun the Dane having followed the most prudent counsel given by Jethro to Moses first divided England in Satrapias Centurias Decurias He called Satrapiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies to divide He called Centuriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Decuriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a company of Ten men and by those names they are called to this day And that no man might be ignorant the Decuria did consist of Ten men whereof all of them were pledges that every one should be forth-coming to any Action in Law and if any one did any damage the other were bound to make it good and from hence the other nine were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Free-pledges we in the Pleas of Courts call them Francos plegios The tenth man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called the Decurio or Tithingman by which name he is most known to the Eastern English at this day Others call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first or chief Surety or Pledge The Kentish men call him Borsholder corruptly for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first Surety Centuria or a Hundred was made up of ten Decuria's as one Hundred is made up of ten times ten This viz. Hundred the men beyond Trent called by another name not unknown to the common people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wapentac Alured then further ordained That every man of free condition should be enrolled in some Hundred and be conjoined into some Ten-men company That of lesser businesses the Decurions or Court-Leet might judge and if any weightier matter were it should be deferred to the Hundred or County-Court Lastly that the Alderman and Sheriff I take it he calls them Senator Praepositus should compound the most difficult Suits and of greatest moment in that frequent Convention from all parts of the Shire or County And what the manner of judging was King Etheldred in the fourth Chapter of his Laws which he enacted in a full Senate or Parliament at Vanatnigum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Woodstock expounds almost in these very words In all and every Hundred let there be Assemblies and that Twelve elderly men of free condition together with the Sheriff Praeposito be sworne that they will not condemn the Innocent or absolve the Guilty So that Mr. Lambert seems to be of opinion that the Common-Law had its origination from King Alured or Alfred who was King of all England and a most victorious pious prudent and glorious Monarch about the year of our Lord 890. And from a most deplorable condition by reason of the Danish invasion and robbery reduced it to a most quiet calm and laid that foundation upon which the body of the Common-Law is since builded But whosoever was the first Founder and Establisher of them certain it is they were antient and Laws which better suit to the nature and disposition of English-men then any other that are or ever were in the world would do 2. As those general Usages or Customs which are generally observed Particular Usages are called the Common-Law so there are almost infinite particular Usages Prescriptions and Customs in several parts of this Nation which are observed as Laws by the Inhabitants of those places and to all intents and purposes have the effect of Laws 3. Statute-Laws are Acts of Parliament which are neither general Statute-Law nor particular Customs but are Laws made by the Kings of this Land in Parliament upon sundry and diverse occasions according to the then occasions as they represented themselves For although all innovations are dangerous and therefore if it were possible no doubt it were best that humane Laws as the Laws of Nature might be immutable and eternal but as God hath created all things transitory and nothing in this world the same the next
this Popes Letter but pleaded the Fundamental Laws and Customs of the Land Consuetudo regni mei est à patre meo instituta ut nullius praeter licentiam Regis appelletur Papae qui consuetudines regni mei tollit potestatem quoque coronam Regis violat It is a Custom of my Kingdom instituted by my Father that no man may appeal to the Pope without the Kings licence He that takes away the Customs of my Kingdom doth violate the Power and Crown of the King And these Laws were no other then the Laws of the Confessor viz. the old Saxon Laws but also in the execution of these things the Bishops of England adhered to the King and Laws and denied their suffrage to their Primate as you may read in the Bishop of Derry's Vindication of the Church of England p. 63 64. 14. After pag. 65. he instances out of Sir Hen Spelman conc an 78. Legations as rare as Appeals before the Conquest that Gregory Bishop of Ostium the Popes Legate did confess that he was the first Roman Priest that was sent into these parts of Britain from the time of Austin and that those Legates were no other then ordinary Messengers or Ambassadors sent from one Neighbour to another Such a thing as Legantine Court or a Nuntio's Court was not known in the British world and long after 15. See Speed in the Life of Stephen para 4. where Stephen having The Pope and all the English Hierarchy conspire with Stephen against Maud the undoubted Heir of Henry the first entred his Government in the year of our Lord 1135. the 2. of December and was crowned at Westminster the 26. of the same moneth being S Stephen's day by William Corbel the Archbishop of Canterbury who with the rest of the Bishops doing him homage and knowing now he would yield to any conditions for performance whereof his brother the Bishop of Winchester did there engage himself for a Pledge they all took their Oath of Allegiance conditionally traiterously I might say to obey him as their King so long as he should preserve their Liberties and the vigor of Discipline And that the Lay-Barons made use also of this policy appeareth by Robert Earl of Gloucester who sware to be true Liegeman to the King as long as the King would preserve to him his dignity and keep all covenants c. And having buried the body of Henry the First he went to Oxford where he acknowledged he attained the Crown by Election only and that the Pope Innocentius confirmed the same 16. The next contest which after Anselm happened between the King The second contest between the King and Pope and from what cause and the Pope was caused by Tho. Becket Archbishop of Canterbury For Stephen the Usurper having made a Law whereby the Temporal Judges might not meddle with Ecclesiastical persons Henry the Second upon many disorders committed by the Clergy did repeal this Law and restored the antient Laws of this Realm commonly called Avitae leges whereby the persons of Priests were not exempted from being judged by the Temporal Judges And though the Archbishop sware to observe the Laws restored by the King yet was he absolved by Pope Alexander 3. Nor could the Archbishop ever after be brought to conform to the Laws called Avitae leges which was the cause of his assassination and of great trouble to the King and Realm And whether this man did deserve to be canonized for his stubborn disobedience to the Laws of his Country which no ways concerned Faith but only Civil and Temporal obedience and those not new neither but a restitution of the antient Laws let any man judge 17. The first occasion of the quarrel between King John and Innocent The quarrel between King John and the Pope the Third was Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury being dead the Monks of S. Augustine in that City elected without any licence of the King one Rainold and took an oath of him to go to Rome and take his investiture from the Pope The King incensed hereat caused John Gray to be chosen and desired the Pope to ratifie this last choice The Pope notwithstanding confirms the former The King hereupon grows angry and divers of the Monks against their own act refuse to accept him The Pope although Rainold were chosen by the Monks and confirmed by the Pope adviseth the Monks to choose Stephen Langton the Monks do so the King is highly exasperated and forbids all Appeals to Rome and did alleadge that he had Bishops Prelates Nobles and Magistrates of his own who could according to the Laws of the Land decide and determine all Controversies which should arise in Church or Commonweal The Pope insisted upon the election of the Cardinal Stephen Langton was Cardinal of Chirsogone and required the King not only to give him the quiet possession of the See but also to recall all such Monks as were exiled and to restore them to their Goods which were seised on by the King for the last choice and for default to interdict him and the whole Realm The King is so far from obeying that he seised upon the Lands and Goods of those Bishops to whom the Pope had forsooth given the power of Interdiction The Pope constant in his resolutions by Pandulphus and Durant interdicts the King and Kingdom and gives it the French King King John driven into a great strait gives his Crown and Kingdom to the Pope he good man had before given it to the French King Philip the second sirnamed Augustus and his son Lewis had gotten such footing in England that he would not be gotten out The Pope interdicts both father and son but his curses took not such place that they would give over what they had gotten by the first grant nor did these troubles end until the English Nation uniting themselves under Henry 3. did by plain force drive Lewis out of England to such an insufferable height was the Papacy grown in those days 18. Although the stubborn Barons made Henry 3. swear to observe The Bishops in H. 2 his reign conspire against him the Ordinances made in the Mad Parliament at Oxford and the Archbishop of Canterbury and nine other Bishops did denounce a Curse against all those who either by direction arms or otherwise should withstand the Ordinance of the Twelve Peers which gave the exercise of all Regality to them yet did the Pope absolve him from it very easily Addit Matth. Paris 990. 19. How zealous the most noble Prince Edward the first was in the Contests between the Pope and Ed. 2. cause of Christianity and how observant of the Papal power is evident by his victorious Voyage into Holy Land But he afterwards became hated by the Churchmen both in respect of the Statute of Mortmain made in the fourth year of his Reign and also because that by the advice of William Marchyan his chiefest Treasurer he seised into his hands the
of the Commons Lawes of this Land yet a great assertor of them and in disgrace with him would oftentimes affirm that there was no time whenever he could speak reason but the King would hear him With the reputation of these virtues he governed these Islands in greater peace then posbly in the ordinary nature of things could be expected In the 3. year of his Reign viz. Anno Dom. 1605. was a most hainous and The cause of the many Laws made against Popish Recusants vile attempt intended not only against the very Person of the King but even of his Posterity which had not advanced the designe of the conspirators and the Church and all the Nobility not of their faction with the Commons in Parliament assembled And the conspirators had proceeded so far that they had not only made provision to have effected their purpose and intended the fifth of November being the day for the convention of the Parliament after their Proroguement and therefore probably expecting not only a more then usuall convention both of the Lords and Gentry but even of the King himself to have blown up the Parliament House But the designe being as foolish as desperate was discovered the night before it should have been executed although it is thought that it was known even to the King himself and the Earl of Salisbury before as by accident and so had no other effect then what the conspirators might reasonably have expected had it succeeded viz. ruine to themselves for their faction being so very few in proportion to the rest of the Nation and without either money Forts or Army in reason they could not have done any thing considerable in order to their further designes and severe Lawes against all which might be suspected to be of their faction to prevent any such further attempts It is true where Tacitus observes that the conspiracies of Subjects where His defects and frailties they succeed not doe advance the Soveraignty and verefied in this attempt of the Gunpowder-Treason for how many Lawes were that Parliament and afterward enacted against all Popish Recusants we have before shewed yet so it happened and so usually happens when not carefully minded by Princes that another faction far more formidable both to King and Church openly pretending assistance to the King and Church in persecuting this faction secretly acquired strength to themselves in so doing Nor was this unseen by this wise King being naturally a greater enemy to the Faction persecuting the persecuted but either not having that magnanimity which is so requisite in a Soveraign or apprehending he had not means sufficient to goe through he neglected to apply such medicines as were necessary to the curing of this Gangrene so dilating it self both in Church Court and State but desiring Peace especially at home although almost upon any termes he rather sought to repell the breaking out of Puritanisme during his Reign then to eradicate it for the future Add hereunto that being excessively addicted to Hunting and not greatly loving the Common Lawes and finding it impossible to govern this Nation otherwise and minding controversies in Divinity more than the management of his temporall affaires and though free from Sacriledge and Corruption in his person yet carelesse of it in his Favourites and Countrymen and nothing so prudent a Manager of the Revenues of the Crown as his Predecessor whereby being forced to recede from many of his Regalities the Reins of Government both in Church and State became so loose that in the ordinary nature of things it was very difficult they should be reassumed by his Successor Ecclesiasticall Laws made by King Charles THere were some few Lawes made against Interludes c. on the Lords day and 10. groats penalty for offence to be levied by Justices and Constables which a man may read in the first Car. 1. 3 Car. 1. There had never in any time been before this Kings Reign so long Peace The state of the Church State in the beginning of K. Charles his Reign viz. for neer 80 years in this Nation as in the beginning of his Reign but neither doth peace make mens minds peaceable nor were things otherwise well disposed for the continuance of it for not only the zealous and obsequious duty which the Subjects paid to the Royall name in the person of Queen Elizabeth was quite dead and almost forgotten the great wisedome and learning of his Father not to be hoped for in the tender years of the Son the Exchequer without money and yet the King engaged in a Warre against the Spaniard for recovery of the Palatinate but the Puritan Faction which Queen Elizabeth desired so much to suppresse and so much hated by his Father was grown so farre up in Church State and Court that in all they were far more numerous both in England and Scotland and all forein Plantations then all his other Subjects Nor was the condition of Ireland better for not only the Protestant party were jarring among themselves but the Popish intent upon their destruction which after they did execute in a terrible manner To these may be added the government both in Church and State so neglected that the exercise of any Lawes to reduce them to conformity would be imputed to have been Innovations and Tyranny The Kings Councell either uncapable of giving counsell or not faithfull to their Prince Nor was there any thing left to oppose all these growing calamities but the hopefull virtues of a young Prince unacquainted in Temporall affaires and a stranger to all worldly calamities which are of no more power to protect him against seditious and rebellious Subjects then the Lawes of God and all which may be called sacred will retain men in obedience where they are not restrained by a present coercive power But these stormes which after brought this Saintlike Prince and this wofull Church State to so lamentable a condition as they lately lay under did not breake out in the very beginning of his Reign but in all three Nations did gather into such black clouds in all his reigne that almost at once breaking forth in such a terrible Tempest as upon the matter it so overwhelmed King Church and Government that there was scarce any footsteps of them left I had here designed to have inserted a short History of the chiefe occurrences of his Reigne and by what degrees this saint-like Prince became a victim to the rage and lust of his seditious subjects and have the papers now by me but in regard it must needs rub soares which may rather in their tendernesse anger then ease them and also because the History of his life hath been by others more fully written but most of all because it is his Majesties pleasure to have the memory of things rather buried in oblivion then renued I shall forbeare and doe no more then give the description of him and shew the consequence of his calamities The Description of King
Conclusions such as those in Philosophy and Physick As I would know the reason why Summer is hotter then Winter for so I find it to be why thus I reason It cannot be from the propinquity of the Sun to the Earth in Summer more then in Winter for the Earth is but a Point in proportion to the Universe besides the Sun is nearer to the Earth in Winter then in Summer for the Orbis magnus is not Spherical or Circular but Eccentrical and Elliptical which is plain because the revolution of the Earth or the Suns motion is finished in less time from the Autumnal Equinox to the Vernal then from the Vernal to the Autumnal and therefore nearer to the Earth in Winter then in Summer It is not then from the Suns nearness to the Earth which makes the Summer hotter then the Winter I find that the higher the Sun rises in our Horizon that is the nearer it comes to our Zenith when at the Meridian the hotter it is I therefore probably conclude that the heat in Summer is caused from the reflexion of the Sun and the nearer the radii are reflected to right angles the hotter it is and the more obliquely they are reflected the colder it is Or as when a Physitian from the symptoms of his indisposed Patient endeavors to find out the causes of his distemper c. this is reasoning à posteriori from the effect to find out the cause And men may reason from uncertain and false Principles as well as true but then always the Conclusions are so And therefore all Clavius his Demonstrations in his Practical Geometry and at the end of the sixth Book of Euclid of the Quadrature of a Circle though the Demonstrations be truly deduced are uncertain because it does not certainly appear That from the imaginary motion of the two right lines he there speaks of the Quadratrix line does cut the Base so that the side of the Quadratrix is a mean proportional between the Base and the Arch of the Quadrant And the Inferences and Conclusions which have caused so much confusion and distraction in these times are drawn from feigned and false Principles But in all true Propositions whatsoever no reason can be given for the first grounds and principles of them but only the will of the great Creator of all things who therefore so made them because it so seemed good unto him Of all the creatures upon earth Man only is reasonable for Man only contemplates God and looks up to heaven as thence expecting his beatitude Ovid. Metam Pronaque cum spectant anamalia caetera terram Os homini sublime dedit coelumque tueri Jussit erectos ad sydera tollere vultus And a little after Sanctius his animal mentisque capacius altae Deerat adhuc quod dominari in caetera possit Natus homo est Only Man from universal causes can by Reasoning the faculty of his understanding and memory rightly infer and conclude from them only Man has freedom in his will of doing or not doing and may if it be not his own fault in all his actions let his Will be informed by his Understanding and Reason whereas other Creatures do all things spontaneously that is by an impulse of Nature as they are moved by their objects or fears Therefore only Man does well and only Man does ill and only Man is happy and only Man is miserable Author But our Author goes on and tells you of a Tailor and a Mariner and I know not what indeed and concludes That now not the nature of two men but their words and what follows out of them ground their being active and passive This power of activity is in Latine called Jus or Justum in English Right or Due Our Author says before He that makes a promise to another man puts himself and his Promissary into a rank of agencie and patiencie upon a new score to wit that of Fidelity and Negotiating Observ Did ever man huddle up so much insignificant bumbast as here is or who in this world did from hence ever claim any Right or Property in any thing Well let us see then what we understand by Right or Due Right or Due is what any Man or company of Men claim to be his or theirs excluding all their fellow-Subjects And this Right Due or Property we no where find to be given by God immediately to any Man or Men but only the Land of Promise to the Children of Israel the Portion of whose Inheritance fell to them by Lot And by nature no Man has any property in any thing more then another if it be true as Cicero saies Privata nulla natura And Horace Non propriae telluris herum natura nec illum Nec me nec quenquam statuit What then gives it but the Law or Supreme Power of the Nation for Martial Hoc lege quod possis dicere jure meum est The Seventh GROUND Why Men desire to live in Community and of the necessity of Government Author HEre our Author tells us First It is fit to understand why Men desire to live in Flocks and Multitudes Observ Now would I know of our Author what these Men are and where to be found who desire to live so Or when did Men ever in the World in any place either live or desire to live so Indeed it is a received opinion that Man is born a living Creature apt and fit for society the Greeks called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but indeed no Man does naturally desire the society company or conversation of another Man because he is a Man and therefore Men do not nor ever did live promiscuously in flocks and multitudes as our Author saies without subordination one under another but in any the meanest and most contemptible Family that ever was the company are not all alike to one another as those are which live in flocks and herds c. But because no Infant can live nor any Man live well without the help of another naturally there is in every Man a solitude how to live and so to live that his living be not a burden or troublesom to him Man does not therefore desire the company or society of others as men for then he would desire the company and society of all men alike of Good of Bad of Vertuous of Vicious of Servants and Vile as well as Noble and Generous but accidentally as expecting Profit Honor Knowledge c. from him or them with whom he consorts or associates himself And therefore on the Exchange in Faires Markets c. Men do not Meet so as only to see one another and to make up such a Herd for then they would meet in other places as well as there but that from their buying and selling and their exchanging of Merchandise they may derive from thence profit to themselves It is an admirable thing to see what a strange Ingenuity there is in those men in acquiring those things from other places which
King comes to be in the exercise of another Kings power he is subject to that King so long as he continues in the exercise or dominion of that King By more reason therefore ought the Subjects of any Prince to be in subjection to Supreme powers so long as they continue in the exercise of their power whether it were by Conquest or not Besides God hath ordained Supreme powers for mens preservation not their destruction And there must be some visible power upon earth which may put a period to and decide differences or they will be endless But there is no power under heaven but their sword that can put a period to the differences of Princes what therfore in such case the sword decides ought to be obeyed and the conquered Subjects nay Princes who come into the dominion or exercise of anothers power ought to be subject to it so long as they continue therein God therefore pronounceth Zedekiah a Rebel against Nebuchadnezzer But this reason cannot 1 Chro. 36. 13. hold for Subjects against their Soveraign where the Law may decide their Regal power cannot be transferred nor communicated by any humane or voluntary act differences and where by no Law of God or Man they are permitted to take the sword 26. Cujus est velle ejus est nolle No power less then that which made any thing can alter it But Regal power is Gods ordinance therefore nothing less then the power of God can alter transfer or communicate it Yet is the exercise of it subject to violence As Gravia sursum levia deorsum feruntur yet may a man by violence throw a stone upward and depress smoke from ascending without altering the nature of either So though Regal power cannot be transferred nor communicated by Man yet is the exercise of it not only subject to violence and usurpation but also being voluntary may be suspended by Supreme powers themselves without any diminution of the power or right of exercise of it When therefore Subjects or Enemies do unjustly invade and possess the Dominion of another this possession does not divest the right or jus ad rem of that other but only suspend the exercise of the others power or right during such usurpation So may a King by a league or peace with others by his act suspend the exercise of his power in any place unjustly usurped from him by others yet without diminution of his power or right to that place But this act cannot oblige his Successor nor himself after such term but they have a just cause of war if it be no● restored Having thus far treated of the efficient or final cause of Regal power it is time to descend to the Attributes of it CHAP. III. Of the Attributes of Regal power and incidently of the Power of Magistrates 1. WHo hath the Supreme power hath the sword of Justice to punish The sword of Justice is his who hath the Supreme power them who transgress Laws and endeavour to cause sedition He is the Minister of God to thee for good but if thou do that which is evil be afraid for he beareth not the sword in vain for he is the Minister of God a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil Rom. 13. 4. And Gods rod in his hand Exod. 17. 9. 2. The end of all Government is either to preserve the governed inwardly The power of making War and Peace belongs to the Supreme power in peace or to defend them from the outward violence and opposition of others In vain therefore should Government be if he who hath the Supreme power may not as well defend Subjects from the violence of others outwardly as to preserve them from factions and feditions within And this power God gave to Moses Joshuah David and all the Kings of Judah nor can any King be a Supreme Prince without it nor the governed in a probable condition of hoping for preservation from it 3. Judgment is the determining of a good or bad action which cannot All Judgment is with him be in any who is subject to another What therefore could be a more subtile temptation of the Devil to our first Parents then to tell them Gen. 3. 5. that by eating the forbidden fruit they should be like to God knowing good and evil Solomon as the most requisite thing prays to God that he would give him an understanding heart that he might be able to judge between good and bad 1 King 3. 9. And The King by judgment establisheth the land Pro. 29. 4. And Give the King thy judgments O God and thy righteousness to the Kings Son that he may judge the people according to right and defend the poor Psal 72. 1 2. 4. The right of making Laws is with him The Scepter shall not depart Jus legislativum penes eum from Judah nor a Lawgiver from between his feet until Shilo come Gen. 49. 10. Submit your selves therefore to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as Supreme 1 Pet. 2. 12. And this is the onely visible means by which Subjects may become safe rich and happy 5. In punishment Equals cannot judge Equals much less can Inferiors That he does all things without punishment judge Superiors But a Supreme Prince cannot have an Equal much less a Superior therefore a Supreme Prince cannot be punished If a Supreme Prince might be punished for any thing he doth then cannot he do any thing but he will be liable to punishment for so doing For what property can he give to one which will not offend some other Nor did the veriest Thief or Murderer ever suffer punishment but some of his Comrades would seek revenge and if they might would punish the Lawgiver Besides who shall judge his Prince If any one then every one may Let no man therefore be hasty to go out of his sight nor stand in an evil thing for he doth whatsoever pleaseth him Where the word of a King is there is power and who shall say unto him what doest thou Eccles 8. 3 4. The Lord forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords Anointed to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the Lords Anointed 1 Sam. 24. 6. It may seem to some that this unlimited power of doing any thing Annot. with impunity will only beget a confidence in Kings of doing what they list without ever taking care of their duty in preserving their Subjects from intestine broils and factions and from the outward force and violence of their Enemies whereas more narrowly looked into no men are so subject to care and have their wills less then they For private men if they do any thing in their passion their fame and fortunes are alike neither much removed from their persons few take notice of it But they who are set in high place all men take notice of their actions In the greatest Fortune therefore is the
that Saul did unjustly persecute To resist Princes though commanding unjustly is contrary to faith in the Old Testament 1 Sam. 24. 6. cap. 26. 9. David with an intention to take away his life Yet when David might twice have resisted Saul and taken away his life 1 Sam. cap. 24 cap. 26. he refused to do it and the reason was because he was the Lords Anointed And who can lay his hand upon the Lords Anointed and be guiltless c. Nebuchadnezzar King of the Assyrians not only destroyed the land of Palestine with fire and sword not only destroyed Jorusalem laying it level with the ground burnt the Temple carried all things consecrated and dedicated to Gods service to Babylon converting them to prophane uses not only killed their King carried the Jews themselves into most miserable servitude but also to the contumely and dishonor of Gods Majesty erected an Image to be divinely adored upon no less penalty then to be thrown into the fiery fornace Yet were these most holy men Shadrach Meshach and Dan. 3. Abednego so far from resisting the King though they could not obey him that they patiently submitted themselves to the fornace made seven times hotter for their sakes and the blessed men were so far from seeking revenge that upon Gods denouncing judgment to Nebuchadnezzar in a dream Daniel whose mischief was no whit less intended prayeth that the dream might be to them who hate his Lord and the interpretation thereof to his adversaries Far unlike to the spirit of Calvin who commenting upon Daniel makes Kings to divest themselves of all power when they command in dishonor to God and to spit upon their heads rather then obey them c. And though Nebuchadnezzar were so wicked yet being Jer. 25. 9. a King Gods calls him his servant 25. S. Peter teacheth that it is thanksworthy if a man for conscience Against the faith of the New Testament 1 Pet. cap. 2. 19 20 21 c. towards God endure grief and suffer wrong undeservedly For what praise is it if when we be buffeted for our faults we take it patiently But if when we do well we suffer wrong and shall take it patiently then is there thank with God For hereunto were we called for Christ also suffered for us leaving us an example that we should follow his steps who did no sin neither was guile found in his mouth who when he was reviled reviled not again when he suffered he threatned not but committed the vengeance to him that judgeth righteously What more plain lesson can be given to Christians to suffer and not to resist Princes for the testimony of a good Conscience And if ever man had just cause to resist then had our Saviour and S. Peter in his defence yet would not our Saviour allow it but tells him that whoso takes the sword Mat. 29. 52. shall perish by the sword 26. That which I as a private man may assume to my self as a man Destructive to all Humane Society is due to another as a man otherwise it were a great arrogance in me to allow that to my self which I condemn in another But if I may ascribe to my self a power of judging when I may resist my Prince then ought I to allow it in another and so by consequence every man should have a power of judging how long he shall continue in obedience and not resist his Soveraign Now what Society there can be where any man may make himself free from all Humane Laws without which there can be no Society and resist them when he sees occasion for where men may resist there can be no subjection let any man judge Nay where men did ever ascribe to themselves a right or power of resisting their Soveraigns they did never stay there but made all the unjust usurpation and hostile invasion they could upon them who continued in obedience to their Prince And what Law of God or Man or Rule of Society gives me a liberty to kill and murder innocent men because I have sinned in resisting where I ought not By our Country-Laws if a man assaulted another who goeth back to some hedge ditch or wall c. beyond which he cannot pass and then in his own defence kills the assaulter yet such a tender care had the Common-Law of a mans life that though this were done by inevitable necessity in the preservation of an innocent mans life that he should have suffered death therefore And though by the Statute of Glocester he shall save his life yet he shall forfeit his goods and chattels Nor is this damnable opinion of resisting Princes Inst 3 par p. 55 56. less destructive to other men then the Assertors For why may not any man do that to them which they of themselves have done to their rightful Soveraign and his obedient Subjects 27. It is Humanum errare Fallibility is concomitant with humane Wherein Princes commanding unjustly ought to be obeyed actively nature And no doubt but Princes being men are subject to humane frailty Yet as Humane Laws will admit of although not intend a mischief to particular men rather then endure an Inconvenience so the Laws of Nature will admit of many things contrary to Nature rather then endure a Vacuity I say therefore that there are many things so inherent in the Prince individually that they are incommunicable to any other And therefore the Prince offending herein either through humane frailty or passion yet if he command unjustly the sin is his in so commanding and not the Subjects in obeying As if a Prince makes unjust War yet if the Subject obey him it is not the Subjects sin in obeying but the Princes in making such a War For if Subjects might judge whether a War were justly undertaken or not and so be freed from his obedience when he would judge it unlawful then any or all Subjects either through fear or faction might desert their Prince in any War and so the Prince left destitute of protecting himself or Subjects whenas Salus populi est suprema lex and of this is the Prince the sole and individual Judge If Princes give unjust Judgment the Executioners of Judgment ought to execute the Sentence although unjust for they are not obliged to take notice of the Injustice of the Sentence but of the Sentence The Act of Parliament against Cromwell Earl of Essex did oblige although unjust he being in peaceable times Inst 4. par 37. without any urgent necessity condemned unheard yet was it no sin in the Executioner to execute it 28. Monarchy is where the Empire or power of governing is in one What is Monarchy Person from whom all Humane Laws Magistracie and Protection of Subjects is to be expected 29. Hereditary Monarchy is where this Right Title or Empire descends What is Hereditary Monarchy to the Heir General or Male and this latter is proper only to France and that by a
to the prejudice and dishonor of it for sure no man can imagine that because a Man is a King that therefore he should divest himself of Nature and neglect to use some means to get an Estate for his Posterity where there is none provided If it be objected that the Crown descends to the Heir not to the posterity if more then one I answer That no Crown but hath many Offices and Dignities appertaining to it which descend to the Heir he probably will not reject his own flesh and blood to advance strangers whereas in an Elective Kingdom it cannot be hoped for 10. The Government in Britain and England untill 1641. was Monarchy The Government of Britain was ever Monarchy Hereditary before 1641. hereditary If you believe Mr. Selden in the First Book cap. 1. of his Analecton Anglo-Britanicon he will tell you upon the Faith of Jeoffrey of Monmouth the stem and progeny of Brutus the Nephew of Aeneas and give you a series of the Government of his posterity to Cassivellanus King of the Trinobantes when Cesar first made his invasion here and cap. 5. from Cassivellanus Essex and Middlesex to King Lucius Now I trowe our Author for the honor and reverence of the Apostolick sea will not deny Lucius to be a King and the first Christian King of the Britaines who and whose subjects were baptised Plat. in vit S. Eleutherii p. 21. about anno 176. by Fugatius and Damianus sent to this end by Pope Eleutherius And see Tacitus Lips pag. 457. in vita Agricolae Ii Britanni scilicet his atque talibus invicem instincti Voadicâ generis regii faemina duce neque enim sexum in imperjis discernunt sumsere universi bellum c. with these and the like speeches inciting one another by common consent they resolve to armes under the conduct of Voadica a Lady of the blood royal for in matter of governing in cheif they make no distinction of sex It is not my purpose here to relate a series and Catalogue of all the Brittish Kings to the Saxon Monarchs nor of the Saxon to the Dane and Norman I deny that in any of these times there was any other Government but Monarchy Aristocracy or Democracy never nor was ever any of those Kings chosen by the people Here by the way though I affirm the Government of England and Brittaine to be Monarchy yet I do not affirm that part of this Island which is called England was governed by one Monarch only till King Athestan reduced it about the yeare 938 nor the whole Island under one King before it was united under James anno 1602. And this Monarch not a thing in abeiance an aiery title but an absolute free and independent Monarchy Stat. 24. H. 8. cap. 12. It is resolved and declared that by sundry and old antick Histories and Chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this Realme of England is an Empire and so has been accepted in the world Publick Notaries made by the Emperor claimed de Jure to exercise their office here in England but were prohibited because it was against the dignity of a supream King see Sir Ed. Coke Instit 4. fo 342. Omnis sub rege ipse sub nullo sed tantum sub Deo And ipse autem Rex non debet esse sub hominibus sed sub Deo And Rex autem qui vicarius summi Regis est ad hoc constitutus ut regnum terrenum populum domini super omnia sanctum veneretur ecclesiam ejus regat ab injuriosis defendat maleficos ab ea evellat destruat penitus disperdat ibid Now would I fain know what higher power can any man upon earth claim then is here by the Law acknowledged to be in the Kings of England Nor hath any Subject any property in his estate but what he claims from the King for all Lands and Tenements in England in the hands of Subjects are holden mediately or immediately of the King Sir Ed. Co. Com. on Lit. fol. 1. Inst part 4. pag. 363 364. Nor have the Lords and Commons a concurring power with the King in making Statute-Laws for the King makes the Law the Lords and Commons consent Co. Lit. 159. b. And what concurring power of Lords and Commons is there in Magna Charta but only Henry by the grace of God King of England c. We have granted to God and by this our present Charter have confirmed for us and our heirs for ever c. And Charta de Foresta hath nothing which makes it a Law but Edward by the grace of God c. We will that all Forests c. Stat. Hiberniae made at Westminster 9 Feb. ann 14 H. 3. Henry c. commands that the Customs recited in that Statute and used in the Realm of England be proclaimed in Ireland and straightly kept and observed there And Stat. de Anno Bissextili made at Westm. ann 21 H. 3. ann 1236. is The King unto his Justices of the Bench greeting The Statute entituled Assisa panis cerviciae is made by the King The Statute de Scaccario is nothing but what the King commandeth And so let any man peruse all the antient Statutes of this Realm and he shall not find any so much as Consent of the Lords and Commons named in the making of them though it may be it was implied Nor had the Lords and Commons in the Parliament Anno 1641. any more power de jure then their Predecessors had before them And therefore the Common-Law and Statute-Law of this Realm were nothing but the declared Will of the King Nor hath any City or Borough c. any Priviledge but what they claim and hold immediately from the Kings Grant Customs I take to be those Usages which the Kings have permitted Sir Ed. Co. comment on Littleton 113 to divers of their Subjects in several places of this Realm time out of mind distinct and not the same with the Common Law And herein they differ from Prescription because this refers to the person that to the place so Prescription is what such an individual Man and his ancestors have done in such a place and Custom is what divers Men at once have used in such a City Borough Mannor or Village Add hereunto the Militia of the Kingdom the Mint the power of making War or Peace which were always in the King and for the manageing of which he hath usually taken the Results of his Ordinary Council and who will deny the Kings of England to have been Absolute Soveraigns What the Government since 1641. hath been I cannot tell nor do I care If you believe the Instrument it will tell you It is in One Person and the Freeborn People of this Nation so in Two and divided But who are the Freeborn People of this Nation Every man hath as much right to this Freedom as another here is no Vassalage no Civitate donatus in
this opinion are all Christian Princes made in a worse condition then Infidel or Mahumetan and subject to the Spiritual powers in their Temporal jurisdiction But mutato nomine a new generation of men have sprung up and changed Bonum temporale sequitur in ordine ad bonum spirituale into The wicked have no right to their goods and It is lawful for the children of Israel to rob the Egyptians 11. The King is greater then the Singulars and less then all his Subjects Rex major singulis c. is a seditious opinion is a Fools bolt shot at such random that it is not worth the measuring whether it be near the mark or not For not only all Subjects owe their obedience as much as every one but never was any Prince universally rejected or disobeyed by his Subjects 12. See Sir Ed. Coke 3. par Inst pag. 9. On si homme leva guerre encontre That Subjects may upon any prerence levy war without consent of the Supreme power a seditious opinion See Calv. case 11 12. nostre Seignieur le Roy This was High Treason by the Common Law for no Subject can levy War within the Realm without authority from the King for to him it only belongeth And a little after If any levy War to expulse strangers to deliver men out of prisons to remove Councellors or any other end pretending Reformation of their own heads without warrant this is a levying of War against the King because they take upon them the Royal authority which is against the King 13. Let no Prince ever hope for obedience from his Subjects who Negligence in the worship of God takes no care that God be duly served by them For where the fear of God is not men will not honor their King but are disposed to sedition 14. Honor is nothing else then the estimation of anothers power Contempt of the Regal power disposes men to sedition viz. That a man hath power to protect reward and punish another And prudent Princes ought so to maintain the reputation of this in their Subjects that it may be received and believed of all For besides that ill men will where there is no fear of punishment become more licentious generally all men ambitiously where they are not restrained by fear desire to insult over their Superiors Aesop gives an Item of this last in the Fable of the Logg which Jupiter gave the Frogs for their King when they became fearless of it every one jumped insultingly upon it And examples of the former are clearly seen in men who condemned for offences to death they penitently acknowledge their faults and desire forgiveness of that Power that puts them to death whereas scarce any offender fearless of punishment did ever submit and ask forgiveness for it Princes therefore ought principally to take care how either by their vices remiss Government or otherwise they make their persons or power contemptible for when power is contemptible the exercise of it is never permanent 15. If the Age tends to worse and men of this latter Age have been Concessions of Princes to their Subjects disposes them to sedition worse then in the precedent as men generally hold and if Princes power in Ages when Mankind did not so fast degenerate into all forbidden wickedness were not sufficient at all times to restrain the seditions and disorders of their Subjects then is it a most unreasonable thing in Princes to indulge this ambitious desire of their Subjects by granting them liberties and priviledges which they had not before And if any man can shew that ever any where in the world Princes did make their Subjects better by granting them a more then usual liberty but only made them more arrogant to demand more until their Majesties and Authorities became so contemptible that in stead of governing their Subjects they must be content to have what terms their Subjects please to impose upon them or to reject them which in the end they will assuredly do I will be content to believe Princes do prudently by granting to their Subjects all their real Prerogatives and retaining only or some small matter more then the empty Title 16. It is not only the office of a Prince that good Laws be made but If Laws be not carefully executed that they be carefully put in execution There is no man who does not will and desire to be happy but few men who are daily sollicitous and industrious to attain to happiness It is the part of foolish men only to will and wish but the part of prudent men to do wisely A man shall see it in a family where the Master only commands and never looks to the doing that in a short time though he commands much he will have little performed And where Subjects have gotten a licentious habit of neglecting or transgressing Laws it will prove a hard thing to reclaim them whereas they might have been easily preserved in their obedience by careful execution of the Laws 17. There is nothing more dangerous in Church or State then Innovation Alterations of Laws It is therefore the most secure way of governing when mens manners and vices do not require new Laws by the antient and received Laws of a Nation This will secure the Prince from the imputation of Tyranny he may better hope to preserve a strong house built upon a sure foundation then by destroying it to undertake to build another which he either knows not how to finish or having built it cannot hope it will be better then the other or cannot tell whether it will be of any continuance but falling will overwhelm him in the ruine of it Besides the Subjects from the example of their Prince will become studious of innovation and censure whatsoever Laws he prescribes in lieu of the old ones Those he gives if they please one will displease another it will be the only talk of the City Country and Market If he punish any opposer for it is not possible but disadvantage will be to many and the loser will speak he shall by all his faction be cried up for a Martyr and Patriot of his Country and Laws It will make Subjects diffident of their condition and fearful that having Property by the old Laws they shall lose all by new ones Yet there is nothing in this world can secure men and make their condition permanent For what is usually objected by seditious men against their Prince viz. the invading and not suffering freeborn Subjects to have the benefit of their antient Laws and Customs was imputed a crime to our late King who was persecuted by his own Subjects because he adhered to the known and received Laws of the Land for after the year 1642. there was not any Petition presented to the King by one or both Houses of Parliament but was against the established Laws of this Nation But no question it was not the Kings adherence to the Laws but the iniquity
and for the reason De terra vero Salica nulla portio haereditalis mulieri veniat sed ad virilem sexum tota terrae haereditas perveniat Bodin de rep p. 745. 13. For the authority of it the learned do not agree by whom it was The authority of it by D'-Avila made nor whether any French King ever made any such or not D'avila in the beginning of the first book of the Civil wars in France recites the most probable conjecture which is That the French when they left their habitation to seek fresh quarters sate down at the river Sala which divides Misnia Westward from Turingia and there forsooth did agree to choose themselves a King and did make Constitutions which should be fundamental and unalterable ever after and those Constitutions being made at the river Sala are called Salique Laws 14. There is no story of Guy of Warwick Amadis de Gaule or the Dun How probable Cows rib but is of as much authority and probability as this For can it be imagined that a company of Rogues and Thieves going to rob and thieve at Gads-hill should agree at Greenwich to make unalterable Laws for their government and succession before they were possessed of any thing and what they make their Laws of is nothing but what they shall rob and cheat other men of 15. But Bodin will not undertake to tell by whom or when it was made Bodin's opinion it is strange you will say that making up his discourse almost of Histories he hath nothing to say for this he only saies it is not new as many men think but engraven in the most ancient tables of the Salians in these words De terra vero salica c. ut supra So Bodin names neither by whom nor when Para. 12. this Salique Law was made Did ever man infer so fondly that because the Salian women did not inherit therefore the French Crown cannot descend to women But mark now if this be a consequence The women of the Land of Salia do not inherit and therefore no female can inherit the French Monarchy then if the men of the Land of Salia will alter this constitution the descent of the French Monarchy is altered by an Act of the men of Salia for Cessante ratione legis cessat lex and sublata causa tollitur effectus In their contest with the Popes the Kings of France say they hold their Crown of God whereas if Bodin says true they hold it by a Law written in the Tables of the Salians I can say no more for the authority of this Law unless I should repeat the same things again out of De Serres and other learned French Historians 16. This Law cannot be altered by the King and Estates general The eternity of it I had thought that only the Laws of Nature had been unalterable It is a rule that Unumquodque dissolvi potest eo ligamine quo ligatum est And if this Salique Law be a constitution of Man by that power which made it a constitution by that power it may be altered 17. De terra vero Salica nulla portio haereditatis mulieri veniat sed ad virilem The reason of it sexum tota terrae hereditas perveniat Now let any man that is in his wits or understands any thing of the nature of a Law judge whether there be any shadow of reason in this For a Law is the rule or direction of him who does govern to be observed by them who are governed How then can the Crown of France descend according to the customs of the Salians if the French Crown be not subject to the men of Salia and they had given the King and his successors this unalterable Law of not descending to the female but where this country Salia should be I could never find so much as the name in any Geographer or Historian ancient or modern Sure the Romans so curious in searching and describing of Countries would not have overseen it especially the Emperor Julian warring so long in those parts of Germany not above sixty years before they suppose Pharameund departs out of Salia for to seek better quarters in Gaule 18. The two main parts of the Salique Law are That the Crown shall The two main parts of the Salique Law descend to the next heire male and if the heire be ana infant that the next Prince of the blood who is a Major shall during his minority be his Guardian and Regent Yet Bodin is fearful that the Salique Law was not bar enough against our Ed. the third being never before heard of saies Hail●n he saies pag. 745. Whenas the controversie concerning the Crown of France was between Philip Earl of Valoys and Ed. the third King of England Philip defended the Salique Law by the Voconian which ordained by the consent of the Fathers and Princes that in that controversie no man should use the authority of forrain Lawes but every one should study for his profit the Salique Law But when the question was 1563 whether Charles the ninth were a Major at fourteen years of Age currant or compleat the Parliament of Paris would have taken upon them to decide it when Charles sends them word I do not mean that you should deale in any thing but with the administration of good and speedie justice to my subjects understand hereafter that you are not confirmed in your offices by me to be my Tutors or Protectors of my Realm nor Governors of my City of Paris as hitherto you have perswaded your selves Besides Charles the seventh Anno 1420. was adjudged to banishment and unworthy to succeed in any of the signories of France by all the Courts of the Parliament of Paris And so about 7 years since was the Prince of Condi and so was Henry the forth by all the three Estates at the general assembly at Bloys Anno. 1588. So that is is evident that this immutable Law is not so inviolably kept by the French themselves when it does not serve their turn How should the Voconion Law oblige against Ed. the third and not the Acts of Parliament of Paris and general Assembly at Blois oblige against Charles the seventh and Henry the fourth for ubi eadem est ratio ibi idem est jus 19. There cannot be a more imprudent act then to make any one Ward The imprudence of the Salique Law to him who is his next heire especially to a Crown which frees any one from all attainders what then can be more imprudent then this part of the Salique Law which gives the pupil King into the hands of the next heire who murthering him makes way for himself to the Kingship By our Country Laws no man could be Guardian to the person of a Ward but the next of blood to whom the inheritance could not descend But this part of the eternal Law has not of late been observed by the French Nation whereas the contrary hath been
in the regencie of the Queen mothers Blanch the mother of St. Lewis of Francis the second Charles the ninth Lewis the thirteenth and Lewis the fourteenth 20. Neither have the French better observed the other part of the It has been ill observed by the French Salique Law for the descending of the Crown to the heirs male for Pepin having put King Childerick into a Monastery had not any colour of title but as he was chosen by the Parliament of Paris so that it seems the Parliament of Paris may do what the King and general Assembly cannot and alter the most fundamental constitutions of France which forsooth at other times are immutable and Hugh Capet to make his title good against Charles of Lorrain the right Masculine heire of Pepin did derive his pedigree from one of the daughters of Charlemain son of Pepin Nor could Lewis the ninth a most religious Prince be resolved in conscience till he was satisfied that by his Grandmothers side he was descended from the right heirs of Charles of Lorrain But I wonder with what face these Frenchmen can urge the Salique Law against others and yet practise the contrary themselves For Charles the eight having married Anne the Dutchess of Brittain and by that title possessed the Dutchy by whom he had Claude married to Francis the first who had issue Henry the second who had issue Francis the second Charles the ninth Henry the third and Hercules Elizabeth married to Philip the second of Spain and Margaret married to Henry the fourth Now Francis Charles Henry and Hercules dying without issue legitimate I would know how against the Salique Law Charles and his posterity should have a title to Britain and yet King Philip and his posterity be debarred of it by vertue of this pretended Salique Law CHAP. III. Of the Municipal Laws of England before 1640. 1. TEmporal or Secular Laws are made to preserve men so long as Of Temporal Laws and incidently of the Municipal Laws of this Nation they live in this world in unity and peace one with another and these do not bind in conscience only but injoyn corporal and pecuniary mulcts for not observance or transgressing them The Municipal Laws of this Kingdom are either the Common Law which are general usages of that long continuance that they have quite lost their prime institution That they were not brought in by the Conqueror is most evident Common Law or Generall usage for the Conqueror swore to observe the good approved and antient Laws of this Kingdom and that the Subjects might the better observe Proem 8. part of Sir Ed. Cokes Reports their duty and the Conquerors Oath he caused twelve the most discreet and wise men in every shire throughout all England to be sworn before himself that without swerving either ad dextram or ad sinistram they should declare the integrity of their Laws without concealing adding or in any sort varying from the truth and Aldreb the Archbishop that crowned him and Hugh the Bishop of London by the Kings commandement wrote that which the Jurats had delivered and these by Publick Proclamation he declared to be authentick and under grievous punishment to be inviolably observed And that 441 years before the incarnation of Christ Mulumutius of Preface 3. report some called Dunvallo M. of some Dovebant did write two Books of the Laws of the Britans the one called Statuta Municipalia and the other Leges judiciariae which is as much as to say the Statute-Law and Common-Law And 356 years before our Saviour Mercia Proba Queen and wife of King Gwintclin wrote a book of the Laws of England in the British tongue calling it Marchenleg King Alfred or King Alured King of the West-Saxons 871 years after Christ wrote a book of the Laws of England calling the same Breviarum quoddam quod composuit ex diversis legibus Trojanorum Graecorum Britanorum Saxonum Danorum In the year after our Saviour 653. Sigabert or Sigisbert Orientalium Anglorum Rex wrote a book calling it Legum instituta King Edward of that name the third before the Conquest ex immensa legum congerie quas Britanni Romani Angli condiderunt optima quaeque selegit ac in unam coegit quam vocari voluit Communem legem But whether these latter were the Laws which are now used in England under correction may be question made because the Authorities cited are from such obscure and uncertain Authors that no great credit is to be given to them nor are those Books except Alfreds and Edwards which are obsolete and out of use with us and so have been these 600 years any where to be found whereby it may appear that they have any affinity with the Common-Law But it does most certainly appear out of most authentical Records that time out of mind before the Conquest there had been Sheriffs for the Writ of Assise and every other Original Writ to whom they were directed except to the Coroner in special cases who stands in place of the Sheriff and for Trials by the Oath of Twelve men and that the Writs of Assise and other Original Writs were retornable into the Kings Courts and that there had been a Court of Chancery for all Original Writs to issue out and none other and that those Mannors that were in the hands of S. Edward the Confessor are to this day called Ancient Demesne All which does more copiously and fully appear in this Proeme to the Third Part of the Reports And that the Chancery Kings Bench Common Pleas the Exchequer be all the Kings Courts and have been time out of memory of man so as no Proem Rep. 8. man knows which of them is antientest Afterward in the Proeme to the Ninth Part of his Reports out of the Mirror of Justices which treats how the Land was governed almost twelve hundred years since having spoken of the Courts of Parliament Chancery Kings Bench Common Pleas and the Exchequer he descends to the Justiciarii Itinerantes or Justices in Eire The Kings do right to all men by their Justices Commissioners itinerant assigned to have Conusance Justices Itinerant sec 6. of all Pleas. In aid of such Eires the Sheriffs Turns and View of Frankpledges are necessary c. Then he treateth of the Sheriffs Turn That the Sheriffs of antient Sheriffs Turn sec 7. Ordinance do hold general Assemblies twice a year in every Hundred whither all the Freeholders within the Hundred are bound to come by the service of their Feifs or Fees that is to say once after Michaelmas and another time after Easter c. Leets or Courts of View of Frankpledge are Assemblies ordained Leets or view of Frank-pledge sec 8. once a year not only of Freeholders but of all in the Hundred as well Denizens as others except Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors and all Religious people and Clerks Earls Barons Knights Married women Persons dumb and deaf diseased Bastards and Lepers and
cum populi multitudine copiosa ac omnibus adhuc in eodem Parliamento personalit ' existent ' votis Regiis unanimiter consentientibus praeceptum decret ' fuit quod Monasterium Sancti Edmundi c. sit ab omni jurisdictione episcopor ' com' illius ex tunc imperpet ' funditus liberum exemptum c. Illustris rex Hardicanutus pred' regis Canuti filius haeres success ac sui patris vestigior ' devotus imitator c. cum laude favore Aegelnod ' Dorobornensis nunc Cantuariensis Alfrici Eborac ' episcopor ' aliorumque episcopor ' suffragan ' nec non cunctorum regni mei mandanorum principum descriptum constituit roboravitque praeceptum were Acts of Parliament Ibidem Rex Eldredus convocavit Magnatos Episcopos Proceres Optimates ad tractandum de publicis negotiis regni And this was a Parliament Inst 4. p. 3. But none of these you will say have the obligation of Laws upon us Well let us see those Acts of Parliament which have and what is the difference By the way no Acts of Parliament are now nor these 400 years have had the force of Statute-Laws in England but those made in Henry the Third's time and since And what was the first and great Act of Magna charta but Henry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Magna Charta an Act of Parliament Ireland c. We have granted to God and by this our present Charter have confirmed for us and our heirs for ever That the Church of England shall be free and shall have all her whole rights and liberties inviolable We have granted also and given to all the Freemen of our Realm for us and our heirs for ever those Liberties underwritten to have and to hold to them and their heirs of us and our heirs for ever Note this great Charter which made the Church and Nota bene Kingdom of England the most free in the world was a free and voluntary act of an English Monarch in Parliament And all that violation and destruction of all those happy Grants and Concessions both in Church and State have been made by a cursed conspiracie of a factious and seditious company of men falsly and most injuriously arrogating to themselves the name of Parliament without and against the Kings good mind and pleasure Charta Foresta was Henry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Ireland Duke of Normandy and of Guyen c. We will that all Forests which King Henry our Grandfather afforested shall be viewed by good and lawful men c. Statutum Hiberniae was nothing else but Henry by the grace of God King of England c. To his trusty and welbeloved Gerard son of Maurice Justicer of Ireland greeting Commanding him to cause the Customs recited in the Act and used in England to be proclaimed and streightly kept and observed in Ireland Statutum de Anno Bissextili was The King unto the Justices of the An. 21. H. 3. Bench greeting c. The Statute intituled Assisa panis cervisiae was An. 51. H. 3. The King to all to whom these presents shall come greeting We have seen certain Ordinances c. Stat. de Scaccario The King commandeth that all manner of Bailiffs Sheriffs An. 51. H. 3. and other Officers as well Justices of Chester c. Statutes made in the Parliament at Marleborough wherein the King An. 52. H. 3. made these Acts Ordinances and Statutes underwritten which he willeth to be observed for ever firmly and inviolably of all his Subjects as well high as low Statute of Westminster the first were the Acts of Edward the son of An. 3. Ed. 1. Henry c. by his Council and the assent of Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and all the Commonalty of the Realm c. the King ordained and established these Acts underwritten which he intendeth to be necessary and profitable unto the whole Realm First the King willeth and commandeth that the peace of Holy Church and of the Land be well kept and maintained in all points and that common right be done to all as well poor as rich without respect of persons c. Statutes made at Gloucester where our Soveraign Lord the King for An. 6. Ed. 1. the amendment of the Land and for the relief of his people c. hath provided and established these Laws underwritten willing and commanding that from henceforth they be firmly observed within the Realm Statute of Rutland hath no other title then The King to his Treasurer An. 10. Ed. 1. and Barons of the Exchequer and to his Chamberlains greeting c. Articuli super Chartas were Grants in Parliament made by the King An. 20. Ed. 1. at the request of the Prelates Earls and Barons assembled in Parliament Note the Commons are not so much as named in these Acts of Parliament The Statute of Quo Warranto made at Gloucester and Statute de Protectionibus An. 30. Ed. 1. An. 33. Ed. 1. made at Westminster the King only speaks Stat. de conjunctim Feoffatis The King unto all to whom these c. An. 34. Ed. 1. greeting And after the recital of the things contained in the Act it is said In witness of which thing we have caused these our Letters Patents I my self being Witness at Westminster Statute of Amortising of Land made by Ed. 1. only the King speaketh Ordinatio pro statu Hiberniae made 17 Ed. 1. the King speaketh by the assent of his Council Statute Ne Rector prosternat arbores in coemiterio only the King speaketh and neither Council nor Parliament mentioned An. 35 Ed. 1. Statute for Knights hath no other title then Our Lord the King hath An. 1. Ed. 2. granted c. And Stat. de frangentibus prisonam 1 Ed. 2. hath nothing to create it a Law but The King willeth and commandeth and neither Parliament nor Council named in either of them Articuli Cleri made at Lincoln the King and his Council are named An. 9. Ed. 2. The Statute of York was made by the King by the assent of the Prelates An. 12. Ed. 2. Earls Barons and Commonalty there assembled So that in these three Kings reign although the King did enact them in Parliament yet the manner was different almost in all In Ed. 3. his time was the form of enacting Laws truly defined and An. 1. Ed. 3. much used by him and the subsequent Kings At the Parliament holden at Westminster King Edward at the request of the Commonalty and by their Petition made before him and his Council in the Parliament and by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other great men assembled at that Parliament hath granted c. In the next Parliament holden at Northampton the Laws are made by An. 2. Ed. 3. him and by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other great
to instance the Acts of Parliament which give one Jointenant a power to compell the others to sue a Writ of Partition which was denied at Common-Law and right of Entry where they were put to their Cui in vita c. It may suffice that in no Kings reign there have not been Acts of Parliament which have been so far from making declarations of the Common-Law that they have made manifest alterations in it And as the Common-Law hath no force nor reason against an Act of Parliament so hath no particular Custom any force or reason against it for no man can prescribe against an Act of Parliament and all Lands in Gavel-kind were particular Customs but taken away by Act of Parliament And many Acts of Parliament have not declared the Succession of the English Diadem according to the usual custom thereof but made manifest alteration thereof as in the Succession of Hen. 4. 5. 6. Rich. 3. Hen. 7. 8. which being unjust and the cause not depending upon Humane laws ought not to be obeyed Nor secondly is that a less error that Judicial Records are equivalent to Acts of Parliament for they are so far from being equal to Acts of Parliament that in truth they are no Laws but Inferences and Conclusions which are deduced from Laws For there is not any Judicial Record which is not unjust if it cannot truly and ultimately be resolved in some general or particular Custom Act of the Parliament or grant of the King So that Acts of Parliament the Common Law Particular Customs and Prescriptions and Royal Grants are as Axioms Postulata or Principles in Arts or Sciences and Judicial Records Reported Cases and Yearsbooks are Inferences Conclusions or Sciences deduced from Acts of Parliament the Common Law and particular Customs of this Land or Concessions of the King Touching Royal Government Royal Government being the ordinance of God and from the Law of Nature is paramount to all Humane laws and the prime and efficient cause of them they cannot therefore declare the cause so as to create any obligation of what they are but the effects and from whence derived We have thus far treated of the means by which the Kings of this Nation have until 1640. governed and preserved their Subjects internally But because it is the office of Kings to preserve their Subjects as well from foreign force as internal broil there is yet something wanting of which we have not treated viz. The power of making War and Peace and maintaining Alliance and Traffique Of these in regard they refer to Foreign powers and jurisdictions and are not subject to the Laws of the Nation we shall forbear to treat only affirming that it is necessary that at all times this power must be so vested in the King that at all times he may have the aids and assistance of his Subjects in prosecution of the Ends aforesaid The end of the Third Book The Contents of the Fourth Book HAving thus far treated of all created Rights and the causes of all Laws and created Powers and Vertues and these being previous and necessary to all Justice and Obedience We in this Book descend to treat of Justice in the first Chap. as the most eminent and noble of all Humane vertues it being that which not only conserves private Families but all Nations and Kingdoms in unity peace and society and demonstrate it neither to be in Geometrical proportion as Plato would nor Arithmetical proportion as Zenophon held nor in Harmonical proportion as Bodin taught Nor is that corrective and distributive Justice which Aristotle affirmed to be in Arithmetical and in Geometrical proportion The Second Chap. treats of Obedience and shews how that it necessarily proceeds and yet is different from Justice The Third Chap. treats of Judgment and shews how it differs from Law and Justice The Fourth Chap. treats of Equity and shews how it differs from Judgment and how necessary Courts of Equity as well as Judicature are THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. Of Justice 1. JUstitia est habitus animi communi utilitate Cicero's definition of Justice servata suum cuique tribuens Societatem conjunctionis Humanae munifice atque aequè tuens Justice is a habit of the Minde common utility being conserved giving to every one their right and bountifully and equally Cicero lib. 1. de legibus defending the Society of Mankinde Et Justitia est quae suum cuique distribuit Justice is that which does distribute to every man what is his right Where he says That Justitia est obtemperatio scriptis legibus we will shew that is not properly Justice but Obedience onely 2. Justice is the upright doing of an act conserving Society in that Quid sit Justitia formality as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it Justice is the doing of a just action the doing of a just action is the upright doing of any act as it is commanded or permitted by him who by right may command or permit it preserving Peace and Society I say Justice must have these two properties viz. upright doing that is abstraction from all affections of love hate or self-interest and the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act Other actions proceeding from Wisdom Reason Experiment or Discourse c. are prudent profitable c. but none are just or honest actions which cannot be truly and ultimately resolved into the Law or Command of him who by right may command or permit such an act So Quotuplex that Justice is twofold either commanded or permitted 3. Injustice is the abuse or falsifying the Law or Command of him What is Injustice who by right commands to the hurt or prejudice of another As a Law preceding and Integrity are inseparable incidents to Justice so Hypocracy seeming just and yet abusing or falsifying a Law and the damage of another or more are incidents inseparable to injustice 4. Let us see who may by right command and who are obliged to do God commands by highest right in conformity to their Laws and Commands I say God by highest right ought to command all the created things in Heaven and Earth and all Creatures are chiefly and absolutely obliged to do whatsoever he commands without any reasoning or disputing why he so commands For the earth is Psal 24. 1. Job 41. 11. Psal 50. 12. the Lords and all that therein is the compass of the World and all that dwell therein And whatsoever is under the whole Heaven is Gods and the World is mine and the fulness thereof All Gods commands therefore have a like and equal influence upon all his Creatures all Creatures as compared to him are alike vile and between him and them is no proportion To abuse then or falsifie any Law of God or Nature to the hurt or prejudice of another is a sin of injustice in all Gods Creatures and
vero Regi prout ipsa feret facti ratio satisfacito aut graves sceleris admissi poenas rex ipse repetito Christiana siquidem fide imbuti regis est Deo illatas graviter pro facti ratione ulcisci injurias If any one entred into Holy Orders or one living with him be imposed upon or cheated in those things which belong to his estate or life then let the King himself unless he can procure it otherwise be to him in place of Patron and Kindred but the Cheator shall make the King satisfaction according to the valure of the fact or the King himself shall take great punishment of the wickedness committed for it is the part of a King endued with Christian religion severely to punish injuries according to the quality of the deed offered to God 10. For the proving of this Sir Edward Coke in the Proeme to the The antient Common-law did not admit of Appeals to Rome in cases Spiritual sixth Part of his Reports cites an Act of Parliament made 10 H. 2. an 1164. where it was enacted As concerning Appellations if any shall arise from the Archdeacon they must proceed to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Archbishop and if the Archbishop do fail in doing Justice it must lastly come to the King that by his precept the controversie may be ended in the Archbishops Court so that there ought not to be any proceeding further without the assent of the King And that this among many other might not taste of innovation the Record saith This recognition or record was made of a certain part of the customs and liberties of the Predecessors of the King to wit of Henry his Grandfather and of other Kings which ought to be observed in the Kingdom and held of all for the dissentions and discords often arising between the Clergy and our Soveraign Lord the Kings Justicers and the Peers of the Realm And all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Clergy with the Earls Barons and all the Nobles c. have sworne and assuredly promised in the word of mouth in one consent to keep and observe the said recognition toward the King and his heirs in good sooth without evil meaning for ever 11. The Revenue of Danegelt was first enacted because of Pyrates church- The Kings before the Conquest by their own authority did impose Taxes upon Church-lands For infesting the Country they did persist as much as they could to the devastation of it And to repress their insolence the yearly return of Danegelt was enacted viz. Twelve pence for every Hide of all the Country Mr. Selden in lib. 2. cap. 4. Analecton Anglobritannicon fol. 77. makes a Hide of land to be as much as could be tilled by one plough in a year Mr. Lambert in the Laws of King Edward fol. 128. makes a Hide to be one hundred acres of land to maintain them who should resist the irruption of the Pyrates when they met them But from the Danegelt every Church should be free and quiet and all land which was in the dominion of the Church wheresoever it lay paying nothing at all in such redemption for men did more confide in the prayers of the Church then in the defence of arms But if Lex vult non supervacaneum then is it clear that the church-Church-lands were liable to be taxed by the King for it had been a supervacaneous thing to have excepted the lands of the Church in this Law if the lands of the Church had not been liable to have been taxed at all And to manifest more clearly that the exemption of Church-land from Taxes was a meer concession of our Kings take the Stat. of Ethelulph the successor of Egbert written Analect Angl. lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 77. with his own hand Our Lord reigning for ever Whilst that we see perillous times in our days the fire of war the taking away of our goods together with the cruel depredations of our destroying enemies and barbarous Pagan nations do lie upon us the multiplied tribulations do afflict us even to utter destruction Wherefore I Ethelulph King of the West-Saxons with the councel of the Bishops and my Princes giving wholsom councel and the only remedy have consented I have determined that every portion given to the holy Church whether of either Sex serving God or to miserable Lay-men always the tenth Mansion where it is least or the tenth part of all Goods be made for ever free that it be safe and defended from all secular services yea from the Kings greater or lesser tributes or the taxations which we call Winterden and that it be free of all things for the forgiveness of our souls and sins to serve God alone without Expedition building of Bridge and fortifying of Castle 12. If King Ethelbert were obliged to S. Gregory for the Conversion At what time the Pope first usurped jurisdiction over the Crown of England of the English Saxons to the Faith Prince Edgar Athelin was smally beholding to Pope Alexander 2. For Edgar being Grandson to Edmund Ironside and the undoubted Heir to the English Monarchy after the death of Edward the Confessor Alexander not only allows the Conquerors pretensions to the Crown of England but interdicts all those who should Speed fol. 405. par 27. See the effects of the Popes curse Speed fol. 415. par 2. oppose him So that though Harold were an Usurper yet was his Holiness his Interdiction as much against the undoubted Title of Edgar as against Harold Nor were all titles of rights and interests of the English Monarchy ever perfect and compleat from that time until they were all united and perfected in King James 13. How far the Britanick Churches were from any dependence upon At what time the first contest hapned between the King Pope about the investiture of Bishops the Church of Rome we have already shewed And so free were the Churches of England under the Saxon Kings before the Conquest that before the Appeal of Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury to Pope Paschal 2. scarce any Appeal was ever made to Rome but that of Wilfreds which was overruled by the King and Church So that for near a thousand years after the Conversion of the Britains and Saxons to the Faith although by means of S. Eleutherius and Gregory the Great we do not find any thing which may prove the superiority of the Roman Church over either the Britanick or English And how strange a thing the investiture of the English Bishops by the Pope was to the King and Kingdom of England appears by the Letter of Paschal to Anselm in answer to Anselm's Significasti Reges De Elect. Pet. cap. 4. Regni Majores admiratione promotos c. You have signified to me that Kings and Nobles were moved with admiration that the Pall was offered to you by our Ministers upon condition that you should take an Oath which they brought you written from us And the King not only opposed
be laid up in safe keeping under the Private Seal of the Abbot of the same House So that the Abbot or Prior which does govern the House shall be able of himself to establish nothing though heretofore it hath been otherwise used And if it fortune hereafter that writings of Obligations Donations Purchases Sales Alienations or of any other Contracts be sealed with any other Seal then such a Common Seal kept as is aforesaid they shall be adjudged void and of no force in Law But it is not the meaning of our Lord the King to exclude the Abbots Priors and other Religious Aliens by the Ordinances and Statutes aforesaid from executing the office of Visitation in his Kingdom and Dominion but they may visit at their pleasures by themselves or others the Monasteries and other places in his Kingdom and Dominion in subjection to them according to the duty of their office in these things only that belong to Regular observation and the discipline of their Order Provided that they which shall execute this office of Visitation shall carry or cause to be carried out of his Kingdom or Dominion none of the goods or things of such Monasteries Priors and Houses saving only their reasonable and competent charges Stat. Ne Rector prosternat arbores in Caemiterio made 35 Ed. 1. Anno Dom. 1307. In what cases and by whom Trees may be felled in a Churchyard Because we do understand that controversies do ofttimes grow between Parsons of Churches and their Parishioners touching Trees growing in the Church-yard both of them pretending that they do belong unto themselves We have thought good rather to decide this controversie by writing then by Statute Forasmuch as a Church-yard that is dedicated is the soil of a Church and whatsoever is planted belongs to the soil it must needs follow that those Trees which be growing in the Church-yard are to be reckoned amongst the goods of the Church the which Laymen have no authority to dispose but as the holy Scripture does testifie the charge of them is committed only to Priests to be disposed of And yet seeing those Trees be often planted to defend the force of the wind from hurting of the Church We do prohibit the Parsons of the Church that they do not presume to fell them down unadvisedly but when the Chancel of the church does want necessary reparations Neither shall they be converted In the Reign of Edward the First A Bull of Excommunication brought by one Subject against another 30 E. 3. li. Ass Pl. 19 c. was adjudged by the Common law Treason against the King his crown and dignity Edw. 1. seised the lands of the Archbishop of York because he refused Par. 2. 19. E. 1. Quare non admisit to admit his Clerk but pleaded that the Bishop of Rome long time before provided to the said Church The King and his Council did not receive the constitution of the Bishop Para. 3. Stat. de Biga 4 Ed. 1. of Rome at Lions which excluded men twice married or Bigami from all priviledges of Clergy It was declared that the holy Church of England was founded in the Stat. 25 Ed. 1. Carlisle state of Prelacy within this Realm of England by the King and his progenitors And that the Bishop of Rome usurping the seigniory of such Benefices c. that the said oppressions grievances and damages in this Realm from thenceforth shall not be suffered Articuli Cleri made at Lincoln Anno 9 E. 2. Anno Dom. 1315. The King to all whom c. sendeth greeting Understand ye that whereas of late in times of our Progenitors sometimes Kings of England in divers their Parliaments and likewise after that we had undertaken the governance of the Realm in our Parliaments many Articles containing divers grievances committed against the Church of England the Prelates and Clergy were propounded by the Prelates and Clerks of our Realm and further great instance was made that convenient remedy might be provided therein And of late in our Parliament holden at Lincoln the ninth year of our reign we caused the Articles underwritten with certain Answers made to some of them heretofore to be rehearsed before our Council and made certain Answers to be corrected and to the residue of the Articles underwritten Answers were made by us and our Council of which said Articles with the Answers of the same the tenors here ensue No Prohibition shall be granted where Tithes be demanded but where Cap. 1 money for them First whereas Laymen do purchase Prohibitions generally upon Tithes Obventions Oblations Mortuaries Redemption of penance violent laying hands on Clerks or Coverts and in cases of Defamation in which cases Spiritual penance ought to be injoined The King doth answer to this Article That in Tithes Oblations Obventions Mortuaries when they are propounded under these names the Kings prohibition shall hold no place although for the long withholding of the same the money may be esteemed at a sum certain But if a Clerk or a Religious man do fell his Tithes being gathered in his barn or otherwhere to any man for money if the money be not demanded before a Spiritual Judge the Kings Prohibition shall lie for by the sale the spiritual goods are made temporal and the Tithes are turned into chattels Regist fol. 34. 39. v. N. B. f. 3032. Fitz. N. B. fo 40 c. Rast pla fo 484 c. Debate upon the right of Tithes exceeding the fourth part Enjoining Cap. 2 Penance corporal or pecuniary Also if debate do arise upon the right of Tithes having his original from the right of Patronage and the quantity of the same Tithes do come unto the fourth part of the goods of the Church the Kings Prohibition shall hold place if the case come before a Judge Spiritual Also if a Prelate enjoin a penance pecuniary to a man for his offence and if it be demanded the Kings Prohibition shall hold place But if Prelates enjoin a penance corporal and they which be so punished will redeem upon their own accord such penances by money if money be demanded before a Judge Spiritual the Kings prohibition shall hold no place Laying violent hands upon a Clerk Excommunication for Cap. 3 Penance corporal Moreover if any lay violent hands upon a Clerk the amends for the Peace broken shall be before the King And for the Excommunication before a Prelate that Penance corporal may be enjoined which if the offender will redeem of his own good will by giving money to the Prelate or to the party grieved it shall be required before the Prelate and the Kings Prohibition shall not lie Prelates may correct for Defamation In Defamations also Prelates shall correct in manner aforesaid the Kings Prohibition notwithstanding first enjoining a penance corporal which if the offender will redeem the Prelate may freely receive the money though the Kings Prohibition be granted No Prohibition where the Tithe is demanded of a new Mill. Also
if any one do erect in his ground a Mill of new and after the Parson of the same place demandeth Tithe for the same the Kings Prohibition doth issue in this form Quia de tali molendino hactenus decimae non fuerunt solutae prohibemus c. Et sententiam Excommunicationis si quam hac occasione promulgaveritis revocetis omnino The Answer In such case the Kings Prohibition was never granted by the Kings assent nor never shall which hath decreed that it shall not hereafter lie in such cases Where a Suit for one offence may be prosecuted both in Court Spiritual and Temporal Also if any cause or matter the knowledge whereof belongeth to a Court Spiritual and shall be definitively determined before a Judge Spiritual and does pass into a Judgment and shall not be suspended by an Appeal and after if upon the same thing a Question is moved before a Temporal Judge between the same parties and it be proved by witness or instruments such an Exception is not to be admitted in a Temporal Court The Answer When any one case is debated before Judges Spiritual and Temporal as above appeareth upon the case of laying violent hands upon a Clerk it is thought notwithstanding the Spiritual Judgment the Kings Court shall discuss the same matter as the party shall think expedient for himself In what case only the Kings Letter shall be sent to discharge an Excommunication Also the Kings Letter directed unto Ordinaries that have wrapped those that be in subjection unto them in the sentence of Excommunication that they should assoil them by a certain day or else that they do appear and shew wherefore they have excommunicated them The Answer The King decreeth that hereafter no such Letter shall be suffered to go forth but in case where it is found that the Kings liberty is prejudiced by such Excommunication Clerks in the Kings service shall be discharged of their Residence but shall be corrected by their Ordinary Also Barons of the Kings Exchequer claiming by their priviledge that they ought to make answer to no complainant out of the same place extend the same priviledge unto the Clerks abiding there called to Orders or unto Residence and inhibit Ordinaries that by no means or for any cause so long as they be in the Exchequer or Kings service that they call not them to Judgment Ans It pleaseth our Lord the King that such Clerks as attend in this service if they offend shall be correct by their Ordinaries like as other but so long as they are occupied about the Exchequer they shall not be bound to keep residence in their Churches This is added of new by the Kings Council The King and his Ancestors since time out of mind have used that Clerks which are imployed in his service during such time as they are in his service shall not be compelled to keep residence at their Benefices And such things as be thought necessary for the King aad Commonweal ought not to be said to be prejudicial to the liberty of the Church Distresses shall not be taken in the High-ways nor in the antient Fees Cap. 9 of the Church Also the Kings Officers as Sheriffs and other do enter into the Fees of the Church to take Distresses and sometimes they take the Parsons beasts in the High-way where they have nothing but the land belonging to the Church The Answer The Kings pleasure is that from henceforth such Distresses shall neither he taken in the Kings High-way nor in the Fees wherewith Churches in tiimes past have been endowed Nevertheless he willeth Distresses to be taken in possession of the Church newly purchased by Ecclesiastical persons They that abjure the Realm shall be in peace as long as they be in the Church or High-way Also where some flying unto the Church abjure the Realm according to the custom of the Realm and Laymen or their enemies do pursue them and pluck them from the Kings High-way and they be hanged or headed and whilst they be in the Church are kept in the Church-yard with armed men and sometime in the Church so straitly that they cannot depart from the hallowed ground to empty their belly and cannot be suffered to have necessaries brought unto them for their living The Answer They that abjure the Realm so long as they be in the common way shall be in the Kings peace nor ought to be disturbed of any man and when they be in the Church their Keepers ought not to abide in the Church-yard except necessity or peril of escape do require so And as long as they be in the Church they shall not be compelled to flee away but they shall have necessaries for their living and may go forth to empty their belly And the Kings pleasure is that Thieves or Appellors whensoever they will may confess their offences unto Priests but let the Confessors beware that they do not erroniously inform such Appellors Religious Houses shall not be charged by compulsion with Corodies Pensions Resort or taking in of Horses and Carts Also it is desired that our Lord the King and the Great men of the Realm do nor charge Religious houses or Spiritual persons for Corodies Pensions or Sojourning in Religious houses and other places of the church or with taking up of horses or carts whereby such houses are impoverished and Gods service diminished and by reason of such charges Priests and other Ministers of the Church deputed unto Divine service are oftentimes compelled to depart from the places aforesaid The Answer The Kings pleasure is that upon the contents in their Petition from henceforth they shall not be unduly charged And if the contrary be done by Great men or other they shall have remedy after the form of the Statutes made in the time of King Edward Father to the King that now is And the like remedy shall be done for corodies and pensions exacted by compulsion whereof no mention is made in the said Statutes A Clerk excommunicated may be taken out of the Parish where he dwelleth Cap. 12 Also if any of the Kings tenure be called before their Ordinaries out of the Parish where they continue if they be excommunicate for their manifest contumacy and after forty days a Writ goeth out to take them and they pretend their priviledge that they ought not to be cited out of their Town and Parish where their dwelling is and so the Kings Writ that went out to take them is denied The Answer It was never yet denied nor shall be hereafter The examination of a Parson presented to a Benefice belongeth to a Spiritual Judge Also it is desired that Spiritual persons whom our Lord the King doth present unto Benefices of the Church if the Bishop will not admit them either for lack of learning or for other cause reasonable may not be under examination of Lay-persons in the cases aforesaid as it is now attempted contrary to the Decrees canonical but that they may sue unto a
12. twenty nine Abbots and Priors for so many then were Lords of Parliament It is declared That where by divers sundry old authentique Histories and Chronicles it was manifestly declared and expressed that this Realm of England is an Empire and has been so accounted in the world governed by one Supreme Head and King having the dignity and Royal estate of the Imperial crown of the same unto whom a Body Politique compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of Spirituality and Temporality been bound and ought to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience He being also institute and furnished by the goodness of God with plenary whole and entire power preheminence authority prerogative and jurisdiction to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of folk resiants or subjects within this his Realm in all causes matters debates and contentions happening to occur insurge or begin within the limits thereof without restraint or provocation to any Forein Princes or Potentates in the world The body Spiritual whereof having power when any cause of Law Divine happened to come in question or of Spiritual Learning that it was declared interpreted and shewed by that part of the said body Politique called the Spiritual body then being usually called the English Church which always hath been reputed and also found of that sort that both for knowledge integrity and sufficiency of number it has been always thought and was also at that houre sufficient and meet of it self without the intermedling of any exterior person or persons to declare and determine all such doubts and to administer all such offices and duties as to the the rooms Spiritual did appertain For the due administration whereof and to keep them from corruption and sinister affection the Kings noble Progenitors and Antecessors of the Nobles of this Realm have sufficiently endowed the said Church both with honor and possessions And the Laws Temporal for trial of Property of Lands and Goods and for the conservation of the people of this Realm in unity and peace without rapine and spoil was and yet is administred adjudged and executed by sundry Judges and Ministers of the other part of the said Body Politique called the Temporalty And both their Authorities and Jurisdictions do conjoin together in the due administration of Justice the one to help the other This Statute does moreover affirm that Ed. 1. Ed. 3. Rich. 2. H. 4. and other Kings did make divers Laws Ordinances Statutes c. for the entire and sure conservation of the prerogatives liberties and preheminences of the said Imperial Crown and of the Jurisdictions Spiritual and Temporal of the same to keep it from the annoyance as well from the See of Rome as from other Forein Potentates and does make all Causes determinable by any Spiritual jurisdiction to be adjudged within the Kings authority All First-fruits and all contributions to the See of Rome by any Bishop St. 25. H. 8 cap. 20. were forbidden upon pain of forfeiture of all the goods and cattals for ever and all the Temporal lands and possessions of every Archbishoprick or Bishoprick during the time that he or they who offend contrary to the said Act shall possess and enjoy the said Archbishoprick or Bishoprick And that if any presented to the See of Rome by the King to a Bishoprick and he be there delayed he may be consecrated by an Archbishop in England and that an Archbishop presented to the See of Rome to be there consecrated and there letted may be consecrated by two Bishops of England And because the Pope hereof informed did not redress and reform the said exactions nor give answer to the Kings mind therefore the said Statute did prohibit any man to be presented to the See of Rome for the dignity of an Archbishop or Bishop or that any Annates or First-fruits be paid to the Bishop of Rome and that upon the avoidance of any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick the King his heirs and successors may grant to the Prior and Covent or Dean and Chapiter of the Cathedral Churches or Monasteries where the See of such Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall happen to be void a Licence under the Great seal as of old time hath been accustomed to proceed to Election of an Archbishop or Bishop of the See so being void with a Letter missive containing the name of the person which they shall elect and choose and for default of such Election the King by his Letters Patents may nominate an Archbishop or Bishop and that every Archbishop Bishop to whose hands any such presentment or nomination shall be directed shall with speed invest and consecrate the person nominated and presented by the King his heirs and successors And if any Archbishop or Bishop Prior and Covent Dean and Chapiter shall for the space of twenty days next after such Licence or Nomination come to their hands neglect or shall execute any Censures Excommunications Interdictions c. contrary to the execution of any thing contained in this Act that then they incur the penalty of a Praemunire An act concerning the exoneration of the Kings subjects from exactions St. 25. H. 8. cap. 21. and impositions before that time paid to the See of Rome and for having Licences and Dispensations within this Realm without suing further for the same The King shall be reputed Supreme Head of the Church of England St. 26. H. 8. cap. 1. and have authority to reform and redress all Errors Heresies and abuses in the same Every Archbishop and Bishop disposed to have a Suffragan may elect 26 H. 8. c. 14. discreet Spiritual persons being learned and of good conversation and present them under their seals to the King making humble request to his Majesty to give to one of the two such title name stile and dignity of Bishop of such of the Sees as the King shall think fit and that every such person to whom the King shall give any such stile and title of the Sees abovenamed viz. the Towns of Thetford Ipswich Colchester Dover Gilford Southampton Taunton Shaftsbury Molton Marlborough Bedford Leicester Glocester Shrewsbury Bristow Penrith Bridgwater Nottingham Grantham Hull Huntington Cambridge and the Towns of Perth and Barwick S. Germans in Cornwal and the Isle of Wight shall be called Bishop Suffragan of the same See whereunto he shall be named and that every Archbishop and Bishop for their own peculiar Diocese may and shall give to every such Bishop Suffragan such Commissions as have been accustomed for Suffragans heretofore to have or else such Commissions as by them shall be thought requisite reasonable and convenient And that no Suffragan shall use any ordinary jurisdiction or Episcopal power otherwise nor longer time then shall be limited by such Commission upon pain of the penalties mentioned in the Statute of Provisions made the 16. of Rich. 2. The King shall have authority to name Thirty two persons sixteen
with the Opinion of Learned men That the marriage with his Brothers wife was contrary to the Law of God and void The King not expecting the Popes sentence anno 1533. marries his beloved Anne but such love is usually too hot to hold for about two years after he cut off her head yet the King did not wholly renounce the Papacy but still expecting the Popes sentence The Pope for the reasons aforesaid not desiring to end the business The slow proceedings of the Pope but to expect advantage from time reduces the matter into several points or heads which he would have particularly disputed and at the time of the Kings marriage with Anne was not got further then the article of Attentates in which the Pope gave sentence against the King that it was not lawful for him to put away his wife by his own authority without the Ecclesiastical Judge For which cause the King in the beginning of 1534. denied the Pope his obedience commanding his Subjects not to pay any money to Rome nor to pay the ordinary Peter-pence This infinitely troubled the Court of Rome and they daily consulted of a remedy Some thought to proceed against the King with censures and to interdict all Christian nations all commerce with England But the moderate counsel pleased best to temporise with him and to mediate a composition by the French King K. Francis accepted the charge and sent the Bishop of Paris to Rome to negotiate a Pacification with the Pope where they still proceeded in the cause gently and with resolution not to come to censures if the Emperor did not proceed first or at the same time with his forces They had divided the cause into twenty three articles and then they handled whether Prince Arthur had had carnal conjunction with Queen Katherine in this they spent time till Midlent was past when the 19. of March news came that a Libel was published in England against the Pope and the whole Court of Rome and besides a Comedy had been made in presence of the King and Court to the great disgrace and shame of the Pope and every Cardinal in particular For which cause all being inflamed with choler ran headlong to give sentence which was pronounced in the Consistory the 24. of the same month That the marriage between Henry and Katherine was good that he was bound to take her to wife and that in case he did not he should be excommunicated But the Pope was soon displeased with this precipitation For six days His rash censure repented of after the French Kings letters came That the King was content to accept the sentence concerning Attentates and to render obedience upon condition that the Cardinals whom he mistrusted should not meddle in the business and that persons not suspected should be sent to Cambray to take information ●and and the King had sent his Proctors before to assist in the Cause at Rome Wherefore the Pope went about to devise some pretence to suspend the precipitate sentence and again to set the cause on its feet But the King so soon as he had seen it said It was no matter for the Utterly loses the obedience of England Pope should be Bishop of Rome and himself sole Lord of his Kingdom And that he would do according to the antient manner of the Eastern church not leaving to be a good Christian nor suffering the Lutheran Heresie or any other to be brought into his Kingdom From that time forward Henry the Eighth of a zealous Assertor of the No anger lost between the King Pope Papacy both by pen and purse became the first and greatest Opposer of it of all the Western Christian Princes for the Eastern Christian Princes except sometimes the Emperors of Greece and the Kings of Holy Land did seldom or never submit to the Papacy in her Spirituals yet did he afterwards seed to be reconciled to the Pope even by means of his Nephew Charls the Fifth Nor were the Popes much behind hand with him For besides Clement's petty Excommunication Paul the Third Anno 1538. thundred out such a terrible Excommunication against him as the like was never heard of which deprived him of his kingdom and his adherents of whatsoever they possessed commanding his Subjects to deny him obedience and Strangers to have no commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against and persecute both him and his followers granting them their states and goods for their prey and their persons for slaves But the Popes anger ended in words whereas the Kings deeds took place against the Pope But what there was in all the Kings reign which might be called Reformation What was the Kings Reformation I do not understand For whatsoever the King took from the Pope except Peter-pence he ascribed to himself If the Pope would be Head of the Catholique Church the King would be Head of the Church of England If the Pope challenged Annates and First-fruits of the Bishops and Clergy the King would do no less If the Pope did give Abbots and Priors power being Ecclesiastical persons to make divers Impropriations to their benefit the King will take a power to take them all away and convert them into Lay-fees and incorporate them so into particular mens estates that they shall never return to the Church more Nor had he any love or desire of Reformation of the Church but only to the church-Church-lands for all the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of the Church of Rome was continued and that with such bloody cruelty that a Stranger going over Smithfield one day and seeing two men there executed one for denying the Kings Headship of the Church and another for subscribing to the Six Articles cryed out Bone Deus quomodo hic agunt vivi hic suspenduntur Papistae ibi comburuntur Antipapistae And so zealous did he continue herein that Pope Paul the Third after he had fulminated so dreadfully against him Hist Conc-Trid fol. 90 proposed him for an Example to be imitated by Charls the Fifth Although such was the temper of this Prince that he never spared man The exclusion of the Papai jurisdiction was an act of the King Kingdom and Church of England in his rage woman in his lust nor any thing which might be called sacred in his avarice yet so absolute was he that his Divorce was attested by both the Universities at home besides that at Paris abroad his freeing himself and the Nation from the jurisdiction of the Pope was not only assented to by a Synod and Convocation of all the Clergy of England but the English and Irish Nobility did make their submissions by an Indenture to Sir Anthony Sellinger then chief Governor of Ireland wherein they did acknowledge King Henry to be their lawful Soveraign and confessed the Kings Supremacy Bram. Vind. of the Church of England p. 43. in all causes and utterly renounced the Pope But Divorce banishing the Papal authority
Dissolution of Abbies and all were easily passed and assented to in Parliament But whatsoever the King were otherwise yet sure the Popes passion The Pope was more unjust in his censures then the King was in excluding the Papal jurisdiction against him carried them to greater extravagancies and exorbitancies then were on his part against them For suppose that the Pope had de facto the Investitures of Bishops Peter-pence Annates and First-fruits paid them and did exercise a jurisdiction over all the Church and Clergy yet no question all these things were by the grants and permission of precedent Kings and if Kings may grant and permit these things then what hinders but that they may recall them for Cujus est velle ejus est nolle Besides we have already shewed that although there were not that bitter personal spite between the Kings of England and and the Popes formerly as was between Henry 8. and Clement 7. and Paul 3. yet did many of them ascribe as little to the Pope as Henry did But for a Pope to deprive a Christian Prince of his kingdom over whom he had no manner of right his Adherents of whatsoever they possessed to command his Subjects to deny their obedience to their Soveraign and Strangers not to have any commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against him and his followers granting them their estates and goods for a prey and their persons for slaves is so unlike to the example and precept of S. Peter whom they pretend to succeed who not only suffered death under Temporal power but inspired by God does command so expresly obedience to Kings not as subordinate to himself 1 Pet. 2. 13. but as supreme And of our Saviour himself who both suffered himself under Temporal power and paid tribute to Caesar and took not away but fulfilled the Moral Law which commands obedience to Princes and Higher powers and whose kingdom was not of this world that sure no Turk or Infidel was so much an enemy to Christians or indeed rather to mankind as to have desired it The state of the Church and of the Ecclesiastical Laws made by Edward the sixth THe time of this Kings reign being a Child and therefore woful and of his Father were perillous days The Father in his Laws scarce ever took advice but from his passion lust or avarice the Son although a Prince of infinite hope and goodness yet wanting the authority and reputation requisite in a Soveraign was either not able to restrain or else perswaded it was beneficial to give reins to a company of Sacrilegious Harpies and Courtiers to make a total prey not only upon all Colledges Free-Chappels Chantries and all their Lands except them of the Universities and some few other which by the Statute of 1 Ed. 6. cap. 14. were given to Camb. pref Eliz. Reg. Life of Ed. 6. the King upon specious pretences but the Lands of the Bishops generally became a prey unto them So much worse is it for every thing to be lawful then that any thing should be Law It was enacted That if any man spake irreverently or contemptuously An. 1. Ed. 6. c. 6. of the Sacrament of the Altar he should be imprisoned and fined at the Kings will and pleasure and that Justices of Peace might enquire of offenders Yet should not the person offending be arraigned or tryed unless the Bishop of the Diocese or his Chancellor or Deputy learned were required to be at the Quarter-Sessions to which purpose a new Writ was made Rex c. Episc L. salutem Praecipimus tibi quod tu Cancellarius tuus vel alius deputatus tuus sufficienter eruditus sitis cum Justiciariis nostris ad pacem in com nostro B. conservand assignat apud D. tali die ad sessionem nostram tunc ibidem tenend ad dand consilium advisament eisdem Justitiariis nostris ad pacem super arraiment deliberationem offendet contra Formam statuti concernend sacrosanctum Sacramentum Altaris And by this Satute it was Enacted that the Sacrament should be delivered to the people under both Kindes viz. of Bread and Wine From thenceforth no Conge deslier shall be granted nor any Election An. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 2. shall be made of any Archbishop or Bishop by the Dean and Chapter but when any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall be voided the King by his Letters Patents may confer the same to any person whom he shall think meet c All summons citations and other proces Ecclesiastical shall be made in the name and with the stile of the King as in the Writs of the common Law and the test thereof shall be in the name of the Archbishop or Bishop c. All persons that have the exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction shall have in their Seals of Office the Kings Arms with certain characters under them for the knowledge of their dioces but the Archbishop of Canterbury shall use his own Seal and his own name in all faculties and dispensations A man speaking against the Kings Headship of the Church shall being An. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 12. thereof attaint or convict forfeit all his Goods and Chattels to the King and suffer imprisonment during the Kings will and pleasure for the first offence and for the second offence forfeit to the King the whole issues and profits of all his Lands and all his Goods and Chattels and suffer perpetual imprisonment and for the third offence shall be adjudged a Traytor and suffer death and forfeit all his Goods and Chattels Lands and Tenements as in cases of High Treason And it shall be deemed Treason for any by Printing Writing or Deed to affirm the King not to be Head of the Church An Act for uniformity of Service and administration of Sacraments being An. 2 3 Ed. 6 Cap. 1. before divers and different viz. of Sarum of York of Bangor and of Lincoln and divers and sundry forms and fashions were used in Cathedrals and Parish-Churches of England and Wales as well concerning Mattens or Morning Prayer and the Evening Song as also concerning the holy Communion commonly called the Mass with divers and sundry rites and ceremonies concerning the same and in the administration of the Sacraments of the Church The Statute does inflict upon every Parson Vicar or other whatsoever Minister that ought or should say or sing the said Common Prayer mentioned in the said Book Entituled the Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other rites and ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England and shall refuse it or use any other form or shall Preach Declare or speak any thing in derogation of the said Book or any thing contained therein and be thereof lawfully convict by a Jury of twelve men or by confession shall forfeit to the King for the first offence the profit of all his Spiritual benefices and promotions arising in a whole year and
suffet imprisonment for six moneths without bail or mainprize And for the second offence shall suffer a years imprisonment and be deprived of all his spiritual promotions and for the third offence shall suffer imprisonment during life It was Enacted that the Justices of Oyer and Terminer and Justices of Assize should have power and authority in the open and general Sessions to hear and determin the offences committed against this Act yet so that every Archbishop and Bishop had liberty to joyn and associate himself to the said Justices of Oyer and Terminer or to the Justices of Assize All books called Antiphoners Missals Grails Portuasses Primers in Latine An. 3. 4. Ed. 6. Cap. 10. or in English and other books used for service in the Church saving such as are set forth by the Kings Authority shall be clearly abolished All Images graven painted or carved taken out of any Church or Chappel and the aforesaid books shall be defaced or openly burnt Such form and manner of making and consecrating of Archbishops and Anno 3 4. Ed. 6. Cap. 12. Bishops Priests and Deacons and other Ministers of the Church as by six Prelates and six other men of this Realm learned in the Law of God by the King to be appointed and assigned or by most of the number of them shall be devised for that purpose and set forth under the Great Seal before the first of April next coming shall be lawfully exercised and used and none other An Act for uniformity of Prayer and administration of the Sacraments An. 5. 6. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. in the English Tongue and that every person upon every Sunday and Holiday having no lawful cause to be absent do resort to his Parish-Church and they which refuse are to be punished by the censure of the Church and that all persons who shall be at any other common prayer or Sacraments shall for the first offence suffer Imprisonment for six moneths without bail or mainprise for the second Imprisonment during a whole year and for the third Imprisonment during life All the Sundays of the year the Feast of our Lord Jesus his Circumcision of the Epiphany of the Purification of the blessed Virgin of St. Matthew An. 5. 6. Ed. 6. Cap. 2. the Apostle of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin of St. Mark the Evangelist of St. Philip and Jacob the Apostles of the Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist of St. Peter the Apostle of St. James the Apostle of St. Barthelomew the Apostle of St. Matthew the Apostle of St. Michael the Archangel of St. Luke the Evangelist of St. Simon and Jude the Apostles of All Saints of St. Andrew the Apostle of St. Thomas the Apostle of the Nativity of our Lord of St. Stephen the Martyr of St. John the Evangelist of the holy Innocents Munday and Tuesday in Easter-week Munday and Tuesday in Whitson-week are to be observed and kept for Holy days and none other And that every even or day next going before any of the aforesaid days of the Feasts of the Nativity of our Lord of Easter of the Ascension of our Lord Pentecost of the Purification of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin of all Saints and of all the Feasts of the Apostles other then the Feasts of St. John the Evangelist and Philip and Jacob shall be kept for fasting days and none other Archbishops Bishops in their Dioces and all other having Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction may enquire of every person offending in the premises and punish every offender by censures of the Church and enjoyn him such penance as by the spiritual Judge shall be thought meet This Statute does not abrogate abstinence from flesh in Lent and Fridays and Saturdays or any day appointed to be kept by vertue of an Act made the second and third Ed. 6. Cap. 19. When any Holy day happens on the Munday the fast of that day shall be kept upon the Saturday immediately before and not upon the Sunday A view of the Reformation of Ed. 6. and of the lawfulness of it That the Book of commom Prayer Administration of the Sacraments The Reformation made by Ed. 6. was not meerly a civil sanction and other rites and ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England was framed and composed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops of the Land assembled to that purpose by the King is clearly expressed in the Preface to the Act of the 2. 3. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. The right that Christian Kings have to call and assemble Synods It is no new thing for Kings to assemble the Bishops and Church to redress and reform errors Councels and Convocations for the redress and reformation of errors and corruptions in the Church is properly the subject of another Treatise but that the Kings and supream Powers before Christianity under the old Law from Moses to Maccabees did always use it and that the first great Nicene Councel the second general Councel at Constantinople the third at Ephesus the fourth at Calcedon the fifth at Constantinople the sixth at Constantinople the seventh at Ephesus were all called by Christian Emperors is manifested by the Bishop of Winchester Andrews in the Sermon of the Right and Power of calling Assemblies nor were the general Councels convoked by Emperors but the Emperors and Kings did convoke and assemble Provincial and National Assemblies and Synods He shews that the Bishop of Syracuse in Sicily and Restitutus Bishop of London in Britain were summoned to a Synod in France by the Emperor Constantine ' Writ onely this was in the beginning of his Reign in the latter end of it in the thirtieth year of his Reign and the year before his death he called the Councel at Tyre and from thence removed it to Jerusalem and from thence called them to appear before himself at Constantinople After him Constans called one at Sardis Valentinian at Lampsacus Theodosius at Aquileia Gratian at Thessalonica Nay when the Emperors were professed Arrians even then did the Bishops acknowledge their power to call Councels came to them being called sued to them that they might be called came to them as Hosius to that of Arimine Liberius to that of Sirmium and that of Seleucia sued for them as Liberius to Constantius as Leo to Theodosius for the second Ephesine Councel Innocentius to Arcadius and sometime they sped as Leo and sometime not as Liberius and Innocentius and yet when they sped not they held themselves quiet and never presumed to draw themselves together of their own heads After the Empire fell in pieces and the Western Empire fell into the hands of Kings in Italy Theodoric called one at Rome Alaric at Agatha In France Clowis the first Christian King there called one at Orleans Childebert at Auvern Theodebert called another at Orleans and Cherebert at Toures And
28. H. 8. 7. for the establishment of the succession of the Imperiall Crown of this Realm that concerneth a Prohibition to marry within the Degrees expressed in the said Act. Stat. 31 H. 8. 9. authorising the King to make Bishops by his Letters Patents Stat. 32 H. 8. 38. concerning precontracts of Marriages and touching degrees of consanguinity Stat. 35 H. 8. 3. for ratification of the Kings Stile The corporall oath made in the Stat. of 35 H. 8. 1. that every Subject of this Realm should be bound to take against the power authority and jurisdiction of the See of Rome Stat. 37 H. 8. 17. That the Doctors of the Civill Law which were married might exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction So much of that Statute of the first Ed. 6. 1. as contains certain Provisions Pains Penalties and Forfeitures for and against such as should by open preachings expresse words sayings writing printing overt-deed or act affirme or set forth That the King of this Realm for the time being is not or ought not to be the supreme head in earth of the Churches of England and Ireland nor of any of them or that the Bishop of Rome or any other person or persons other than the K. of England for the time being is or ought to be supreme head of the same Churches or any of them as in the said Act more at large may appear It is enacted that these clauses and other of the foresaid Act concerning the Supremacy and all and every branch article words and sentence in the same sounding or tending to the Derogation of the supremacy of the Popes Holiness or the See of Rome and all pains penalties and forfeitures made against them that should by any means set forth or extol the said Supremacy should from thenceforth be utterly void It did moreover generally repeal all clauses sentences and articles of every other Statute made since the 20 H. 8. against the supreme authority of the Popes Holiness or See Apostolick of Rome The Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons professing themselves reduced and received by their Majesties intercession to the unity of Christs Church and obedience of the Apostolick See of Rome and the Pope governing the same did make humble suite to their Majesties to be Intercessors that by authority of the Popes Holiness and by the ministration of Cardinall Poole by dispensation tolleration or permission respectively as the case shall require be abolished these Articles following and generally all others when any occasion shall so require may be provided for and confirmed 1. That all Bishopricks Cathedrall Churches Hospitalls Colledges Schooles and other such foundations now continuing made by authority of Parl. or otherwise established according to the order of the Lawes of this Realm since the Schisme may be confirmed and continue for ever 2. That Marriages made infragradus Prohibitos consanguinitatis affinitatis cognationis spiritualis or what might be made void propter impedimentum Publicae honestatis justitiae or for any cause prohibited by the Canons only may be confirmed and children born of those Marriages declared legitimate so as those Marriages were made according to the Lawes of the Realm for the time being and be not directly against the Lawes of God nor in such case as the See Apostolick hath not used to dispence withall 3. That institution of Benefices and other promotions Ecclesiasticall and dispensations made according to the form of the Act of Parliament may likewise be confirmed 4. That all Judiciall Processes made before any Ordinaries of this Realm or before any Delegates upon any Appeals according to the order of the Lawes of this Realm may likewise be ratified and confirmed 5. That the Lands and Goods of Bishopricks Monasteries Chanteries c. dispersed abroad to sundry persons by gift exchange purchase c. according to the Lawes of the Land for the time being shall so continue It was enacted that the title of supreme head of the Church never was nor could be attributed to by any King or Governor It was enacted that all Bulls Dispensations and Priviledges obtained before the 20 year of H. 8. or any time since of the See of Rome and not containing matter prejudiciall to the Imperiall Crown or Lawes of this Realm should be put in execution This Statute did restore the Pope and Apostolick See together with the Jurisdiction the Bishops had in the Realm to all the Authority they had before the 20 of H. 8. It is a very remarkable thing that this Statute does affirme that nothing done or moved in this Statute should be prejudicall to the Liberties of the Crown before the 20 of H. 8. and that the Statute of 24 H. 8. 12. and the Statute of 25 H. 8. cap. 20. which takes away all Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction from the Pope and vests it in the King should be but declaratory of the ancient and common Law of this Land See Coke de jure Regis Ecclesiastico 28. a. b. 31. one of these must necessarily be false Thus did Queen Mary restore by Parl all the Papall Jurisdiction which Description of Queen Mary was exercised before the 20 of Henry the 8. and would have restored all the Abbey and Chantery Lands taken away by her Father and Brother had it been in her power but many alienations descents and purchases having been made of them she was not able to performe it being a Princess no doubt wondrous free from sacriledge zealous and constant in her Religion mercifull when her Religion was not concerned and just Her mercy appears in her not only pardoning all the Councell who had subscribed to her disinheriting but it was thought she would not have taken away the life of the Lady Jane although guilty of so high a crime as having actually invaded the Crown if the Duke of Suffolk her Father formerly pardoned by the Queens meer grace had not most unjustly and unthankfully excited her Subjects against her which together with Wiats Rebellion for her own security did necessitate her for her own security to execute her Her justice appears in this the Lord Sturton having been at variance with one Hargill and his Son Gentlemen knocked the poor Gentlemen on the head and after cut their throats and buried their bodies in a Pit 15. foot deep hoping this villainy would never come to light or if it did he assured himself of the Queens favour being zealously addicted to the Popish Religion which did him not good for the Queen abhorred and rejected all mention of Pardon for him only he had this grace that the other Murderers were hanged in a hempen but he in a silken halter Ecclesiasticall Lawes made in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth IT is declared that in the Reign of H. 8. divers good Lawes and Statutes Anno 1. Eliz. cap. 1. were made as well for the utter extinguishing of all usurped and forrein Powers and Authorities of this Realm and other her dominions and Countries as also for the restoring and
this Act shall be certified into the Chancery by such Parties before whom the same shall be made within three moneths after such submission upon pain of forfeiture of 100 l. for every such offence to the Queen If any person so submitting himself shall within 10. years after come within 10. miles of the place where her Majesty shall be without speciall licence had from her Majesty under her hand that then such person to have no benefit of such submission Enacts That every Feofment Gift Grant Conveyance Alienation Estate Stat. 29 Eliz. cap. 6. Lease Encumbrance Limitation of use of or out of any Lands Tenements Hereditaments whatsoever had or made since the beginning of the Queens Reign or after by any person who had not repaired or shall not repair to some Church Chappel or usuall place of Common-prayer or which is or shall be revokable at the pleasure of such offendor or in any wise directly or indirectly intended or meant to or for the behoofe or disposition of such offendor or in consideration whereby his Family may be maintained shall be deemed and taken for utterly void c. Every conviction heretofore recorded for any offence before mentioned not already estreated or certified into the Queens Court of Exchequer shall from the Justices before whom the record of such conviction shall be remaining be estreated and certified into the Exchequer before the end of the next Easter Term in such convenient certainty for the time and other circumstances as the Court may thereupon award out processe for seisure of the Lands and Goods of every such offendor as hath not paid their forfeitures according to Statutes in such case provided And every conviction hereafter for any offence before mentioned shall be in the Court called the Kings Bench or at the Assises or generall Goal-delivery and not elsewhere and shall from the Justices before whom the Record of such conviction shall remain be estreated and certified into the Exchequer before the end of the Term next ensuing after every such conviction in such convenient certainty as is aforesaid Every offendor in not repairing to Divine Service and hath been heretofore convict and not made his submission and been conformable according to the true intent of this Statute shall without other indictment or conviction pay into the receipt of the Exchequer all such summes of money as according to the rate of twenty pounds for every moneth since the same conviction in manner following viz. one Moity before the end of Trinity Term the other Moity before the end of Hilary Term or at such other times as the Lord Treasurer Chancellor and Chief Baron or any two of them shall by composition upon good security be limitted before the end of the said Trinity Term if any such composition shall happen to be And shall also in every Easter and Michaelmas Term untill such time as the same person do make such submission pay into the Exchequer 20 l. for every moneth which shall incur in all that mean time For default of Payment of the said 20 l. a moneth in every Easter and Michaelmas Term after such conviction the Queen by processe out of the said Exchequer may take seize and enjoy all the Goods and two parts as well of all the Lands and Tenements c. of such offendor as of all other Lands and Tenements liable to such seisure by the true intent of this Act leaving only a third part for the reliefe of the offender his Wife Children and Family For the more speedy conviction of such offendor the Indictment shall be sufficient although it be not mentioned that the offendor was or is inhabiting within the Realm of England or any other of the Queens Dominions But if it shall happen that any such offendor were not within any of the Queens Dominions that in such case the party shall be relieved by plea to be put in in that behalf and not otherwise And upon Indictment a Proclamation shall be made the same Assises or Goal-delivery that the party indicted shall yeeld his body to the Sheriff and if at next Assises or Goal-delivery the said party shall not make appearance of Record that then such default shall be deemed a sufficient conviction in Law If any such offendor shall make submission and become conformable according to the form of the Statute made in the 23 of Eliz. or shall fortune to die that then no forfeiture of 20 l. a moneth nor seisure of Lands from and after such submission and conformity or death and full satisfaction of all arrearages of 20 l. monethly before such seisure due or payable shall ensue or be continued against such offendor so long as he shall continue in coming to divine Service according to the intent of the Statute The Lord Treasurer of England Chancellor and chief Baron or any two of them may assigne and dispose of the full third part of the twenty pounds for every moneth paid into the receipt of the Exchequer towards the relief of the Poor of Houses of correction and of impotent and maimed Souldiers This Act or any thing contained in it doth not in any wise extend to make void or impeach any Grant or Lease made bonâ fide without fraud or covin and not revocable at the will and pleasure of the offendor This Act or any thing contained therein shall not in any wise be construed to continue any seisure of any Lands or Tenements of such offendor in her Majesties hands after the said offendors death which Lands or Tenements he shall have or be seised of only for term of life or in right of his wife For the preventing of such great inconveniences and perils as may happen Stat. Anno 35 Eliz. cap. D. and grow by the wicked practices of seditious Sectaries and disloyall persons it was enacted That every person above sixteen years of age that shall obstinately refuse to come to Divine Service established by Law and shall forbear the same by the space of a moneth without lawfull excuse or shall at any time after fourty dayes after the Session of that Parliament by word or writing advisedly goe about to move or perswade any of the Queens Subjects or any other within her Realms or Dominions to deny or withstand her Majesties power or authority in causes Ecclesiasticall united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm or shall advisedly perswade any person to forbear coming to Church to hear Divine Service established or to come to or be present at any unlawfull Assemblies Conventicles c. upon pretence of Religion contrary to the established Lawes Or if any person shall obstinately refuse to repair to some usuall place of Common-prayer and shall forbear to hear Divine Service by the space of a moneth or shall after fourty daies willingly joyn in any such Assemblies Conventicles c. under colour of exercising Religion contrary to the Laws of this Realm That every person so offending and being thereof lawfully
forty pounds and for every yeere after the summe of sixtie pounds untill hee or shee shall receive the Sacrament as aforesaid and if he or she who hath received the Sacrament as aforesaid shall after offend in not receiving the Sacrament as aforesaid by the space of one whole yeere that then he shall forfeit for every such offence the summe of sixty pounds the one moity to the King the other to him who will sue for the same in any of the Courts of Record in Westminster or before any Justices of Assize or before Justices of Peace at their generall Quarter-Sessions by Action of Debt Bill Plaint or Information wherein no Essoyne Protection or Wager of Law shall be allowed The Churchwardens and Constables of every Towne Parish or Chappel for the time being or some one of them or if there be none then the chief Constables of the Hundred where such Town Parish or Chappell is or one of them as well in places exempt as not exempt shall once every yeere present the monthly absence from Church of all popish Recusants within such Townes and parishes and shall present the names of every of the children of the said Recusants being above the age of nine yeeres and as neere as they can the age of the said children as also the names of the Servants of the said Recusants at the next generall or quarter-Sessions of that shire limit division or liberty All such Presentments shall bee Recorded in the said Sessions by the Clerke of the Peace or Towne-clarke for the time being without any Fee and for default of every such Presentment the said Churchwardens Constables or High-constables shall forfeit twenty shillings and for default of recording such presentment without a Fee the Clerke of the Peace or Town-clerke shall forfeit 40. s. Every Presenement made by any Churchwarden constable or High-constable as aforesaid whereby any Recusant shall happen to be convicted shall be rewarded by having 40. s. to be levyed out of such Recusants goods and estate in such manner as by the more part of the Justices shall be ordered by warrant under their hands and seales The Justices of Assiize and Justices of Quarter-sessions have power to heare and determine of all Recusants as well for not receiving the Sacrament as for not coming to Church and have also power to make Proclamation that the body of every such offendor shall be rendred to the Sheriff of the county or the Baylif or keeper of the Goale of the liberty before the next Assizes Generall or Quarter-sessions and if then the offendor shall not make his appearance upon Record that every such default shall be deemed as a sufficient conviction by verdict of 12 men This Statute recites the penalties imposed by the 29 Eliz. 6. upon a Recusant convict and that every conviction shall be certified into the Exchequer as is in the statute of 23 El. 1. concerning Recusants monethly forfeitures yet by this statute the King may refuse the 20 l. a moneth and take the 2 parts of the Recusants lands yet the King shall not take into his two parts the Mansion house nor shall demise nor lease over the 2 third parts or any part thereof to any Recusant nor to the use of any Recusant and whosoever shall take any lease of the King of such lands shall give such security as the Court of Exchequer shall allow not to suffer any waste to be committed upon the Premisses For the better tryall how the Kings subjects stand affected in point of loyalty and due Obedience it is Enacted That after the end of the session of Parliament any Bishop of the Diocesse or any two Justices of peace whereof one of the Quorum within the jurisdiction of their sessions may require any person of the age of 18 yeeres or above being or which shall bee convict or indicted for any Recusancy except noblemen and noble women for not repairing to Divine service according to law or have not received the Sacrament twice within the yeere next past or any person passing through the County or Liberty and unknowne except as is before excepted that being examined by them upon oath shall confesse or not deny himself to be a Recusant or shall confesse or not deny that he hath not taken the Sacrament twice within the yeere to take this Oath hereafter upon the holy Evangelists which said Bishop or two Justices shall certifie in writing subscribed with his or their hands at the next generall or Quarter-sessions the Christian name Sirname and place of abode of every person which shall take the said Oath which Certificate shall be there Recorded and kept among Records of the said sessions If any person other then noblemen and noble women shall refuse to answere upon Oath to such Bishop or Justices of Peace or take the said Oath duely tendred then the said Bishops or Justices of Peace shall commit the same person to the common Goale without Baile or Mainprize untill the next Assizes or quarter Sessions where the said Oath shall be againe tendred unto them by the Justices of Affize or Justices of Peace or the greater part of them and if such person shall then refuse to take the Oath he shall incur the penalty of a praemunire except women Covert who upon refusall shall only be committed to the common Goale there to remain without bail or mainprize untill they take the said Oath The Tenour of the Oath I A. B Doe truly and sincerely acknowledg professe testify and declare in my Conscience before God and the World that our Soveraign Lord King James is lawfull and rightfull King of this Realm and of all other his Majesties Dominions and Countries and that the Pope neither of himselfe nor by any Authority of the Church or See of Rome or by any other meanes with any other hath any power or authority to depose the King or to dispose of any of his Majesties Kingdomes or Dominions or to authorize any forreigne Prince to invade or annoy him or his Countries or to discharge any of his subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Majesty or to give licence or leave to any of them to beare Arms or raise tumults or to offer any violence or hurt to his Majesties Royall Person State or Government or to any of his Majesties Subjects within his Majesties Dominions Also I sweare from my heart that notwithstanding any Declaration or Sentence of Excommunication or Deprivation made or granted or to be made or granted by the Pope or his Successors or by any authority derived or pretended to be derived from him or his See against the said King his Heires and Suceessors or any absolution of the said Subjects from their obedience I will beare faith and true Allegiance to his Majesty his Heirs and Successors and him and them will defend to the uttermost of my power against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever which shall be made against his or their Persons their Crowne and Dignity
seized into the Kings hands for his Recusancy or any part thereof Every covicted Popish Recusant not married in some open Church or Chappel or otherwise then according to the Church of England by a Minister lawfully authorized shall be disabled to have any estate of Freehold by Curtesie of England And every woman being a popish Recusant convict which shall be married in other form then as aforesaid shall be disabled not only to claim any Dower or Joynture but also the Widowes Estate and Frankbanck in any customary Lands whereof her Husband died seized and likewise from having part of her husbands goods by virtue of any custome of any County City or Place And if a man be married contrary to the true intent of this Statute to a woman who hath no Lands or Tenements whereby he may become Tenant by Curtesie he shall forfeit 100 l. to be paid as aforesaid Every Popish Recusant which shall have a child born and shall not within a moneth after cause it to be baptized by a lawfull Minister according to the Lawes of the Realm in some usuall place of Baptisme or if by infirmity the child cannot be brought to such place then to be baptized by some Minister within the moneth if he beliving by the space of a moneth or if he be dead then Mother of such Child shall for every such offence forfeit one hundred pound one third part to the King the other to the Informer who will sue for it the other third part to the poor of the said Parish to be recovered in any of the Kings Courts wherein no Essoine c. shall be allowed If any Popish Recusant not being excommunicated shall be buried in any place other then the Church or Church-yard or not according to the Ecclesiasticall Lawes of the Realm That the Executors or Administrators of every such person so buried knowing the same or the party that so burieth him shall forfeit twenty pounds to be paid as aforesaid If the children of any of the Subjects within this Realm the said children not being Souldiers Mariners Merchants or their Apprentices or Factors shall be sent or goe beyond seas without licence of the King or six of the Privy Councell whereof the principall Secretary to be one under their hands and seals that very such child shall take no benefit by any gift conveyance descent devise or otherwise untill he being above the age of eighteen years take the oath mentioned in an Act made that Session intituled An Act for the better discovery and repressing Popish Recusants c. before some Justice of Peace of the County where such Parents of such Children as shall be sent did or shall inhabit In the mean time the next of kin who is no popish Recusant shall enjoy all the said Lands c. untill the person so sent shal conforme himself and take the said oath receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper and then he who hath received any profit as aforesaid shall restore the goods or value to him who shall so conform himself He that shall so send his child beyond seas shall forfeit one hundred pounds to be recovered as aforesaid No convict popish Recusant shall present to a Benefice with Cure Prebend or grant an Advowson or collate or nominate to any Free-school or Donative whatsoever The Chancellor and Scholars of the University of Oxford when any such become void shall have the nomination presentation collation and Donation of any such Benefice Prebend or Ecclesiasticall Living School Hospitall and Donative in the Counties of Oxford Kent Middlesex Sussex Surrey Hampshire Barkshire Buckinghamshire Gloucestershire Worcestershire Staffordshire Warwickshire Wiltshire Somersetshire Devonshire Cornwall Dorcetshire Herefordshire Northamptonshire Pembrokeshire Carmarthenshire Brecknock-shire Monmothshire Cardiganshire Montgomeryshire and the City of London so long as the Patron shall remain a Recusant convict The Chancellor Scholars of the University of Cambridge shall have presentation c. to all such Benefices aforesaid being in the Counties of Essex Hertfordshire Bedfordshire Cambridgshire Huntingtonshire Suffolk Northfolk Lincolnshire Rutlandshire Leicestershire Derbishire Notinghamshire Shropshire Cheshire Lancashire Yorkshire the County of Durham Northumberland Cumberland Westmorland Radnorshire Denbyshire Flintshire Carnarvonshire Angleseyshire Merionethshire Glamorganshire so long as the Patron shall continue a Recusant convict If the Chancellor and Shollars of either University shall nominate or present Quaere who shal have the next presentation nomination to any such Benefice c. any person who hath any other Benefice with cure of souls every such nomination and presentation shall be void A convicted Recusant shall neither be Executor or Administrator nor Gaurdian in Chivalry or Socage The next of kin of the children of Recusants convict to whom the Estate cannot descend who shall usually resort to Divine Service according to the Lawes and receive the Sacrament shall have the Guard and education of the children and of the Lands and Tenements holden in Knights-service untill the full age of 21 years and of the Lands in Socage as Guardian in Socage and of Customary Lands by copy of Court Roll so long as the custome shall permit the same and in every of the said places shall yeeld an account of the profits to the Ward All Grants of Wards either of the King or any other to any Popish Recusant shall be void No person shall bring from beyond Sea print sell or buy any Popish Primers Ladies Psalters Manuels Rosaries popish Catechisms Missals Breviaries Portals Legends and lives of Saints containing superstitious matter upon penalty of fourty shillings to be forfeited as aforesaid viz. one third part to the King an other to the Informer who will sue the other to the poor of the Parish where such book shall be found Justices of peace in their Limits Mayors Bayliffs chief Officers in Corporations may search the hous of every popish Recusant convict the hous and lodging of every person whose wife is a popish Recusant convict for popish books and Relicks of Popery And if any Altar Pix Beads Pictures or such like popish Reliques or any popish books shall be found as in the opinion of such Officers shall be thought unmeet for such Recusants they shall presently be defaced and burnt if meet to be burnt All Armour Gunpowder and Munition whatsoever any popish Recusant convict hath or shall have in his own house or in the hands of others shall be taken from them by warrant of four Justices of peace at their Generall or Quarter-sessions other then such necessary weapons as the four Justices shall think meet for defence of the said Recusants in defence of their houses and the said Armour and Munition so taken shall be kept at the costs of the said Recusants in such places as the four Justices shall appoint If any such Recusant which hath such armour c. or any person who hath any such armour c. for the use of such Recusant shall refuse to declare unto the
said Justices of peace or any of them or shall hinder or disturb any such Justices or any person authorised by them to seize the same shall forfeit all such armour and amunition to the King and beimprisoned by warrant from any of the Justices of the County during the space of three moneths without bayl or mainprize This Act nor any thing therein shall not abridge the authority and jurisdiction of Ecclesiasticall censures See Statute 6 anno 7 Jacobi who shall take the oath of obedience to the King and by whom it shall be ministred and within what time If any married woman being lawfully convict as a popish Recusant for not coming to Church shall not within three moneths after such conviction conform her self and repair to Church and receive the Sacrament according to Law then shall shee be committed to prison by one of the Kings Privy Councell if she be a Baroness or if she be under that degree by two of the Justices of the peace of the County whereof one of the Quorum without Bail or Mainprise untill she conform her self to come to Church and receive the Sacrament unlesse the Husband shall pay to the King ten pounds a moneth or the third part of his Lands and Tenements so long as the Wife remaining out of prison shall continue a convicted Recusant during which time and no longer she shall have her liberty If the giving of the temporall powers cognizance of crimes meerly spirituall Annot. be objected to Edw. 6. Queen Elizabeth and King James I think no man will undertake to answer for all things done by men yet thus much may be answered that it was no new thing for the Statute of 2 H. 5. cap. 7. gives Justices of peace and Justices of assise full power and authority to enquire of these who hold Errors Heresies and Lollardy and of their maintainers and that the Sheriff and other Officers may arrest and apprehend Anno 1. Sess 2. cap. 2. them and that this was done by Queen Mary See Mary Of King James AS there was never any Prince who had a more clear and undoubted King James his Title and Reception right and title to the English Diadem then King James for besides that he was Heir to both Houses of York and Lancaster as is most truly acknowledged by both Houses of Parliament Anno 1. cap. 1. Jac. he was derived by a long descent of Royall Ancestors from Malcolm Conmor or Cammore King of the Scots and the Lady Margaret being the name of her from whom the united Title of both Houses of York and Lancaster descended upon him Sister and sole Heir of Edgar Atheling Son and Heir of Edward eldest son of Edmond surnamed Ironside so that all titles as well of right of blood as of conquest might so truly be ultimately resolved into him that in the whole world no just exception could be taken against them so never was any Prince received with so little opposition and contradiction by all sorts of his Subjects both in England and Ireland where all those long rebellions and commotions did expire with Queen Elizabeth and in both Kingdomes all became so pacate and calme that during all his Reign in neither Nation was any sword drawn in opposition to him There was such havock made in the Reign of H. 8. Ed. 6. of all Church His care of the Church Lands upon pretence forsooth of Reformation that to stay it there was a Law made in the first of Queen Eliz. cap. 19. that all Gifts Grants Feofments Fines and other Conveyances made by any Arch-bishop or Bishop of any Honours Castles Manors Lands Tenements or other Hereditaments being parcell of the possession of his Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick or united or appertaining or belonging to any of the same to any person other then the Queen her Heirs and Successors whereby any Estate should or might pass from the Arch-bishop or Bishop other then for the term of 21 years or three lives reserving the old Rent or more shall be utterly void Cambden Eliz. Reg. pag. 36. takes notice of the great abuse made by the Courtiers of that clause or exception of the Queen c. And indeed William of Burley had by the Queens permission so gelt the Bishoprick of Ely by virtue of this clause that it lay void above twenty years before any man of abilities or honesty would take it so pol'd and maimed although some were conunitted to prison for refusing of it But King James as his first and chiefest care by an Act of Parliament in the first year of his Reign cap. 3. made a Law that all assurances afterward made to the King of any of the Lands of Arch-Bishops or Bishops should be void so that the rapine and prey made upon the Church was first restrained totally by him King James was not only a devout observor of the Government Rites His care of Religion and Ceremonies of the Church of England but made it one of his chiefest cares to have brought an Uniformity as well in Scotland as in England and proceeded so far as to settle Episcopacy among them naming thirteen new Bishops for so many Episcopall Sees as had been anciently in that Church three of which received consecration from the Bishops of England and conferred it on the rest of their Brethren at their comming home Which Bishops he armed also with the power of an High Commission the better to keep down the insolent and domineering spirit of the Presbyterians In order to the other he procured an Act to be passed in the Assembly at Aberdeen 1616. for composing a Liturgy and extracting a new book of Canons out of the scattered Acts of their old Assemblies At the Assembly held at Perth anno 1618. he obtained an Order for the receiving the Communion kneeling for the administring Baptisme and the Lords Supper in private houses in cases of extreme necessity for Episcopall confirmation and finally for the celebrating the Anniversaries of our Saviours birth his Passion Resurrection and Ascension and the coming down of the Holy Ghost all which he got confirmed in the following Parliament So far did this wise King advance the work of Uniformity before his engaging in the cause of the Palatinate his breach with Spain and the warre which issued thereupon did divert his thoughts To his peacefull disposition and his care of the Church and Religion His great learning and clemency in the next place may be truly added his great abilities in learning so far transcending not only the Kings of the present age his contemporaries but all his predecessors and surely scarcely to be paralled by any of his time as his many learned works testifie To these other virtues may be added a mind no wayes vindicative although sometimes transported with present passion yet of some small continuance that in person or estate he was never noted to punish any man rashly or extrajudicially And although he was no great lover
not truly have ever made use of any thing in his writings to their advantage certainly therefore in his writings he was no seditious man but it may be our reverend Historian though blinde yet sees more then any body else It is true indeede that he lived in disfavour with two Kings yet as it becomes not subjects to dispute the actions of Prince so is no man therefore to be censured because in disfavour often times the best of Princes have not things and men truly represented to them This I am sure of having so powerfull opponents at Court if any crime much lesse then that of sedition could have been found against him it would have beene improved to the utmost advantage nor did he neglect to be reconciled to his chiefest adversary and to that purpose married his youngest daughter to his brother being in person and fortune little inferior to any Subject of her time which did him no good Othermen though little versed in the things they lay to his charge doesay in the generall That in his writings he was no friend to eyther King or Church This is so generall a charge as no particular answere can be given to it yet thus much may be said that being a Lawyer by profession I hope it is not to be a crime in any Subject much lesse in him to be a lover and honourer of the Lawes but being a Subject and no Legislator and commenting upon the Laws he must comment upon the Lawes as they were made hee could not make them better nor worse if Lawes made were derogatory to eyther Crowne or Church it was the vice of the times and no fault of his Yet I have often heard that hee was the first Grantor and a great favourer of Prohibitions to the utter ruine of all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction How unjust the first charge is there is no man any way versed in our Lawes but must needs understand and for the latter if any one can shew wherein he so far favored them that he ever granted any not warrantable by the Law and they say somthing For his care of the Church it sufficiently appeareth in his endeavoring the passing of a Law that every Patron should be sworn as well as the incumbent against Simony and also that Patron who should Symonically promote any Clerke should not only forfeit that avoydance but the advowson to the King as also when upon pretence of concealement the Deane and Chapters Lands of Northwich were begged of the King he did not only freely proffer the Chapter to have defended their cause in person though then very aged but stated it and gave it them in writing to be kept for the future in case any after that pretence might be made which was preserved by the Deane and Chapter among their Archives untill the generall deluge of our late dissention swallowed up this among their other things and so gratefull an acknowledgment did the Society make that upon his next Progresse into Norfolke they desired that he would lay his bones in that Cathedrall whose right he had so defended So devout a Son he was of the Church of England in the observation of the Rites and Liturgy thereof that I am confident that in neere forty yeers before his death if sicknesse or publick imployment or somthing extraordidinardy not divert him scarce one day passed wherein he was not twice a devout assistant in the offering up of the publique Service of the Church nor was he lesse severe to himselfe in his person then just to his publick imployments being never so much as suspected of any notorious or scandalous vice These virtues and his learned labours wherein he has as well deserved of his Country as any man before him shall erect him a monument of same to posterity when as the malice and ignorance of his adversaries shall be forgotten For mine owne part it is true that I have ultimately resolved my subjection as a man and my faith as a Christian into two principles the one into the Law of Nature the other into the Scriptures Dominium fundatur in natura at no time or place did ever men live out of Society and Dominion is necessary to Society but faith is divinely revealed in the Scripture and this hapned in succession of time neyther is it yet received by neer one tenth part of mankinde nor will I ever hope to mend what God hath made It is therefore an idle thing to object Imperium in Imperio against it neyther is the objection to any purpose or understood by the objectors for it is the same God which hath engraven lawes of Nature in the mindes of men and who hath divinely revealed himselfe in the Scriptures not is there any thing in either which is repugnant on contrary but rather the one doth confirme and support the other there is no better plea for mens subjection to eyther Kings Fathers or Masters then is contained in the Scriptures nor doth Christianity any waies repugne the Regality of Princes but it is as entire over the persons of all men in all Cases as where men are not Christian Were not those the best Christians who in the primitive times lived under heathen Emperors and persecutors without any civil disturbance on their parts and cannot Christians be as good under Christian Kings or is the case of Kings worse for their being Christian Let any one shew me any thing in all the Scriptures which doth countenance sedition and I will abjure my Christianity yet I will shew him almost infinite places which without all contradiction commands obedience to higher Powers They are therefore Wolves in Sheeps clothing who abuse that ghostly Power left us by our Saviour for the benefit of mans salvation into licentiousness against their temporall obedience due as well by the Law of Nature as those by divine positive institution as if men being qualified to perform the acts of Ghostly power were free from naturall subjection which as Priests they ought to preach as Gods Ordinance R. 13. deserve rather to persecuted to death then obeyed when they do so and by consequence Master Hobbs understands not himself when hee makes his convenient argument against Christianity upon supposition Cap. 6. Art 11. de cive that if one man may command the same thing upon the penalty of temporall death and another forbid it upon pain of eternall the whole structure of his civitas might be dissolved which is no great matter if it were But I pray what doe those men doe which resolve all subjection into the civitas and the civitas into the civil part and the civil part into the wills of men into do or dedi and not dabo or faciam which make the Lawes of Nature voluntary and depending upon the wills of men which make this civitas made by the wills of men superiour to the Law of Nature and impossible to command any thing contrary to it and yet as ridiculously as blaspemously make tyranny
of the Times which brought so great a calamity upon himself his Queen and Posterity 18. If there be any happiness in this world or the world to come which Resuming any thing granted to Subjects may be hoped for by any man no question but it is to be attained by Justice and Obedience and Justice and Obedience is in receiving and doing the Commands of our Superiors nor can any one be a just or obedient man in any thing wherein he makes not his Superior that is God Church King Father Mother or Master the reason or rule of it Yet there is nothing more desired and pretended by ignorant and seditious men then liberty And wherein do they place this liberty but in weakening the power of him to whom they owe their subjection And the more any Prince grants to his Subjects the more liberty the Subjects ascribe to themselves and the less power to their Soveraign and will rather be devoured by forein Enemies then endure that their true Prince shall infringe their liberties by resuming any thing granted them although it be for their necessary defence and preservation 19. Government is endangered either by intestine broils which are Granting priviledges to particular places causes sedition raised by factious and seditious men or forein war and Princes ought to be more careful to preserve their Subjects in general from intestine then forein war For besides that civil wars are more dangerous to the Crown then forein so intestine wars always end in loss of subjects in general whereas by forein wars much benefit may arise to King and subjects And there is nothing so much desired and that can so much conduce to the suppression of factions and seditions as the equal and due administration of the same Laws to Subjects in general But in vain shall Princes endeavor to suppress factions and seditions when they make them by making so many Factions as they make Corporations For who does not see what an antipathy there is between the Country-Justices and the Magistrates as they call them of Corporations where they agree not in aliquo tertio that is in some mischief plainly in advantage of the Corporation And let any man shew one Corporation of an hundred which hath not used the Priviledges granted them by Princes to the dissolving of that Power which granted them their Priviledges Ecclesiasticus says That without Handicrafts men and Tradesmen Cap. 38. 32 33. a City cannot be inhabited but they shall never sit in the place of Judicature And indeed what thing can there be more abhorrent then that men who by fraud and unjust gains have gotten much money should therefore sit in Judicature and judge and condemn poor men to death for small offences in comparison of theirs and different only in this that the one committed their offences fraudulently and covertly and the other forcibly and violently 20. As in mens natural bodies well-ordered action is much conducing Long peace disposeth men to sedition to the preservation of health and overmuch ease and sloth the original of many distempers which cannot be recovered without bloodletting and physick so in the bodies of Kingdoms and Empires a well-ordered Militia constantly kept in action conduceth much to the preservation of a Nation whereas sloth and neglecting military discipline makes a Nation not only unfit and unweildy to defend it self against its outward Enemies but also contracts infinite Civil distempers within it self all tending to a Civil war Well therefore might Cato Major in his great wisdom cry out in open Senate That soldiers and men of war were to be still busied in arms far from home for that in so doing all should go well with the State and the glory thereof increase And the Romans always judged an external war the most requisite and necessary remedy to prevent an intestine And no doubt but this is See Bod. de rep lib. 5. 563. at this day the Politick reason of the long wars which France makes against Spain rather then any fear or hatred of the Nations one to another It is therefore a miserable condition in which Princes are without Gods great and special favor to them that either they must maintain a forein war and so become accountable to God for all the blood which shall be spilt if unjustly undertaken or else by long peace and ease dispose their own subjects to the ruining and destroying of one another It is said of Q. Eliz. that she would never consent to the total subversion of Dunkirk lest that by a careless neglect of providing for themselves the Seamen should be forgetful and unfitting for Naval warfare And Scipio African would not give his consent to the utter subversion of Carthage lest that the Romans Carthage being destroyed should not find another Nation which might keep the Roman Valor exercised and so by its own unactivity and sloth it should degenerate and be dissolved Besides the excellencies of Military discipline not but that any thing may be abused by which Nations are protected from Foreign enemies not only Religion Justice Peace Learning c. are internally preserved it also makes men industrious and active in busines valiant in dangers temperate in their desires and to be wary and prudent in their actions It is indeed an admirable thing to consider how the most wise greatest and best God hath attempered all things Not only that all things are differing if not contrary to one another but also hath made and placed all Nations so enemies one to one another that he may by the help of one revenge the injury and injustice which is done by another that so from fear of danger all might be kept within the bounds of their duty Hence it was that God said I will henceforth not cast out before me one man of the nations which Josuah left when he died that through them I may prove Judg. 2. 21 22. 3. 1. Israel whether they will keep the way of the Lord and walk therein as their forefathers did or not And these are the nations which the Lord left that he might prove Israel 21. There is nothing more establisheth a Throne than Judgment Selling of places of Judicature causeth sedition which is giving sentence according to Law but he that buyes the place must needs sell judgment or else he will be a looser by it And what can more dispose Subjects to seditions and to seek for judgment and right in an extraordinary way then that they cannot hope for it from corrupt Judges Well therefore said King Jugurth when he departed from Rome Vade venalis civitas mox peritura si emptorem inveneris Besides who will fear to violate Laws and endeavor to raise sedition if he may hope to buy off his punishment which should deter him from it by corrupting the Judge 22. Though no man hath any thing proper against him who hath supreme Imposing and raising Taxes disposes to sedition power and
shall retain in service see or livery any person which shall forbear to goe to some usuall place of Divine service by the space of a moneth shall forfeit for every such moneth he knowing the same the summe of ten pounds This Act shall not extend to punish any person for maintaining relieving or harbouring his Father or Mother wanting without fraud any other habitation or sufficient maintenance or the ward of any person committed by authority to the custody of any by whom they shall be so relieved maintained or kept The Sheriff or other Officer upon lawfull Writ Warrant or Processe to him awarded to take or apprehend any Popish Recusant standing excommunicated for recusancy may break open the house where any such person excommunicated shal be or raise the power of the County for apprehending such person Every offence committed against this Act may be heard and determined before the Justices of the Kings Bench and Justices of Assize And all offences other than Treason shall be enquired heard and determined before the Justices of Peace in their next Generall and Quarter-sessions No attainder of Felony by this Act shall extend to forfeiture of Dower or corruption of blood The Defendant in any action commenced or brought against him by virtue of any thing in this Act may plead to the generall Issue by an Evidence that shall prove his doings or proceedings warrantable by this Law This Act nor any thing contained therein is said not to extend to take away or abridge any authority or jurisdiction of Ecclesiasticall censures No person shall be charged in any penalty by force of this Act which shall happen for the wifes offence in not receiving the Sacrament during her Marriage nor any woman shall be charged with any penalty for not receiving during Marriage In all cases where the Bishop or Justices of Peace by virtue of this Act may take of any Subject not a Nobleman this oath above mentioned The Lords of the Privie Councell or any 6 of them where of the Lord Chancellor Lord Treasurer or principle Secretary to be one have authority to require the same at any time of any Noble-man or Noble-woman being above the age of 18. years and if such Noble-man or Noble-woman other then the woman married refuse the same they shall incurre the penalty of a Premunire Where any person shall pass out of the Cinque-Ports or any member thereof to any parts beyond the seas to serve any foreign Prince State or Potentate the Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports for the time being or any person by him appointed have power to take bond and minister this oath to such passengers If any man discover any Recusant or other person which shall entertain or Stat. Annn. 3 Jac. cap. 5. relieve any Jesuit Seminary or Popish Priest or shall discover any Mass to have been said and the persons which were present and the Priest or any that were present within three daies shall not only be freed from any penalty but shall have the third part of the forfeiture of all such summes of money goods and chattels which shall be forfeited for such offence if the forfeiture exceed not 150 l. if it doth exceed 150 l. then the discoverer to have 50 l. and the discoverer after conviction of the offendor shall have a certificate from the Judges or Justices of Peace before whom such conviction shall happen to be directed to the Sheriffe or other Officer that shall seize the goods commanding him to pay the same accordingly No Popish Recusant shall come into the house where the King or the Heir apparent shall be unlesse commanded by the King or by Warrant from the Lords of the privy Councell upon penalty of one hundred pound the one moity to the King the other to the discoverer who will sue for the same in any Court of Record where no Essoine Protection or Law Gager shall be allowed All convicted Popish Recusants dwelling in London or within five miles within three moneths after the Session of Parliament shall depart out of it and not dwell within ten miles and deliver up their names to the Lord Major if they dwell in London and if such Recusant shall dwell within ten miles of London to deliver up his name to the next Justice of Peace within fourty dayes after the Session of Parliament upon the penalty of one hundred pounds the one halfe to the King the other to him who will sue as aforesaid All Recusants which shall dwell or remain in London or within ten miles thereof shall within ten dayes after indictment or conviction depart out of the said compass and deliver up their names to the Lord Mayor In case the said Recusant shall dwell in any County within ten miles of London then within ten daies after conviction or indictment shall give up his name to the next Justice of peace the person offending shall forfeit one hundred pounds the one halfe to the King the other to the Informer as aforesaid Tradesmen Recusants who have no other habitation may continue within London and the compass of ten miles This Act repeals that branch of the 35 Eliz. cap. 2. touching licence of Recusants to remove or pass above five miles from their place of abode The King or three or more of the Privy Councell under their hands may licence a Recusant to travell out of the compass of five miles So may four Justices of Peace of the County with the privity of the Bishop of the Diocesse in writing or of the Lieutenant or any of the Deputy Lieutenants the party taking his corporall oath that he truly informes them of the cause of his journey and making no causless stayes No convict Recusant shall practise the Common Law as a Councellor Clerk Atturney or Solicitor nor shall practice the Civill Law as Advocate or Proctor nor practise Physick nor be an Apothecary nor shall be Judge Minister Clerk or Steward of any Court nor keep any Court nor shall be Register or Town-clerk or other Minister or Officer in any Court nor shall bear Office as Captain Lieutenant Corporall Sergeant Auncient-bearer or other Office in Camp Troop Band or Company of Souldiers nor bear any office in any Ship Castle or Fortresse of the Kings upon penalty of one hundred pounds to be forfeited as aforesaid No popish Recusant convict or having a Wife convict shall bear any publick office in the Common-wealth Every married woman being a Recusant convict her husband not being convict shall forfeit 2. third parts of her Joynture and Dower during her life and be made uncapable of being Executrix or Administratrix to her husband Every Popish Recusant convict shall be deemed as a person excommunicated so long as he continues not conformable and not come to Divine service and receive the Sacrament and take the oath appointed by this Parliament in the first chap. Yet such Recusant may sue for such of his Lands Tenements c. and for the profits thereof which are not