their limitations by our Laws their Title by Succession or Election at the Common Law If Bracton or if Fleta may be Judges of this Question they will tell us that in their times our King was Elective Non a Regnando dicitur sed a Bene Regendo ad hoc Electus est And again ad haec autem Creatus Rex Electus ut Iustitiam faciat Universis Not only Created but Elected it is where they treat of Iudges and of Iurisdiction And of our Saxon Ancestors the Mirror is very plain that they did Elect or chuse their King from among themselves Eslierent de eux un Roy à reigner sir eux and being Elected they did so and so Limit him by Oath and Laws In this we might appeal to Tacitus of our Ancestors For theirs who did both Elect and Bound their Kings and Generals Reges ex Nobilitate Duces ex Virtute sumunt and of their King he saith the Power was so bounded that he could not call it Free Nec infinita aut libera Potestas and that in Conciliis Their Kings Authority was in perswasion rather than Command Suadendi potius quam jubendi potestate Caesar seemeth to conceive they had no King or fixed Common Governour in time of Peace but for War saith he they Choose out Generals qui Bello praesint ut vitae necisque habeant Potestatem In our Brittish Ancestors he found a King but by Election of a great Common-Council by whose consent he observeth that Cassivelane was chosen King and General against his Landing Summa Imperii Bellique administrandi communi Concilio permissa est Cassivellauno and again Nostro adventu permoti Britanni hunc toti bello imperioque praefecerant That the Brittans agreed much with the Gauls in their Customs I do not deny but I know not why this should make the Gauls to be the Elder Brothers as some teach us because our Britain is an Island Yet it may be much disputed if not proved that it once was joyned to Gaul or France in one Continent for which we might produce some of the old Poets and others before Twine and Verstegan However it is clear enough from Caesar and Pliny that the Gauls were much moulded by the Brittish Druids although they seemed more Polite in Iuvenal's time and afterwards being more Frank they afforded a Christian Queen to Ethelbert and the Model of a great School to Sigesbert which yet must not wrong Alcuinus who from hence moulded the University of Paris if we may Believe all that write of Charlemaign And if we add Strabo to those cited before we shall find they Chose both Generals and all great Magistrates When they had a King the Crown passed by Election and was so limited that Ambiotrix one of their Kings acknowledged Ut non minus in se Iuris Multitudo quà m ipse in Multitudinem So in Caesar. Their Common-Council much consisted of Equites and such perhaps our Knights of Shires Electi de plebe and Druydes their Clergy who did over-rule them all by their Banns and Sacred Oak Misleto as if it had grown in Dodona's Grove Their grand Corporation was dissolved by Roman Edicts in Gaul by Claudius as Seneca Suetonius but in Rome by Tiberius if not Augustus in Pliny but Vopiscus keepeth a Druydess to presage the Empire to Dioclesian when he had killed the Boar and Ammianus may afford them in Rome in Iulian or Constantius But in Scotland or Ireland they remained longer if we may believe their Annals of Columbanus and of William the Irish Abbot But in Dioclesian's time Amphibalus the famous Brittan fled from Rome to his Friend St. Alban who dyed for him in his Cloaths it is said but we find him Condemned by Law and styled Lord of Verulam Prince of Knights and Steward of Brittain in his Shrine and Iacob de Voragine ' Ere long we find him made a Bishop in the Holy Isle and there he did Succeed the Brittish Druyds and his Scholars were enow with their Blood and Carkasses to make the name of Litchfield But the turning of Druyds into our Bishops in Lucius's time is no more certain I think than that those were the Flamins or Arch Flamins of whom we hear so much of late but of old few or none relate it but only Monmouth The Name of Flamin came to Brittain from the Grecians or the Romans who had Druyds from the Brittans where they were most Sacred Priests at first but three but when every God and Godded Man or Daemon had his Flamin they became extreamly innumerable Yet the first three still kept their Distance Place and Seniority from whence the Phrase of Arch-Flamin which yet I dare not assert to have been in Brittain or to be so much as known in the time of Lucius or the name of Archbishop But of this Sir Henry Spelman of Lucius's Epistles in Gratian and Mr. Patrick Young on Clements Epistle to the Corinthians But Fenestella with his Names of Bishop Arch-Bishop Cardinal Patriarch Metropolitan c. is now come out with another Title of a later Age than he that lived in Tiberius But to return to our Brittish Druyds moulding the State and yet they would not speak of State but in or by a Common-Council as was touched before in the Militia and among these the same Caesar will tell us that there was a chief or President but chosen by Deserts and not by a blind way of Succession Si sint Pares plures suffragio adlegitur nonnunquam etiam armis de principatu contendunt Nor is it probable the Brittans should be great Patrons of Monarchical Succession which could hardly well consist with their Gavelkind which is not only in Kent but in divers other Places of England and in Wales from the Brittans as we may learn from Parliament in 27 Hen. 8. and in K. Edwards Statute of Wales with Littletons Parceners And his Commentator makes it one mark of the ancient Brittans and from them also to Ireland and from the Brittish Gavelkind do all the Children yet among us part their Fathers Arms of which also the great Judge on Littletons Villenage But on the Parceners he deriveth the Crowns descent to the Eldest from the Trojans to the Brittans so indeed do many others with Monmouth and Basingstock Yet our Best Herald the Learned Cambden will deride the Story of the Trojans coming hither but his many Arguments to prove the first Inhabitants to be a Kin to the Gauls do no more convince me that the Trojans might not come hither afterwards than that the Normans did not come because the Saxons were before them I repeat nothing from Gyraldus Cambrensis Matthew Paris Hoveden Huntingdon or others who derided Monmouth till they were convinced by some Brittish Writers which themselves found besides all the Greek and Latin Authors cited by Virunnius Leland Sir John Price and divers others that I say nothing of the Scottish Chronicles or of the Learned man that shewed King
call it and the Barons of Wars Or the time of the great Charter For since that time the Rolls and Printed Acts are every where much larger and much better than my little reading or my leasure can present them Two words have sound of horror to the People who are taught to think them both oppressions and the sins of him they call the Conqueror Dane-geld and the Book of Dooms-day Some have added Curfeu with I know not what to make poor Children quake These have been proved to be long before the Normans coming in To that of Dane-geld I may add that good King Edward did also retain it to his Coffers when the Danish Storm was over till he saw the Devil dance upon it As the Crouland Abbot doth Record But it did rise from one to three to four to six shillings on the Hide but so by Parliament as may be much collected from the 11th Chap. of King Edwards Laws compared with Florence of Worcester Hoveden Huntingdon Math. Paris and Math. of Westminster besides some others which we must produce e're long And to say nothing of eleemosyne pro Aratris of which Canute and Ethelred it is clear in King Ethelstanes Laws that single Hides or Ploughlands in England were to maintain two Horsemen with Arms by Act of Parliament And this was more it seems than ever was King Williams Hydage or Dane-geld Which may be added to King Ethelstanes Militia as also his Doom book for all Judgments in one Form of which his Laws speak to what is said of Booca Doom But to King Williams Doomsday I shall now add to what before that besides the Mirror and Fitz-Herberts N. B. with the old Abbot of Crouland There is enough in every segment of that Roll to make one know it was a Review and little but a Review of what was done before They do abuse us else that bid us read the T. E. R. in all that Roll Tempore Edwardi Regis plain enough sometimes without all Divination That it was also confirmed by Parliament may be clear enough from the many exemptions a servitio Regis and a Vice-comit Nay to some inferiour places as Ely and Worcester Besides old Crowland which was not exempted from such service till the latter Saxon or first Normans time though Ingulph spake of divers Ethelreds But the same Abbot will tell us that this Doom Book was now also made juxta Taxatorum fidem qui Electi de qualibet Patria c. And that his Taxors were both kind and merciful non ad verum pretium nec ad verum spatium c. So preventing future Burthens and Exactions Talem Rotulum multum similem ediderat quondam Rex Alfredus c. But Alfreds own Will seemeth to carry it higher Nor was Ingulph's favour at the Court altogether useless for by that we come to know that our Norman King even in little things proceeded by a Great Councel So that our Abbots Charters must be viewed by Parliment Coram Domino meo Rege ac universo Concilio c. Thence he brought St. Edward's Laws as was observed before Huntingdon and Matthew Paris with Matthew of Westminster spake of his Hydage and Dooms-day as done with great Advice and Justice Misit Iusticiarios per unamquamque scyram inquirere fecit per jusjurandum quot Hydae i. e. jugera uni Aratro sufficientia per annum essent in unaquaque c. Nor are they wholy silent of his Parliaments Cum de more tenuisset curiam suam in Natali ad Gloucestriam and again at Winchester the like at London in another season Tilburiensis telleth us that Mony was paid to the Crown by Cities and Castles that used no Tillage But from the Land or Farms only Victuals till Henry the first And when the Kings foreign Wars did make him press for ready Mony the people murmured offering their Plowshares Horum igitur Querelis inclinatus Rex by advice of his Great council definito magnatum Concilio he sent out discreet prudent men that upon view of all the Lands should assesse the sums which the Sheriffs were to pay into the Exchequer This Gervase lived a while after King William Florence of Worcester near his Reign he telleth us of a Great Councel at Winchester And again of another at a place called Pedred not only by the King Arch-Bishops Bishops Earls but also primatibus totius Angliae a full Parliament for which Florilegius and Walsingham Newstria may be considered with Hoveden following Wigornens That in his Reign there was an High Constable of England ceasing in Henry the Eight appeareth by the Parliament Rolls of Edward the Fourth but Alfigar in the Book of Ely was such in St. Edwards time and to Him some ascribe the Constable of Dover with the Warden and Priviledge of the Cinque Ports with their Hamlets or Circuit including Rye and Winchelsey But all this speaketh Parliament as doth also his New Church Priviledge Communi Concilio Archiep. Episcop Abbat omnium Principum Regni mei Yet to be seen not only at Sir Robert Cottons Jewel House but among the Rolls with King Richards Charters for the Dean and Chapter of Lincoln This exemption of the Church from Seculars c. is the more considerable because it came up with the Norman King at the time of Hildebrand whose Letters missive came hither ad Willielmi Regis Concilium And that this Councel was a full Parliament appeareth by the Charters as I may call them of the Arch-Bishop of York ex praecepto Papae Gregorii 7. and Confirmatione Domini Willielmi Regis sub Testimonio Universalis Anglorum Concilii c. Of which Roger Hoveden is clear telling us also that this King summoned the Arch Bishops Bishops Abbots Counts Barons Vice Comit. cum suis Militibus were these Knights of Shires To this I may add from the Continuer of the Saxon Chronology that Lanfranc came hither from Caen on the Kings call and the Popes Command primatum Regni Anglorum in Ecclesia Cant. suscepit eligentibus eum Senioribus cum Episcopis principibus clero Populo Angliae in curia Regis a very clear and full Parliament Nor may I so wrong our Common Law as to detain that antient Record which the great Judg in his Reports citeth of a Writ of Right brought by this Lanfranc against Odo Bishop of Bajeux and removed by a Toll into the County Court where the King commanded all the good Lawyers to attend the County a toto Comitatu Recordatum atque judicatum est That as the King held his Lands in His Demesn in Dominio suo so was the Arch Bishop to hold his omnino liberas quietas in Dominiquo suo which Judgment was afterward confirmed by the King and Parliament cum consensu omnium principum suorum With which Record I may compare the old Manuscrips in Bennets Coll. Cambridge telling us of a great Moot magnum placitum in loco qui dicitur Pinenden in
with the Statutes of King William after the Saxon Laws I must but run and glance His Charter acknowledgeth his Crown to the Mercy of God and the Common Councel Communi Concilio assensu Baronum Regni Angliae It confirmeth King Edwards Laws with all those Emendations which King William added for the profit of the Kingdom It forbiddeth all Levies nay the Monetagium Commune but what was agreed and setled in King Edwards Reign And the Test of that Charter is by Arch-Bishops Bishops Barons Comitatibus Vice-Comitatibus optimatibus totius Regni Angliae apud Westmonasterienses quando Coronatus fui This was copied out into every County and kept in every Abby So much also we find in Matthew Paris Of his Charter to London I may touch in another place This I must not omit in his Laws Sive agenda proecipiat levia permittat hortatur maxima vitanda prohibeat yet still the Laws must be Manifesta Iusta Honesta Possibilis a kind of sacred Tetragram It is the 4th Chapter And the next is the Basis or Foundation of our Law process and of all Judicials In all Causes Accusers Parties or Defenders Witnesses and Iudges be and must be distinct Nec perigrina sint judicia vel a non suo judice vel loco vel Tempore celebrata nec inâ—e dubia vel absente accusato dicta sit sententia c. Nihil fiat absque Accusatore nam Deus Dominus Noster Iesus Christus Iudam furem esse sciebat sed quia non accusatus ideo non abreptus Testes Legitimi sint presentes absque ulla imfamia vel suspicione vel manifesta Macula Recte Sacerdotes accusare non possunt Laicos Nec oportet quemquam Iudicari vel dampnari priusquam Legitimos Accusatores habeat presentes Locumque Defendendi accipiat ad abluenda crimina c. And again Pulsatus ante suum judicem si voluerit causam suam dicat non ante suum Iudicem pulsatus si voluerit taceat Si quis Iudices suspectos habeat advocet aut contradicat Appellantem vitiatam causam appellationis Remedio sublevantem non debet afflictio vel detentionis injuriare Custodia Unusquisque per PARES suos Iudicandus est ejusdem Provinciae Quicquid adversus Adsentes vel non a suis judicibus penitus evacuetur Chap. the 5th and the 31th Iuramentum debet habere Comites Voritatem Iustitiam Iudicium si ista defecerint non juramentum sed perjurium est Qui per lapidem falsum Iurat perjurus est Deus ista accipit sicut ille cui juratur accipit Iuramenta filii filiae nesciente Patre vota Monachi nesciente Abbate juramenta pueri irrito sunt Are These the Laws of England or of Nature rather These we owe to Beauclerck which he owed much to Cambridge See Malms of Plato's Kings Touching the Militia beside that in General confirming King Edwards and King Williams Emendations There are some particular as of Tenants by Knights Service to be freed from Gilds c. That so they might be more ready for the Defence of the Kingdom and in it the Kings Service This agreeth with the old Writ de essend Quiet de Tallagio Which the Tenant in Chivalry might require of Right And Tenants in Dower or Widows had the like Priviledge of which the Old Register natura brevium That also of Edgar or Canute for Cowards in Land or Sea-fight is renued with that of Boocland as before Much also of Helfeng Releifs are agreed and setled For Earls and the Kings Thaynes with others called Meane Thaynes But in some Chapters Thaynes are equal to Barons And all Tenants En chief at Clarendon were stiled Barons and Relief is Cosin German to the Saxon Heriot Being for the Heir or Militia whence Heretoche in King Edwards Laws But the Dutch Here is also Dominus as Senior in so many Nations since the time of Charles the Great And some will have the Saxon Heregeat to be the Her 's Geat or Beast of the Lord or Here which of old was paid before or rather than the Mortuary And from this Here som would derive Haeres So that all Heirs should be Her 's or Lords as Homines were Yeomen You Men or Young Men but Homines in Law as with us Men are Servi Such they say were Yeomen and none Gentlemen but such as came from Barons or at least the Tenants in Capite if not in Antient Demesn But for this see Edw. 1. Tit. Attorney 103 And the Learned Ianus Dane-geld is here also reduced to 12 d. the Hyde as of Old from which it rambled to 3 4 6 8 10 or 12. strict provision is also made for keeping of Arms and against using or lending them for the dammage of Others Nay a mulct is set upon him whose Lance or Sword doth much Trespass though against his will He is to be severely punished that disarmeth any unjustly and must answer all the mischief that ensueth such disarming To this Kings time belongeth the case of William the Kings Chamberlain de Londonia who refused to find a man for the Army as his Tenour required But the Abbot of Abbingdon of whom he held in presentia sapientum in a Witen Moot rem ventilari fecit c. Unde cum Lege Patriae decretum processisset ipsum exortem Terrae merito deberi fieri c. by Friends it was composed and the Tenant enjoyed his Land I find it from Sir Robert Cottons inestimable Treasury cited by Mr. Selden on Hengham Nor can I deny but this with divers other cases might forfeit the Land But as in case of Alienation of such Tenures a Statute of Edward the 3d. provided that the King shall not retain the Forfeits but shall only take a Fine Reasonable which the Chancery must also assess by due Process So is our Law very tender in all cases of Forfeit And among the old Wytes Wardwyte was for the Militia being an acquittance of Mercy to him that had not found a man for the Servise according to his Tenure Of which old Fleta with others The Laws of this King do evince the Tryal per PARES to be long before the great Charter Nor would it be hard to shew it before King Henry and besides all other hints through Elder times the case is well known of Roger Fitz Osborn apprehended by Tiptoft Sheriff of Worcestershire and condemned for Treason in King William the Norman per judicium parium suorum Of which antient Historians before the Commentator on Magna Charta I should not omit King Henry's Charter to the Abbot of Bee confirming his antient Customs and Priviledges prescribed for St. Edmonds time for Grand Assizes c. yet to be found in the Book of Assizes lib. 26. Pl. 24. and in the 3d. or 8th part of the great Reports and in the Comment on Magna Charta cap. 11. but here it is from Ethelred and Edward the Confessor One of
in affirmance of the Common Law As appeareth not only by Bracton and Fleta but by Glanvil who did write before the Charter and by all the Saxon Laws which were the samplers to King Henry the first But how tender our Law hath always been in matters that concern Estate or Liberty may well appear by all the Executions grantable for Debt or Dammages The Merchant and the Staple Statutes are and were by Statute not by Common Law They seem as sweeping Rain and Storms that drive away the Body Goods and Lands in Fee at time of Recognition or accrewing since but none in Tail but during life of him that was the Cognisor Nor Copyhold or Goods or Leases for a Term of years but only what was in possession at the Execution done They are fore-known and therefore may be well avoided by all such as do not choose their own destructions And there is a tender care in Law not only of exact and punctual Recognitions and recording of them but in case of forfeit upon a Certiorari sued forth from the Chancery and not before return thereof a Capias shall be granted on the Statute Merchant for the Body only if it be a Laic and if Laic be not found and so returned into the Kings Bench or Common Pleas then on pauze of divers months the exigent may be awarded But in Statute Staple on the first Return of Certiorari may the Execution issue forth returnable into the Petty Bag of all it seems the worst in this But the Merchants Court Aequitatem summam desiderat although a kind of Peepoudres as Bracton and the Notes on Fortescue Upon a Recognizance a Capias doth not go before a Scire Facias be Returned into the Chancery Then a Capias or a Fieri Facias or an Elegit at the choyce of Cognisee as in other Common Judgements And of these the fieri facias is the mildest and the oldest by the Common Law It toucheth Goods and Chattels only such as are the Parties Own not lent by or Leased to another For although the Sheriff find them in the Parties Use and full Possession as he thinks yet may he be a Trespasser in taking such and so may run the hazard of an Action ere he be aware Nor did the old Levari facias seize the Land but Corn or that which grew thereon An Elegit hath its Name from his Election or his Choice that sues it out Who so concludes himself from other Executions This did come by Statute not by Common Law and toucheth Half the Fee and all the Goods but yet with Salvo to Contenement he must not lose his Oxen or his Cattle for his Plough For then he cannot live and keep his Family So Tender is our Law for all Estates and Livelihood Nay this Extent must not be made by Sheriffs who may not divide a right but by a Iury of Inquest And so must be Returned and preserved on Record as the first Capias with all mean Processe must or else it shall be nothing worth as may appear at large in the fourth and fifth parts of the great Reports Hoes and Fulwood with divers other Cases And the second of Westminster that giveth this Elegit doth require both Extent of Lands and prize of Goods to be Reasonable that is by Inquest of Twelve and so returned of Record As is cleared in the Commentator See also Littletons Parceners A Capias ad Satisfaciendum taketh the Body but it is by Statute only for it did not lye by Common Law in Debt or Dammages but only where the Original Action was for Forceable Trespass Vi Armis Which is Now crept into every Trespass But of this Sir William Herberts Case in the third part of Reports It may be forbidden again by Statute as it was first granted and that justly too for ought I know if other course be taken for the payment of Just and Reasonable Debts For the Capias as now managed is a great mischief and divers times to the utter ruine of the Debttors whole Family And yet but very little advantage to the Creditor except the Debtor escape and so the Sheriff come to pay the Debt or except he dye in Prison and the Plaintiff get an Elegit for the Debtors Goods at his death or half his Fee-Simple which he had at the time of Judgement or after it For an Action for Debt or Dammages doth but respect the Person and the Law attendeth not what Lands were enjoyed at the Original or before the Judgment But an Action brought against an Heir may aim at Land and so may charge it although he Aliene while the suit dependeth Neither shall I need to add that all these Executions must be sued out For this is required by Law except in the Kings Case within one year and a day after Judgment Yet they may be continued after and by a scire facias be renewd or repealed till the Judgment have Full Execution But this was also given by Statute and to this may the Debter plead although he cannot plead against an Execution Yet it may be suspended by a Writ of Errour and Recognizance according to the Statute of Iames and 3 Caroli And without a Writ of Error after judgement if the Defendant have matter to discharge him of the Execution still the Law is open for him And he may relieve himself by a Writ of Audita Querela And in case of Elegit as soon as the Debt is satisfied the Debtor may enter on his Lands again and if he conceive the Creditor satisfied by casual profits he may bring a scire facias upon which the Creditor may clear how much he hath received of the Debtor's Estate Unto this occasional discourse I shall only add that grand maxime of our Law that Executions ought to be more favourable than any other Process of Law whatever Of which the great Judge upon Littletons Releases and the second of Westminster in Edward the First And for Executions for the Kings Debt's restrained by the great Charter I have little to add to the Comment on the eight chapter of that Charter But the twelfth of Articuli super Chartas hath afforded a Writ commanding the Sheriff to accept of Sureties else an Attachment lieth against him or the party may bring an Action against the Shetiff that refuseth Sureties It is a maxime in Law that a mans House is his Castle so that the Sheriff cannot break it open for an Execution But upon a Writ of Seisin or Possession the Sheriff and other Officers upon suspicion of Treason or Felony may break open an House and so also in common Executions where the King is a party But in all such Cases first the Sheriff must request the door to be opened And the First of Westminster doth also require solemn demand of Beasts driven away into a Castle or Fort which is a kind of vetitum nomium which may be regained By Withernam Which Case I cite the rather because of
at his Coronation which yet was by consent of Parliament Matris suffragio proceribus Congregatis as the Monk of Malmsbruy Where we have this Compendium of Ethelred Regnum adeptus obsedit potius quam Rexit Annis 37. Saevus in Principio miser in Medio Turpis in Exitu So that we need not wonder at the Parliament which in his Time provided that the greatest and the highest Offenders should have most punishment and heaviest Doom In the Danish Storm he fled to Normandy and the Parliament sent him this Message in VVigornensis Hoveden Huntingdon Florilegus and All That they would receive it again on Condition he would govern more Justly or more Mildly si ipse vel Rectius gubernare vel Mitius By his Son Edward he cajoled both the Lords and the Commons Majores Minoresque Gentis suae promising to be wholly guided by them and so return'd again But he gave so little satisfaction to his People that they rejected his Sons and Elected Canute Who did solemnly Swear to them quod secundum Deum secundum Seculum Fidelis esse vellet eis dominus as the Monk at VVorcester and those that follow him Yet it is also agreed that the Citizens of London pars Nobilium did Elect Edmund Ironside and that the Kingdom was also parted between these Two by consent of Parliament and beside the croud in the Road the Laws of the Confessor do assert that Agreement to the Parliament Universis Angliae Primatibus assensum Praebentibus Edmund lived but a few Months to interrupt Canute who was then received by Consent of All Iuraverunt illi quod eum Regem sibi eligere vellent Foedus etiam cum Principibus omni Populo ipse illi eum ipso percusserunt as Old Florence and Hoveden besides the Saxon Chronology and the Abbot of Croyland hath it thus Omnium Consensu Canutus super totam Angliam Coronatus Of his Parliaments and their good Laws I spake before and of their Oath to the Kingdom much might be added And besides all Historians Fleta speaketh of his Brief or Writ sent to the Pope and of his Church-seed payed as he saith Sanctae Ecclesiae die Sancti Martini Tempore tam Britonum quam Anglorum Lib. 1. Cap. 47. Harold came after Consentientibus quam plurimis Natu Majoribus Angliae As Wigornensis and Hoveden Electus est in Regem fuit N. Magnum placitum aput Oxenford Elegerunt Haroldum as we read in Huntingdon and Matthew of Westminster But Harold being dead Proceres ferme totius Angliae Legatos ad Hardicanutum Bricgae Mittentes Rogaverunt illum ut Angliam veniret Sceptra Regni susciperet And afterward Gaudentur ab omnibus suscipitur and Huntingdon addeth Electus est But he did nothing worthy of their Choice and so became odious E're long we find him swooning at Lambeth in the midst of a Wedding Jollity and soon after Expiring Edward the Confessor succeedeth by Election Paruit Edwardus Electus est in Regem ad omni Populo And Florilegus addeth to Huntingdon That Annuente Clero Populo Londinis in Regem Eligitur As before them both Ingulph Omnium Electione in Edwardum Concordatur His Elder Brother Elfred stepping in between the Death of Harold and Hardicanute Compatriotarum perfidia maxime Godwini Luminibus orbatus est and little less than Famished Godwin excuseth himself by the Kings Service or Command but it would not acquit him though he bestowed costly Bribes Edward can hardly dissemble it Godwine rageth flieth out into Rebellion and is Banished it seems by Parliament E're long he returns again presuming on his Great Friends and Alliance but in Parliament the King Appeals him of his Brothers Death which Godwine denies and puts himself upon the Parliament as did the King saying That they had heard his Appeal and the Earls Answer and it remained that they should do Justice and pronounce Judgment It was in Debate whether a Subject might Combat his Prince upon Appeal but at length the Quarrel was composed by the Parliament till Godwine curseth himself and is choaked as his Lands swallowed in Godwins Sands of which Old Wigornensis and Hoveden with Malmsbury Huntingdon Florilegus and divers others but especially Aornalensis and Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour That King Edward named the Duke of Normandy for his Successor is affirmed by some that follow the Abbot of Croyland and Malmsbury but the Monk of Worcester asserteth Harold to be chosen by the King and Parliament to be his Successor Quem Rex Successorem elegerat à totius Angliae Primatibus ad Regale Culmen electus as Roger Hoveden in the same words And the Monk of Malmsbury confesseth That Angli dicant a Rege Concessum c. Adding also That Harold excuseth his Breach of Oath to the Norman in which All agree by saying It was presumption so to swear or promise the Succession to the Crown without consent and act of Parliament Absque Generali Senatus Populi Conventu Edicto or Absque Generali consensu as Matthew Paris and Westminster express it but what in them is Tanto favore Principum as in Malmsbury and the continuer of Bede Tanto favore Civium regendum susceperit Of William the Norman much in the Militia much yet to be added for his Election and the Peoples free consent against his Conquest Londonias eum Episcopis plurimis Petit Laetanter receptus oranterque Rex conclamatus So the Abbot of Croyland living at the time which Malmsbury expresseth thus Londoniam petit moxque cum gratulatione Cives omnes effusi obviam vadunt prorupit omnibus portis unda Salutantium auctoribus Magnatibus Ita Angli qui in unam coeuntes sententiam potuissent Patriae reformare ruinam dum nullum ex suis vobebant induxere Alienum Huntingdon thus Susceptus est à Londiniensibus pacifice Coronatus Matthew Paris and Florilegus thus In Magna exultatione à Clero Populo susceptus ab Omnibus Rex acclamatus Gemitivensis addeth That ab omnibus Proceribus Rex est electus Sacro Oleo ab Episcopis Regni delibutus as Walsingham in his Neustria Wigornensis telleth us that before his Coronation he did solemnly Swear Coram Clero populo se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias Rectores illarum defendere nec non cunctum populum juste regere rectam Legem statuere Tenere c. So also doth Hoveden Matthew Paris in the Life of Frethrerick Abbot of St. Albans sheweth how free the Norman found our Ancestors Iugum servitutis à tempore Bruti nescientes more Normanorum Barbas radere which they note in Caesar also of the Britains and concludeth that pro bono pacis he did solemnly swear to observe their Old Laws Bonas Approbatas antiquas Leges quas Sancti Pii Angliae Reges ejus Antecessores Maxime Rex Edwardus statuit inviolabiliter observare the like Phrase we find in Ingulph of the same Laws
which was some Repetition of his Coronation Oath Some affirm that he refused to be Crowned by Canterbury but Neubrigensis telleth us that he sought it of him Tyranni nomen exhorrescens legitimi Principis personam induere gestiens but Canterbury denied to lay on his hands Viro Cruento alieni Iuris insavori Then he complyed with York and bound himself Sacris Sacramentis pro Conservanda Republica c. It might also be added that if K. Edward might dispose the Crown as his own Fee yet by the Common-Law or Statute of Calcuth he could not dispose it to a Bastard as K. William is expresly called in the Letters sent to the Pope from the Parliament of Lincoln in Eward the first besides his own Charters and of attempts to Legitimate him that so he might succeed by Common-law See the Comments on Merton in the second Part of Institutes and of the Laws of Norway before But in the Old Book of Caen we may find K. William on his death Bed wishing that his Son might be King of England which he professed he neither found or left as Inheritance Neminem Anglici Regni Constituo Haeredem non enim Tantum Decus Haereditario Iure possedi That K. William the second K. Henry the first and K. Stephen came to the Crown by Election without Right of Succession is so much agreed by all that it were vain to prove it Their Elections and their Oaths are every where among the Monks and good Historians So also of Henry the second and Rich. the first But in K. Iohn's Coronation we are brought beyond dispute in full Parliament of Archshops Earls Barons and all others which were to be present the Arch-bishop stood in the midst and said Audite universi noverit Discretio vestra c. It is well known to you All that no Man hath Right of Succession to this Crown except that by unanimous consent of the Kingdom with Invocation on the Holy Ghost he be Elected from his own Deserts Lectus secundum Morum Eminantiam praeelectus c. But if any of the last Kings Race be more worthy and better than others his Election is more proper or more Reasonable Pronius promptius in Electionem ejus est consentiendum As it now is in Earl John here present Nor was any one found that could dissent or oppose what was so spoken for they all knew it was not without much Reason and good Warrant from their Laws and Customs Scïentes quod sine Causa hoc non sic definiverat For which Matthew Paris or Wendover may be compared with Hoveden Westminster and others of those Times Which seemeth most rightly to state the nature of Succession as it was in this Kingdom So that all did amount but to this That if a King had such Children so qualified and so Educated that they were above others in Vertue Wisdom and true worth or at least Caeteres Pares they were the most likely Candidates for the Crown But as we found before among the Iews in the strictest Succession where the Crown was especially tied to the House of David yet their great Sanhedrin had alwayes the Power and Right to determine of the Claims Interests Deserts and Vertues of Heirs or all Pretenders So if here we allow not such a Legal power of Judging of Claims or Titles to be placed somewhere or other our Ancestors did leave the Crown at a more blind uncertainty than in all other things they were accustomed from the Law of Nature and Right Reason I might add the Formal of Coronation joyned to the Irish Modus of Parliament under the Great Seal of Henry the Fourth where we read Electio à Plebe ad Regem ut consecretur Postquam ad Idem iterum Consenserit and again Electum interroget Metropolitanus c. How our Allegiance was of Old tied to the Kings Person not to his Heirs nor to his Person but together with the Kingdom and the Laws and Rights thereof hath been observed already Much I might add of latter times Nay that very Statute of Henry the Seventh which of late was pressed for the King and his Militia or taking Arms with him as Allegiance required doth expresly declare our Allegiance to be to the Kingdom with the King and that by such Allegiance men are tied to serve the King for defence of him and the Land And for the Kings Heirs I find them not in our Allegiance Yet the Statutes of Edw. 2. are punctual in expressing the Kings Prerogative or Rights of the Crown but where is provision for his Heirs In Eward the Third the Iudges Oaths were made and stand among the Statutes as enacted by Parliament although I do not find it so upon the Rolls And there is a Clause against Consent to the Kings Damage or Disherison So also it is in the Oaths of divers in the Courts of Justice as of Masters of Chnacery with the Kings Serjeants or Councel at Law and others but not so by Parliament See the third Part of Institutes Cap. 101. Yet our Old Allegiance did forbid Disherison or Damage but with Limitation as we shewed before The late Oaths of Allegiance in King Iames and of Supremacy in Q. Elizabeth taken by Parliament-men and divers others are to the Kings Person and his Heirs and Successors with particular Relation to defence of the Crown and Dignities thereof Which is Remarkable and that which may seem to excuse some in not assenting to others which are not so obliged and yet it is thought by some that the main or onely meaning of those Oaths was against Rome or forreign Enemies For which also a Declaration in the Queens Injunctions may be considered But in all Cases of real Scruple I cannot censure any that in a quiet humble manner seeking Peace and Truth followeth his Conscience till it is rightly informed In the Quarrels of York and Lancaster there was an Act in Henry the Fourth to entail the Crown upon the Kings Issue of which four are there named But in Henry the Eighth the Parliament declared the Succession to the Crown not yet settled or cleared enough and then it was entailed again and for lack Heirs Male upon Elizabeth But this again repealed in Mary and again in Elizabeth and Iames. How much or how little these annulled the Common-law I must submit to others lest upon debate I should be forced to yield it might be possible for future Parliaments to reduce Succession to Election as justly as some late Parliaments did turn the Common-law of Election into such or such a Succession which can only stand by Statute if it be true as all tell us that there was no entailed Inheritance but by Statute-law since the Second of Westminster of which before How little Power Kings had over their Crown or Kingdom without consent of Parliament besides all that is said already might be further cleared from the acknowledgments of Kings Themselves below the time of the Conquest
in due Place This is very considerable that among all other Judgments threatned on Babylon and Edom for they are equals in most this is one and the chief of all that they shall be perpetual Desolations and shall never return or rise again when they be fallen Tyre and Sydon might return again Aegypt and Aethiopia for Chush may reach to that also from Chusiana on the Banks of Euphrates and Tygris whence they passed through Arabia and there left their Name also cross the red Sea Moab and Ammon shall escape from the last Northern King in Daniel and they shall return in the latter days a noted Phrase Nay Sodom it self shall return and rejoice with her Sisters Samaria for Ephraim in this also seemeth to be the first born and with Ierusalem the younger Sister So spake the Type also when Lot and Abraham's Tennants of Sodom were in the fourteenth great Year delivered from the Oppression and Tyranny of all the four grand Monarchies of Shinaar or Babylon of Elam or Persia Ellassar the Prince of Ellas or Greece which three also may lie in the Heifer Ram and Goat God's own Emblems of the three first Monarchies which were divided and broken about the Dove and Turtle of Abraham and the King of the Gentiles may typifie the Roman Empire Although I could yet believe there may be more in it Antichrist may seem to have two Horns one in the West and Christian Temple the other in the East and Jewish Temple Edom and Babylon Mahomet did rise about as bad a time at Rome as Hildebrand But it may be his Horn must end in Gog and Magog whence the King of Gogim in Genesis which is very probable to be Alleppo the Turks greatest Residence in Asia directly North to Ierusalem and of old not only Hierapolis but Magog also in some antient Heathen Authors But Edom and Babylon shall mourn and lament in that Eternal Desolation while the whole Earth besides so speak the Prophets shall rejoyce The World must be renewed the Promise and the Blessing to Adam must not fail one tittle nor could the Flood or its worst Causes disanul the Grace of God established so long before Nay it was continued confirmed and inlarged in the new Charter to Noah The Scripture is very observable although I dare not be too confident in ought of Noah's Blessing or Will or Commands found in the Cave among the Tuscan Rarities much rather then Antiquities Yet With much of those also there is more to be compared then I have yet seen in Lazius or Berosus for Annius may be excused who found it with that Title but the Book was written by a Iew if Tsemack David do not deceive me And the Jews with much consent expect this glorious Change Both touching themselves who never yet 't is thought possessed half their promised Land from Euphrates to the Sea from Lebanon to Aegypt nay where ever their Feet did tread and others also of the Pious Gentiles To this day they shake their Palms in Triumph every way in their great Hosanna in allusion to the Psalms and Prophets who say that every Tree of the Wood shall shout rejoyce clap Hands and sing for Joy Nor do they think the time far off and that from better Grounds perhaps than is the old Prediction in their Zohar which foretels their Redemption should be upon or about the Year last past to which they add somewhat they see or have heard from their Brethren of Iuda in Brasile or of Israel in other parts of America which they cannot much believe till it be better confirmed although it be with many Arguments asserted by a grave sober Man of their own Nation that is lately come from the Western World It is strange if it should prove true and that which might regain some of Esdra's Credit besides all of Christ and the Iews long Captivity with their return about the Ruine of the Roman Empire whose twelve first Caesars with divers others he describeth clearly in that also of the ten Tribes passing through a River or Strait may it be the Strait of Anian in a long Journey of many Months or Years to a Countrey not inhabited It is also remarkable that such good Authors should relate the Traditions of the Mexicans or others in those parts coming a great Journey with an Ark carried before them on Mens Shoulders with their God therein and what others have observed of Circumcision found in some of those parts with other Rites of Tribes Heads of Tribes and Families with some pretty Ceremonies of Marriage Funerals and Washings not altogether unlike the Iews or Israelites However it seems they left many of their Brethren behind them in Asia though it must not be in Tartary The World will not admit of it of late although it was very current a while in Dan and Naphtalim Mount Tabor or I know not what in Ortelius and others But Millions of them are still found in Persia and other parts of Asia though I give no Credit to their Kingdom in Caramania or elsewhere described or feigned by Benjamin the Jew in Eyre Yet with him must be condemned if he lies in all some of our own that have travelled in those parts Not only Master Herbert who hath many considerable Passages besides that of a mighty high Peak of Taurus for Ararat not very far from the Caspian Sea which he saith the Inhabitants do still to that day call the Descent from the Ark which would much have pleased Sr. Walter Raleigh and other learned Men that would not have Noah come out of Armenia though so many Heathens also do record it thereabout But to return to the Iews and their Return It is so clear and so full in the Scriptures both Old and New that I need not seek it in the Apocrypha where yet are many Predictions of it clear enough especially in Tobit I mean the old Hebrew Tobit brought from the East for that we have is broken and imperfect much being only taken from a Iew 's Mouth that Translated it to Ierome as himself confesseth if I forget not All the Prophets speak clearly of it but Ionas that of him we have was but a second Prophecy which besides all the Iews somewhat in his own Words doth intimate And we need no more for in the Kings we find Ionas's Prophecy for Israel's even Israel's Restoration which is there also carried up to Moses's Song cited also in Ezechiel besides other Prophets as that which is clear enough for what we speak So is Moses also clear that great Troubles shall befal them in the latter Days that is in the time of the Messiah as they all confess for so they still interpret the Phrase And to this Place with others they refer their Afflictions under Messiah Ben Ioseph Whom I hope they begin to think already come although Ben David do not yet appear to them but Moses addeth that the Gentiles should also rejoyce with his People Israel
the Subscriptions to that Charter but from Bede or other old Authors that use the Phrase Majores of such Officers or Magistrates as Mayors in Cities now seem to be Of which I might give divers Examples It is worth observing how in these Danish storms all Historians make the Counts or great Shireeves to be Generals or Commanders of the Militia And of these I know none more famous than Dorsetshire Reeve Ethelhem in the great Battel of Hampton or in that about Port of which so many write at the Danes first landing thereabouts Danigeld is scarce so ancient Yet this also was granted for provision against Danish Pirates as St. Edward's Laws affirm Who first remitted this Tax but it came up again about forty years after it had been diverted from its first institution and paid as Tribute to the Danes But this was also by Parliament Of which Ingulph and Hoveden with all about Etheldred and Edward I must not digress to the Parliament of Winchester in King Egbert's Sons in which Tenths of Lands as other Tythes were confirmed for Church-Glebe Of which the Saxon Chronologie with Ethelward Hoveden the Abbot of Croyland the Monk of Malmsbury and Matthew of Westminster with divers others before Polydore To which we may adde King Edgar's Oration to St. Dunstan which is known enough As also the Wednesday Masses one for the King and the other pro Ducibus c. Consentientibus The Charter being subscribed by the King Archbishops Dukes Earls and Procerum totius Terrae Aliorumque fidelium infinita Multitudine I should not omit the Parliaments confirming Rome-Scot much mistaken by divers It was granted by King Ina then by Offa and again by King Ethelwoolf not to the Pope as it is generally thought but to the English School or Alms-house for Pilgrims at Rome Yet it was called Peter-pence because fixed on Peters-day A famous day in our Law as may appear by the second of Westminster and other Parliaments But it might be called Peter-pence from King Ina whom at his Baptism in Rome the Pope name Peter as the Saxon Chronicles others Or there might be as much reason for Peter-pence as there was for Peterburg which was Medhamsted but Vows might be performed or absolved here as well as at St. Peter's Threshold in Rome And hence the name of Peterburg But of Peter-pence before Polydore we read in much older Historians especially the Author of King Offa's Life now printed with Matthew Paris Beside the Laws of King Edgar Canutus Edmund and the Confessor where it is called Eleemosynae Regis But in the Saxon Chronology 't is Kynninges and West Seaxena Almessan And in King Alfred's Life by Asser Menevensis Eleemosynae Regis and Anglo-Saxonum Being confirmed by common Assent or Parliament I must omit the Parliament at Kingsbury where among other divers matters a great Charter was confirmed to Crowland Vnanimi Consensu totius Concilii pro Regni Negotiis Congregati Subscribed by the King of Mercia Archbishops Bishops Earls c. And among others by Offâ—at who was Pincerna Regis Ethelwoolphi Legatus Ipsius filiorum Nomine Illorum Omnium West-Saxonum as we are told by the old Abbot who knew it well I might pass over King Alfred's Parliaments so the famous in all Historians and Lawyers But in none I know clearer than in the old Mirrour Of which before for Alfred and his Parliaments twice every year in London With which we may compare one passage in the Confessors Laws touching this great and old City But of this hereafter This was the learned King who perused all the old Trojan Grecian British Molmutian Mercian Danish and Saxon Laws especially those of Ina Offa and King Ethelbert Cum consulto Sapientum partim innovanda curavit as himself speaketh And his Laws were established by Parliaments by his Witan or Witena Atque eis omnibus placuit edici eorum Observatione As learned Lambert translateth the Saxon. But I may not omit King Alfred's Doomsday-book made by such Common Council the great Roll of Winchester which was again renewed by the Confessor and then again by King William the First and then also called the Roll of Winchester and Doomsday as before Of which old Ingulph with Natura Brevium Yet it seemeth that before King Alfred's time there was such a Doom-book made by Ethelwoolf at the time of the Church-Glebe of which Book the Saxon Chronology at the year 854. But this might rather be a Land-book whence the Phrase of Booeland See King Alfred's Will annexed to Asser. But we also find an ancient Doom-book for their Laws and matters Iudicial Of which Doom-book we read in several places of the Laws of Edward the Senior strictly charging all the Judges and Magistrates to be just and equitable Nec quicquam formident quin jus Communae audacter libereque dicant according to the Doom-book And again in Edgar's Laws we find the Doom-book for Tythes and the famous Kyricseat These succeeded King Alfred But long before his time among the Dooms of Withred made about the year 697. by the King and Bishops Cum caeteris Ordinibus and Military-men or Milites at Berghamsted a Fine is set upon a Commander found in Adultery Spretta Sententia Regis Episcopi Boecâ—-Doom I could believe King Ethelbert's Parliaments were Authors to this Doom-book Of which the Roll of Rochester tha Doomas dhe Athelbirth Cyning with Rihtra Dooma in the fore-cited place of Ethelbert in the Saxon Bede of King Alfred How severe his Dooms were to the Counts old Shireeves and Iudges we find in Asser more in Horn and his Kirk-dooms in his Laws which do also speak of Kiric-Ealdor a Church-Elder But again to the Saxon Militia In Alfred's time there was a League made with the Danes Then the Title was Foedus quod Aluredus Guthrunus Regis ferierunt ex Sapientum Anglorum consulto confirmed by Act of Parliament And the Saxon Chronologer addeth That the Dane swore to the Peace and promised to be baptized as he also was and King Alfred was his Godfather naming him Ethelstane Some adde a Daughter of King Alfred's for his Wife which may be worth enquiring more than now may seem The Articles of this League were again renewed and enlarged by Parliament in Edward the Elder A Sapientibus recitata sapius atque ad Communem Regni Vtilitatem Aucta atque Amplificata In the Preface to those Statutes In this Edward's Reign there was an Insurrection and Ethelwald seized on Winborn c. whose Charge and Crimes was this That he did such an Act without permission of the King and Parliament but an tdes Kynings leafe ac his Witena So the Saxon. And Malmsbury addeth That à Proceribus in Exilium trusus Piratus adduxerat But the King summons a Parliament at Exon and there Mid his Witan consulted how the Kingdoms Peace might be restored and preserved Orabat vehementer obtestabatur such was his Mean to the Parliament hoc unum Curent ne
the Close is Acta haec confirmata apud Londonium Communi Concilio omnium Primatum meorum c. I should be unjust to our Laws if I should omit the Process and Plea of Morgan Hen against Howell Dha the good Prince of Wales Upon complaint they were both summoned by King Edgar Ad curiam suam and their Pleas were pacately heard In Pleno Concilio repertum est justo Iudicio curiae Regis quod Howell Dha nequiter egisset extra Morgan Hen filium sui Huwen depulsus est Howell Dha ab his duabus Terris the Lands then in question sine recuperatione Postea Rex Edgarus dedit concessit Hueno Morgan Hen illas duas Terras Istradum Euwias in Episcopatu Landas constituas sicuti suam Propriam Hereditatem illas easdem duas Terras sibi Heredibus suis Per chartam suam sine Calumpnia alicujus Terreni hominis confirmavit communi nostro assensu testimonio omnium Archiepiscoporum Episcop Abbatum Comitum Baronum totius Angliae Walliae factum est coram Rege Edgaro in pleno concilio c. This Record of King Edgar is in Codicae Landavensi fol. 103. I find it cited by the great Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman and it may be compared with the Monk of Malmsbury and Matthew of Westminster I must not relate the Visions or Predictions of the Fates of this Kingdom which Historians record about the Reign of King Edgar they are in print and may be read of all Besides the Prophecies of both the Merlins for the Scottish Merlin was fuller and plainer than the British in Vortigers time That I say nothing of Cadwalladers Vision or Alans Council which was long before the other Alane wrote on Merlin or of the famous Eagle of Shaftsbury that agreed with others in the Britains recovering their Kingdom again after their grand Visit at Rome whence they must bring Cadwalladers bones This leadeth me also to the Sybils Prophecy of three British Princes that should conquer Rome Brennus was one King Arthur some make the second Et quis fuit alter And of these Sybils or one of them sending a book to King Bladud so famous for the Bath and Greek-Schools or University at Stamford the Scotish Merlin seemeth to have written if among others I mistake not Baleus But of Edgar's Parliaments one was at Salisbury so we read in Chaucer or the old Fructus Temporum by Iulian Notary at St. Albans And of another of his Parliaments at Bath the Saxon Chronology at the year 973. His Laws are now printed and their Title is The Acts of King Edgar and his Parliament Mid his Witena Getheate gerred c. Here we find much considerable of Thanes which all will have to be Noble-men but it must be with them a Saxon word And Dhenian is to serve whence the Princes Motto Ic Dhaen For so it should rather be than in Dutch Ich Dien But why should Noble-men or those that were the freest have their name from serving Here they flie to Knights-service King-service or I know not what most proper as they say to free and Noble-men But from a Judge or Fleta we may be taught that the Saxon Dhaen or Thaen is a Servant but Thayn a Free-man And in this sence it seemeth to be used here As also in Denmark and Ireland Nor did the Britains differ much whose Haene or Hane is an Eldar although Hyne be sometimes used for a Servant And so the Irish Tane is Elder whence their Tanistry or Eldership the cause or sad occasion of such bloudshed These British Hanes the Saxons in compliance called Ealdermen St. Edward's Laws afford so much and it may be Thanes although with them they had the name of Greeues or Graves suiting well with Elders Hanes or Senators With which we may compare the Phrase of Seniores which we read so oft in Gildas Nennius Monmouth and others of the British and first Saxons times in Britain I should be tedious in but glancing over the Acts of Parliament in Edgar's time That of the Standard at Winchester is considerable and that of one Coyn through all the Kingdom The Mirrour is plain in making it an Act of Parliament in Saxon times That no King of this Realm should change his Money or embase or enhanse it or make other but of silver Sans l' assent de tout ses Counties Which the Translator is bold to turn Without the Assent of the Lords and all the Commons We may not omit the Act against unjust Judges or Complaints to the King except Justice could not be had at home For which also the Hundred-Courts were again confirmed and the Grand Folkmootes or Sheriffs Turnes established by Act of Parliament Of which and of their relation to Peace and War more in Edward's Laws which may afford a Comment for the Saxon Militia I need not speak of the Parliament at Calna it is famous enough where Considentibus totius Angliae Senatoribus the Roof fell down and hurt them most but St. Dunston Of which Wigornensis Iornalensis Malmsbury Matthew of Westminster and so many others may be cited King Ethelred's Laws have this Title in Lumbard Sapientum Concilium quod Ethelredus Rex promovendae pacis causa habuit Wodstoci Merciae quae legibus Anglorum gubernatur aefter Aengla-Lage Post Anglis Lagam as an old Author turneth it In those Acts we read of Ordale Sythan the Gemot waes aet Bromdune Post Bromdune Concilium It seems a Parliament And again Iussum ac scitum hoc nostrum si quis neglexerit aut profuâ quisque virili parte non obierit ex nostra omnium sententiâ Regi 100 Dependito By which it appeareth to be a Parliament and not the King only that made those Laws That which Sir Henry Spelman calleth Concilium AE 〈…〉 e Generale was clearly one of King Ethelred's Parliaments and the very Title is De Witena Geâ—ednessan and tha Geraednessa the Englaraed Witan gee 〈…〉 c. And divers Chapters begin Witena Geraednesse is enacted by Parliament And the old Latin Copy of this Parliament telleth us that in it were Vniversi Anglorum Optimates Ethelredi Regis Edicto convocato Plebis multitudine collectae Regis Edicto A Writ of Summons to all the Lords and for choice of the Commons a full and clear Parliament In this Parliament were divers Acts for the Militia both by Land and Sea as most Parliaments after King Edgar and among others for Castles Forts Cities Bridges and time of the Fleets setting out to Sea It is made Treason for any to destroy a Ship that was provided for the State-service Navem in Reipublicae expeditionem designatam as a learned man translateth the Saxon. And no Souldier must depart without leave on forfeit of all his Estate None may oppose the Laws but his Head or a grievous Mulct according to the Offences quality must recompence It was here also enacted That Efferatur
Parliamento personaliter Existentibus And the Title of these Acts is Statutae Canuti Regis Angl. Dan. Norw venerando Sapientum ejus Concilio ad Laudem Gloriam Dei sui Regalitatem Reipub. Utilitatem Commune Commodum habita in S. Nat. D. apud Winton c. This I find also cited by the great Judge in one part of his Reports but fuller by Sir Henry Spelman It would be tedious and superfluous to cite the Authors that assert he did confirm King Edgar's Laws in full Parliament For which we might produce some better or at least much older than good Bale or Grafton Many of his Acts of Parliament are printed Consultum quod Canut Angl. Dan. Norw Rex Sapientum Concilio Wintoniae Sancivit Here Allegiance or Fealty setled by Parliament and afterwards Praecipimus uniuscujusque Ordinis singuli Muneris atque Officii sui Religionem Diligenter cauteque teneant And among other Encouragements to Chastity this is one That such chast men of God should enjoy the same Rights or Priviledges with Thanes and Ethelstane's Laws do equal Priests with Thanes But there are two or three degrees of Thanes in these Laws about the Hereots for the Eorles and Thanes c. much to be marked as pertaining to the Militia For which and for all Canutes Laws the old MSS. Huntingdon is worth perusal Again we find other Statutes Civil or Politick Sapientum adhibito Consilio Mid Minan Witenan raede that Man heald ofer eall Englaland With provision against Thieves Robbers for the Peace Hue and Cry c. There are Statutes also for repair of Burgs and Bridges Scyrforhinga praefidii fiat apparatus Terrestis ac Maritimus quoties ejus Muneris Necessitas Reipublicae obvenerit And presently after Quae ad Reipublicae pertinent Vtilitatem Among the Crown-Prerogatives Violata Pacis Divitatae Militiae Mulcta Sheriffs Turns Hundreds and Tythings are here confirmed and the twelve-year-old Fealty with views of Frank-pledge But this Oath was to the Kingdom rather than to the King Fidem det omni se in posterum aetate tum Furti tum Furti Societate Conscientià temperaturum Again of passing Ordeals Sythan tha Gemot waes on Winceaster since the Parliament at Winchester this being at Oxford at after Iussum vero ac Placitum hoc Nostrum si Praepositorum aliquis incuriâ omiserit aut exequi aspernabitur ex Nostrà Omnium Sententia Regi 120 s. Dependito A clear Parliament Si quis alium injustè armis spoliavit eam quae est loco Colli obstricti Mulctam Dependito Healsfange It is also in the same Laws the punishment of false Witnesses Some think it the Pillory some worse as the Original of that Proverbial Letany From Hell and from Halefax See K. Hen. Laws and Helfang Si quis in Militiâ perfectione Militari pacem violaverit vita vel Weregild Mulctator si quid rapuerit pro facti Ratione compensato Si quis Pensionem ad oppida pontesve reficiendos denegarit Militiamve subterfugerit dato is Regi 120 s. Again in those Statutes The King must live upon his own Feormians or Farms which in Saxon afford all needful for man and none may be compelled to give him any Maintenance That the Folk be not burthened It is the 67th Chapter Loss of Dower or Joynture to Widows marrying within twelve months might seem hard but so long she need not pay any Heriot And the same Laws free the Wife from her Husbands Theft although found with her except it be lockt in her Hord Chest or Tyge Dispensae arctae Serinii Of which that Law giveth her leave to keep the Keys But Ina's Laws are hard concerning Children Again for the Militia He that in Sea or Land-fight leaveth his Lord or Comrague Felugo must die as a Traytor his Boocland to the King other 〈…〉 Estate to his Lord. But of him that dieth fighting with his Lord without any Heriot the Heirs may enter and Scyftan hit swithe righte Of this shift-Shift-Land and Gavelkind Lambard in Terra Scripto Perambulation of Kent and Spot of Canterbury besides several Acts of Parliament in Edw. 1. Edw. 3. and Hen. 8. If Celeberrimus ex omni Satrapia Conventus which is there and by King Edgar also to be twice a year or oftner be Parliament as such great men have thought then have we much here also for Power and Priviledge of Parliament Nay more indeed if it were but the Grand Folemoot or Sheriffs Turn so much below a Parliament He that in such a Grand Moot had defended and maintained his Right and Plea to any Land is there setled without dispute for his life and his Heirs or Assigns as his Will should dispose Chapter 76. And again for Priviledge of Parliament or yet lower Sive quis ad Comitia profiscator sive revertatur ab eisdem from Gemote or to Gemote placidissima pace fruitur nisi quidem furti fuerit manifestus Theof Thievery founded more with them than now with us For their twelve-year-Oath of which before at Frank-pledge was onely against Theof which yet seemeth to intend all above it for what forbiddeth the less forbiddeth the greater much more One thing more I may observe through all these and other old Laws there is still so much Religion and plain-hearted Simplicity with Piety expressed that it shews our Ancestors had not yet learned to be ashamed of their God or of looking towards Heaven I have been the longer in these that so I may be the more brief in those that follow for by this time I am come to the Laws of St. Edward as he is called and I should mispend my own time and abuse others in vouching all the Demonstrations of Parliaments in his time His Charters to Westminster are near enough and may be known of all wherein he confesseth his Resolutions for going to Rome But Optimates Communi habito Concilio rogabant me ut ab intentione desisterem his Vows made him more pressing than else he should have been But these also his Parliament undertook to satisfie Et tandem utrisque placuit so he speaks ut mitterentur Legati c. While these stayed at Rome procuring his Absolution a Vision to a Monk commandeth repairing or refounding of St. Peters Westminster as antient as Austin the Monk I cannot omit a passage in one of the Popes Letters of that time telling the King That he must expect great Motions and Alterations for the World was near its great Change and the Kingdom which he calls Sanctorum Regnum foretold in the Scripture was coming to begin and never should have an end King Edward refers it to the Parliament and at length Cum totius Regni Electione they are his own words he sets upon the decayed Minster Which he rebuilt with the Tenth of his whole Estate and there reposed the Reliques which the Popes gave to King Alfred at his Consecration with this grand Priviledge of Refuge and Pardon to any that fled
hither for Treason or any other Crime whatsoever Another Charter he granted to the same Minister Cum Concilio Decreto Archiep. Episcop Comitum aliorumque Meorum Optimatum And a third Charter addeth Aliorumque omnium Optimatum And a little lower Coram Episcopis Abbatibus Comitibus omnibus Optimatibus Angliae omnique Populo A very clear and full Parliament His Laws are in print I must not so much as glance but as he that followed the great King so swiftly that his steps could not be seen upon the Sand. May not his third Chapter extend to Priviledge of Parliament ad Dedicat. ad Synod ad Capitul venient Si Summoniti sint c. sit summa Pax. Hoveden will help sometimes for a Comment That of Out-Laws should be explained It is Ore Lagali Regis which is Per Iudicium Coronaterum or in the great and old City Per Iudicium Recordatoris See King Ethelred's Charter to Vlfrie of the Lands of Ethelsig outlawed for Theof Rep. part 6. Pref. But of Woolff-head and the Outlaws being slain upon Resistance I have spoken already As also of Tythes and King Ethelbert's Parliaments in these Laws mentioned and of Rome-scot Danegeld and Weigrylds But of these again ere long Of the Kings Duty and Oath we must speak more in due time Of his Pardon before as it might stand with the Oath of his Crown Here also we find that when his Pardoning Power was largest yet it could not reach to Murder or Treason or other Crimes but so as they must abjure and if they stay and be found any might do Iustice on them without Iudgment It is the 19th Chapter Somewhat we said of Degrees or Counts Earls Thanes or Barons The Phrase doth here occur but of elder times by much nay long before King Ethelbert's Barons if we may believe Historians But of this again in due time Of the Iews also before Iudaei omnia sua Regis seemeth hard but it had a gentle Comment in succeeding times and here also they must be defended Sub tutela defensiones Regis Ligeà The Phrase may be remembred till we meet it again King Iohn did but confirm King Richard's Charter to the Iews See Hoveden and Matthew Paris of Richard and Iohn Walsing Edw. 1. Neustria Pax per breve Regis is a short Expression but it might have a long gloss and be compared with all our books laying this for a principle or foundation of Law That Writs were made by Parliament and without such common Consent could not be changed Of which the Mirrour Bracton Fleta divers others But of another Breve de pace before the Combat in Right or Assize Glanvil Hengham and the Register Of Frank-pledge Tythings Counties Hundreds and Wapentake somewhat before This Law may fill up Lipsius on his Tacitus nor is it useless for the Militia Hac de causâ totius ille conventus dicitur Wapentac eo quod per Armorum i. e. Weapun tactum ad vincem confoederati sunt There is an old Comment on that de moribus Germanorum that may help and please in all of Hundreds Wapentakes Cities Counties with Counts or Eolders of which before in State and Church But to these of the Church I did not then adde their Power and Custom of healing the Sick by anoynting them For which the Saxon Canons of Aelfrick may be perused In this Chapter of Greeves with the Appendix de Heretochiis we may see the whole Model of the old Militia with the Power of Headboroughs Constables Bayliffs Aldermen Sheriffs Lieutenants or Generals all the Greeves both in the Gree and Vae Peace and War for so the Law is pleased to criticize and for Peace we do agree The Law is in print and may be read of all in which it is so clearly stated and asserted by these Laws I should do wrong to take them in pieces Not onely in matters of common Justice or serving of Writs or petty Cases of Peace as some have pleased to express it but when any unexpected doubtful mischief ariseth against the Kingdoms or against the Crown Nay when it proceedeth so far as to War Battel or pitched Fields the Heretoches must order the War Ordinabant acies alas constituebans Prout decuit prout eis melius visum est ad honorem Coronae ad Vtilitatem Regni And lest yet there might be any mistake the same Law telleth us That those Heretoches ductores exercitus capitales Constabularii vel Mareshalli exercitus were and still ought to be chosen Per Commune Concilium by Common Council and for the common good and profit of the Kingdom even as the Sheriffs saith that Law ought to be chosen Again the former Laws are renewed for those that flie and those that die in the War and of their Heriots which here are again remitted with all Relief Of which before I am the longer in this because it was this very Chapter which has been so strangely cited and that also from a place as much suspected as any of all these Laws which I do â—ot speak as if I thought they might not be strongly asserted even there where the oldest Copies are defective And for one instance of many I might produce that piece about the Kings Oath which is cleared not onely by the Mirrour and divers others but by another passage in the oldest of these very Laws themselves by comparing it with what is there said of King Edward 's own Oath to his Kingdom Of which much more hereafter on occasion To that of King Arthur's King Edgar's and King Ethelstane's Conquests much might be added in special touching Scotland Of which before And now I adde That what is here ascribed to Eleutherius may be much asserted and enlarged from those that have clearly stated the bounds extent and jurisdiction of the Province and Diocess of York for to it belonged as I find in a very good Author all the Church of Scotland long before it was divided into modern Bishopricks That of Norway and their Affinities with England and Oath of Fealty may now be little worth but in this that is added at the close of that Law So did King Edward establish Per Commune Concilium totius Regni By the Common Council of the whole Kingdom or by Parliament which may well be added to each and every of those Statutes How the Militia was on particular persons or places assessed by Common Assent hath been observed and cleared already I shall now only adde this That when such Assessments were made by Common Council it was then no more in the Kings power to release them than it was to impose them before or without such Common Assent For this might be cited in more than an hundred Charters to religious houses and places of greatest Franchise in which there is such an usual exception to the Trined-necessity of Military Expedition Castle or Burgbote and Bricqbote for here also as with the Romans they were especially Pontifices
quo Lanfrancus diratiocinatur and the conclusion that he was to hold his Lands and Customs by Sea and Land as free as the King held his ezcept in three things si regalis via fuerit effossa arbor incisa juxta super eam ceciderit si homicidium factum sanguis in ea fusus fuerit Regi dabit alioquin liber a Regis exactoribus In the same Author were read of a Great Counsel at London in that Normans Reign and of another at Glocester where the Arch Bishop of York jubente Rege et Lanfranco consentiente did consecrate William Bishop of Durham having no help adjunctorium from the Scottish Bishops subject to him which may be added to that before of Scotland belonging to the Province or Diocesse of York Nor can I abstain from the next paragraph in the same Author how Lanfranc did consecrate Donate a Monk of Canterbury ad Regnum Dubliniae at the Request of the King Clergy and people of Ireland Petente Rege clero populo Hiberniae which with divers others might be one Argument for the Antiquity of Irish Parliments and their dependance on England long before King Henry the Second For which I might also cite King Edgars Charters Oswalds Law and divers Historians of his times But the Charters mention Dublin it self and yet our Lawyers are so Courteous as to free Ireland from our Laws and Customs till towards the end of King Iohn and some of them conjecture that the Brehon Law came in again and that our Parliament obliged them not till Poynings Law in Henry the seventh But to return to our Norman King I need not beg proofs of Parliaments in his time at least not to those who know the Priviledge of antient Demesne which therefore is free from sending to Parliaments and from Knights Charges and Taxes of Parliament because it was in the Crowns not only in King William but before him in King Edward and the Rolls of Winchester for which the old Books are very clear with divers Records of Edward the third and Henry the fourth besides natura brevium That I say nothing of the old Tractat. de antiquo Dominico which is stiled a Statute among our English Statutes And besides all the late Reports or Records I find it in the Year Books of Edward the Third that he sued a Writ of Contempt against the Bishop of Norwich for encroaching on Edmondsbury against express Act of Parliament By King William the Conqueror and by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all the other Bishops Counts and Barons of England It is 21 of Ed. 3. Mich. fol. 60. Title 7. Contempt against an Act of Parliament This might well be one of the reasons why the great Judge giveth so much credit to the old Modus of Parliament as it was held in the time of King Edward the Confessor which as the antient copy saith was by the discreet men of the Kingdom recited before King William the Norman and by him approved and in his time used I have cited it before and compared it with Irish Modus which my much honoured friend Mr. Hackewil one of the Masters of Chancery hath under his hand attested from the Great Seal and Charter of Henry the fourth which himself hath seen reciting a former Charter of King Henry R. Angliae Hiberniae conquestor Dominus who sent the same Modus into Ireland Where himself or his Son Iohn sans terre had no great work to reduce them to the civility of Parliaments To which they had been long before accustomed and the Roll saith communi omnium de Hibernia consensu teneri statuit c. nor doth the division of the Irish-Shires seem so lately setled as some have thought although I may not dissent from the great Patron of Civill and Ecclesiastical Learning the late Primate of Ireland Touching that Irish Modus I have very little to add to the fourth part of the great Institutes in several places I shall now only observe that both these old Modi of Parliaments do agree in this Custom of the Kingdom that the King should require no Ayd but in full Parliament and in Writing to be delivered to each in degree Parliament And both they agree that every new difficult case of Peace and any war emergent within or without the Kingdom vel Guerre emergat in Regno vel extra ought to be written down in full Parliaments and therein to be debated which may be considered by all that will argue the Militia To which also we may add one clause of the Jewish Laws of their great Sanhedrim to whom they retain the power of Peace and War especially where it is Arbitrary and not meerly defensive in which the Law of nature maketh many Magistrates and this might with ease be confirmed from the Laws and Customs of all Civil Kingdoms in all ages But I must not wander from our English Laws I had almost forgotten that which should be well remembred Although many would perswade us to seek our Laws in the Custumier of Normandy it is not only affirmed in the Great Reports but also asserted by Guil de Rovell Alenconien and proved by divers Arguments in his Commentaries on that Grand Custumier that the Normans had their chief Laws from Hence As had also the Danes in the time of Canute for which we might have more proof and witness than the Abbot of Crowland So much even strangers did Love and Honour old English Laws Of King William the Second Sirnamed Rufus I shall speak but little for I must discuss his Election and Coronation Oath in a fitter place Some footsteps we find of his Parliaments in divers Wigornensis and Hoveden tell us that when he would have constrained the Scottish King ut secundum judicium Baronum suorum in curia sua Rectitudinem ei faceret Malcolm did refuse to do it but in the Confines or Marches Where he could not deny but the Kings of Scotland were accustomed rectitudinem facere regibus Angliae But he then said it ought to be by the Iudgement of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms secundum judicium utriusque Regni primatum And I find the like Record cited on Fortescue from Godfrey of Malmsbury But Huntingdon and Matthew Paris also relate that the same King Malcolm did submit both to do Homage and to swear Fealty to our English King and Paris addetth a pretty Story of King Malcolms overlooking Treason But again to King William Of his Errors in Government I shall only say that if Edom did really signified Red as hath been thought I could believe that all Historians speaking of Adamites then oppressing the People might allude to the near affinity between Edom and Rufus for Red. For this was his Sirname of King William the Second Henry the First is yet alive in his Laws and Charters Not only in Wendover with other Historians but among the Rolls and Records yet to be seen in the Exchequer They are now in Print
his Priviledges was to be free from the Justies of either Bench and of Assize Which is one of the first Records for the antient Benches But it may not be impossible to trace them thorow some Elder times For the Saxon Law so often repeated and confirmed that none should complain to the King but want of Right or against summum jus at Home might in modern Language be translated Thus. The Writ of Right must abide the Baron or Bayliffe For it cannot fall to a Copyhold Steward except the Lords default or consent or the Tenants suit procure a Tolt to lift it up to the County Court Or a Pone place it in the Common Pleas. That such a course was antient may be gathered from the Mirror Asser and others of Alfred Edgar Canute Ethelred and of the Tolt before in King William To which I may add the Writ of Right in the third Book of Reports brought by I. de Beverlace against Walter of Fridastern and by a Tolt removed from the Court Baron to the County and for default of the Baron how it must be falsified we may touch anon it was concluded before Ranulph de Glanvil Sheriff of Yorkshire Glanvil is clear enough for the course of removing to higher Courts and of the Writ de Pace stepping between the Combat on the Writ of Right and Assize Coram justitiis in Banco sedentibus and although this Book intituled Glanvil was not written till about Henry the 2d yet it is plain enough that he speaketh of Antient Custom His words are very considerable The grand Assize saith he is a Royal benefit granted by the Parliament Clementia principis de Concilio procerum populis indultum as being that which saved blood and did oft prevent the Combat on the Writ of Right and of this he speaketh in the third of the same Book as of a very old and antient Custom Secundum jus consuetudinem Regni antiquam A weighty expression from so antient an Author which may possibly lead us higher than the Saxon times For we may find the Duel or Combat among the Gaules from British Druides as among the Germans also whence our Fathers came Nonnunquam etiam armis de principatu contendunt So of the Gauls or British Druids He that was like to know it and of those and Germans Tacitus and Diodorus Siculus before Aventinus Some observe it in the Salique Law and among the Laws of Charlemaign and that the Longobards did bring it into Italy where it was also setled by Law But of our Ancestors combats in another place I know not any Fines upon Record till Richard the First But Stowels Case in Plowden may inform us that they were before the Norman And we need not doubt the Books of Edward the third speaking of Benches settled in Henry the first but I do not remember the phrase of Capitalis Iusticiarius noster till great Charter which repeateth elder Customs Goodwin the famous Earl of Kent among the Saxons had two Sons that in as good an Author as Huntington are stiled Regni Iusticiariis the phrase is common in Hoveden and others of the times of Clarendon Assizes And K. Edgar had a Cosin Ailwin who was totius Angliae Aldermannus which is supposed Lord Chief Iustice by a Learned man besides the best though yet imperfect Glossary But it might denote the Lord High Constable Of which before in William the first And William the 2d found great Odo of Baieux setled L. Ch. Justice of England Iusticiarius totius Angliae So Matth. of Westminster and Huntingdon calleth him Iusticiarius and Princeps and Moderator totius Angliae in Wigornensis He is Custos Angliae And the phrase of Iusticiarius is also in Matth. Paris of William the first Iusticiarii in Banco Regio of after times as also placita de Nova disseissena before Justices in Eyre But he speaketh of placita lethifera the Pleas of Life and Death yea even in Bishops Courts about the Normans coming in But in Polydore we find out 4 Terms with divers other elder Customes ascribed to the first Norman But that which he addeth of the place for these Courts to be at the Kings appointment might be true till the Law fixed the Pleas which may be long before our Charter of Henry 3d. where it is confirmed not created But for the Kings Bench the Return was coram Nobis ubicunque c. and for the Pleas coram Iusticiariis nostris apud Westmon That which Virgil addeth of the Iudges in Westminster and of those higher beyond appeal and of Iustices of Peace setled by the Conqueror as he saith Sheriffs were in every County may be more considered For it may be as much too late as some have thought it too early They which presume to make K. Henries Cubit the first Standard of Winchester must refute the old Saxon Laws of which before For those may seem to deserve as much credit as Malmsbury other marks That he did confirm the Curtesie d' Angletterre I may yeild to the Mirror and other Authors but not that he first began it For the Statute of Kentish Customs and those that treat of Gavel-kind may shew us an Older Tenure by Curtesie there also where the Tenant had no Issue And this may teach us whence the like Custom came into Ireland as also to be Curialitas Scotiae which our master seemeth to forget when he saith Que ne'st use en auter Realm forsque tant solement en Engleterre But his Commentator he lyeth in this and in divers other things In case Entails this English Curtesie is very remarkable in which the Book of Cases have great diversity But those that perswade us there was no Land in Tayles before the 2d of Westminster in King Edward the first which are all that subscribe to Littleton must interpret the Laws of King Alfred much otherwise than I can do For the 37th Chap. of his Laws is to me much clearer for Lands Entail'd then is all the Statute de Donis Conditionalibus One Case of the Courtesie may be considered for the Militia If Land in Capite descend to a Woman who upon Office found intrudeth on the King and taketh an Husband and by him hath Issue and then dieth yet cannot the King eject or detain the man but he shall be Tenant by the Kingdoms Curtesie although he came in upon Intrusion Which seemeth to hint that Our Law did chiefly intend the Kingdoms good defence and service which might be performed by such an intruder rather than the Kings pleasure or his bare Prerogative in this which is thought so great a Prerogative of Tenure in Capite For which the Comments on Magna Charta and the Statute of Prerogative with Littletons Dower and Curtesie are clear enough To Henry the first they also ascribe the Curtesie of saving the wreck from his Exchequer if there were so much as a Cat or a breathing Creature let in the Ship I do not deny him to be
so courteous as to confirm some such Sea-Custom for which he had a very sad Occasion when his Sons and Daughter with so many Friends were drown'd in one Shipwrack But as Richard soon after him seemeth more courteous in this also if we may believe Hoveden So I doubt not to assert it to higher and elder Times And yet the Law Maritime is dark enough with all the jurisdiction of the Court Admiral Whose office may be harder than the Name A strange mixture of Greek and Arabick The old MS. del ' Office del ' Admiral hath divers Records of H. 1. R. 1. and K. Iohn Speaking of Tryals by 12. as at Common Law but now the practise is much otherwise In the Rolls of Ed. 1. the Name of Admiral but not in our Printed Laws that I know till Edw. 2d And in Edw. 3d. the Rolls are full of that Office parted among divers for the North and South Seas c. As was touched before in Edgar In Richard the 2d it was brought to a weldy model being uncertain rather than infinite before For the bounds were ever straiter much than some may imagine They were again disputed in Henry the 4 th Eliz. and Iames. It lies more open to the Common Law than to the Wind and to a Premunire some are apt to think much more then all are aware I may touch it again in a fitter place Here I shall only add that besides the Laws of Arthur the Brittain and Edgar the Saxon we have some Records for so I may call them of Customs by Sea as well as by Land With Priviledge to some below the King before the Norman whom they make the Founder yet he was but Patron of the Ports and Wardens for the Sea Somewhat of this in Lanfranc's Case before and more again ere long Historians are clear and full of this King's Parliaments and of his Summons to Parliament Majores natu Angliae Londoniae Congregavit and again principes omnes totius Regni Nobilitatem sanctione adnotavit so the Monk of Worcester and Hoveden almost in the same words which Matthew Paris expresseth thus magnatibus regni Edicto Convocatis And in Walsinghams Neustria Majoribus regni and Principibus Convocatis Virgil himself confesseth his full Parliaments And of a Convocation House distinct from the Parliament sitting at the same time they are plain enough Et cum rege principes regni omnes tam Eccles. quam Secular apud Westmon ubi etiam Anselm Cantuar. Archiep. magnum tenuit Consilium de his quae ad Christianitatem pertinent as Florence and Hoveden Huntingdon is also clear in such a distinction Rex tenuit Concilium apud Londoniam Willielmus Archiep. Cantuariensis similiter in eodam villa apud Westmon and this Author useth to stile the Parliament magnum placitum of which before and the Convocation House Concilium or Synodus which yet in him in all was confirmed by Parliament or else invalid In Parliament were also decided the Great Contests between Canterbury and York not only concerning the Crown or Act of Coronation in which to this King they both joyned as we find in Matth. Paris and Walsingham But the Parliament declared that it did not at all belong to York as besides Hoveden we read in him that continueth Florence of Worcester But in Beckets absence it did fall to York and so it had been before So also Canterburies contest with the King was debated in full Parliament three days together in the Arch Bishops absence and at length composed with the consent rather than content of both parties The King was resolute for investiture as he found it from his Father and Brother the Clergy was pertinacious for the Popes Decrees But the Emperour Son in Law to our King did so muzzle Pope Paschal that he Consents and Decrees that none should be Consecrate but whom the King Invested as the Clergy and People chose him It seemeth considerable how all Historians of that time and dispute do Record the choice of Bishops to be in the People in Phebe and in Populo as well as in Clero They mention Radulph ordained a Bishop for the Orcades but rejected by all because not Elected by Common assent of the People Plebis Clero Principis 't is every where in the old Monks and how the poor Bishop wandred up and down as an assistant to other Prelates Of him and of English Right in Scotland and Ireland much might be added from the Notes of Eadmerus and somewhat of Lanfrancs Plea at Pinenden And at Prince Roberts Landing commoti sunt principes erga Regem causa Roberti c. But many of the Lords left the Parliament subtrahentes se de Curia sed Episcopi et milites Gregarii Angli the Commons stuck to the King who was Provincialibus gratus and at length the Witan or Parliament composed the quarrel Sapientiores utriusque partis habito consilio Pacem inter fratres composuere 'T is in Florence and Hoveden with Malmsbury Wendover with Huntingdon Record how the great Firebrand in that War Ranulph of Durham was committed by the Parliament de Communi Consilio Gentis Anglorum This was the great man whom K. William had made Pacitator in Matth. Paris but Placitator exactor totius Regni in the Monk of Worcester His continuer addeth also that the Peace or League with France in this Kings time was made by Parliament Consilio optimatum and that by advice of Common Council the Custody and Constableship of the Castle of Ros or Roch with its Ford c. were setled in the Arch-Bishop and Church of Canterbury with leave to build a Tower and divers other Priviledges for the Militia I must not mention the Orders of King Henries Parliaments against Money Clippers and corrupters with such a change of Money as made things very dear So dear a time that an Horse-load of good Wheat could scarcely be bought under six shillings as Henry of Huntingdon and others Of King Stephens Election more when I shall discuss the Right of Succession to the Crown But I must not omit that which of him is Recorded by so many good Authors That he did prohibit the Laws brought hither from Rome And this also by Parliament as Bale affirmeth But of this in much older writers Frier Bacon is one in his Compendium of Theology or his opus minus and the great Reporter citeth it from Bacons impedimentum sapientiae He was a very Learned man and a most genuine Son of Art his Opticks and his Burning-glasses would be more enquired after for they may be little worse than those of Archimedes who in this is newly found to go beyond himself Such Glasses must be Conick Section and in Concaves not exactly Circular but parabolical for which there is as real Demonstration by the Law of Reflections as for the best perspectives by refractions in Ellipses and Hyperbolies to which I must not add that Mirandum Naturae of two lines that approach nearer
the Militia For in such a Case the Sheriff or Bayliff shall not only force his Entry by the Posse-Comitatus into such a Castle on the suit of a Subject but it may also come so far that the said Fort or Castle may be beaten down without recovery And although it be said it shall be done by the Kings Command yet it is well known and seen by experience that it is and always was by Order of the Courts of Justice and for this Semain's Case in the fifth part of Reports may be very well added to the Comments on the First of Westminster By which we see how much the very Forts and Castles or Militia must be subject to the Courts of Iustice Not the King only but in and by his Courts especially the Parliament that may Command Controul and Over-rule all other Courts How tender the Law is in Case of Estate Forfeit by Alienation I have touched before much is to be added Nay in the worst and lowest Estates by Tenure of Will of which somewhat also before for a Fine Reasonable c. as by Copy where Alienation and Wast against the Custom with other Cases in the fourth part of Reports may Forfeit to the Lord but he cannot Out his Tenant at pleasure especially him that sweareth Fealty but the said Tenant may sue his Lord or bring his Action of Trespasse For Offices Forfeited by Bargain and Sale or Brocage the Statutes are clear and just To which may be added the Comments of Littletons Estates Conditional as also for Forfeitures of Conditions It is expresly provided by Act of Parliament that no Sheriff or any other Person do take or seize any mans Goods much less may he take his Lands for Treason or Felony until he be duly convicted or Attainted by Trial Confession or Outlawry upon pain to Forfeit double to the party grieved nor is this only in Richard the third but in the first great Charter and before it also as was touched before Among the Saxons none were Outlawed but for Capital crimes we find it often in the Mirror and in such the Out-law might be killed by any that met him as might any man Attainted of Premunire that vast Chaos of confusion till Queen Elizabeths Time I do not find any outlawry below Felony till about the Barons Wars and then it came not below an Action of Forceable Trespass Vi Armis But in the Common Pleas it came to lie upon Account Debt Detinue Covenant and other petty Actions which the Mirrour would pronounce a most great abuse But in Edw the third there was some amends in providing that none should kill an Out-law but a Sheriff only with lawful Authority Yet in inferiour Cases Land Issues might be sequestred in the Kings Hands till Appearance or Reversal Only in Treason and Felony it forfeiteth as much as Attainder by Judgment But it may be Pleades and Reversed divers ways And a Petty Misnomer or a misdate is ground enough to Reverse it by a Writ of Errour And of this the Books are full But Nimin's case is a criticism in Chronology One of the Sheriffs Returns was dated on the 8th of Iuly in the second and third of Phil. and Mary but it was declared there could be no such day but in the 2d and 4th year which was only between the 6th and 25th of Iuly yet this was enough to Reverse an Attainder of Treason by Writ of Errour And in Favour of Life our Law admitteth Pleas to Out-Lawries in Capitals there where in other Cases must be brought a formal Writ of Error I cannot deny but even by the common Law upon Indictment for Treasom or Felony the Goods and Chattels might be Inventored but not seized as Forfeit till Conviction Nor are Lands and Tenements Forfeit till Attainder by Judge And in case of Appeal which related no time that is only Forfeit which is possessed at the Iudgment But upon Indictment dating the crime the Forfeiture will reach to the crime committed although there be Alienation before Judgement But no Forfeiture before Conviction no seizure before Indictment And the Book of Assizes telleth us the Judges took away a Commission from one that under the great Seal had power to arrest and seize on Goods before Indictment And how tender our Law was in this for Estate it may be seen at large in Bracton and Fleta with the old Writ not only in them but in the Register also relating to the great Charter forbidding all Disseisin till Conviction Yet it requireth the Sheriff per visum suum legalium hominem to Apprise and Inventory all the Offenders Chattels but with a double Salvo both for safe keeping them and for this Security was to be given by the Bailiffs or the Township and for maintaining the person in Prison with all his necessary Family Salvo tamen eidem Capto familiae suae necessariae quamdiu fuerit in prisona Rationabili Esto verio suo Which was not only Meat but Cloathing c. as hath often been adjudged in Edward the third Henry the fourth and other Times See the third part of Institutes cap. 103. It will not be long I hope before God stirreth up our Governours to Reform the crying sins of this Kingdom and not only Gaolers in our oppressing grinding Prisons But the Heathen Moralist hath also told us that Divine wheels are also grinding and will grind to powder though they be slow in motion as unwilling to revenge It is true that Prisons should be by Law both safe and strait Custodies nor should they admit such wandring abroad as some mens Mony doth procure But although Recoveries on Record much lesse Discents do not bind men in Prison or conclude them for want of claim yet upon motion Prisoners may and ought to be brought to the Court in Suits or Actions against them in case of Judgement or where ever else they ought to be in person present And for this I may only referre to the Commentator on the continual claim and the Cases by him cited How unwilling our Law was to empair our Liberty was touched before in the Capias on Debt And although some latter Statutes do out-go our Common Law for Imprisonments yet it is still received for a general maxim in Law that Prisons should be Custodiae not Poenae And where ever any man is unjustly in Prison the Law affordeth him more ways of getting out than his Enemies had to get him in He may have an Habeas Corpus and he may have a Writ de Homine Replegiando He may have an Action of False Imprisonment And may found an Action on the Great Charter Or on it may cause his unjust friend to be Endicted And the Writ de Odio Atia was again revived though by Statute once it was forbidden And for these with Bayl by Judges or Justices Replevins by Sheriffs c. We have the Judgement of all the Judges on Articuli Cleri and the Comments on the great